the internet wiretap online edition of the voyage of the beagle by charles darwin about the online edition. the degree symbol is represented as "degs." italics are represented as _italics_. footnotes are collected at the end of each chapter. the voyage of the beagle preface i have stated in the preface to the first edition of this work, and in the zoology of the voyage of the beagle, that it was in consequence of a wish expressed by captain fitz roy, of having some scientific person on board, accompanied by an offer from him of giving up part of his own accommodations, that i volunteered my services, which received, through the kindness of the hydrographer, captain beaufort, the sanction of the lords of the admiralty. as i feel that the opportunities which i enjoyed of studying the natural history of the different countries we visited, have been wholly due to captain fitz roy, i hope i may here be permitted to repeat my expression of gratitude to him; and to add that, during the five years we were together, i received from him the most cordial friendship and steady assistance. both to captain fitz roy and to all the officers of the beagle [1] i shall ever feel most thankful for the undeviating kindness with which i was treated during our long voyage. this volume contains, in the form of a journal, a history of our voyage, and a sketch of those observations in natural history and geology, which i think will possess some interest for the general reader. i have in this edition largely condensed and corrected some parts, and have added a little to others, in order to render the volume more fitted for popular reading; but i trust that naturalists will remember, that they must refer for details to the larger publications which comprise the scientific results of the expedition. the zoology of the voyage of the beagle includes an account of the fossil mammalia, by professor owen; of the living mammalia, by mr. waterhouse; of the birds, by mr. gould; of the fish, by the rev. l. jenyns; and of the reptiles, by mr. bell. i have appended to the descriptions of each species an account of its habits and range. these works, which i owe to the high talents and disinterested zeal of the above distinguished authors, could not have been undertaken, had it not been for the liberality of the lords commissioners of her majesty's treasury, who, through the representation of the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer, have been pleased to grant a sum of one thousand pounds towards defraying part of the expenses of publication. i have myself published separate volumes on the 'structure and distribution of coral reefs;' on the 'volcanic islands visited during the voyage of the beagle;' and on the 'geology of south america.' the sixth volume of the 'geological transactions' contains two papers of mine on the erratic boulders and volcanic phenomena of south america. messrs. waterhouse, walker, newman, and white, have published several able papers on the insects which were collected, and i trust that many others will hereafter follow. the plants from the southern parts of america will be given by dr. j. hooker, in his great work on the botany of the southern hemisphere. the flora of the galapagos archipelago is the subject of a separate memoir by him, in the 'linnean transactions.' the reverend professor henslow has published a list of the plants collected by me at the keeling islands; and the reverend j. m. berkeley has described my cryptogamic plants. i shall have the pleasure of acknowledging the great assistance which i have received from several other naturalists, in the course of this and my other works; but i must be here allowed to return my most sincere thanks to the reverend professor henslow, who, when i was an undergraduate at cambridge, was one chief means of giving me a taste for natural history,--who, during my absence, took charge of the collections i sent home, and by his correspondence directed my endeavours,--and who, since my return, has constantly rendered me every assistance which the kindest friend could offer. down, bromley, kent, june 9, 1845 [1] i must take this opportunity of returning my sincere thanks to mr. bynoe, the surgeon of the beagle, for his very kind attention to me when i was ill at valparaiso. the voyage of the beagle chapter i st. jago--cape de verd islands porto praya--ribeira grande--atmospheric dust with infusoria--habits of a sea-slug and cuttle-fish--st. paul's rocks, non-volcanic--singular incrustations--insects the first colonists of islands--fernando noronha--bahia--burnished rocks--habits of a diodon--pelagic confervae and infusoria--causes of discoloured sea. after having been twice driven back by heavy southwestern gales, her majesty's ship beagle, a ten-gun brig, under the command of captain fitz roy, r. n., sailed from devonport on the 27th of december, 1831. the object of the expedition was to complete the survey of patagonia and tierra del fuego, commenced under captain king in 1826 to 1830,--to survey the shores of chile, peru, and of some islands in the pacific--and to carry a chain of chronometrical measurements round the world. on the 6th of january we reached teneriffe, but were prevented landing, by fears of our bringing the cholera: the next morning we saw the sun rise behind the rugged outline of the grand canary island, and suddenly illuminate the peak of teneriffe, whilst the lower parts were veiled in fleecy clouds. this was the first of many delightful days never to be forgotten. on the 16th of january, 1832, we anchored at porto praya, in st. jago, the chief island of the cape de verd archipelago. the neighbourhood of porto praya, viewed from the sea, wears a desolate aspect. the volcanic fires of a past age, and the scorching heat of a tropical sun, have in most places rendered the soil unfit for vegetation. the country rises in successive steps of table-land, interspersed with some truncate conical hills, and the horizon is bounded by an irregular chain of more lofty mountains. the scene, as beheld through the hazy atmosphere of this climate, is one of great interest; if, indeed, a person, fresh from sea, and who has just walked, for the first time, in a grove of cocoa-nut trees, can be a judge of anything but his own happiness. the island would generally be considered as very uninteresting, but to anyone accustomed only to an english landscape, the novel aspect of an utterly sterile land possesses a grandeur which more vegetation might spoil. a single green leaf can scarcely be discovered over wide tracts of the lava plains; yet flocks of goats, together with a few cows, contrive to exist. it rains very seldom, but during a short portion of the year heavy torrents fall, and immediately afterwards a light vegetation springs out of every crevice. this soon withers; and upon such naturally formed hay the animals live. it had not now rained for an entire year. when the island was discovered, the immediate neighbourhood of porto praya was clothed with trees, [1] the reckless destruction of which has caused here, as at st. helena, and at some of the canary islands, almost entire sterility. the broad, flat-bottomed valleys, many of which serve during a few days only in the season as water-courses, are clothed with thickets of leafless bushes. few living creatures inhabit these valleys. the commonest bird is a kingfisher (dacelo iagoensis), which tamely sits on the branches of the castor-oil plant, and thence darts on grasshoppers and lizards. it is brightly coloured, but not so beautiful as the european species: in its flight, manners, and place of habitation, which is generally in the driest valley, there is also a wide difference. one day, two of the officers and myself rode to ribeira grande, a village a few miles eastward of porto praya. until we reached the valley of st. martin, the country presented its usual dull brown appearance; but here, a very small rill of water produces a most refreshing margin of luxuriant vegetation. in the course of an hour we arrived at ribeira grande, and were surprised at the sight of a large ruined fort and cathedral. this little town, before its harbour was filled up, was the principal place in the island: it now presents a melancholy, but very picturesque appearance. having procured a black padre for a guide, and a spaniard who had served in the peninsular war as an interpreter, we visited a collection of buildings, of which an ancient church formed the principal part. it is here the governors and captain-generals of the islands have been buried. some of the tombstones recorded dates of the sixteenth century. [2] the heraldic ornaments were the only things in this retired place that reminded us of europe. the church or chapel formed one side of a quadrangle, in the middle of which a large clump of bananas were growing. on another side was a hospital, containing about a dozen miserable-looking inmates. we returned to the venda to eat our dinners. a considerable number of men, women, and children, all as black as jet, collected to watch us. our companions were extremely merry; and everything we said or did was followed by their hearty laughter. before leaving the town we visited the cathedral. it does not appear so rich as the smaller church, but boasts of a little organ, which sent forth singularly inharmonious cries. we presented the black priest with a few shillings, and the spaniard, patting him on the head, said, with much candour, he thought his colour made no great difference. we then returned, as fast as the ponies would go, to porto praya. another day we rode to the village of st. domingo, situated near the centre of the island. on a small plain which we crossed, a few stunted acacias were growing; their tops had been bent by the steady trade-wind, in a singular manner--some of them even at right angles to their trunks. the direction of the branches was exactly n. e. by n., and s. w. by s., and these natural vanes must indicate the prevailing direction of the force of the trade-wind. the travelling had made so little impression on the barren soil, that we here missed our track, and took that to fuentes. this we did not find out till we arrived there; and we were afterwards glad of our mistake. fuentes is a pretty village, with a small stream; and everything appeared to prosper well, excepting, indeed, that which ought to do so most--its inhabitants. the black children, completely naked, and looking very wretched, were carrying bundles of firewood half as big as their own bodies. near fuentes we saw a large flock of guinea-fowl--probably fifty or sixty in number. they were extremely wary, and could not be approached. they avoided us, like partridges on a rainy day in september, running with their heads cocked up; and if pursued, they readily took to the wing. the scenery of st. domingo possesses a beauty totally unexpected, from the prevalent gloomy character of the rest of the island. the village is situated at the bottom of a valley, bounded by lofty and jagged walls of stratified lava. the black rocks afford a most striking contrast with the bright green vegetation, which follows the banks of a little stream of clear water. it happened to be a grand feast-day, and the village was full of people. on our return we overtook a party of about twenty young black girls, dressed in excellent taste; their black skins and snow-white linen being set off by coloured turbans and large shawls. as soon as we approached near, they suddenly all turned round, and covering the path with their shawls, sung with great energy a wild song, beating time with their hands upon their legs. we threw them some vintems, which were received with screams of laughter, and we left them redoubling the noise of their song. one morning the view was singularly clear; the distant mountains being projected with the sharpest outline on a heavy bank of dark blue clouds. judging from the appearance, and from similar cases in england, i supposed that the air was saturated with moisture. the fact, however, turned out quite the contrary. the hygrometer gave a difference of 29.6 degs., between the temperature of the air, and the point at which dew was precipitated. this difference was nearly double that which i had observed on the previous mornings. this unusual degree of atmospheric dryness was accompanied by continual flashes of lightning. is it not an uncommon case, thus to find a remarkable degree of aerial transparency with such a state of weather? generally the atmosphere is hazy; and this is caused by the falling of impalpably fine dust, which was found to have slightly injured the astronomical instruments. the morning before we anchored at porto praya, i collected a little packet of this brown-coloured fine dust, which appeared to have been filtered from the wind by the gauze of the vane at the mast-head. mr. lyell has also given me four packets of dust which fell on a vessel a few hundred miles northward of these islands. professor ehrenberg [3] finds that this dust consists in great part of infusoria with siliceous shields, and of the siliceous tissue of plants. in five little packets which i sent him, he has ascertained no less than sixty-seven different organic forms! the infusoria, with the exception of two marine species, are all inhabitants of fresh-water. i have found no less than fifteen different accounts of dust having fallen on vessels when far out in the atlantic. from the direction of the wind whenever it has fallen, and from its having always fallen during those months when the harmattan is known to raise clouds of dust high into the atmosphere, we may feel sure that it all comes from africa. it is, however, a very singular fact, that, although professor ehrenberg knows many species of infusoria peculiar to africa, he finds none of these in the dust which i sent him. on the other hand, he finds in it two species which hitherto he knows as living only in south america. the dust falls in such quantities as to dirty everything on board, and to hurt people's eyes; vessels even have run on shore owing to the obscurity of the atmosphere. it has often fallen on ships when several hundred, and even more than a thousand miles from the coast of africa, and at points sixteen hundred miles distant in a north and south direction. in some dust which was collected on a vessel three hundred miles from the land, i was much surprised to find particles of stone above the thousandth of an inch square, mixed with finer matter. after this fact one need not be surprised at the diffusion of the far lighter and smaller sporules of cryptogamic plants. the geology of this island is the most interesting part of its natural history. on entering the harbour, a perfectly horizontal white band, in the face of the sea cliff, may be seen running for some miles along the coast, and at the height of about forty-five feet above the water. upon examination this white stratum is found to consist of calcareous matter with numerous shells embedded, most or all of which now exist on the neighbouring coast. it rests on ancient volcanic rocks, and has been covered by a stream of basalt, which must have entered the sea when the white shelly bed was lying at the bottom. it is interesting to trace the changes produced by the heat of the overlying lava, on the friable mass, which in parts has been converted into a crystalline limestone, and in other parts into a compact spotted stone where the lime has been caught up by the scoriaceous fragments of the lower surface of the stream, it is converted into groups of beautifully radiated fibres resembling arragonite. the beds of lava rise in successive gently-sloping plains, towards the interior, whence the deluges of melted stone have originally proceeded. within historical times, no signs of volcanic activity have, i believe, been manifested in any part of st. jago. even the form of a crater can but rarely be discovered on the summits of the many red cindery hills; yet the more recent streams can be distinguished on the coast, forming lines of cliffs of less height, but stretching out in advance of those belonging to an older series: the height of the cliffs thus affording a rude measure of the age of the streams. during our stay, i observed the habits of some marine animals. a large aplysia is very common. this sea-slug is about five inches long; and is of a dirty yellowish colour veined with purple. on each side of the lower surface, or foot, there is a broad membrane, which appears sometimes to act as a ventilator, in causing a current of water to flow over the dorsal branchiae or lungs. it feeds on the delicate sea-weeds which grow among the stones in muddy and shallow water; and i found in its stomach several small pebbles, as in the gizzard of a bird. this slug, when disturbed, emits a very fine purplish-red fluid, which stains the water for the space of a foot around. besides this means of defence, an acrid secretion, which is spread over its body, causes a sharp, stinging sensation, similar to that produced by the physalia, or portuguese man-of-war. i was much interested, on several occasions, by watching the habits of an octopus, or cuttle-fish. although common in the pools of water left by the retiring tide, these animals were not easily caught. by means of their long arms and suckers, they could drag their bodies into very narrow crevices; and when thus fixed, it required great force to remove them. at other times they darted tail first, with the rapidity of an arrow, from one side of the pool to the other, at the same instant discolouring the water with a dark chestnut-brown ink. these animals also escape detection by a very extraordinary, chameleon-like power of changing their colour. they appear to vary their tints according to the nature of the ground over which they pass: when in deep water, their general shade was brownish purple, but when placed on the land, or in shallow water, this dark tint changed into one of a yellowish green. the colour, examined more carefully, was a french grey, with numerous minute spots of bright yellow: the former of these varied in intensity; the latter entirely disappeared and appeared again by turns. these changes were effected in such a manner, that clouds, varying in tint between a hyacinth red and a chestnut-brown, [4] were continually passing over the body. any part, being subjected to a slight shock of galvanism, became almost black: a similar effect, but in a less degree, was produced by scratching the skin with a needle. these clouds, or blushes as they may be called, are said to be produced by the alternate expansion and contraction of minute vesicles containing variously coloured fluids. [5] this cuttle-fish displayed its chameleon-like power both during the act of swimming and whilst remaining stationary at the bottom. i was much amused by the various arts to escape detection used by one individual, which seemed fully aware that i was watching it. remaining for a time motionless, it would then stealthily advance an inch or two, like a cat after a mouse; sometimes changing its colour: it thus proceeded, till having gained a deeper part, it darted away, leaving a dusky train of ink to hide the hole into which it had crawled. while looking for marine animals, with my head about two feet above the rocky shore, i was more than once saluted by a jet of water, accompanied by a slight grating noise. at first i could not think what it was, but afterwards i found out that it was this cuttle-fish, which, though concealed in a hole, thus often led me to its discovery. that it possesses the power of ejecting water there is no doubt, and it appeared to me that it could certainly take good aim by directing the tube or siphon on the under side of its body. from the difficulty which these animals have in carrying their heads, they cannot crawl with ease when placed on the ground. i observed that one which i kept in the cabin was slightly phosphorescent in the dark. st. paul's rocks.--in crossing the atlantic we hove-to during the morning of february 16th, close to the island of st. paul's. this cluster of rocks is situated in 0 degs. 58' north latitude, and 29 degs. 15' west longitude. it is 540 miles distant from the coast of america, and 350 from the island of fernando noronha. the highest point is only fifty feet above the level of the sea, and the entire circumference is under three-quarters of a mile. this small point rises abruptly out of the depths of the ocean. its mineralogical constitution is not simple; in some parts the rock is of a cherty, in others of a felspathic nature, including thin veins of serpentine. it is a remarkable fact, that all the many small islands, lying far from any continent, in the pacific, indian, and atlantic oceans, with the exception of the seychelles and this little point of rock, are, i believe, composed either of coral or of erupted matter. the volcanic nature of these oceanic islands is evidently an extension of that law, and the effect of those same causes, whether chemical or mechanical, from which it results that a vast majority of the volcanoes now in action stand either near sea-coasts or as islands in the midst of the sea. the rocks of st. paul appear from a distance of a brilliantly white colour. this is partly owing to the dung of a vast multitude of seafowl, and partly to a coating of a hard glossy substance with a pearly lustre, which is intimately united to the surface of the rocks. this, when examined with a lens, is found to consist of numerous exceedingly thin layers, its total thickness being about the tenth of an inch. it contains much animal matter, and its origin, no doubt, is due to the action of the rain or spray on the birds' dung. below some small masses of guano at ascension, and on the abrolhos islets, i found certain stalactitic branching bodies, formed apparently in the same manner as the thin white coating on these rocks. the branching bodies so closely resembled in general appearance certain nulliporae (a family of hard calcareous sea-plants), that in lately looking hastily over my collection i did not perceive the difference. the globular extremities of the branches are of a pearly texture, like the enamel of teeth, but so hard as just to scratch plate-glass. i may here mention, that on a part of the coast of ascension, where there is a vast accumulation of shelly sand, an incrustation is deposited on the tidal rocks by the water of the sea, resembling, as represented in the woodcut, certain cryptogamic plants (marchantiae) often seen on damp walls. the surface of the fronds is beautifully glossy; and those parts formed where fully exposed to the light are of a jet black colour, but those shaded under ledges are only grey. i have shown specimens of this incrustation to several geologists, and they all thought that they were of volcanic or igneous origin! in its hardness and translucency--in its polish, equal to that of the finest oliva-shell--in the bad smell given out, and loss of colour under the blowpipe--it shows a close similarity with living sea-shells. moreover, in sea-shells, it is known that the parts habitually covered and shaded by the mantle of the animal, are of a paler colour than those fully exposed to the light, just as is the case with this incrustation. when we remember that lime, either as a phosphate or carbonate, enters into the composition of the hard parts, such as bones and shells, of all living animals, it is an interesting physiological fact [6] to find substances harder than the enamel of teeth, and coloured surfaces as well polished as those of a fresh shell, reformed through inorganic means from dead organic matter--mocking, also, in shape, some of the lower vegetable productions. we found on st. paul's only two kinds of birds--the booby and the noddy. the former is a species of gannet, and the latter a tern. both are of a tame and stupid disposition, and are so unaccustomed to visitors, that i could have killed any number of them with my geological hammer. the booby lays her eggs on the bare rock; but the tern makes a very simple nest with sea-weed. by the side of many of these nests a small flying-fish was placed; which i suppose, had been brought by the male bird for its partner. it was amusing to watch how quickly a large and active crab (graspus), which inhabits the crevices of the rock, stole the fish from the side of the nest, as soon as we had disturbed the parent birds. sir w. symonds, one of the few persons who have landed here, informs me that he saw the crabs dragging even the young birds out of their nests, and devouring them. not a single plant, not even a lichen, grows on this islet; yet it is inhabited by several insects and spiders. the following list completes, i believe, the terrestrial fauna: a fly (olfersia) living on the booby, and a tick which must have come here as a parasite on the birds; a small brown moth, belonging to a genus that feeds on feathers; a beetle (quedius) and a woodlouse from beneath the dung; and lastly, numerous spiders, which i suppose prey on these small attendants and scavengers of the water-fowl. the often repeated description of the stately palm and other noble tropical plants, then birds, and lastly man, taking possession of the coral islets as soon as formed, in the pacific, is probably not correct; i fear it destroys the poetry of this story, that feather and dirt-feeding and parasitic insects and spiders should be the first inhabitants of newly formed oceanic land. the smallest rock in the tropical seas, by giving a foundation for the growth of innumerable kinds of sea-weed and compound animals, supports likewise a large number of fish. the sharks and the seamen in the boats maintained a constant struggle which should secure the greater share of the prey caught by the fishing-lines. i have heard that a rock near the bermudas, lying many miles out at sea, and at a considerable depth, was first discovered by the circumstance of fish having been observed in the neighbourhood. fernando noronha, feb. 20th.--as far as i was enabled to observe, during the few hours we stayed at this place, the constitution of the island is volcanic, but probably not of a recent date. the most remarkable feature is a conical hill, about one thousand feet high, the upper part of which is exceedingly steep, and on one side overhangs its base. the rock is phonolite, and is divided into irregular columns. on viewing one of these isolated masses, at first one is inclined to believe that it has been suddenly pushed up in a semi-fluid state. at st. helena, however, i ascertained that some pinnacles, of a nearly similar figure and constitution, had been formed by the injection of melted rock into yielding strata, which thus had formed the moulds for these gigantic obelisks. the whole island is covered with wood; but from the dryness of the climate there is no appearance of luxuriance. half-way up the mountain, some great masses of the columnar rock, shaded by laurel-like trees, and ornamented by others covered with fine pink flowers but without a single leaf, gave a pleasing effect to the nearer parts of the scenery. bahia, or san salvador. brazil, feb. 29th.--the day has passed delightfully. delight itself, however, is a weak term to express the feelings of a naturalist who, for the first time, has wandered by himself in a brazilian forest. the elegance of the grasses, the novelty of the parasitical plants, the beauty of the flowers, the glossy green of the foliage, but above all the general luxuriance of the vegetation, filled me with admiration. a most paradoxical mixture of sound and silence pervades the shady parts of the wood. the noise from the insects is so loud, that it may be heard even in a vessel anchored several hundred yards from the shore; yet within the recesses of the forest a universal silence appears to reign. to a person fond of natural history, such a day as this brings with it a deeper pleasure than he can ever hope to experience again. after wandering about for some hours, i returned to the landing-place; but, before reaching it, i was overtaken by a tropical storm. i tried to find shelter under a tree, which was so thick that it would never have been penetrated by common english rain; but here, in a couple of minutes, a little torrent flowed down the trunk. it is to this violence of the rain that we must attribute the verdure at the bottom of the thickest woods: if the showers were like those of a colder climate, the greater part would be absorbed or evaporated before it reached the ground. i will not at present attempt to describe the gaudy scenery of this noble bay, because, in our homeward voyage, we called here a second time, and i shall then have occasion to remark on it. along the whole coast of brazil, for a length of at least 2000 miles, and certainly for a considerable space inland, wherever solid rock occurs, it belongs to a granitic formation. the circumstance of this enormous area being constituted of materials which most geologists believe to have been crystallized when heated under pressure, gives rise to many curious reflections. was this effect produced beneath the depths of a profound ocean? or did a covering of strata formerly extend over it, which has since been removed? can we believe that any power, acting for a time short of infinity, could have denuded the granite over so many thousand square leagues? on a point not far from the city, where a rivulet entered the sea, i observed a fact connected with a subject discussed by humboldt. [7] at the cataracts of the great rivers orinoco, nile, and congo, the syenitic rocks are coated by a black substance, appearing as if they had been polished with plumbago. the layer is of extreme thinness; and on analysis by berzelius it was found to consist of the oxides of manganese and iron. in the orinoco it occurs on the rocks periodically washed by the floods, and in those parts alone where the stream is rapid; or, as the indians say, "the rocks are black where the waters are white." here the coating is of a rich brown instead of a black colour, and seems to be composed of ferruginous matter alone. hand specimens fail to give a just idea of these brown burnished stones which glitter in the sun's rays. they occur only within the limits of the tidal waves; and as the rivulet slowly trickles down, the surf must supply the polishing power of the cataracts in the great rivers. in like manner, the rise and fall of the tide probably answer to the periodical inundations; and thus the same effects are produced under apparently different but really similar circumstances. the origin, however, of these coatings of metallic oxides, which seem as if cemented to the rocks, is not understood; and no reason, i believe, can be assigned for their thickness remaining the same. one day i was amused by watching the habits of the diodon antennatus, which was caught swimming near the shore. this fish, with its flabby skin, is well known to possess the singular power of distending itself into a nearly spherical form. after having been taken out of water for a short time, and then again immersed in it, a considerable quantity both of water and air is absorbed by the mouth, and perhaps likewise by the branchial orifices. this process is effected by two methods: the air is swallowed, and is then forced into the cavity of the body, its return being prevented by a muscular contraction which is externally visible: but the water enters in a gentle stream through the mouth, which is kept wide open and motionless; this latter action must, therefore, depend on suction. the skin about the abdomen is much looser than that on the back; hence, during the inflation, the lower surface becomes far more distended than the upper; and the fish, in consequence, floats with its back downwards. cuvier doubts whether the diodon in this position is able to swim; but not only can it thus move forward in a straight line, but it can turn round to either side. this latter movement is effected solely by the aid of the pectoral fins; the tail being collapsed, and not used. from the body being buoyed up with so much air, the branchial openings are out of water, but a stream drawn in by the mouth constantly flows through them. the fish, having remained in this distended state for a short time, generally expelled the air and water with considerable force from the branchial apertures and mouth. it could emit, at will, a certain portion of the water, and it appears, therefore, probable that this fluid is taken in partly for the sake of regulating its specific gravity. this diodon possessed several means of defence. it could give a severe bite, and could eject water from its mouth to some distance, at the same time making a curious noise by the movement of its jaws. by the inflation of its body, the papillae, with which the skin is covered, become erect and pointed. but the most curious circumstance is, that it secretes from the skin of its belly, when handled, a most beautiful carmine-red fibrous matter, which stains ivory and paper in so permanent a manner that the tint is retained with all its brightness to the present day: i am quite ignorant of the nature and use of this secretion. i have heard from dr. allan of forres, that he has frequently found a diodon, floating alive and distended, in the stomach of the shark, and that on several occasions he has known it eat its way, not only through the coats of the stomach, but through the sides of the monster, which has thus been killed. who would ever have imagined that a little soft fish could have destroyed the great and savage shark? march 18th.--we sailed from bahia. a few days afterwards, when not far distant from the abrolhos islets, my attention was called to a reddish-brown appearance in the sea. the whole surface of the water, as it appeared under a weak lens, seemed as if covered by chopped bits of hay, with their ends jagged. these are minute cylindrical confervae, in bundles or rafts of from twenty to sixty in each. mr. berkeley informs me that they are the same species (trichodesmium erythraeum) with that found over large spaces in the red sea, and whence its name of red sea is derived. [8] their numbers must be infinite: the ship passed through several bands of them, one of which was about ten yards wide, and, judging from the mud-like colour of the water, at least two and a half miles long. in almost every long voyage some account is given of these confervae. they appear especially common in the sea near australia; and off cape leeuwin i found an allied but smaller and apparently different species. captain cook, in his third voyage, remarks, that the sailors gave to this appearance the name of sea-sawdust. near keeling atoll, in the indian ocean, i observed many little masses of confervae a few inches square, consisting of long cylindrical threads of excessive thinness, so as to be barely visible to the naked eye, mingled with other rather larger bodies, finely conical at both ends. two of these are shown in the woodcut united together. they vary in length from .04 to .06, and even to .08 of an inch in length; and in diameter from .006 to .008 of an inch. near one extremity of the cylindrical part, a green septum, formed of granular matter, and thickest in the middle, may generally be seen. this, i believe, is the bottom of a most delicate, colourless sac, composed of a pulpy substance, which lines the exterior case, but does not extend within the extreme conical points. in some specimens, small but perfect spheres of brownish granular matter supplied the places of the septa; and i observed the curious process by which they were produced. the pulpy matter of the internal coating suddenly grouped itself into lines, some of which assumed a form radiating from a common centre; it then continued, with an irregular and rapid movement, to contract itself, so that in the course of a second the whole was united into a perfect little sphere, which occupied the position of the septum at one end of the now quite hollow case. the formation of the granular sphere was hastened by any accidental injury. i may add, that frequently a pair of these bodies were attached to each other, as represented above, cone beside cone, at that end where the septum occurs. i will add here a few other observations connected with the discoloration of the sea from organic causes. on the coast of chile, a few leagues north of concepcion, the beagle one day passed through great bands of muddy water, exactly like that of a swollen river; and again, a degree south of valparaiso, when fifty miles from the land, the same appearance was still more extensive. some of the water placed in a glass was of a pale reddish tint; and, examined under a microscope, was seen to swarm with minute animalcula darting about, and often exploding. their shape is oval, and contracted in the middle by a ring of vibrating curved ciliae. it was, however, very difficult to examine them with care, for almost the instant motion ceased, even while crossing the field of vision, their bodies burst. sometimes both ends burst at once, sometimes only one, and a quantity of coarse, brownish, granular matter was ejected. the animal an instant before bursting expanded to half again its natural size; and the explosion took place about fifteen seconds after the rapid progressive motion had ceased: in a few cases it was preceded for a short interval by a rotatory movement on the longer axis. about two minutes after any number were isolated in a drop of water, they thus perished. the animals move with the narrow apex forwards, by the aid of their vibratory ciliae, and generally by rapid starts. they are exceedingly minute, and quite invisible to the naked eye, only covering a space equal to the square of the thousandth of an inch. their numbers were infinite; for the smallest drop of water which i could remove contained very many. in one day we passed through two spaces of water thus stained, one of which alone must have extended over several square miles. what incalculable numbers of these microscopical animals! the colour of the water, as seen at some distance, was like that of a river which has flowed through a red clay district, but under the shade of the vessel's side it was quite as dark as chocolate. the line where the red and blue water joined was distinctly defined. the weather for some days previously had been calm, and the ocean abounded, to an unusual degree, with living creatures. [9] in the sea around tierra del fuego, and at no great distance from the land, i have seen narrow lines of water of a bright red colour, from the number of crustacea, which somewhat resemble in form large prawns. the sealers call them whale-food. whether whales feed on them i do not know; but terns, cormorants, and immense herds of great unwieldy seals derive, on some parts of the coast, their chief sustenance from these swimming crabs. seamen invariably attribute the discoloration of the water to spawn; but i found this to be the case only on one occasion. at the distance of several leagues from the archipelago of the galapagos, the ship sailed through three strips of a dark yellowish, or mud-like water; these strips were some miles long, but only a few yards wide, and they were separated from the surrounding water by a sinuous yet distinct margin. the colour was caused by little gelatinous balls, about the fifth of an inch in diameter, in which numerous minute spherical ovules were imbedded: they were of two distinct kinds, one being of a reddish colour and of a different shape from the other. i cannot form a conjecture as to what two kinds of animals these belonged. captain colnett remarks, that this appearance is very common among the galapagos islands, and that the directions of the bands indicate that of the currents; in the described case, however, the line was caused by the wind. the only other appearance which i have to notice, is a thin oily coat on the water which displays iridescent colours. i saw a considerable tract of the ocean thus covered on the coast of brazil; the seamen attributed it to the putrefying carcase of some whale, which probably was floating at no great distance. i do not here mention the minute gelatinous particles, hereafter to be referred to, which are frequently dispersed throughout the water, for they are not sufficiently abundant to create any change of colour. there are two circumstances in the above accounts which appear remarkable: first, how do the various bodies which form the bands with defined edges keep together? in the case of the prawn-like crabs, their movements were as co-instantaneous as in a regiment of soldiers; but this cannot happen from anything like voluntary action with the ovules, or the confervae, nor is it probable among the infusoria. secondly, what causes the length and narrowness of the bands? the appearance so much resembles that which may be seen in every torrent, where the stream uncoils into long streaks the froth collected in the eddies, that i must attribute the effect to a similar action either of the currents of the air or sea. under this supposition we must believe that the various organized bodies are produced in certain favourable places, and are thence removed by the set of either wind or water. i confess, however, there is a very great difficulty in imagining any one spot to be the birthplace of the millions of millions of animalcula and confervae: for whence come the germs at such points?--the parent bodies having been distributed by the winds and waves over the immense ocean. but on no other hypothesis can i understand their linear grouping. i may add that scoresby remarks that green water abounding with pelagic animals is invariably found in a certain part of the arctic sea. [1] i state this on the authority of dr. e. dieffenbach, in his german translation of the first edition of this journal. [2] the cape de verd islands were discovered in 1449. there was a tombstone of a bishop with the date of 1571; and a crest of a hand and dagger, dated 1497. [3] i must take this opportunity of acknowledging the great kindness with which this illustrious naturalist has examined many of my specimens. i have sent (june, 1845) a full account of the falling of this dust to the geological society. [4] so named according to patrick symes's nomenclature. [5] see encyclop. of anat. and physiol., article cephalopoda [6] mr. horner and sir david brewster have described (philosophical transactions, 1836, p. 65) a singular "artificial substance resembling shell." it is deposited in fine, transparent, highly polished, brown-coloured laminae, possessing peculiar optical properties, on the inside of a vessel, in which cloth, first prepared with glue and then with lime, is made to revolve rapidly in water. it is much softer, more transparent, and contains more animal matter, than the natural incrustation at ascension; but we here again see the strong tendency which carbonate of lime and animal matter evince to form a solid substance allied to shell. [7] pers. narr., vol. v., pt. 1., p. 18. [8] m. montagne, in comptes rendus, etc., juillet, 1844; and annal. des scienc. nat., dec. 1844 [9] m. lesson (voyage de la coquille, tom. i., p. 255) mentions red water off lima, apparently produced by the same cause. peron, the distinguished naturalist, in the voyage aux terres australes, gives no less than twelve references to voyagers who have alluded to the discoloured waters of the sea (vol. ii. p. 239). to the references given by peron may be added, humboldt's pers. narr., vol. vi. p. 804; flinder's voyage, vol. i. p. 92; labillardiere, vol. i. p. 287; ulloa's voyage; voyage of the astrolabe and of the coquille; captain king's survey of australia, etc. chapter ii rio de janeiro rio de janeiro--excursion north of cape frio--great evaporation--slavery--botofogo bay--terrestrial planariae--clouds on the corcovado--heavy rain--musical frogs--phosphorescent insects--elater, springing powers of--blue haze--noise made by a butterfly--entomology--ants--wasp killing a spider--parasitical spider--artifices of an epeira--gregarious spider--spider with an unsymmetrical web. april 4th to july 5th, 1832.--a few days after our arrival i became acquainted with an englishman who was going to visit his estate, situated rather more than a hundred miles from the capital, to the northward of cape frio. i gladly accepted his kind offer of allowing me to accompany him. april 8th.--our party amounted to seven. the first stage was very interesting. the day was powerfully hot, and as we passed through the woods, everything was motionless, excepting the large and brilliant butterflies, which lazily fluttered about. the view seen when crossing the hills behind praia grande was most beautiful; the colours were intense, and the prevailing tint a dark blue; the sky and the calm waters of the bay vied with each other in splendour. after passing through some cultivated country, we entered a forest, which in the grandeur of all its parts could not be exceeded. we arrived by midday at ithacaia; this small village is situated on a plain, and round the central house are the huts of the negroes. these, from their regular form and position, reminded me of the drawings of the hottentot habitations in southern africa. as the moon rose early, we determined to start the same evening for our sleeping-place at the lagoa marica. as it was growing dark we passed under one of the massive, bare, and steep hills of granite which are so common in this country. this spot is notorious from having been, for a long time, the residence of some runaway slaves, who, by cultivating a little ground near the top, contrived to eke out a subsistence. at length they were discovered, and a party of soldiers being sent, the whole were seized with the exception of one old woman, who, sooner than again be led into slavery, dashed herself to pieces from the summit of the mountain. in a roman matron this would have been called the noble love of freedom: in a poor negress it is mere brutal obstinacy. we continued riding for some hours. for the few last miles the road was intricate, and it passed through a desert waste of marshes and lagoons. the scene by the dimmed light of the moon was most desolate. a few fireflies flitted by us; and the solitary snipe, as it rose, uttered its plaintive cry. the distant and sullen roar of the sea scarcely broke the stillness of the night. april 9th.--we left our miserable sleeping-place before sunrise. the road passed through a narrow sandy plain, lying between the sea and the interior salt lagoons. the number of beautiful fishing birds, such as egrets and cranes, and the succulent plants assuming most fantastical forms, gave to the scene an interest which it would not otherwise have possessed. the few stunted trees were loaded with parasitical plants, among which the beauty and delicious fragrance of some of the orchideae were most to be admired. as the sun rose, the day became extremely hot, and the reflection of the light and heat from the white sand was very distressing. we dined at mandetiba; the thermometer in the shade being 84 degs. the beautiful view of the distant wooded hills, reflected in the perfectly calm water of an extensive lagoon, quite refreshed us. as the venda [1] here was a very good one, and i have the pleasant, but rare remembrance, of an excellent dinner, i will be grateful and presently describe it, as the type of its class. these houses are often large, and are built of thick upright posts, with boughs interwoven, and afterwards plastered. they seldom have floors, and never glazed windows; but are generally pretty well roofed. universally the front part is open, forming a kind of verandah, in which tables and benches are placed. the bed-rooms join on each side, and here the passenger may sleep as comfortably as he can, on a wooden platform, covered by a thin straw mat. the venda stands in a courtyard, where the horses are fed. on first arriving it was our custom to unsaddle the horses and give them their indian corn; then, with a low bow, to ask the senhor to do us the favour to give up something to eat. "anything you choose, sir," was his usual answer. for the few first times, vainly i thanked providence for having guided us to so good a man. the conversation proceeding, the case universally became deplorable. "any fish can you do us the favour of giving ?"--"oh! no, sir."--"any soup?"--"no, sir."--"any bread?"--"oh! no, sir."--"any dried meat?"--"oh! no, sir." if we were lucky, by waiting a couple of hours, we obtained fowls, rice, and farinha. it not unfrequently happened, that we were obliged to kill, with stones, the poultry for our own supper. when, thoroughly exhausted by fatigue and hunger, we timorously hinted that we should be glad of our meal, the pompous, and (though true) most unsatisfactory answer was, "it will be ready when it is ready." if we had dared to remonstrate any further, we should have been told to proceed on our journey, as being too impertinent. the hosts are most ungracious and disagreeable in their manners; their houses and their persons are often filthily dirty; the want of the accommodation of forks, knives, and spoons is common; and i am sure no cottage or hovel in england could be found in a state so utterly destitute of every comfort. at campos novos, however, we fared sumptuously; having rice and fowls, biscuit, wine, and spirits, for dinner; coffee in the evening, and fish with coffee for breakfast. all this, with good food for the horses, only cost 2s. 6d. per head. yet the host of this venda, being asked if he knew anything of a whip which one of the party had lost, gruffly answered, "how should i know? why did you not take care of it?--i suppose the dogs have eaten it." leaving mandetiba, we continued to pass through an intricate wilderness of lakes; in some of which were fresh, in others salt water shells. of the former kinds, i found a limnaea in great numbers in a lake, into which, the inhabitants assured me that the sea enters once a year, and sometimes oftener, and makes the water quite salt. i have no doubt many interesting facts, in relation to marine and fresh water animals, might be observed in this chain of lagoons, which skirt the coast of brazil. m. gay [2] has stated that he found in the neighbourhood of rio, shells of the marine genera solen and mytilus, and fresh water ampullariae, living together in brackish water. i also frequently observed in the lagoon near the botanic garden, where the water is only a little less salt than in the sea, a species of hydrophilus, very similar to a water-beetle common in the ditches of england: in the same lake the only shell belonged to a genus generally found in estuaries. leaving the coast for a time, we again entered the forest. the trees were very lofty, and remarkable, compared with those of europe, from the whiteness of their trunks. i see by my note-book, "wonderful and beautiful, flowering parasites," invariably struck me as the most novel object in these grand scenes. travelling onwards we passed through tracts of pasturage, much injured by the enormous conical ants' nests, which were nearly twelve feet high. they gave to the plain exactly the appearance of the mud volcanos at jorullo, as figured by humboldt. we arrived at engenhodo after it was dark, having been ten hours on horseback. i never ceased, during the whole journey, to be surprised at the amount of labour which the horses were capable of enduring; they appeared also to recover from any injury much sooner than those of our english breed. the vampire bat is often the cause of much trouble, by biting the horses on their withers. the injury is generally not so much owing to the loss of blood, as to the inflammation which the pressure of the saddle afterwards produces. the whole circumstance has lately been doubted in england; i was therefore fortunate in being present when one (desmodus d'orbignyi, wat.) was actually caught on a horse's back. we were bivouacking late one evening near coquimbo, in chile, when my servant, noticing that one of the horses was very restive, went to see what was the matter, and fancying he could distinguish something, suddenly put his hand on the beast's withers, and secured the vampire. in the morning the spot where the bite had been inflicted was easily distinguished from being slightly swollen and bloody. the third day afterwards we rode the horse, without any ill effects. april 13th.--after three days' travelling we arrived at socego, the estate of senhor manuel figuireda, a relation of one of our party. the house was simple, and, though like a barn in form, was well suited to the climate. in the sitting-room gilded chairs and sofas were oddly contrasted with the whitewashed walls, thatched roof, and windows without glass. the house, together with the granaries, the stables, and workshops for the blacks, who had been taught various trades, formed a rude kind of quadrangle; in the centre of which a large pile of coffee was drying. these buildings stand on a little hill, overlooking the cultivated ground, and surrounded on every side by a wall of dark green luxuriant forest. the chief produce of this part of the country is coffee. each tree is supposed to yield annually, on an average, two pounds; but some give as much as eight. mandioca or cassada is likewise cultivated in great quantity. every part of this plant is useful; the leaves and stalks are eaten by the horses, and the roots are ground into a pulp, which, when pressed dry and baked, forms the farinha, the principal article of sustenance in the brazils. it is a curious, though well-known fact, that the juice of this most nutritious plant is highly poisonous. a few years ago a cow died at this fazenda, in consequence of having drunk some of it. senhor figuireda told me that he had planted, the year before, one bag of feijao or beans, and three of rice; the former of which produced eighty, and the latter three hundred and twenty fold. the pasturage supports a fine stock of cattle, and the woods are so full of game that a deer had been killed on each of the three previous days. this profusion of food showed itself at dinner, where, if the tables did not groan, the guests surely did; for each person is expected to eat of every dish. one day, having, as i thought, nicely calculated so that nothing should go away untasted, to my utter dismay a roast turkey and a pig appeared in all their substantial reality. during the meals, it was the employment of a man to drive out of the room sundry old hounds, and dozens of little black children, which crawled in together, at every opportunity. as long as the idea of slavery could be banished, there was something exceedingly fascinating in this simple and patriarchal style of living: it was such a perfect retirement and independence from the rest of the world. as soon as any stranger is seen arriving, a large bell is set tolling, and generally some small cannon are fired. the event is thus announced to the rocks and woods, but to nothing else. one morning i walked out an hour before daylight to admire the solemn stillness of the scene; at last, the silence was broken by the morning hymn, raised on high by the whole body of the blacks; and in this manner their daily work is generally begun. on such fazendas as these, i have no doubt the slaves pass happy and contented lives. on saturday and sunday they work for themselves, and in this fertile climate the labour of two days is sufficient to support a man and his family for the whole week. april 14th.--leaving socego, we rode to another estate on the rio macae, which was the last patch of cultivated ground in that direction. the estate was two and a half miles long, and the owner had forgotten how many broad. only a very small piece had been cleared, yet almost every acre was capable of yielding all the various rich productions of a tropical land. considering the enormous area of brazil, the proportion of cultivated ground can scarcely be considered as anything, compared to that which is left in the state of nature: at some future age, how vast a population it will support! during the second day's journey we found the road so shut up, that it was necessary that a man should go ahead with a sword to cut away the creepers. the forest abounded with beautiful objects; among which the tree ferns, though not large, were, from their bright green foliage, and the elegant curvature of their fronds, most worthy of admiration. in the evening it rained very heavily, and although the thermometer stood at 65 degs., i felt very cold. as soon as the rain ceased, it was curious to observe the extraordinary evaporation which commenced over the whole extent of the forest. at the height of a hundred feet the hills were buried in a dense white vapour, which rose like columns of smoke from the most thickly wooded parts, and especially from the valleys. i observed this phenomenon on several occasions. i suppose it is owing to the large surface of foliage, previously heated by the sun's rays. while staying at this estate, i was very nearly being an eye-witness to one of those atrocious acts which can only take place in a slave country. owing to a quarrel and a lawsuit, the owner was on the point of taking all the women and children from the male slaves, and selling them separately at the public auction at rio. interest, and not any feeling of compassion, prevented this act. indeed, i do not believe the inhumanity of separating thirty families, who had lived together for many years, even occurred to the owner. yet i will pledge myself, that in humanity and good feeling he was superior to the common run of men. it may be said there exists no limit to the blindness of interest and selfish habit. i may mention one very trifling anecdote, which at the time struck me more forcibly than any story of cruelty. i was crossing a ferry with a negro, who was uncommonly stupid. in endeavouring to make him understand, i talked loud, and made signs, in doing which i passed my hand near his face. he, i suppose, thought i was in a passion, and was going to strike him; for instantly, with a frightened look and half-shut eyes, he dropped his hands. i shall never forget my feelings of surprise, disgust, and shame, at seeing a great powerful man afraid even to ward off a blow, directed, as he thought, at his face. this man had been trained to a degradation lower than the slavery of the most helpless animal. april 18th.--in returning we spent two days at socego, and i employed them in collecting insects in the forest. the greater number of trees, although so lofty, are not more than three or four feet in circumference. there are, of course, a few of much greater dimensions. senhor manuel was then making a canoe 70 feet in length from a solid trunk, which had originally been 110 feet long, and of great thickness. the contrast of palm trees, growing amidst the common branching kinds, never fails to give the scene an intertropical character. here the woods were ornamented by the cabbage palm--one of the most beautiful of its family. with a stem so narrow that it might be clasped with the two hands, it waves its elegant head at the height of forty or fifty feet above the ground. the woody creepers, themselves covered by other creepers, were of great thickness: some which i measured were two feet in circumference. many of the older trees presented a very curious appearance from the tresses of a liana hanging from their boughs, and resembling bundles of hay. if the eye was turned from the world of foliage above, to the ground beneath, it was attracted by the extreme elegance of the leaves of the ferns and mimosae. the latter, in some parts, covered the surface with a brushwood only a few inches high. in walking across these thick beds of mimosae, a broad track was marked by the change of shade, produced by the drooping of their sensitive petioles. it is easy to specify the individual objects of admiration in these grand scenes; but it is not possible to give an adequate idea of the higher feelings of wonder, astonishment, and devotion, which fill and elevate the mind. april 19th.--leaving socego, during the two first days, we retraced our steps. it was very wearisome work, as the road generally ran across a glaring hot sandy plain, not far from the coast. i noticed that each time the horse put its foot on the fine siliceous sand, a gentle chirping noise was produced. on the third day we took a different line, and passed through the gay little village of madre de deos. this is one of the principal lines of road in brazil; yet it was in so bad a state that no wheeled vehicle, excepting the clumsy bullock-wagon, could pass along. in our whole journey we did not cross a single bridge built of stone; and those made of logs of wood were frequently so much out of repair, that it was necessary to go on one side to avoid them. all distances are inaccurately known. the road is often marked by crosses, in the place of milestones, to signify where human blood has been spilled. on the evening of the 23rd we arrived at rio, having finished our pleasant little excursion. during the remainder of my stay at rio, i resided in a cottage at botofogo bay. it was impossible to wish for anything more delightful than thus to spend some weeks in so magnificent a country. in england any person fond of natural history enjoys in his walks a great advantage, by always having something to attract his attention; but in these fertile climates, teeming with life, the attractions are so numerous, that he is scarcely able to walk at all. the few observations which i was enabled to make were almost exclusively confined to the invertebrate animals. the existence of a division of the genus planaria, which inhabits the dry land, interested me much. these animals are of so simple a structure, that cuvier has arranged them with the intestinal worms, though never found within the bodies of other animals. numerous species inhabit both salt and fresh water; but those to which i allude were found, even in the drier parts of the forest, beneath logs of rotten wood, on which i believe they feed. in general form they resemble little slugs, but are very much narrower in proportion, and several of the species are beautifully coloured with longitudinal stripes. their structure is very simple: near the middle of the under or crawling surface there are two small transverse slits, from the anterior one of which a funnel-shaped and highly irritable mouth can be protruded. for some time after the rest of the animal was completely dead from the effects of salt water or any other cause, this organ still retained its vitality. i found no less than twelve different species of terrestrial planariae in different parts of the southern hemisphere. [3] some specimens which i obtained at van dieman's land, i kept alive for nearly two months, feeding them on rotten wood. having cut one of them transversely into two nearly equal parts, in the course of a fortnight both had the shape of perfect animals. i had, however, so divided the body, that one of the halves contained both the inferior orifices, and the other, in consequence, none. in the course of twenty-five days from the operation, the more perfect half could not have been distinguished from any other specimen. the other had increased much in size; and towards its posterior end, a clear space was formed in the parenchymatous mass, in which a rudimentary cup-shaped mouth could clearly be distinguished; on the under surface, however, no corresponding slit was yet open. if the increased heat of the weather, as we approached the equator, had not destroyed all the individuals, there can be no doubt that this last step would have completed its structure. although so well-known an experiment, it was interesting to watch the gradual production of every essential organ, out of the simple extremity of another animal. it is extremely difficult to preserve these planariae; as soon as the cessation of life allows the ordinary laws of change to act, their entire bodies become soft and fluid, with a rapidity which i have never seen equalled. i first visited the forest in which these planariae were found, in company with an old portuguese priest who took me out to hunt with him. the sport consisted in turning into the cover a few dogs, and then patiently waiting to fire at any animal which might appear. we were accompanied by the son of a neighbouring farmer--a good specimen of a wild brazilian youth. he was dressed in a tattered old shirt and trousers, and had his head uncovered: he carried an old-fashioned gun and a large knife. the habit of carrying the knife is universal; and in traversing a thick wood it is almost necessary, on account of the creeping plants. the frequent occurrence of murder may be partly attributed to this habit. the brazilians are so dexterous with the knife, that they can throw it to some distance with precision, and with sufficient force to cause a fatal wound. i have seen a number of little boys practising this art as a game of play and from their skill in hitting an upright stick, they promised well for more earnest attempts. my companion, the day before, had shot two large bearded monkeys. these animals have prehensile tails, the extremity of which, even after death, can support the whole weight of the body. one of them thus remained fast to a branch, and it was necessary to cut down a large tree to procure it. this was soon effected, and down came tree and monkey with an awful crash. our day's sport, besides the monkey, was confined to sundry small green parrots and a few toucans. i profited, however, by my acquaintance with the portuguese padre, for on another occasion he gave me a fine specimen of the yagouaroundi cat. every one has heard of the beauty of the scenery near botofogo. the house in which i lived was seated close beneath the well-known mountain of the corcovado. it has been remarked, with much truth, that abruptly conical hills are characteristic of the formation which humboldt designates as gneiss-granite. nothing can be more striking than the effect of these huge rounded masses of naked rock rising out of the most luxuriant vegetation. i was often interested by watching the clouds, which, rolling in from seaward, formed a bank just beneath the highest point of the corcovado. this mountain, like most others, when thus partly veiled, appeared to rise to a far prouder elevation than its real height of 2300 feet. mr. daniell has observed, in his meteorological essays, that a cloud sometimes appears fixed on a mountain summit, while the wind continues to blow over it. the same phenomenon here presented a slightly different appearance. in this case the cloud was clearly seen to curl over, and rapidly pass by the summit, and yet was neither diminished nor increased in size. the sun was setting, and a gentle southerly breeze, striking against the southern side of the rock, mingled its current with the colder air above; and the vapour was thus condensed; but as the light wreaths of cloud passed over the ridge, and came within the influence of the warmer atmosphere of the northern sloping bank, they were immediately re-dissolved. the climate, during the months of may and june, or the beginning of winter, was delightful. the mean temperature, from observations taken at nine o'clock, both morning and evening, was only 72 degs. it often rained heavily, but the drying southerly winds soon again rendered the walks pleasant. one morning, in the course of six hours, 1.6 inches of rain fell. as this storm passed over the forests which surround the corcovado, the sound produced by the drops pattering on the countless multitude of leaves was very remarkable, it could be heard at the distance of a quarter of a mile, and was like the rushing of a great body of water. after the hotter days, it was delicious to sit quietly in the garden and watch the evening pass into night. nature, in these climes, chooses her vocalists from more humble performers than in europe. a small frog, of the genus hyla, sits on a blade of grass about an inch above the surface of the water, and sends forth a pleasing chirp: when several are together they sing in harmony on different notes. i had some difficulty in catching a specimen of this frog. the genus hyla has its toes terminated by small suckers; and i found this animal could crawl up a pane of glass, when placed absolutely perpendicular. various cicidae and crickets, at the same time, keep up a ceaseless shrill cry, but which, softened by the distance, is not unpleasant. every evening after dark this great concert commenced; and often have i sat listening to it, until my attention has been drawn away by some curious passing insect. at these times the fireflies are seen flitting about from hedge to hedge. on a dark night the light can be seen at about two hundred paces distant. it is remarkable that in all the different kinds of glowworms, shining elaters, and various marine animals (such as the crustacea, medusae, nereidae, a coralline of the genus clytia, and pyrosma), which i have observed, the light has been of a well-marked green colour. all the fireflies, which i caught here, belonged to the lampyridae (in which family the english glowworm is included), and the greater number of specimens were of lampyris occidentalis. [4] i found that this insect emitted the most brilliant flashes when irritated: in the intervals, the abdominal rings were obscured. the flash was almost co-instantaneous in the two rings, but it was just perceptible first in the anterior one. the shining matter was fluid and very adhesive: little spots, where the skin had been torn, continued bright with a slight scintillation, whilst the uninjured parts were obscured. when the insect was decapitated the rings remained uninterruptedly bright, but not so brilliant as before: local irritation with a needle always increased the vividness of the light. the rings in one instance retained their luminous property nearly twenty-four hours after the death of the insect. from these facts it would appear probable, that the animal has only the power of concealing or extinguishing the light for short intervals, and that at other times the display is involuntary. on the muddy and wet gravel-walks i found the larvae of this lampyris in great numbers: they resembled in general form the female of the english glowworm. these larvae possessed but feeble luminous powers; very differently from their parents, on the slightest touch they feigned death and ceased to shine; nor did irritation excite any fresh display. i kept several of them alive for some time: their tails are very singular organs, for they act, by a well-fitted contrivance, as suckers or organs of attachment, and likewise as reservoirs for saliva, or some such fluid. i repeatedly fed them on raw meat; and i invariably observed, that every now and then the extremity of the tail was applied to the mouth, and a drop of fluid exuded on the meat, which was then in the act of being consumed. the tail, notwithstanding so much practice, does not seem to be able to find its way to the mouth; at least the neck was always touched first, and apparently as a guide. when we were at bahia, an elater or beetle (pyrophorus luminosus, illig.) seemed the most common luminous insect. the light in this case was also rendered more brilliant by irritation. i amused myself one day by observing the springing powers of this insect, which have not, as it appears to me, been properly described. [5] the elater, when placed on its back and preparing to spring, moved its head and thorax backwards, so that the pectoral spine was drawn out, and rested on the edge of its sheath. the same backward movement being continued, the spine, by the full action of the muscles, was bent like a spring; and the insect at this moment rested on the extremity of its head and wing-cases. the effort being suddenly relaxed, the head and thorax flew up, and in consequence, the base of the wing-cases struck the supporting surface with such force, that the insect by the reaction was jerked upwards to the height of one or two inches. the projecting points of the thorax, and the sheath of the spine, served to steady the whole body during the spring. in the descriptions which i have read, sufficient stress does not appear to have been laid on the elasticity of the spine: so sudden a spring could not be the result of simple muscular contraction, without the aid of some mechanical contrivance. on several occasions i enjoyed some short but most pleasant excursions in the neighbouring country. one day i went to the botanic garden, where many plants, well known for their great utility, might be seen growing. the leaves of the camphor, pepper, cinnamon, and clove trees were delightfully aromatic; and the bread-fruit, the jaca, and the mango, vied with each other in the magnificence of their foliage. the landscape in the neighbourhood of bahia almost takes its character from the two latter trees. before seeing them, i had no idea that any trees could cast so black a shade on the ground. both of them bear to the evergreen vegetation of these climates the same kind of relation which laurels and hollies in england do to the lighter green of the deciduous trees. it may be observed, that the houses within the tropics are surrounded by the most beautiful forms of vegetation, because many of them are at the same time most useful to man. who can doubt that these qualities are united in the banana, the cocoa-nut, the many kinds of palm, the orange, and the bread-fruit tree? during this day i was particularly struck with a remark of humboldt's, who often alludes to "the thin vapour which, without changing the transparency of the air, renders its tints more harmonious, and softens its effects." this is an appearance which i have never observed in the temperate zones. the atmosphere, seen through a short space of half or three-quarters of a mile, was perfectly lucid, but at a greater distance all colours were blended into a most beautiful haze, of a pale french grey, mingled with a little blue. the condition of the atmosphere between the morning and about noon, when the effect was most evident, had undergone little change, excepting in its dryness. in the interval, the difference between the dew point and temperature had increased from 7.5 to 17 degs. on another occasion i started early and walked to the gavia, or topsail mountain. the air was delightfully cool and fragrant; and the drops of dew still glittered on the leaves of the large liliaceous plants, which shaded the streamlets of clear water. sitting down on a block of granite, it was delightful to watch the various insects and birds as they flew past. the humming-bird seems particularly fond of such shady retired spots. whenever i saw these little creatures buzzing round a flower, with their wings vibrating so rapidly as to be scarcely visible, i was reminded of the sphinx moths: their movements and habits are indeed in many respects very similar. following a pathway, i entered a noble forest, and from a height of five or six hundred feet, one of those splendid views was presented, which are so common on every side of rio. at this elevation the landscape attains its most brilliant tint; and every form, every shade, so completely surpasses in magnificence all that the european has ever beheld in his own country, that he knows not how to express his feelings. the general effect frequently recalled to my mind the gayest scenery of the opera-house or the great theatres. i never returned from these excursions empty-handed. this day i found a specimen of a curious fungus, called hymenophallus. most people know the english phallus, which in autumn taints the air with its odious smell: this, however, as the entomologist is aware, is, to some of our beetles a delightful fragrance. so was it here; for a strongylus, attracted by the odour, alighted on the fungus as i carried it in my hand. we here see in two distant countries a similar relation between plants and insects of the same families, though the species of both are different. when man is the agent in introducing into a country a new species, this relation is often broken: as one instance of this i may mention, that the leaves of the cabbages and lettuces, which in england afford food to such a multitude of slugs and caterpillars, in the gardens near rio are untouched. during our stay at brazil i made a large collection of insects. a few general observations on the comparative importance of the different orders may be interesting to the english entomologist. the large and brilliantly coloured lepidoptera bespeak the zone they inhabit, far more plainly than any other race of animals. i allude only to the butterflies; for the moths, contrary to what might have been expected from the rankness of the vegetation, certainly appeared in much fewer numbers than in our own temperate regions. i was much surprised at the habits of papilio feronia. this butterfly is not uncommon, and generally frequents the orange-groves. although a high flier, yet it very frequently alights on the trunks of trees. on these occasions its head is invariably placed downwards; and its wings are expanded in a horizontal plane, instead of being folded vertically, as is commonly the case. this is the only butterfly which i have ever seen, that uses its legs for running. not being aware of this fact, the insect, more than once, as i cautiously approached with my forceps, shuffled on one side just as the instrument was on the point of closing, and thus escaped. but a far more singular fact is the power which this species possesses of making a noise. [6] several times when a pair, probably male and female, were chasing each other in an irregular course, they passed within a few yards of me; and i distinctly heard a clicking noise, similar to that produced by a toothed wheel passing under a spring catch. the noise was continued at short intervals, and could be distinguished at about twenty yards' distance: i am certain there is no error in the observation. i was disappointed in the general aspect of the coleoptera. the number of minute and obscurely coloured beetles is exceedingly great. [7] the cabinets of europe can, as yet, boast only of the larger species from tropical climates. it is sufficient to disturb the composure of an entomologist's mind, to look forward to the future dimensions of a complete catalogue. the carnivorous beetles, or carabidae, appear in extremely few numbers within the tropics: this is the more remarkable when compared to the case of the carnivorous quadrupeds, which are so abundant in hot countries. i was struck with this observation both on entering brazil, and when i saw the many elegant and active forms of the harpalidae re-appearing on the temperate plains of la plata. do the very numerous spiders and rapacious hymenoptera supply the place of the carnivorous beetles? the carrion-feeders and brachelytra are very uncommon; on the other hand, the rhyncophora and chrysomelidae, all of which depend on the vegetable world for subsistence, are present in astonishing numbers. i do not here refer to the number of different species, but to that of the individual insects; for on this it is that the most striking character in the entomology of different countries depends. the orders orthoptera and hemiptera are particularly numerous; as likewise is the stinging division of the hymenoptera the bees, perhaps, being excepted. a person, on first entering a tropical forest, is astonished at the labours of the ants: well-beaten paths branch off in every direction, on which an army of never-failing foragers may be seen, some going forth, and others returning, burdened with pieces of green leaf, often larger than their own bodies. a small dark-coloured ant sometimes migrates in countless numbers. one day, at bahia, my attention was drawn by observing many spiders, cockroaches, and other insects, and some lizards, rushing in the greatest agitation across a bare piece of ground. a little way behind, every stalk and leaf was blackened by a small ant. the swarm having crossed the bare space, divided itself, and descended an old wall. by this means many insects were fairly enclosed; and the efforts which the poor little creatures made to extricate themselves from such a death were wonderful. when the ants came to the road they changed their course, and in narrow files reascended the wall. having placed a small stone so as to intercept one of the lines, the whole body attacked it, and then immediately retired. shortly afterwards another body came to the charge, and again having failed to make any impression, this line of march was entirely given up. by going an inch round, the file might have avoided the stone, and this doubtless would have happened, if it had been originally there: but having been attacked, the lion-hearted little warriors scorned the idea of yielding. certain wasp-like insects, which construct in the corners of the verandahs clay cells for their larvae, are very numerous in the neighbourhood of rio. these cells they stuff full of half-dead spiders and caterpillars, which they seem wonderfully to know how to sting to that degree as to leave them paralysed but alive, until their eggs are hatched; and the larvae feed on the horrid mass of powerless, half-killed victims--a sight which has been described by an enthusiastic naturalist [8] as curious and pleasing! i was much interested one day by watching a deadly contest between a pepsis and a large spider of the genus lycosa. the wasp made a sudden dash at its prey, and then flew away: the spider was evidently wounded, for, trying to escape, it rolled down a little slope, but had still strength sufficient to crawl into a thick tuft of grass. the wasp soon returned, and seemed surprised at not immediately finding its victim. it then commenced as regular a hunt as ever hound did after fox; making short semicircular casts, and all the time rapidly vibrating its wings and antennae. the spider, though well concealed, was soon discovered, and the wasp, evidently still afraid of its adversary's jaws, after much manoeuvring, inflicted two stings on the under side of its thorax. at last, carefully examining with its antennae the now motionless spider, it proceeded to drag away the body. but i stopped both tyrant and prey. [9] the number of spiders, in proportion to other insects, is here compared with england very much larger; perhaps more so than with any other division of the articulate animals. the variety of species among the jumping spiders appears almost infinite. the genus, or rather family, of epeira, is here characterized by many singular forms; some species have pointed coriaceous shells, others enlarged and spiny tibiae. every path in the forest is barricaded with the strong yellow web of a species, belonging to the same division with the epeira clavipes of fabricius, which was formerly said by sloane to make, in the west indies, webs so strong as to catch birds. a small and pretty kind of spider, with very long fore-legs, and which appears to belong to an undescribed genus, lives as a parasite on almost every one of these webs. i suppose it is too insignificant to be noticed by the great epeira, and is therefore allowed to prey on the minute insects, which, adhering to the lines, would otherwise be wasted. when frightened, this little spider either feigns death by extending its front legs, or suddenly drops from the web. a large epeira of the same division with epeira tuberculata and conica is extremely common, especially in dry situations. its web, which is generally placed among the great leaves of the common agave, is sometimes strengthened near the centre by a pair or even four zigzag ribbons, which connect two adjoining rays. when any large insect, as a grasshopper or wasp, is caught, the spider, by a dexterous movement, makes it revolve very rapidly, and at the same time emitting a band of threads from its spinners, soon envelops its prey in a case like the cocoon of a silkworm. the spider now examines the powerless victim, and gives the fatal bite on the hinder part of its thorax; then retreating, patiently waits till the poison has taken effect. the virulence of this poison may be judged of from the fact that in half a minute i opened the mesh, and found a large wasp quite lifeless. this epeira always stands with its head downwards near the centre of the web. when disturbed, it acts differently according to circumstances: if there is a thicket below, it suddenly falls down; and i have distinctly seen the thread from the spinners lengthened by the animal while yet stationary, as preparatory to its fall. if the ground is clear beneath, the epeira seldom falls, but moves quickly through a central passage from one to the other side. when still further disturbed, it practises a most curious manoeuvre: standing in the middle, it violently jerks the web, which it attached to elastic twigs, till at last the whole acquires such a rapid vibratory movement, that even the outline of the spider's body becomes indistinct. it is well known that most of the british spiders, when a large insect is caught in their webs, endeavour to cut the lines and liberate their prey, to save their nets from being entirely spoiled. i once, however, saw in a hothouse in shropshire a large female wasp caught in the irregular web of a quite small spider; and this spider, instead of cutting the web, most perseveringly continued to entangle the body, and especially the wings, of its prey. the wasp at first aimed in vain repeated thrusts with its sting at its little antagonist. pitying the wasp, after allowing it to struggle for more than an hour, i killed it and put it back into the web. the spider soon returned; and an hour afterwards i was much surprised to find it with its jaws buried in the orifice, through which the sting is protruded by the living wasp. i drove the spider away two or three times, but for the next twenty-four hours i always found it again sucking at the same place. the spider became much distended by the juices of its prey, which was many times larger than itself. i may here just mention, that i found, near st. fe bajada, many large black spiders, with ruby-coloured marks on their backs, having gregarious habits. the webs were placed vertically, as is invariably the case with the genus epeira: they were separated from each other by a space of about two feet, but were all attached to certain common lines, which were of great length, and extended to all parts of the community. in this manner the tops of some large bushes were encompassed by the united nets. azara [10] has described a gregarious spider in paraguay, which walckanaer thinks must be a theridion, but probably it is an epeira, and perhaps even the same species with mine. i cannot, however, recollect seeing a central nest as large as a hat, in which, during autumn, when the spiders die, azara says the eggs are deposited. as all the spiders which i saw were of the same size, they must have been nearly of the same age. this gregarious habit, in so typical a genus as epeira, among insects, which are so bloodthirsty and solitary that even the two sexes attack each other, is a very singular fact. in a lofty valley of the cordillera, near mendoza, i found another spider with a singularly-formed web. strong lines radiated in a vertical plane from a common centre, where the insect had its station; but only two of the rays were connected by a symmetrical mesh-work; so that the net, instead of being, as is generally the case, circular, consisted of a wedge-shaped segment. all the webs were similarly constructed. [1] venda, the portuguese name for an inn. [2] annales des sciences naturelles for 1833. [3] i have described and named these species in the annals of nat. hist., vol. xiv. p. 241. [4] i am greatly indebted to mr. waterhouse for his kindness in naming for me this and many other insects, and giving me much valuable assistance. [5] kirby's entomology, vol. ii. p. 317. [6] mr. doubleday has lately described (before the entomological society, march 3rd, 1845) a peculiar structure in the wings of this butterfly, which seems to be the means of its making its noise. he says, "it is remarkable for having a sort of drum at the base of the fore wings, between the costal nervure and the subcostal. these two nervures, moreover, have a peculiar screw-like diaphragm or vessel in the interior." i find in langsdorff's travels (in the years 1803-7, p. 74) it is said, that in the island of st. catherine's on the coast of brazil, a butterfly called februa hoffmanseggi, makes a noise, when flying away, like a rattle. [7] i may mention, as a common instance of one day's (june 23rd) collecting, when i was not attending particularly to the coleoptera, that i caught sixty-eight species of that order. among these, there were only two of the carabidae, four brachelytra, fifteen rhyncophora, and fourteen of the chrysomelidae. thirty-seven species of arachnidae, which i brought home, will be sufficient to prove that i was not paying overmuch attention to the generally favoured order of coleoptera. [8] in a ms. in the british museum by mr. abbott, who made his observations in georgia; see mr. a. white's paper in the "annals of nat. hist.," vol. vii. p. 472. lieut. hutton has described a sphex with similar habits in india, in the "journal of the asiatic society," vol. i. p. 555. [9] don felix azara (vol. i. p. 175), mentioning a hymenopterous insect, probably of the same genus, says he saw it dragging a dead spider through tall grass, in a straight line to its nest, which was one hundred and sixty-three paces distant. he adds that the wasp, in order to find the road, every now and then made "demi-tours d'environ trois palmes." [10] azara's voyage, vol. i. p. 213 chapter iii maldonado monte video--excursion to r. polanco--lazo and bolas--partridges--absence of trees--deer--capybara, or river hog--tucutuco--molothrus, cuckoo-like habits--tyrant-flycatcher--mocking-bird--carrion hawks--tubes formed by lightning--house struck. july 5th, 1832--in the morning we got under way, and stood out of the splendid harbour of rio de janeiro. in our passage to the plata, we saw nothing particular, excepting on one day a great shoal of porpoises, many hundreds in number. the whole sea was in places furrowed by them; and a most extraordinary spectacle was presented, as hundreds, proceeding together by jumps, in which their whole bodies were exposed, thus cut the water. when the ship was running nine knots an hour, these animals could cross and recross the bows with the greatest of ease, and then dash away right ahead. as soon as we entered the estuary of the plata, the weather was very unsettled. one dark night we were surrounded by numerous seals and penguins, which made such strange noises, that the officer on watch reported he could hear the cattle bellowing on shore. on a second night we witnessed a splendid scene of natural fireworks; the mast-head and yard-arm-ends shone with st. elmo's light; and the form of the vane could almost be traced, as if it had been rubbed with phosphorus. the sea was so highly luminous, that the tracks of the penguins were marked by a fiery wake, and the darkness of the sky was momentarily illuminated by the most vivid lightning. when within the mouth of the river, i was interested by observing how slowly the waters of the sea and river mixed. the latter, muddy and discoloured, from its less specific gravity, floated on the surface of the salt water. this was curiously exhibited in the wake of the vessel, where a line of blue water was seen mingling in little eddies, with the adjoining fluid. july 26th.--we anchored at monte video. the beagle was employed in surveying the extreme southern and eastern coasts of america, south of the plata, during the two succeeding years. to prevent useless repetitions, i will extract those parts of my journal which refer to the same districts without always attending to the order in which we visited them. maldonado is situated on the northern bank of the plata, and not very far from the mouth of the estuary. it is a most quiet, forlorn, little town; built, as is universally the case in these countries, with the streets running at right angles to each other, and having in the middle a large plaza or square, which, from its size, renders the scantiness of the population more evident. it possesses scarcely any trade; the exports being confined to a few hides and living cattle. the inhabitants are chiefly landowners, together with a few shopkeepers and the necessary tradesmen, such as blacksmiths and carpenters, who do nearly all the business for a circuit of fifty miles round. the town is separated from the river by a band of sand-hillocks, about a mile broad: it is surrounded, on all other sides, by an open slightly-undulating country, covered by one uniform layer of fine green turf, on which countless herds of cattle, sheep, and horses graze. there is very little land cultivated even close to the town. a few hedges, made of cacti and agave, mark out where some wheat or indian corn has been planted. the features of the country are very similar along the whole northern bank of the plata. the only difference is, that here the granitic hills are a little bolder. the scenery is very uninteresting; there is scarcely a house, an enclosed piece of ground, or even a tree, to give it an air of cheerfulness yet, after being imprisoned for some time in a ship, there is a charm in the unconfined feeling of walking over boundless plains of turf. moreover, if your view is limited to a small space, many objects possess beauty. some of the smaller birds are brilliantly coloured; and the bright green sward, browsed short by the cattle, is ornamented by dwarf flowers, among which a plant, looking like the daisy, claimed the place of an old friend. what would a florist say to whole tracts, so thickly covered by the verbena melindres, as, even at a distance, to appear of the most gaudy scarlet? i stayed ten weeks at maldonado, in which time a nearly perfect collection of the animals, birds, and reptiles, was procured. before making any observations respecting them, i will give an account of a little excursion i made as far as the river polanco, which is about seventy miles distant, in a northerly direction. i may mention, as a proof how cheap everything is in this country, that i paid only two dollars a day, or eight shillings, for two men, together with a troop of about a dozen riding-horses. my companions were well armed with pistols and sabres; a precaution which i thought rather unnecessary but the first piece of news we heard was, that, the day before, a traveller from monte video had been found dead on the road, with his throat cut. this happened close to a cross, the record of a former murder. on the first night we slept at a retired little country-house; and there i soon found out that i possessed two or three articles, especially a pocket compass, which created unbounded astonishment. in every house i was asked to show the compass, and by its aid, together with a map, to point out the direction of various places. it excited the liveliest admiration that i, a perfect stranger, should know the road (for direction and road are synonymous in this open country) to places where i had never been. at one house a young woman, who was ill in bed, sent to entreat me to come and show her the compass. if their surprise was great, mine was greater, to find such ignorance among people who possessed their thousands of cattle, and "estancias" of great extent. it can only be accounted for by the circumstance that this retired part of the country is seldom visited by foreigners. i was asked whether the earth or sun moved; whether it was hotter or colder to the north; where spain was, and many other such questions. the greater number of the inhabitants had an indistinct idea that england, london, and north america, were different names for the same place; but the better informed well knew that london and north america were separate countries close together, and that england was a large town in london! i carried with me some promethean matches, which i ignited by biting; it was thought so wonderful that a man should strike fire with his teeth, that it was usual to collect the whole family to see it: i was once offered a dollar for a single one. washing my face in the morning caused much speculation at the village of las minas; a superior tradesman closely cross-questioned me about so singular a practice; and likewise why on board we wore our beards; for he had heard from my guide that we did so. he eyed me with much suspicion; perhaps he had heard of ablutions in the mahomedan religion, and knowing me to be a heretick, probably he came to the conclusion that all hereticks were turks. it is the general custom in this country to ask for a night's lodging at the first convenient house. the astonishment at the compass, and my other feats of jugglery, was to a certain degree advantageous, as with that, and the long stories my guides told of my breaking stones, knowing venomous from harmless snakes, collecting insects, etc., i repaid them for their hospitality. i am writing as if i had been among the inhabitants of central africa: banda oriental would not be flattered by the comparison; but such were my feelings at the time. the next day we rode to the village of las minas. the country was rather more hilly, but otherwise continued the same; an inhabitant of the pampas no doubt would have considered it as truly alpine. the country is so thinly inhabited, that during the whole day we scarcely met a single person. las minas is much smaller even than maldonado. it is seated on a little plain, and is surrounded by low rocky mountains. it is of the usual symmetrical form, and with its whitewashed church standing in the centre, had rather a pretty appearance. the outskirting houses rose out of the plain like isolated beings, without the accompaniment of gardens or courtyards. this is generally the case in the country, and all the houses have, in consequence an uncomfortable aspect. at night we stopped at a pulperia, or drinking-shop. during the evening a great number of gauchos came in to drink spirits and smoke cigars: their appearance is very striking; they are generally tall and handsome, but with a proud and dissolute expression of countenance. they frequently wear their moustaches and long black hair curling down their backs. with their brightly coloured garments, great spurs clanking about their heels, and knives stuck as daggers (and often so used) at their waists, they look a very different race of men from what might be expected from their name of gauchos, or simple countrymen. their politeness is excessive; they never drink their spirits without expecting you to taste it; but whilst making their exceedingly graceful bow, they seem quite as ready, if occasion offered, to cut your throat. on the third day we pursued rather an irregular course, as i was employed in examining some beds of marble. on the fine plains of turf we saw many ostriches (struthio rhea). some of the flocks contained as many as twenty or thirty birds. these, when standing on any little eminence, and seen against the clear sky, presented a very noble appearance. i never met with such tame ostriches in any other part of the country: it was easy to gallop up within a short distance of them; but then, expanding their wings, they made all sail right before the wind, and soon left the horse astern. at night we came to the house of don juan fuentes, a rich landed proprietor, but not personally known to either of my companions. on approaching the house of a stranger, it is usual to follow several little points of etiquette: riding up slowly to the door, the salutation of ave maria is given, and until somebody comes out and asks you to alight, it is not customary even to get off your horse: the formal answer of the owner is, "sin pecado concebida"--that is, conceived without sin. having entered the house, some general conversation is kept up for a few minutes, till permission is asked to pass the night there. this is granted as a matter of course. the stranger then takes his meals with the family, and a room is assigned him, where with the horsecloths belonging to his recado (or saddle of the pampas) he makes his bed. it is curious how similar circumstances produce such similar results in manners. at the cape of good hope the same hospitality, and very nearly the same points of etiquette, are universally observed. the difference, however, between the character of the spaniard and that of the dutch boer is shown, by the former never asking his guest a single question beyond the strictest rule of politeness, whilst the honest dutchman demands where he has been, where he is going, what is his business, and even how many brothers sisters, or children he may happen to have. shortly after our arrival at don juan's, one of the largest herds of cattle was driven in towards the house, and three beasts were picked out to be slaughtered for the supply of the establishment. these half-wild cattle are very active; and knowing full well the fatal lazo, they led the horses a long and laborious chase. after witnessing the rude wealth displayed in the number of cattle, men, and horses, don juan's miserable house was quite curious. the floor consisted of hardened mud, and the windows were without glass; the sitting-room boasted only of a few of the roughest chairs and stools, with a couple of tables. the supper, although several strangers were present, consisted of two huge piles, one of roast beef, the other of boiled, with some pieces of pumpkin: besides this latter there was no other vegetable, and not even a morsel of bread. for drinking, a large earthenware jug of water served the whole party. yet this man was the owner of several square miles of land, of which nearly every acre would produce corn, and, with a little trouble, all the common vegetables. the evening was spent in smoking, with a little impromptu singing, accompanied by the guitar. the signoritas all sat together in one corner of the room, and did not sup with the men. so many works have been written about these countries, that it is almost superfluous to describe either the lazo or the bolas. the lazo consists of a very strong, but thin, well-plaited rope, made of raw hide. one end is attached to the broad surcingle, which fastens together the complicated gear of the recado, or saddle used in the pampas; the other is terminated by a small ring of iron or brass, by which a noose can be formed. the gaucho, when he is going to use the lazo, keeps a small coil in his bridle-hand, and in the other holds the running noose which is made very large, generally having a diameter of about eight feet. this he whirls round his head, and by the dexterous movement of his wrist keeps the noose open; then, throwing it, he causes it to fall on any particular spot he chooses. the lazo, when not used, is tied up in a small coil to the after part of the recado. the bolas, or balls, are of two kinds: the simplest, which is chiefly used for catching ostriches, consists of two round stones, covered with leather, and united by a thin plaited thong, about eight feet long. the other kind differs only in having three balls united by the thongs to a common centre. the gaucho holds the smallest of the three in his hand, and whirls the other two round and round his head; then, taking aim, sends them like chain shot revolving through the air. the balls no sooner strike any object, than, winding round it, they cross each other, and become firmly hitched. the size and weight of the balls vary, according to the purpose for which they are made: when of stone, although not larger than an apple, they are sent with such force as sometimes to break the leg even of a horse. i have seen the balls made of wood, and as large as a turnip, for the sake of catching these animals without injuring them. the balls are sometimes made of iron, and these can be hurled to the greatest distance. the main difficulty in using either lazo or bolas is to ride so well as to be able at full speed, and while suddenly turning about, to whirl them so steadily round the head, as to take aim: on foot any person would soon learn the art. one day, as i was amusing myself by galloping and whirling the balls round my head, by accident the free one struck a bush, and its revolving motion being thus destroyed, it immediately fell to the ground, and, like magic, caught one hind leg of my horse; the other ball was then jerked out of my hand, and the horse fairly secured. luckily he was an old practised animal, and knew what it meant; otherwise he would probably have kicked till he had thrown himself down. the gauchos roared with laughter; they cried out that they had seen every sort of animal caught, but had never before seen a man caught by himself. during the two succeeding days, i reached the furthest point which i was anxious to examine. the country wore the same aspect, till at last the fine green turf became more wearisome than a dusty turnpike road. we everywhere saw great numbers of partridges (nothura major). these birds do not go in coveys, nor do they conceal themselves like the english kind. it appears a very silly bird. a man on horseback by riding round and round in a circle, or rather in a spire, so as to approach closer each time, may knock on the head as many as he pleases. the more common method is to catch them with a running noose, or little lazo, made of the stem of an ostrich's feather, fastened to the end of a long stick. a boy on a quiet old horse will frequently thus catch thirty or forty in a day. in arctic north america [1] the indians catch the varying hare by walking spirally round and round it, when on its form: the middle of the day is reckoned the best time, when the sun is high, and the shadow of the hunter not very long. on our return to maldonado, we followed rather a different line of road. near pan de azucar, a landmark well known to all those who have sailed up the plata, i stayed a day at the house of a most hospitable old spaniard. early in the morning we ascended the sierra de las animas. by the aid of the rising sun the scenery was almost picturesque. to the westward the view extended over an immense level plain as far as the mount, at monte video, and to the eastward, over the mammillated country of maldonado. on the summit of the mountain there were several small heaps of stones, which evidently had lain there for many years. my companion assured me that they were the work of the indians in the old time. the heaps were similar, but on a much smaller scale, to those so commonly found on the mountains of wales. the desire to signalize any event, on the highest point of the neighbouring land, seems an universal passion with mankind. at the present day, not a single indian, either civilized or wild, exists in this part of the province; nor am i aware that the former inhabitants have left behind them any more permanent records than these insignificant piles on the summit of the sierra de las animas. the general, and almost entire absence of trees in banda oriental is remarkable. some of the rocky hills are partly covered by thickets, and on the banks of the larger streams, especially to the north of las minas, willow-trees are not uncommon. near the arroyo tapes i heard of a wood of palms; and one of these trees, of considerable size, i saw near the pan de azucar, in lat. 35 degs. these, and the trees planted by the spaniards, offer the only exceptions to the general scarcity of wood. among the introduced kinds may be enumerated poplars, olives, peach, and other fruit trees: the peaches succeed so well, that they afford the main supply of firewood to the city of buenos ayres. extremely level countries, such as the pampas, seldom appear favourable to the growth of trees. this may possibly be attributed either to the force of the winds, or the kind of drainage. in the nature of the land, however, around maldonado, no such reason is apparent; the rocky mountains afford protected situations; enjoying various kinds of soil; streamlets of water are common at the bottoms of nearly every valley; and the clayey nature of the earth seems adapted to retain moisture. it has been inferred with much probability, that the presence of woodland is generally determined [2] by the annual amount of moisture; yet in this province abundant and heavy rain falls during the winter; and the summer, though dry, is not so in any excessive degree. [3] we see nearly the whole of australia covered by lofty trees, yet that country possesses a far more arid climate. hence we must look to some other and unknown cause. confining our view to south america, we should certainly be tempted to believe that trees flourished only under a very humid climate; for the limit of the forest-land follows, in a most remarkable manner, that of the damp winds. in the southern part of the continent, where the western gales, charged with moisture from the pacific, prevail, every island on the broken west coast, from lat. 38 degs. to the extreme point of tierra del fuego, is densely covered by impenetrable forests. on the eastern side of the cordillera, over the same extent of latitude, where a blue sky and a fine climate prove that the atmosphere has been deprived of its moisture by passing over the mountains, the arid plains of patagonia support a most scanty vegetation. in the more northern parts of the continent, within the limits of the constant south-eastern trade-wind, the eastern side is ornamented by magnificent forests; whilst the western coast, from lat. 4 degs. s. to lat. 32 degs. s., may be described as a desert; on this western coast, northward of lat. 4 degs. s., where the trade-wind loses its regularity, and heavy torrents of rain fall periodically, the shores of the pacific, so utterly desert in peru, assume near cape blanco the character of luxuriance so celebrated at guyaquil and panama. hence in the southern and northern parts of the continent, the forest and desert lands occupy reversed positions with respect to the cordillera, and these positions are apparently determined by the direction of the prevalent winds. in the middle of the continent there is a broad intermediate band, including central chile and the provinces of la plata, where the rain-bringing winds have not to pass over lofty mountains, and where the land is neither a desert nor covered by forests. but even the rule, if confined to south america, of trees flourishing only in a climate rendered humid by rain-bearing winds, has a strongly marked exception in the case of the falkland islands. these islands, situated in the same latitude with tierra del fuego and only between two and three hundred miles distant from it, having a nearly similar climate, with a geological formation almost identical, with favourable situations and the same kind of peaty soil, yet can boast of few plants deserving even the title of bushes; whilst in tierra del fuego it is impossible to find an acre of land not covered by the densest forest. in this case, both the direction of the heavy gales of wind and of the currents of the sea are favourable to the transport of seeds from tierra del fuego, as is shown by the canoes and trunks of trees drifted from that country, and frequently thrown on the shores of the western falkland. hence perhaps it is, that there are many plants in common to the two countries but with respect to the trees of tierra del fuego, even attempts made to transplant them have failed. during our stay at maldonado i collected several quadrupeds, eighty kinds of birds, and many reptiles, including nine species of snakes. of the indigenous mammalia, the only one now left of any size, which is common, is the cervus campestris. this deer is exceedingly abundant, often in small herds, throughout the countries bordering the plata and in northern patagonia. if a person crawling close along the ground, slowly advances towards a herd, the deer frequently, out of curiosity, approach to reconnoitre him. i have by this means, killed from one spot, three out of the same herd. although so tame and inquisitive, yet when approached on horseback, they are exceedingly wary. in this country nobody goes on foot, and the deer knows man as its enemy only when he is mounted and armed with the bolas. at bahia blanca, a recent establishment in northern patagonia, i was surprised to find how little the deer cared for the noise of a gun: one day i fired ten times from within eighty yards at one animal; and it was much more startled at the ball cutting up the ground than at the report of the rifle. my powder being exhausted, i was obliged to get up (to my shame as a sportsman be it spoken, though well able to kill birds on the wing) and halloo till the deer ran away. the most curious fact with respect to this animal, is the overpoweringly strong and offensive odour which proceeds from the buck. it is quite indescribable: several times whilst skinning the specimen which is now mounted at the zoological museum, i was almost overcome by nausea. i tied up the skin in a silk pocket-handkerchief, and so carried it home: this handkerchief, after being well washed, i continually used, and it was of course as repeatedly washed; yet every time, for a space of one year and seven months, when first unfolded, i distinctly perceived the odour. this appears an astonishing instance of the permanence of some matter, which nevertheless in its nature must be most subtile and volatile. frequently, when passing at the distance of half a mile to leeward of a herd, i have perceived the whole air tainted with the effluvium. i believe the smell from the buck is most powerful at the period when its horns are perfect, or free from the hairy skin. when in this state the meat is, of course, quite uneatable; but the gauchos assert, that if buried for some time in fresh earth, the taint is removed. i have somewhere read that the islanders in the north of scotland treat the rank carcasses of the fish-eating birds in the same manner. the order rodentia is here very numerous in species: of mice alone i obtained no less than eight kinds. [4] the largest gnawing animal in the world, the hydrochaerus capybara (the water-hog), is here also common. one which i shot at monte video weighed ninety-eight pounds: its length from the end of the snout to the stump-like tail, was three feet two inches; and its girth three feet eight. these great rodents occasionally frequent the islands in the mouth of the plata, where the water is quite salt, but are far more abundant on the borders of fresh-water lakes and rivers. near maldonado three or four generally live together. in the daytime they either lie among the aquatic plants, or openly feed on the turf plain. [5] when viewed at a distance, from their manner of walking and colour they resemble pigs: but when seated on their haunches, and attentively watching any object with one eye, they reassume the appearance of their congeners, cavies and rabbits. both the front and side view of their head has quite a ludicrous aspect, from the great depth of their jaw. these animals, at maldonado, were very tame; by cautiously walking, i approached within three yards of four old ones. this tameness may probably be accounted for, by the jaguar having been banished for some years, and by the gaucho not thinking it worth his while to hunt them. as i approached nearer and nearer they frequently made their peculiar noise, which is a low abrupt grunt, not having much actual sound, but rather arising from the sudden expulsion of air: the only noise i know at all like it, is the first hoarse bark of a large dog. having watched the four from almost within arm's length (and they me) for several minutes, they rushed into the water at full gallop with the greatest impetuosity, and emitted at the same time their bark. after diving a short distance they came again to the surface, but only just showed the upper part of their heads. when the female is swimming in the water, and has young ones, they are said to sit on her back. these animals are easily killed in numbers; but their skins are of trifling value, and the meat is very indifferent. on the islands in the rio parana they are exceedingly abundant, and afford the ordinary prey to the jaguar. the tucutuco (ctenomys brasiliensis) is a curious small animal, which may be briefly described as a gnawer, with the habits of a mole. it is extremely numerous in some parts of the country, but it is difficult to be procured, and never, i believe, comes out of the ground. it throws up at the mouth of its burrows hillocks of earth like those of the mole, but smaller. considerable tracts of country are so completely undermined by these animals, that horses in passing over, sink above their fetlocks. the tucutucos appear, to a certain degree, to be gregarious: the man who procured the specimens for me had caught six together, and he said this was a common occurrence. they are nocturnal in their habits; and their principal food is the roots of plants, which are the object of their extensive and superficial burrows. this animal is universally known by a very peculiar noise which it makes when beneath the ground. a person, the first time he hears it, is much surprised; for it is not easy to tell whence it comes, nor is it possible to guess what kind of creature utters it. the noise consists in a short, but not rough, nasal grunt, which is monotonously repeated about four times in quick succession: [6] the name tucutuco is given in imitation of the sound. where this animal is abundant, it may be heard at all times of the day, and sometimes directly beneath one's feet. when kept in a room, the tucutucos move both slowly and clumsily, which appears owing to the outward action of their hind legs; and they are quite incapable, from the socket of the thigh-bone not having a certain ligament, of jumping even the smallest vertical height. they are very stupid in making any attempt to escape; when angry or frightened they utter the tucutuco. of those i kept alive several, even the first day, became quite tame, not attempting to bite or to run away; others were a little wilder. the man who caught them asserted that very many are invariably found blind. a specimen which i preserved in spirits was in this state; mr. reid considers it to be the effect of inflammation in the nictitating membrane. when the animal was alive i placed my finger within half an inch of its head, and not the slightest notice was taken: it made its way, however, about the room nearly as well as the others. considering the strictly subterranean habits of the tucutuco, the blindness, though so common, cannot be a very serious evil; yet it appears strange that any animal should possess an organ frequently subject to be injured. lamarck would have been delighted with this fact, had he known it, when speculating [7] (probably with more truth than usual with him) on the gradually _acquired_ blindness of the asphalax, a gnawer living under ground, and of the proteus, a reptile living in dark caverns filled with water; in both of which animals the eye is in an almost rudimentary state, and is covered by a tendinous membrane and skin. in the common mole the eye is extraordinarily small but perfect, though many anatomists doubt whether it is connected with the true optic nerve; its vision must certainly be imperfect, though probably useful to the animal when it leaves its burrow. in the tucutuco, which i believe never comes to the surface of the ground, the eye is rather larger, but often rendered blind and useless, though without apparently causing any inconvenience to the animal; no doubt lamarck would have said that the tucutuco is now passing into the state of the asphalax and proteus. birds of many kinds are extremely abundant on the undulating, grassy plains around maldonado. there are several species of a family allied in structure and manners to our starling: one of these (molothrus niger) is remarkable from its habits. several may often be seen standing together on the back of a cow or horse; and while perched on a hedge, pluming themselves in the sun, they sometimes attempt to sing, or rather to hiss; the noise being very peculiar, resembling that of bubbles of air passing rapidly from a small orifice under water, so as to produce an acute sound. according to azara, this bird, like the cuckoo, deposits its eggs in other birds' nests. i was several times told by the country people that there certainly is some bird having this habit; and my assistant in collecting, who is a very accurate person, found a nest of the sparrow of this country (zonotrichia matutina), with one egg in it larger than the others, and of a different colour and shape. in north america there is another species of molothrus (m. pecoris), which has a similar cuckoo-like habit, and which is most closely allied in every respect to the species from the plata, even in such trifling peculiarities as standing on the backs of cattle; it differs only in being a little smaller, and in its plumage and eggs being of a slightly different shade of colour. this close agreement in structure and habits, in representative species coming from opposite quarters of a great continent, always strikes one as interesting, though of common occurrence. mr. swainson has well remarked, [8] that with the exception of the molothrus pecoris, to which must be added the m. niger, the cuckoos are the only birds which can be called truly parasitical; namely, such as "fasten themselves, as it were, on another living animal, whose animal heat brings their young into life, whose food they live upon, and whose death would cause theirs during the period of infancy." it is remarkable that some of the species, but not all, both of the cuckoo and molothrus, should agree in this one strange habit of their parasitical propagation, whilst opposed to each other in almost every other habit: the molothrus, like our starling, is eminently sociable, and lives on the open plains without art or disguise: the cuckoo, as every one knows, is a singularly shy bird; it frequents the most retired thickets, and feeds on fruit and caterpillars. in structure also these two genera are widely removed from each other. many theories, even phrenological theories, have been advanced to explain the origin of the cuckoo laying its eggs in other birds' nests. m. prevost alone, i think, has thrown light by his observations [9] on this puzzle: he finds that the female cuckoo, which, according to most observers, lays at least from four to six eggs, must pair with the male each time after laying only one or two eggs. now, if the cuckoo was obliged to sit on her own eggs, she would either have to sit on all together, and therefore leave those first laid so long, that they probably would become addled; or she would have to hatch separately each egg, or two eggs, as soon as laid: but as the cuckoo stays a shorter time in this country than any other migratory bird, she certainly would not have time enough for the successive hatchings. hence we can perceive in the fact of the cuckoo pairing several times, and laying her eggs at intervals, the cause of her depositing her eggs in other birds' nests, and leaving them to the care of foster-parents. i am strongly inclined to believe that this view is correct, from having been independently led (as we shall hereafter see) to an analogous conclusion with regard to the south american ostrich, the females of which are parasitical, if i may so express it, on each other; each female laying several eggs in the nests of several other females, and the male ostrich undertaking all the cares of incubation, like the strange foster-parents with the cuckoo. i will mention only two other birds, which are very common, and render themselves prominent from their habits. the saurophagus sulphuratus is typical of the great american tribe of tyrant-flycatchers. in its structure it closely approaches the true shrikes, but in its habits may be compared to many birds. i have frequently observed it, hunting a field, hovering over one spot like a hawk, and then proceeding on to another. when seen thus suspended in the air, it might very readily at a short distance be mistaken for one of the rapacious order; its stoop, however, is very inferior in force and rapidity to that of a hawk. at other times the saurophagus haunts the neighbourhood of water, and there, like a kingfisher, remaining stationary, it catches any small fish which may come near the margin. these birds are not unfrequently kept either in cages or in courtyards, with their wings cut. they soon become tame, and are very amusing from their cunning odd manners, which were described to me as being similar to those of the common magpie. their flight is undulatory, for the weight of the head and bill appears too great for the body. in the evening the saurophagus takes its stand on a bush, often by the roadside, and continually repeats without a change a shrill and rather agreeable cry, which somewhat resembles articulate words: the spaniards say it is like the words "bien te veo" (i see you well), and accordingly have given it this name. a mocking-bird (mimus orpheus), called by the inhabitants calandria, is remarkable, from possessing a song far superior to that of any other bird in the country: indeed, it is nearly the only bird in south america which i have observed to take its stand for the purpose of singing. the song may be compared to that of the sedge warbler, but is more powerful; some harsh notes and some very high ones, being mingled with a pleasant warbling. it is heard only during the spring. at other times its cry is harsh and far from harmonious. near maldonado these birds were tame and bold; they constantly attended the country houses in numbers, to pick the meat which was hung up on the posts or walls: if any other small bird joined the feast, the calandria soon chased it away. on the wide uninhabited plains of patagonia another closely allied species, o. patagonica of d'orbigny, which frequents the valleys clothed with spiny bushes, is a wilder bird, and has a slightly different tone of voice. it appears to me a curious circumstance, as showing the fine shades of difference in habits, that judging from this latter respect alone, when i first saw this second species, i thought it was different from the maldonado kind. having afterwards procured a specimen, and comparing the two without particular care, they appeared so very similar, that i changed my opinion; but now mr. gould says that they are certainly distinct; a conclusion in conformity with the trifling difference of habit, of which, of course, he was not aware. the number, tameness, and disgusting habits of the carrion-feeding hawks of south america make them pre-eminently striking to any one accustomed only to the birds of northern europe. in this list may be included four species of the caracara or polyborus, the turkey buzzard, the gallinazo, and the condor. the caracaras are, from their structure, placed among the eagles: we shall soon see how ill they become so high a rank. in their habits they well supply the place of our carrion-crows, magpies, and ravens; a tribe of birds widely distributed over the rest of the world, but entirely absent in south america. to begin with the polyborus brasiliensis: this is a common bird, and has a wide geographical range; it is most numerous on the grassy savannahs of la plata (where it goes by the name of carrancha), and is far from unfrequent throughout the sterile plains of patagonia. in the desert between the rivers negro and colorado, numbers constantly attend the line of road to devour the carcasses of the exhausted animals which chance to perish from fatigue and thirst. although thus common in these dry and open countries, and likewise on the arid shores of the pacific, it is nevertheless found inhabiting the damp impervious forests of west patagonia and tierra del fuego. the carranchas, together with the chimango, constantly attend in numbers the estancias and slaughtering-houses. if an animal dies on the plain the gallinazo commences the feast, and then the two species of polyborus pick the bones clean. these birds, although thus commonly feeding together, are far from being friends. when the carrancha is quietly seated on the branch of a tree or on the ground, the chimango often continues for a long time flying backwards and forwards, up and down, in a semicircle, trying each time at the bottom of the curve to strike its larger relative. the carrancha takes little notice, except by bobbing its head. although the carranchas frequently assemble in numbers, they are not gregarious; for in desert places they may be seen solitary, or more commonly by pairs. the carranchas are said to be very crafty, and to steal great numbers of eggs. they attempt, also, together with the chimango, to pick off the scabs from the sore backs of horses and mules. the poor animal, on the one hand, with its ears down and its back arched; and, on the other, the hovering bird, eyeing at the distance of a yard the disgusting morsel, form a picture, which has been described by captain head with his own peculiar spirit and accuracy. these false eagles most rarely kill any living bird or animal; and their vulture-like, necrophagous habits are very evident to any one who has fallen asleep on the desolate plains of patagonia, for when he wakes, he will see, on each surrounding hillock, one of these birds patiently watching him with an evil eye: it is a feature in the landscape of these countries, which will be recognised by every one who has wandered over them. if a party of men go out hunting with dogs and horses, they will be accompanied, during the day, by several of these attendants. after feeding, the uncovered craw protrudes; at such times, and indeed generally, the carrancha is an inactive, tame, and cowardly bird. its flight is heavy and slow, like that of an english rook. it seldom soars; but i have twice seen one at a great height gliding through the air with much ease. it runs (in contradistinction to hopping), but not quite so quickly as some of its congeners. at times the carrancha is noisy, but is not generally so: its cry is loud, very harsh and peculiar, and may be likened to the sound of the spanish guttural g, followed by a rough double r r; when uttering this cry it elevates its head higher and higher, till at last, with its beak wide open, the crown almost touches the lower part of the back. this fact, which has been doubted, is quite true; i have seen them several times with their heads backwards in a completely inverted position. to these observations i may add, on the high authority of azara, that the carrancha feeds on worms, shells, slugs, grasshoppers, and frogs; that it destroys young lambs by tearing the umbilical cord; and that it pursues the gallinazo, till that bird is compelled to vomit up the carrion it may have recently gorged. lastly, azara states that several carranchas, five or six together, will unite in chase of large birds, even such as herons. all these facts show that it is a bird of very versatile habits and considerable ingenuity. the polyborus chimango is considerably smaller than the last species. it is truly omnivorous, and will eat even bread; and i was assured that it materially injures the potato crops in chiloe, by stocking up the roots when first planted. of all the carrion-feeders it is generally the last which leaves the skeleton of a dead animal, and may often be seen within the ribs of a cow or horse, like a bird in a cage. another species is the polyborus novae zelandiae, which is exceedingly common in the falkland islands. these birds in many respects resemble in their habits the carranchas. they live on the flesh of dead animals and on marine productions; and on the ramirez rocks their whole sustenance must depend on the sea. they are extraordinarily tame and fearless, and haunt the neighborhood of houses for offal. if a hunting party kills an animal, a number soon collect and patiently await, standing on the ground on all sides. after eating, their uncovered craws are largely protruded, giving them a disgusting appearance. they readily attack wounded birds: a cormorant in this state having taken to the shore, was immediately seized on by several, and its death hastened by their blows. the beagle was at the falklands only during the summer, but the officers of the adventure, who were there in the winter, mention many extraordinary instances of the boldness and rapacity of these birds. they actually pounced on a dog that was lying fast asleep close by one of the party; and the sportsmen had difficulty in preventing the wounded geese from being seized before their eyes. it is said that several together (in this respect resembling the carranchas) wait at the mouth of a rabbit-hole, and together seize on the animal when it comes out. they were constantly flying on board the vessel when in the harbour; and it was necessary to keep a good look out to prevent the leather being torn from the rigging, and the meat or game from the stern. these birds are very mischievous and inquisitive; they will pick up almost anything from the ground; a large black glazed hat was carried nearly a mile, as was a pair of the heavy balls used in catching cattle. mr. usborne experienced during the survey a more severe loss, in their stealing a small kater's compass in a red morocco leather case, which was never recovered. these birds are, moreover, quarrelsome and very passionate; tearing up the grass with their bills from rage. they are not truly gregarious; they do not soar, and their flight is heavy and clumsy; on the ground they run extremely fast, very much like pheasants. they are noisy, uttering several harsh cries, one of which is like that of the english rook, hence the sealers always call them rooks. it is a curious circumstance that, when crying out, they throw their heads upwards and backwards, after the same manner as the carrancha. they build in the rocky cliffs of the sea-coast, but only on the small adjoining islets, and not on the two main islands: this is a singular precaution in so tame and fearless a bird. the sealers say that the flesh of these birds, when cooked, is quite white, and very good eating; but bold must the man be who attempts such a meal. we have now only to mention the turkey-buzzard (vultur aura), and the gallinazo. the former is found wherever the country is moderately damp, from cape horn to north america. differently from the polyborus brasiliensis and chimango, it has found its way to the falkland islands. the turkey-buzzard is a solitary bird, or at most goes in pairs. it may at once be recognised from a long distance, by its lofty, soaring, and most elegant flight. it is well known to be a true carrion-feeder. on the west coast of patagonia, among the thickly-wooded islets and broken land, it lives exclusively on what the sea throws up, and on the carcasses of dead seals. wherever these animals are congregated on the rocks, there the vultures may be seen. the gallinazo (cathartes atratus) has a different range from the last species, as it never occurs southward of lat. 41 degs. azara states that there exists a tradition that these birds, at the time of the conquest, were not found near monte video, but that they subsequently followed the inhabitants from more northern districts. at the present day they are numerous in the valley of the colorado, which is three hundred miles due south of monte video. it seems probable that this additional migration has happened since the time of azara. the gallinazo generally prefers a humid climate, or rather the neighbourhood of fresh water; hence it is extremely abundant in brazil and la plata, while it is never found on the desert and arid plains of northern patagonia, excepting near some stream. these birds frequent the whole pampas to the foot of the cordillera, but i never saw or heard of one in chile; in peru they are preserved as scavengers. these vultures certainly may be called gregarious, for they seem to have pleasure in society, and are not solely brought together by the attraction of a common prey. on a fine day a flock may often be observed at a great height, each bird wheeling round and round without closing its wings, in the most graceful evolutions. this is clearly performed for the mere pleasure of the exercise, or perhaps is connected with their matrimonial alliances. i have now mentioned all the carrion-feeders, excepting the condor, an account of which will be more appropriately introduced when we visit a country more congenial to its habits than the plains of la plata. in a broad band of sand-hillocks which separate the laguna del potrero from the shores of the plata, at the distance of a few miles from maldonado, i found a group of those vitrified, siliceous tubes, which are formed by lightning entering loose sand. these tubes resemble in every particular those from drigg in cumberland, described in the geological transactions. [10] the sand-hillocks of maldonado not being protected by vegetation, are constantly changing their position. from this cause the tubes projected above the surface, and numerous fragments lying near, showed that they had formerly been buried to a greater depth. four sets entered the sand perpendicularly: by working with my hands i traced one of them two feet deep; and some fragments which evidently had belonged to the same tube, when added to the other part, measured five feet three inches. the diameter of the whole tube was nearly equal, and therefore we must suppose that originally it extended to a much greater depth. these dimensions are however small, compared to those of the tubes from drigg, one of which was traced to a depth of not less than thirty feet. the internal surface is completely vitrified, glossy, and smooth. a small fragment examined under the microscope appeared, from the number of minute entangled air or perhaps steam bubbles, like an assay fused before the blowpipe. the sand is entirely, or in greater part, siliceous; but some points are of a black colour, and from their glossy surface possess a metallic lustre. the thickness of the wall of the tube varies from a thirtieth to a twentieth of an inch, and occasionally even equals a tenth. on the outside the grains of sand are rounded, and have a slightly glazed appearance: i could not distinguish any signs of crystallization. in a similar manner to that described in the geological transactions, the tubes are generally compressed, and have deep longitudinal furrows, so as closely to resemble a shrivelled vegetable stalk, or the bark of the elm or cork tree. their circumference is about two inches, but in some fragments, which are cylindrical and without any furrows, it is as much as four inches. the compression from the surrounding loose sand, acting while the tube was still softened from the effects of the intense heat, has evidently caused the creases or furrows. judging from the uncompressed fragments, the measure or bore of the lightning (if such a term may be used) must have been about one inch and a quarter. at paris, m. hachette and m. beudant [11] succeeded in making tubes, in most respects similar to these fulgurites, by passing very strong shocks of galvanism through finely-powdered glass: when salt was added, so as to increase its fusibility, the tubes were larger in every dimension. they failed both with powdered felspar and quartz. one tube, formed with pounded glass, was very nearly an inch long, namely .982, and had an internal diameter of .019 of an inch. when we hear that the strongest battery in paris was used, and that its power on a substance of such easy fusibility as glass was to form tubes so diminutive, we must feel greatly astonished at the force of a shock of lightning, which, striking the sand in several places, has formed cylinders, in one instance of at least thirty feet long, and having an internal bore, where not compressed, of full an inch and a half; and this in a material so extraordinarily refractory as quartz! the tubes, as i have already remarked, enter the sand nearly in a vertical direction. one, however, which was less regular than the others, deviated from a right line, at the most considerable bend, to the amount of thirty-three degrees. from this same tube, two small branches, about a foot apart, were sent off; one pointed downwards, and the other upwards. this latter case is remarkable, as the electric fluid must have turned back at the acute angle of 26 degs., to the line of its main course. besides the four tubes which i found vertical, and traced beneath the surface, there were several other groups of fragments, the original sites of which without doubt were near. all occurred in a level area of shifting sand, sixty yards by twenty, situated among some high sand-hillocks, and at the distance of about half a mile from a chain of hills four or five hundred feet in height. the most remarkable circumstance, as it appears to me, in this case as well as in that of drigg, and in one described by m. ribbentrop in germany, is the number of tubes found within such limited spaces. at drigg, within an area of fifteen yards, three were observed, and the same number occurred in germany. in the case which i have described, certainly more than four existed within the space of the sixty by twenty yards. as it does not appear probable that the tubes are produced by successive distinct shocks, we must believe that the lightning, shortly before entering the ground, divides itself into separate branches. the neighbourhood of the rio plata seems peculiarly subject to electric phenomena. in the year 1793, [12] one of the most destructive thunderstorms perhaps on record happened at buenos ayres: thirty-seven places within the city were struck by lightning, and nineteen people killed. from facts stated in several books of travels, i am inclined to suspect that thunderstorms are very common near the mouths of great rivers. is it not possible that the mixture of large bodies of fresh and salt water may disturb the electrical equilibrium? even during our occasional visits to this part of south america, we heard of a ship, two churches, and a house having been struck. both the church and the house i saw shortly afterwards: the house belonged to mr. hood, the consul-general at monte video. some of the effects were curious: the paper, for nearly a foot on each side of the line where the bell-wires had run, was blackened. the metal had been fused, and although the room was about fifteen feet high, the globules, dropping on the chairs and furniture, had drilled in them a chain of minute holes. a part of the wall was shattered, as if by gunpowder, and the fragments had been blown off with force sufficient to dent the wall on the opposite side of the room. the frame of a looking-glass was blackened, and the gilding must have been volatilized, for a smelling-bottle, which stood on the chimney-piece, was coated with bright metallic particles, which adhered as firmly as if they had been enamelled. [1] hearne's journey, p. 383. [2] maclaren, art. "america," encyclop. brittann. [3] azara says, "je crois que la quantite annuelle des pluies est, dans toutes ces contrees, plus considerable qu'en espagne."--vol. i. p. 36. [4] in south america i collected altogether twenty-seven species of mice, and thirteen more are known from the works of azara and other authors. those collected by myself have been named and described by mr. waterhouse at the meetings of the zoological society. i must be allowed to take this opportunity of returning my cordial thanks to mr. waterhouse, and to the other gentleman attached to that society, for their kind and most liberal assistance on all occasions. [5] in the stomach and duodenum of a capybara which i opened i found a very large quantity of a thin yellowish fluid, in which scarcely a fibre could be distinguished. mr. owen informs me that a part of the oesophagus is so constructed that nothing much larger than a crowquill can be passed down. certainly the broad teeth and strong jaws of this animal are well fitted to grind into pulp the aquatic plants on which it feeds. [6] at the r. negro, in northern patagonia, there is an animal of the same habits, and probably a closely allied species, but which i never saw. its noise is different from that of the maldonado kind; it is repeated only twice instead of three or four times, and is more distinct and sonorous; when heard from a distance it so closely resembles the sound made in cutting down a small tree with an axe, that i have sometimes remained in doubt concerning it. [7] philosoph. zoolog., tom. i. p. 242. [8] magazine of zoology and botany, vol. i. p. 217. [9] read before the academy of sciences in paris. l'institut, 1834, p. 418. [10] geolog. transact. vol. ii. p. 528. in the philosoph. transact. (1790, p. 294) dr. priestly has described some imperfect siliceous tubes and a melted pebble of quartz, found in digging into the ground, under a tree, where a man had been killed by lightning. [11] annals de chimie et de physique, tom. xxxvii. p. 319. [12] azara's voyage, vol. i. p. 36. chapter iv rio negro to bahia blanca rio negro--estancias attacked by the indians--salt-lakes--flamingoes--r. negro to r. colorado--sacred tree--patagonian hare--indian families--general rosas--proceed to bahia blanca--sand dunes--negro lieutenant--bahia blanca--saline incrustations--punta alta--zorillo. july 24th, 1833.--the beagle sailed from maldonado, and on august the 3rd she arrived off the mouth of the rio negro. this is the principal river on the whole line of coast between the strait of magellan and the plata. it enters the sea about three hundred miles south of the estuary of the plata. about fifty years ago, under the old spanish government, a small colony was established here; and it is still the most southern position (lat. 41 degs.) on this eastern coast of america inhabited by civilized man. the country near the mouth of the river is wretched in the extreme: on the south side a long line of perpendicular cliffs commences, which exposes a section of the geological nature of the country. the strata are of sandstone, and one layer was remarkable from being composed of a firmly-cemented conglomerate of pumice pebbles, which must have travelled more than four hundred miles, from the andes. the surface is everywhere covered up by a thick bed of gravel, which extends far and wide over the open plain. water is extremely scarce, and, where found, is almost invariably brackish. the vegetation is scanty; and although there are bushes of many kinds, all are armed with formidable thorns, which seem to warn the stranger not to enter on these inhospitable regions. the settlement is situated eighteen miles up the river. the road follows the foot of the sloping cliff, which forms the northern boundary of the great valley, in which the rio negro flows. on the way we passed the ruins of some fine "estancias," which a few years since had been destroyed by the indians. they withstood several attacks. a man present at one gave me a very lively description of what took place. the inhabitants had sufficient notice to drive all the cattle and horses into the "corral" [1] which surrounded the house, and likewise to mount some small cannon. the indians were araucanians from the south of chile; several hundreds in number, and highly disciplined. they first appeared in two bodies on a neighbouring hill; having there dismounted, and taken off their fur mantles, they advanced naked to the charge. the only weapon of an indian is a very long bamboo or chuzo, ornamented with ostrich feathers, and pointed by a sharp spearhead. my informer seemed to remember with the greatest horror the quivering of these chuzos as they approached near. when close, the cacique pincheira hailed the besieged to give up their arms, or he would cut all their throats. as this would probably have been the result of their entrance under any circumstances, the answer was given by a volley of musketry. the indians, with great steadiness, came to the very fence of the corral: but to their surprise they found the posts fastened together by iron nails instead of leather thongs, and, of course, in vain attempted to cut them with their knives. this saved the lives of the christians: many of the wounded indians were carried away by their companions, and at last, one of the under caciques being wounded, the bugle sounded a retreat. they retired to their horses, and seemed to hold a council of war. this was an awful pause for the spaniards, as all their ammunition, with the exception of a few cartridges, was expended. in an instant the indians mounted their horses, and galloped out of sight. another attack was still more quickly repulsed. a cool frenchman managed the gun; he stopped till the indians approached close, and then raked their line with grape-shot: he thus laid thirty-nine of them on the ground; and, of course, such a blow immediately routed the whole party. the town is indifferently called el carmen or patagones. it is built on the face of a cliff which fronts the river, and many of the houses are excavated even in the sandstone. the river is about two or three hundred yards wide, and is deep and rapid. the many islands, with their willow-trees, and the flat headlands, seen one behind the other on the northern boundary of the broad green valley, form, by the aid of a bright sun, a view almost picturesque. the number of inhabitants does not exceed a few hundreds. these spanish colonies do not, like our british ones, carry within themselves the elements of growth. many indians of pure blood reside here: the tribe of the cacique lucanee constantly have their toldos [2] on the outskirts of the town. the local government partly supplies them with provisions, by giving them all the old worn-out horses, and they earn a little by making horse-rugs and other articles of riding-gear. these indians are considered civilized; but what their character may have gained by a lesser degree of ferocity, is almost counterbalanced by their entire immorality. some of the younger men are, however, improving; they are willing to labour, and a short time since a party went on a sealing-voyage, and behaved very well. they were now enjoying the fruits of their labour, by being dressed in very gay, clean clothes, and by being very idle. the taste they showed in their dress was admirable; if you could have turned one of these young indians into a statue of bronze, his drapery would have been perfectly graceful. one day i rode to a large salt-lake, or salina, which is distant fifteen miles from the town. during the winter it consists of a shallow lake of brine, which in summer is converted into a field of snow-white salt. the layer near the margin is from four to five inches thick, but towards the centre its thickness increases. this lake was two and a half miles long, and one broad. others occur in the neighbourhood many times larger, and with a floor of salt, two and three feet in thickness, even when under water during the winter. one of these brilliantly white and level expanses in the midst of the brown and desolate plain, offers an extraordinary spectacle. a large quantity of salt is annually drawn from the salina: and great piles, some hundred tons in weight, were lying ready for exportation. the season for working the salinas forms the harvest of patagones; for on it the prosperity of the place depends. nearly the whole population encamps on the bank of the river, and the people are employed in drawing out the salt in bullock-waggons, this salt is crystallized in great cubes, and is remarkably pure: mr. trenham reeks has kindly analyzed some for me, and he finds in it only 0.26 of gypsum and 0.22 of earthy matter. it is a singular fact, that it does not serve so well for preserving meat as sea-salt from the cape de verd islands; and a merchant at buenos ayres told me that he considered it as fifty per cent. less valuable. hence the cape de verd salt is constantly imported, and is mixed with that from these salinas. the purity of the patagonian salt, or absence from it of those other saline bodies found in all sea-water, is the only assignable cause for this inferiority: a conclusion which no one, i think, would have suspected, but which is supported by the fact lately ascertained, [3] that those salts answer best for preserving cheese which contain most of the deliquescent chlorides. the border of this lake is formed of mud: and in this numerous large crystals of gypsum, some of which are three inches long, lie embedded; whilst on the surface others of sulphate of soda lie scattered about. the gauchos call the former the "padre del sal," and the latter the "madre;" they state that these progenitive salts always occur on the borders of the salinas, when the water begins to evaporate. the mud is black, and has a fetid odour. i could not at first imagine the cause of this, but i afterwards perceived that the froth which the wind drifted on shore was coloured green, as if by confervae; i attempted to carry home some of this green matter, but from an accident failed. parts of the lake seen from a short distance appeared of a reddish colour, and this perhaps was owing to some infusorial animalcula. the mud in many places was thrown up by numbers of some kind of worm, or annelidous animal. how surprising it is that any creatures should be able to exist in brine, and that they should be crawling among crystals of sulphate of soda and lime! and what becomes of these worms when, during the long summer, the surface is hardened into a solid layer of salt? flamingoes in considerable numbers inhabit this lake, and breed here, throughout patagonia, in northern chile, and at the galapagos islands, i met with these birds wherever there were lakes of brine. i saw them here wading about in search of food--probably for the worms which burrow in the mud; and these latter probably feed on infusoria or confervae. thus we have a little living world within itself adapted to these inland lakes of brine. a minute crustaceous animal (cancer salinus) is said [4] to live in countless numbers in the brine-pans at lymington: but only in those in which the fluid has attained, from evaporation, considerable strength--namely, about a quarter of a pound of salt to a pint of water. well may we affirm that every part of the world is habitable! whether lakes of brine, or those subterranean ones hidden beneath volcanic mountains--warm mineral springs--the wide expanse and depths of the ocean--the upper regions of the atmosphere, and even the surface of perpetual snow--all support organic beings. to the northward of the rio negro, between it and the inhabited country near buenos ayres, the spaniards have only one small settlement, recently established at bahia blanca. the distance in a straight line to buenos ayres is very nearly five hundred british miles. the wandering tribes of horse indians, which have always occupied the greater part of this country, having of late much harassed the outlying estancias, the government at buenos ayres equipped some time since an army under the command of general rosas for the purpose of exterminating them. the troops were now encamped on the banks of the colorado; a river lying about eighty miles northward of the rio negro. when general rosas left buenos ayres he struck in a direct line across the unexplored plains: and as the country was thus pretty well cleared of indians, he left behind him, at wide intervals, a small party of soldiers with a troop of horses (a posta), so as to be enabled to keep up a communication with the capital. as the beagle intended to call at bahia blanca, i determined to proceed there by land; and ultimately i extended my plan to travel the whole way by the postas to buenos ayres. august 11th.--mr. harris, an englishman residing at patagones, a guide, and five gauchos who were proceeding to the army on business, were my companions on the journey. the colorado, as i have already said, is nearly eighty miles distant: and as we travelled slowly, we were two days and a half on the road. the whole line of country deserves scarcely a better name than that of a desert. water is found only in two small wells; it is called fresh; but even at this time of the year, during the rainy season, it was quite brackish. in the summer this must be a distressing passage; for now it was sufficiently desolate. the valley of the rio negro, broad as it is, has merely been excavated out of the sandstone plain; for immediately above the bank on which the town stands, a level country commences, which is interrupted only by a few trifling valleys and depressions. everywhere the landscape wears the same sterile aspect; a dry gravelly soil supports tufts of brown withered grass, and low scattered bushes, armed with thorns. shortly after passing the first spring we came in sight of a famous tree, which the indians reverence as the altar of walleechu. it is situated on a high part of the plain; and hence is a landmark visible at a great distance. as soon as a tribe of indians come in sight of it, they offer their adorations by loud shouts. the tree itself is low, much branched, and thorny: just above the root it has a diameter of about three feet. it stands by itself without any neighbour, and was indeed the first tree we saw; afterwards we met with a few others of the same kind, but they were far from common. being winter the tree had no leaves, but in their place numberless threads, by which the various offerings, such as cigars, bread, meat, pieces of cloth, etc., had been suspended. poor indians, not having anything better, only pull a thread out of their ponchos, and fasten it to the tree. richer indians are accustomed to pour spirits and mate into a certain hole, and likewise to smoke upwards, thinking thus to afford all possible gratification to walleechu. to complete the scene, the tree was surrounded by the bleached bones of horses which had been slaughtered as sacrifices. all indians of every age and sex make their offerings; they then think that their horses will not tire, and that they themselves shall be prosperous. the gaucho who told me this, said that in the time of peace he had witnessed this scene, and that he and others used to wait till the indians had passed by, for the sake of stealing from walleechu the offerings. the gauchos think that the indians consider the tree as the god itself, but it seems far more probable that they regard it as the altar. the only cause which i can imagine for this choice, is its being a landmark in a dangerous passage. the sierra de la ventana is visible at an immense distance; and a gaucho told me that he was once riding with an indian a few miles to the north of the rio colorado when the indian commenced making the same loud noise which is usual at the first sight of the distant tree, putting his hand to his head, and then pointing in the direction of the sierra. upon being asked the reason of this, the indian said in broken spanish, "first see the sierra." about two leagues beyond this curious tree we halted for the night: at this instant an unfortunate cow was spied by the lynx-eyed gauchos, who set off in full chase, and in a few minutes dragged her in with their lazos, and slaughtered her. we here had the four necessaries of life "en el campo,"--pasture for the horses, water (only a muddy puddle), meat and firewood. the gauchos were in high spirits at finding all these luxuries; and we soon set to work at the poor cow. this was the first night which i passed under the open sky, with the gear of the recado for my bed. there is high enjoyment in the independence of the gaucho life--to be able at any moment to pull up your horse, and say, "here we will pass the night." the death-like stillness of the plain, the dogs keeping watch, the gipsy-group of gauchos making their beds round the fire, have left in my mind a strongly-marked picture of this first night, which will never be forgotten. the next day the country continued similar to that above described. it is inhabited by few birds or animals of any kind. occasionally a deer, or a guanaco (wild llama) may be seen; but the agouti (cavia patagonica) is the commonest quadruped. this animal here represents our hares. it differs, however, from that genus in many essential respects; for instance, it has only three toes behind. it is also nearly twice the size, weighing from twenty to twenty-five pounds. the agouti is a true friend of the desert; it is a common feature of the landscape to see two or three hopping quickly one after the other in a straight line across these wild plains. they are found as far north as the sierra tapalguen (lat. 37 degs. 30'), where the plain rather suddenly becomes greener and more humid; and their southern limit is between port desire and st. julian, where there is no change in the nature of the country. it is a singular fact, that although the agouti is not now found as far south as port st. julian, yet that captain wood, in his voyage in 1670, talks of them as being numerous there. what cause can have altered, in a wide, uninhabited, and rarely-visited country, the range of an animal like this? it appears also, from the number shot by captain wood in one day at port desire, that they must have been considerably more abundant there formerly than at present. where the bizcacha lives and makes its burrows, the agouti uses them; but where, as at bahia blanca, the bizcacha is not found, the agouti burrows for itself. the same thing occurs with the little owl of the pampas (athene cunicularia), which has so often been described as standing like a sentinel at the mouth of the burrows; for in banda oriental, owing to the absence of the bizcacha, it is obliged to hollow out its own habitation. the next morning, as we approached the rio colorado, the appearance of the country changed; we soon came on a plain covered with turf, which, from its flowers, tall clover, and little owls, resembled the pampas. we passed also a muddy swamp of considerable extent, which in summer dries, and becomes incrusted with various salts; and hence is called a salitral. it was covered by low succulent plants, of the same kind with those growing on the sea-shore. the colorado, at the pass where we crossed it, is only about sixty yards wide; generally it must be nearly double that width. its course is very tortuous, being marked by willow-trees and beds of reeds: in a direct line the distance to the mouth of the river is said to be nine leagues, but by water twenty-five. we were delayed crossing in the canoe by some immense troops of mares, which were swimming the river in order to follow a division of troops into the interior. a more ludicrous spectacle i never beheld than the hundreds and hundreds of heads, all directed one way, with pointed ears and distended snorting nostrils, appearing just above the water like a great shoal of some amphibious animal. mare's flesh is the only food which the soldiers have when on an expedition. this gives them a great facility of movement; for the distance to which horses can be driven over these plains is quite surprising: i have been assured that an unloaded horse can travel a hundred miles a day for many days successively. the encampment of general rosas was close to the river. it consisted of a square formed by waggons, artillery, straw huts, etc. the soldiers were nearly all cavalry; and i should think such a villainous, banditti-like army was never before collected together. the greater number of men were of a mixed breed, between negro, indian, and spaniard. i know not the reason, but men of such origin seldom have a good expression of countenance. i called on the secretary to show my passport. he began to cross-question me in the most dignified and mysterious manner. by good luck i had a letter of recommendation from the government of buenos ayres [5] to the commandant of patagones. this was taken to general rosas, who sent me a very obliging message; and the secretary returned all smiles and graciousness. we took up our residence in the _rancho_, or hovel, of a curious old spaniard, who had served with napoleon in the expedition against russia. we stayed two days at the colorado; i had little to do, for the surrounding country was a swamp, which in summer (december), when the snow melts on the cordillera, is over-flowed by the river. my chief amusement was watching the indian families as they came to buy little articles at the rancho where we stayed. it was supposed that general rosas had about six hundred indian allies. the men were a tall, fine race, yet it was afterwards easy to see in the fuegian savage the same countenance rendered hideous by cold, want of food, and less civilization. some authors, in defining the primary races of mankind, have separated these indians into two classes; but this is certainly incorrect. among the young women or chinas, some deserve to be called even beautiful. their hair was coarse, but bright and black; and they wore it in two plaits hanging down to the waist. they had a high colour, and eyes that glistened with brilliancy; their legs, feet, and arms were small and elegantly formed; their ankles, and sometimes their wrists, were ornamented by broad bracelets of blue beads. nothing could be more interesting than some of the family groups. a mother with one or two daughters would often come to our rancho, mounted on the same horse. they ride like men, but with their knees tucked up much higher. this habit, perhaps, arises from their being accustomed, when travelling, to ride the loaded horses. the duty of the women is to load and unload the horses; to make the tents for the night; in short to be, like the wives of all savages, useful slaves. the men fight, hunt, take care of the horses, and make the riding gear. one of their chief indoor occupations is to knock two stones together till they become round, in order to make the bolas. with this important weapon the indian catches his game, and also his horse, which roams free over the plain. in fighting, his first attempt is to throw down the horse of his adversary with the bolas, and when entangled by the fall to kill him with the chuzo. if the balls only catch the neck or body of an animal, they are often carried away and lost. as the making the stones round is the labour of two days, the manufacture of the balls is a very common employment. several of the men and women had their faces painted red, but i never saw the horizontal bands which are so common among the fuegians. their chief pride consists in having everything made of silver; i have seen a cacique with his spurs, stirrups, handle of his knife, and bridle made of this metal: the head-stall and reins being of wire, were not thicker than whipcord; and to see a fiery steed wheeling about under the command of so light a chain, gave to the horsemanship a remarkable character of elegance. general rosas intimated a wish to see me; a circumstance which i was afterwards very glad of. he is a man of an extraordinary character, and has a most predominant influence in the country, which it seems he will use to its prosperity and advancement. [6] he is said to be the owner of seventy-four square leagues of land, and to have about three hundred thousand head of cattle. his estates are admirably managed, and are far more productive of corn than those of others. he first gained his celebrity by his laws for his own estancias, and by disciplining several hundred men, so as to resist with success the attacks of the indians. there are many stories current about the rigid manner in which his laws were enforced. one of these was, that no man, on penalty of being put into the stocks, should carry his knife on a sunday: this being the principal day for gambling and drinking, many quarrels arose, which from the general manner of fighting with the knife often proved fatal. one sunday the governor came in great form to pay the estancia a visit, and general rosas, in his hurry, walked out to receive him with his knife, as usual, stuck in his belt. the steward touched his arm, and reminded him of the law; upon which turning to the governor, he said he was extremely sorry, but that he must go into the stocks, and that till let out, he possessed no power even in his own house. after a little time the steward was persuaded to open the stocks, and to let him out, but no sooner was this done, than he turned to the steward and said, "you now have broken the laws, so you must take my place in the stocks." such actions as these delighted the gauchos, who all possess high notions of their own equality and dignity. general rosas is also a perfect horseman--an accomplishment of no small consequence in a country where an assembled army elected its general by the following trial: a troop of unbroken horses being driven into a corral, were let out through a gateway, above which was a cross-bar: it was agreed whoever should drop from the bar on one of these wild animals, as it rushed out, and should be able, without saddle or bridle, not only to ride it, but also to bring it back to the door of the corral, should be their general. the person who succeeded was accordingly elected; and doubtless made a fit general for such an army. this extraordinary feat has also been performed by rosas. by these means, and by conforming to the dress and habits of the gauchos, he has obtained an unbounded popularity in the country, and in consequence a despotic power. i was assured by an english merchant, that a man who had murdered another, when arrested and questioned concerning his motive, answered, "he spoke disrespectfully of general rosas, so i killed him." at the end of a week the murderer was at liberty. this doubtless was the act of the general's party, and not of the general himself. in conversation he is enthusiastic, sensible, and very grave. his gravity is carried to a high pitch: i heard one of his mad buffoons (for he keeps two, like the barons of old) relate the following anecdote. "i wanted very much to hear a certain piece of music, so i went to the general two or three times to ask him; he said to me, 'go about your business, for i am engaged.' i went a second time; he said, 'if you come again i will punish you.' a third time i asked, and he laughed. i rushed out of the tent, but it was too late--he ordered two soldiers to catch and stake me. i begged by all the saints in heaven he would let me off; but it would not do,--when the general laughs he spares neither mad man nor sound." the poor flighty gentleman looked quite dolorous, at the very recollection of the staking. this is a very severe punishment; four posts are driven into the ground, and the man is extended by his arms and legs horizontally, and there left to stretch for several hours. the idea is evidently taken from the usual method of drying hides. my interview passed away, without a smile, and i obtained a passport and order for the government post-horses, and this he gave me in the most obliging and ready manner. in the morning we started for bahia blanca, which we reached in two days. leaving the regular encampment, we passed by the toldos of the indians. these are round like ovens, and covered with hides; by the mouth of each, a tapering chuzo was stuck in the ground. the toldos were divided into separate groups, which belong to the different caciques' tribes, and the groups were again divided into smaller ones, according to the relationship of the owners. for several miles we travelled along the valley of the colorado. the alluvial plains on the side appeared fertile, and it is supposed that they are well adapted to the growth of corn. turning northward from the river, we soon entered on a country, differing from the plains south of the river. the land still continued dry and sterile: but it supported many different kinds of plants, and the grass, though brown and withered, was more abundant, as the thorny bushes were less so. these latter in a short space entirely disappeared, and the plains were left without a thicket to cover their nakedness. this change in the vegetation marks the commencement of the grand calcareo argillaceous deposit, which forms the wide extent of the pampas, and covers the granitic rocks of banda oriental. from the strait of magellan to the colorado, a distance of about eight hundred miles, the face of the country is everywhere composed of shingle: the pebbles are chiefly of porphyry, and probably owe their origin to the rocks of the cordillera. north of the colorado this bed thins out, and the pebbles become exceedingly small, and here the characteristic vegetation of patagonia ceases. having ridden about twenty-five miles, we came to a broad belt of sand-dunes, which stretches, as far as the eye can reach, to the east and west. the sand-hillocks resting on the clay, allow small pools of water to collect, and thus afford in this dry country an invaluable supply of fresh water. the great advantage arising from depressions and elevations of the soil, is not often brought home to the mind. the two miserable springs in the long passage between the rio negro and colorado were caused by trifling inequalities in the plain, without them not a drop of water would have been found. the belt of sand-dunes is about eight miles wide; at some former period, it probably formed the margin of a grand estuary, where the colorado now flows. in this district, where absolute proofs of the recent elevation of the land occur, such speculations can hardly be neglected by any one, although merely considering the physical geography of the country. having crossed the sandy tract, we arrived in the evening at one of the post-houses; and, as the fresh horses were grazing at a distance we determined to pass the night there. the house was situated at the base of a ridge between one and two hundred feet high--a most remarkable feature in this country. this posta was commanded by a negro lieutenant, born in africa: to his credit be it said, there was not a ranche between the colorado and buenos ayres in nearly such neat order as his. he had a little room for strangers, and a small corral for the horses, all made of sticks and reeds; he had also dug a ditch round his house as a defence in case of being attacked. this would, however, have been of little avail, if the indians had come; but his chief comfort seemed to rest in the thought of selling his life dearly. a short time before, a body of indians had travelled past in the night; if they had been aware of the posta, our black friend and his four soldiers would assuredly have been slaughtered. i did not anywhere meet a more civil and obliging man than this negro; it was therefore the more painful to see that he would not sit down and eat with us. in the morning we sent for the horses very early, and started for another exhilarating gallop. we passed the cabeza del buey, an old name given to the head of a large marsh, which extends from bahia blanca. here we changed horses, and passed through some leagues of swamps and saline marshes. changing horses for the last time, we again began wading through the mud. my animal fell and i was well soused in black mire--a very disagreeable accident when one does not possess a change of clothes. some miles from the fort we met a man, who told us that a great gun had been fired, which is a signal that indians are near. we immediately left the road, and followed the edge of a marsh, which when chased offers the best mode of escape. we were glad to arrive within the walls, when we found all the alarm was about nothing, for the indians turned out to be friendly ones, who wished to join general rosas. bahia blanca scarcely deserves the name of a village. a few houses and the barracks for the troops are enclosed by a deep ditch and fortified wall. the settlement is only of recent standing (since 1828); and its growth has been one of trouble. the government of buenos ayres unjustly occupied it by force, instead of following the wise example of the spanish viceroys, who purchased the land near the older settlement of the rio negro, from the indians. hence the need of the fortifications; hence the few houses and little cultivated land without the limits of the walls; even the cattle are not safe from the attacks of the indians beyond the boundaries of the plain, on which the fortress stands. the part of the harbour where the beagle intended to anchor being distant twenty-five miles, i obtained from the commandant a guide and horses, to take me to see whether she had arrived. leaving the plain of green turf, which extended along the course of a little brook, we soon entered on a wide level waste consisting either of sand, saline marshes, or bare mud. some parts were clothed by low thickets, and others with those succulent plants, which luxuriate only where salt abounds. bad as the country was, ostriches, deer, agoutis, and armadilloes, were abundant. my guide told me, that two months before he had a most narrow escape of his life: he was out hunting with two other men, at no great distance from this part of the country, when they were suddenly met by a party of indians, who giving chase, soon overtook and killed his two friends. his own horse's legs were also caught by the bolas, but he jumped off, and with his knife cut them free: while doing this he was obliged to dodge round his horse, and received two severe wounds from their chuzos. springing on the saddle, he managed, by a most wonderful exertion, just to keep ahead of the long spears of his pursuers, who followed him to within sight of the fort. from that time there was an order that no one should stray far from the settlement. i did not know of this when i started, and was surprised to observe how earnestly my guide watched a deer, which appeared to have been frightened from a distant quarter. we found the beagle had not arrived, and consequently set out on our return, but the horses soon tiring, we were obliged to bivouac on the plain. in the morning we had caught an armadillo, which although a most excellent dish when roasted in its shell, did not make a very substantial breakfast and dinner for two hungry men. the ground at the place where we stopped for the night, was incrusted with a layer of sulphate of soda, and hence, of course, was without water. yet many of the smaller rodents managed to exist even here, and the tucutuco was making its odd little grunt beneath my head, during half the night. our horses were very poor ones, and in the morning they were soon exhausted from not having had anything to drink, so that we were obliged to walk. about noon the dogs killed a kid, which we roasted. i ate some of it, but it made me intolerably thirsty. this was the more distressing as the road, from some recent rain, was full of little puddles of clear water, yet not a drop was drinkable. i had scarcely been twenty hours without water, and only part of the time under a hot sun, yet the thirst rendered me very weak. how people survive two or three days under such circumstances, i cannot imagine: at the same time, i must confess that my guide did not suffer at all, and was astonished that one day's deprivation should be so troublesome to me. i have several times alluded to the surface of the ground being incrusted with salt. this phenomenon is quite different from that of the salinas, and more extraordinary. in many parts of south america, wherever the climate is moderately dry, these incrustations occur; but i have nowhere seen them so abundant as near bahia blanca. the salt here, and in other parts of patagonia, consists chiefly of sulphate of soda with some common salt. as long as the ground remains moist in the salitrales (as the spaniards improperly call them, mistaking this substance for saltpeter), nothing is to be seen but an extensive plain composed of a black, muddy soil, supporting scattered tufts of succulent plants. on returning through one of these tracts, after a week's hot weather, one is surprised to see square miles of the plain white, as if from a slight fall of snow, here and there heaped up by the wind into little drifts. this latter appearance is chiefly caused by the salts being drawn up, during the slow evaporation of the moisture, round blades of dead grass, stumps of wood, and pieces of broken earth, instead of being crystallized at the bottoms of the puddles of water. the salitrales occur either on level tracts elevated only a few feet above the level of the sea, or on alluvial land bordering rivers. m. parchappe [7] found that the saline incrustation on the plain, at the distance of some miles from the sea, consisted chiefly of sulphate of soda, with only seven per cent. of common salt; whilst nearer to the coast, the common salt increased to 37 parts in a hundred. this circumstance would tempt one to believe that the sulphate of soda is generated in the soil, from the muriate, left on the surface during the slow and recent elevation of this dry country. the whole phenomenon is well worthy the attention of naturalists. have the succulent, salt-loving plants, which are well known to contain much soda, the power of decomposing the muriate? does the black fetid mud, abounding with organic matter, yield the sulphur and ultimately the sulphuric acid? two days afterwards i again rode to the harbour: when not far from our destination, my companion, the same man as before, spied three people hunting on horseback. he immediately dismounted, and watching them intently, said, "they don't ride like christians, and nobody can leave the fort." the three hunters joined company, and likewise dismounted from their horses. at last one mounted again and rode over the hill out of sight. my companion said, "we must now get on our horses: load your pistol;" and he looked to his own sword. i asked, "are they indians?"--"quien sabe? (who knows?) if there are no more than three, it does not signify." it then struck me, that the one man had gone over the hill to fetch the rest of his tribe. i suggested this; but all the answer i could extort was, "quien sabe?" his head and eye never for a minute ceased scanning slowly the distant horizon. i thought his uncommon coolness too good a joke, and asked him why he did not return home. i was startled when he answered, "we are returning, but in a line so as to pass near a swamp, into which we can gallop the horses as far as they can go, and then trust to our own legs; so that there is no danger." i did not feel quite so confident of this, and wanted to increase our pace. he said, "no, not until they do." when any little inequality concealed us, we galloped; but when in sight, continued walking. at last we reached a valley, and turning to the left, galloped quickly to the foot of a hill; he gave me his horse to hold, made the dogs lie down, and then crawled on his hands and knees to reconnoitre. he remained in this position for some time, and at last, bursting out in laughter, exclaimed, "mugeres!" (women!). he knew them to be the wife and sister-in-law of the major's son, hunting for ostrich's eggs. i have described this man's conduct, because he acted under the full impression that they were indians. as soon, however, as the absurd mistake was found out, he gave me a hundred reasons why they could not have been indians; but all these were forgotten at the time. we then rode on in peace and quietness to a low point called punta alta, whence we could see nearly the whole of the great harbour of bahia blanca. the wide expanse of water is choked up by numerous great mud-banks, which the inhabitants call cangrejales, or _crabberies_, from the number of small crabs. the mud is so soft that it is impossible to walk over them, even for the shortest distance. many of the banks have their surfaces covered with long rushes, the tops of which alone are visible at high water. on one occasion, when in a boat, we were so entangled by these shallows that we could hardly find our way. nothing was visible but the flat beds of mud; the day was not very clear, and there was much refraction, or as the sailors expressed it, "things loomed high." the only object within our view which was not level was the horizon; rushes looked like bushes unsupported in the air, and water like mud-banks, and mud-banks like water. we passed the night in punta alta, and i employed myself in searching for fossil bones; this point being a perfect catacomb for monsters of extinct races. the evening was perfectly calm and clear; the extreme monotony of the view gave it an interest even in the midst of mud-banks and gulls sand-hillocks and solitary vultures. in riding back in the morning we came across a very fresh track of a puma, but did not succeed in finding it. we saw also a couple of zorillos, or skunks,--odious animals, which are far from uncommon. in general appearance, the zorillo resembles a polecat, but it is rather larger, and much thicker in proportion. conscious of its power, it roams by day about the open plain, and fears neither dog nor man. if a dog is urged to the attack, its courage is instantly checked by a few drops of the fetid oil, which brings on violent sickness and running at the nose. whatever is once polluted by it, is for ever useless. azara says the smell can be perceived at a league distant; more than once, when entering the harbour of monte video, the wind being off shore, we have perceived the odour on board the beagle. certain it is, that every animal most willingly makes room for the zorillo. [1] the corral is an enclosure made of tall and strong stakes. every estancia, or farming estate, has one attached to it. [2] the hovels of the indians are thus called. [3] report of the agricult. chem. assoc. in the agricult. gazette, 1845, p. 93. [4] linnaean trans., vol. xi. p. 205. it is remarkable how all the circumstances connected with the salt-lakes in siberia and patagonia are similar. siberia, like patagonia, appears to have been recently elevated above the waters of the sea. in both countries the salt-lakes occupy shallow depressions in the plains; in both the mud on the borders is black and fetid; beneath the crust of common salt, sulphate of soda or of magnesium occurs, imperfectly crystallized; and in both, the muddy sand is mixed with lentils of gypsum. the siberian salt-lakes are inhabited by small crustaceous animals; and flamingoes (edin. new philos. jour., jan 1830) likewise frequent them. as these circumstances, apparently so trifling, occur in two distant continents, we may feel sure that they are the necessary results of a common cause--see pallas's travels, 1793 to 1794, pp. 129 134. [5] i am bound to express in the strongest terms, my obligation to the government of buenos ayres for the obliging manner in which passports to all parts of the country were given me, as naturalist of the beagle. [6] this prophecy has turned out entirely and miserably wrong. 1845. [7] voyage dans l'amerique merid. par m. a. d'orbigny. part. hist. tom. i. p. 664. chapter v bahia blanca bahia blanca--geology--numerous gigantic quadrupeds--recent extinction--longevity of species--large animals do not require a luxuriant vegetation--southern africa--siberian fossils--two species of ostrich--habits of oven-bird--armadilloes--venomous snake, toad, lizard--hybernation of animal--habits of sea-pen--indian wars and massacres--arrow-head, antiquarian relic. the beagle arrived here on the 24th of august, and a week afterwards sailed for the plata. with captain fitz roy's consent i was left behind, to travel by land to buenos ayres. i will here add some observations, which were made during this visit and on a previous occasion, when the beagle was employed in surveying the harbour. the plain, at the distance of a few miles from the coast, belongs to the great pampean formation, which consists in part of a reddish clay, and in part of a highly calcareous marly rock. nearer the coast there are some plains formed from the wreck of the upper plain, and from mud, gravel, and sand thrown up by the sea during the slow elevation of the land, of which elevation we have evidence in upraised beds of recent shells, and in rounded pebbles of pumice scattered over the country. at punta alta we have a section of one of these later-formed little plains, which is highly interesting from the number and extraordinary character of the remains of gigantic land-animals embedded in it. these have been fully described by professor owen, in the zoology of the voyage of the beagle, and are deposited in the college of surgeons. i will here give only a brief outline of their nature. first, parts of three heads and other bones of the megatherium, the huge dimensions of which are expressed by its name. secondly, the megalonyx, a great allied animal. thirdly, the scelidotherium, also an allied animal, of which i obtained a nearly perfect skeleton. it must have been as large as a rhinoceros: in the structure of its head it comes according to mr. owen, nearest to the cape anteater, but in some other respects it approaches to the armadilloes. fourthly, the mylodon darwinii, a closely related genus of little inferior size. fifthly, another gigantic edental quadruped. sixthly, a large animal, with an osseous coat in compartments, very like that of an armadillo. seventhly, an extinct kind of horse, to which i shall have again to refer. eighthly, a tooth of a pachydermatous animal, probably the same with the macrauchenia, a huge beast with a long neck like a camel, which i shall also refer to again. lastly, the toxodon, perhaps one of the strangest animals ever discovered: in size it equalled an elephant or megatherium, but the structure of its teeth, as mr. owen states, proves indisputably that it was intimately related to the gnawers, the order which, at the present day, includes most of the smallest quadrupeds: in many details it is allied to the pachydermata: judging from the position of its eyes, ears, and nostrils, it was probably aquatic, like the dugong and manatee, to which it is also allied. how wonderfully are the different orders, at the present time so well separated, blended together in different points of the structure of the toxodon! the remains of these nine great quadrupeds, and many detached bones, were found embedded on the beach, within the space of about 200 yards square. it is a remarkable circumstance that so many different species should be found together; and it proves how numerous in kind the ancient inhabitants of this country must have been. at the distance of about thirty miles from punta alta, in a cliff of red earth, i found several fragments of bones, some of large size. among them were the teeth of a gnawer, equalling in size and closely resembling those of the capybara, whose habits have been described; and therefore, probably, an aquatic animal. there was also part of the head of a ctenomys; the species being different from the tucutuco, but with a close general resemblance. the red earth, like that of the pampas, in which these remains were embedded, contains, according to professor ehrenberg, eight fresh-water and one salt-water infusorial animalcule; therefore, probably, it was an estuary deposit. the remains at punta alta were embedded in stratified gravel and reddish mud, just such as the sea might now wash up on a shallow bank. they were associated with twenty-three species of shells, of which thirteen are recent and four others very closely related to recent forms. [1] from the bones of the scelidotherium, including even the knee-cap, being intombed in their proper relative positions, and from the osseous armour of the great armadillo-like animal being so well preserved, together with the bones of one of its legs, we may feel assured that these remains were fresh and united by their ligaments, when deposited in the gravel together with the shells. [2] hence we have good evidence that the above enumerated gigantic quadrupeds, more different from those of the present day than the oldest of the tertiary quadrupeds of europe, lived whilst the sea was peopled with most of its present inhabitants; and we have confirmed that remarkable law so often insisted on by mr. lyell, namely, that the "longevity of the species in the mammalia is upon the whole inferior to that of the testacea." [3] the great size of the bones of the megatheroid animals, including the megatherium, megalonyx, scelidotherium, and mylodon, is truly wonderful. the habits of life of these animals were a complete puzzle to naturalists, until professor owen [4] solved the problem with remarkable ingenuity. the teeth indicate, by their simple structure, that these megatheroid animals lived on vegetable food, and probably on the leaves and small twigs of trees; their ponderous forms and great strong curved claws seem so little adapted for locomotion, that some eminent naturalists have actually believed, that, like the sloths, to which they are intimately related, they subsisted by climbing back downwards on trees, and feeding on the leaves. it was a bold, not to say preposterous, idea to conceive even antediluvian trees, with branches strong enough to bear animals as large as elephants. professor owen, with far more probability, believes that, instead of climbing on the trees, they pulled the branches down to them, and tore up the smaller ones by the roots, and so fed on the leaves. the colossal breadth and weight of their hinder quarters, which can hardly be imagined without having been seen, become on this view, of obvious service, instead of being an incumbrance: their apparent clumsiness disappears. with their great tails and their huge heels firmly fixed like a tripod on the ground, they could freely exert the full force of their most powerful arms and great claws. strongly rooted, indeed, must that tree have been, which could have resisted such force! the mylodon, moreover, was furnished with a long extensile tongue like that of the giraffe, which, by one of those beautiful provisions of nature, thus reaches with the aid of its long neck its leafy food. i may remark, that in abyssinia the elephant, according to bruce, when it cannot reach with its proboscis the branches, deeply scores with its tusks the trunk of the tree, up and down and all round, till it is sufficiently weakened to be broken down. the beds including the above fossil remains, stand only from fifteen to twenty feet above the level of high-water; and hence the elevation of the land has been small (without there has been an intercalated period of subsidence, of which we have no evidence) since the great quadrupeds wandered over the surrounding plains; and the external features of the country must then have been very nearly the same as now. what, it may naturally be asked, was the character of the vegetation at that period; was the country as wretchedly sterile as it now is? as so many of the co-embedded shells are the same with those now living in the bay, i was at first inclined to think that the former vegetation was probably similar to the existing one; but this would have been an erroneous inference for some of these same shells live on the luxuriant coast of brazil; and generally, the character of the inhabitants of the sea are useless as guides to judge of those on the land. nevertheless, from the following considerations, i do not believe that the simple fact of many gigantic quadrupeds having lived on the plains round bahia blanca, is any sure guide that they formerly were clothed with a luxuriant vegetation: i have no doubt that the sterile country a little southward, near the rio negro, with its scattered thorny trees, would support many and large quadrupeds. that large animals require a luxuriant vegetation, has been a general assumption which has passed from one work to another; but i do not hesitate to say that it is completely false, and that it has vitiated the reasoning of geologists on some points of great interest in the ancient history of the world. the prejudice has probably been derived from india, and the indian islands, where troops of elephants, noble forests, and impenetrable jungles, are associated together in every one's mind. if, however, we refer to any work of travels through the southern parts of africa, we shall find allusions in almost every page either to the desert character of the country, or to the numbers of large animals inhabiting it. the same thing is rendered evident by the many engravings which have been published of various parts of the interior. when the beagle was at cape town, i made an excursion of some days' length into the country, which at least was sufficient to render that which i had read more fully intelligible. dr. andrew smith, who, at the head of his adventurous party, has lately succeeded in passing the tropic of capricorn, informs me that, taking into consideration the whole of the southern part of africa, there can be no doubt of its being a sterile country. on the southern and south-eastern coasts there are some fine forests, but with these exceptions, the traveller may pass for days together through open plains, covered by a poor and scanty vegetation. it is difficult to convey any accurate idea of degrees of comparative fertility; but it may be safely said that the amount of vegetation supported at any one time [5] by great britain, exceeds, perhaps even tenfold, the quantity on an equal area, in the interior parts of southern africa. the fact that bullock-waggons can travel in any direction, excepting near the coast, without more than occasionally half an hour's delay in cutting down bushes, gives, perhaps, a more definite notion of the scantiness of the vegetation. now, if we look to the animals inhabiting these wide plains, we shall find their numbers extraordinarily great, and their bulk immense. we must enumerate the elephant, three species of rhinoceros, and probably, according to dr. smith, two others, the hippopotamus, the giraffe, the bos caffer--as large as a full-grown bull, and the elan--but little less, two zebras, and the quaccha, two gnus, and several antelopes even larger than these latter animals. it may be supposed that although the species are numerous, the individuals of each kind are few. by the kindness of dr. smith, i am enabled to show that the case is very different. he informs me, that in lat. 24 degs., in one day's march with the bullock-waggons, he saw, without wandering to any great distance on either side, between one hundred and one hundred and fifty rhinoceroses, which belonged to three species: the same day he saw several herds of giraffes, amounting together to nearly a hundred; and that although no elephant was observed, yet they are found in this district. at the distance of a little more than one hour's march from their place of encampment on the previous night, his party actually killed at one spot eight hippopotamuses, and saw many more. in this same river there were likewise crocodiles. of course it was a case quite extraordinary, to see so many great animals crowded together, but it evidently proves that they must exist in great numbers. dr. smith describes the country passed through that day, as "being thinly covered with grass, and bushes about four feet high, and still more thinly with mimosa-trees." the waggons were not prevented travelling in a nearly straight line. besides these large animals, every one the least acquainted with the natural history of the cape, has read of the herds of antelopes, which can be compared only with the flocks of migratory birds. the numbers indeed of the lion, panther, and hyaena, and the multitude of birds of prey, plainly speak of the abundance of the smaller quadrupeds: one evening seven lions were counted at the same time prowling round dr. smith's encampment. as this able naturalist remarked to me, the carnage each day in southern africa must indeed be terrific! i confess it is truly surprising how such a number of animals can find support in a country producing so little food. the larger quadrupeds no doubt roam over wide tracts in search of it; and their food chiefly consists of underwood, which probably contains much nutriment in a small bulk. dr. smith also informs me that the vegetation has a rapid growth; no sooner is a part consumed, than its place is supplied by a fresh stock. there can be no doubt, however, that our ideas respecting the apparent amount of food necessary for the support of large quadrupeds are much exaggerated: it should have been remembered that the camel, an animal of no mean bulk, has always been considered as the emblem of the desert. the belief that where large quadrupeds exist, the vegetation must necessarily be luxuriant, is the more remarkable, because the converse is far from true. mr. burchell observed to me that when entering brazil, nothing struck him more forcibly than the splendour of the south american vegetation contrasted with that of south africa, together with the absence of all large quadrupeds. in his travels, [6] he has suggested that the comparison of the respective weights (if there were sufficient data) of an equal number of the largest herbivorous quadrupeds of each country would be extremely curious. if we take on the one side, the elephant, [7] hippopotamus, giraffe, bos caffer, elan, certainly three, and probably five species of rhinoceros; and on the american side, two tapirs, the guanaco, three deer, the vicuna, peccari, capybara (after which we must choose from the monkeys to complete the number), and then place these two groups alongside each other, it is not easy to conceive ranks more disproportionate in size. after the above facts, we are compelled to conclude, against anterior probability, [8] that among the mammalia there exists no close relation between the bulk of the species, and the _quantity_ of the vegetation, in the countries which they inhabit. with regard to the number of large quadrupeds, there certainly exists no quarter of the globe which will bear comparison with southern africa. after the different statements which have been given, the extremely desert character of that region will not be disputed. in the european division of the world, we must look back to the tertiary epochs, to find a condition of things among the mammalia, resembling that now existing at the cape of good hope. those tertiary epochs, which we are apt to consider as abounding to an astonishing degree with large animals, because we find the remains of many ages accumulated at certain spots, could hardly boast of more large quadrupeds than southern africa does at present. if we speculate on the condition of the vegetation during these epochs we are at least bound so far to consider existing analogies, as not to urge as absolutely necessary a luxuriant vegetation, when we see a state of things so totally different at the cape of good hope. we know [9] that the extreme regions of north america, many degrees beyond the limit where the ground at the depth of a few feet remains perpetually congealed, are covered by forests of large and tall trees. in a like manner, in siberia, we have woods of birch, fir, aspen, and larch, growing in a latitude [10] (64 degs.) where the mean temperature of the air falls below the freezing point, and where the earth is so completely frozen, that the carcass of an animal embedded in it is perfectly preserved. with these facts we must grant, as far as _quantity alone_ of vegetation is concerned, that the great quadrupeds of the later tertiary epochs might, in most parts of northern europe and asia, have lived on the spots where their remains are now found. i do not here speak of the kind of vegetation necessary for their support; because, as there is evidence of physical changes, and as the animals have become extinct, so may we suppose that the species of plants have likewise been changed. these remarks, i may be permitted to add, directly bear on the case of the siberian animals preserved in ice. the firm conviction of the necessity of a vegetation possessing a character of tropical luxuriance, to support such large animals, and the impossibility of reconciling this with the proximity of perpetual congelation, was one chief cause of the several theories of sudden revolutions of climate, and of overwhelming catastrophes, which were invented to account for their entombment. i am far from supposing that the climate has not changed since the period when those animals lived, which now lie buried in the ice. at present i only wish to show, that as far as _quantity_ of food _alone_ is concerned, the ancient rhinoceroses might have roamed over the _steppes_ of central siberia (the northern parts probably being under water) even in their present condition, as well as the living rhinoceroses and elephants over the _karros_ of southern africa. i will now give an account of the habits of some of the more interesting birds which are common on the wild plains of northern patagonia: and first for the largest, or south american ostrich. the ordinary habits of the ostrich are familiar to every one. they live on vegetable matter, such as roots and grass; but at bahia blanca i have repeatedly seen three or four come down at low water to the extensive mud-banks which are then dry, for the sake, as the gauchos say, of feeding on small fish. although the ostrich in its habits is so shy, wary, and solitary, and although so fleet in its pace, it is caught without much difficulty by the indian or gaucho armed with the bolas. when several horsemen appear in a semicircle, it becomes confounded, and does not know which way to escape. they generally prefer running against the wind; yet at the first start they expand their wings, and like a vessel make all sail. on one fine hot day i saw several ostriches enter a bed of tall rushes, where they squatted concealed, till quite closely approached. it is not generally known that ostriches readily take to the water. mr. king informs me that at the bay of san blas, and at port valdes in patagonia, he saw these birds swimming several times from island to island. they ran into the water both when driven down to a point, and likewise of their own accord when not frightened: the distance crossed was about two hundred yards. when swimming, very little of their bodies appear above water; their necks are extended a little forward, and their progress is slow. on two occasions i saw some ostriches swimming across the santa cruz river, where its course was about four hundred yards wide, and the stream rapid. captain sturt, [11] when descending the murrumbidgee, in australia, saw two emus in the act of swimming. the inhabitants of the country readily distinguish, even at a distance, the cock bird from the hen. the former is larger and darker-coloured, [12] and has a bigger head. the ostrich, i believe the cock, emits a singular, deep-toned, hissing note: when first i heard it, standing in the midst of some sand-hillocks, i thought it was made by some wild beast, for it is a sound that one cannot tell whence it comes, or from how far distant. when we were at bahia blanca in the months of september and october, the eggs, in extraordinary numbers, were found all over the country. they lie either scattered and single, in which case they are never hatched, and are called by the spaniards huachos; or they are collected together into a shallow excavation, which forms the nest. out of the four nests which i saw, three contained twenty-two eggs each, and the fourth twenty-seven. in one day's hunting on horseback sixty-four eggs were found; forty-four of these were in two nests, and the remaining twenty, scattered huachos. the gauchos unanimously affirm, and there is no reason to doubt their statement, that the male bird alone hatches the eggs, and for some time afterwards accompanies the young. the cock when on the nest lies very close; i have myself almost ridden over one. it is asserted that at such times they are occasionally fierce, and even dangerous, and that they have been known to attack a man on horseback, trying to kick and leap on him. my informer pointed out to me an old man, whom he had seen much terrified by one chasing him. i observe in burchell's travels in south africa, that he remarks, "having killed a male ostrich, and the feathers being dirty, it was said by the hottentots to be a nest bird." i understand that the male emu in the zoological gardens takes charge of the nest: this habit, therefore, is common to the family. the gauchos unanimously affirm that several females lay in one nest. i have been positively told that four or five hen birds have been watched to go in the middle of the day, one after the other, to the same nest. i may add, also, that it is believed in africa, that two or more females lay in one nest. [13] although this habit at first appears very strange, i think the cause may be explained in a simple manner. the number of eggs in the nest varies from twenty to forty, and even to fifty; and according to azara, some times to seventy or eighty. now, although it is most probable, from the number of eggs found in one district being so extraordinarily great in proportion to the parent birds, and likewise from the state of the ovarium of the hen, that she may in the course of the season lay a large number, yet the time required must be very long. azara states, [14] that a female in a state of domestication laid seventeen eggs, each at the interval of three days one from another. if the hen was obliged to hatch her own eggs, before the last was laid the first probably would be addled; but if each laid a few eggs at successive periods, in different nests, and several hens, as is stated to be the case, combined together, then the eggs in one collection would be nearly of the same age. if the number of eggs in one of these nests is, as i believe, not greater on an average than the number laid by one female in the season, then there must be as many nests as females, and each cock bird will have its fair share of the labour of incubation; and that during a period when the females probably could not sit, from not having finished laying. [15] i have before mentioned the great numbers of huachos, or deserted eggs; so that in one day's hunting twenty were found in this state. it appears odd that so many should be wasted. does it not arise from the difficulty of several females associating together, and finding a male ready to undertake the office of incubation? it is evident that there must at first be some degree of association between at least two females; otherwise the eggs would remain scattered over the wide plain, at distances far too great to allow of the male collecting them into one nest: some authors have believed that the scattered eggs were deposited for the young birds to feed on. this can hardly be the case in america, because the huachos, although often found addled and putrid, are generally whole. when at the rio negro in northern patagonia, i repeatedly heard the gauchos talking of a very rare bird which they called avestruz petise. they described it as being less than the common ostrich (which is there abundant), but with a very close general resemblance. they said its colour was dark and mottled, and that its legs were shorter, and feathered lower down than those of the common ostrich. it is more easily caught by the bolas than the other species. the few inhabitants who had seen both kinds, affirmed they could distinguish them apart from a long distance. the eggs of the small species appeared, however, more generally known; and it was remarked, with surprise, that they were very little less than those of the rhea, but of a slightly different form, and with a tinge of pale blue. this species occurs most rarely on the plains bordering the rio negro; but about a degree and a half further south they are tolerably abundant. when at port desire, in patagonia (lat. 48 degs.), mr. martens shot an ostrich; and i looked at it, forgetting at the moment, in the most unaccountable manner, the whole subject of the petises, and thought it was a not full-grown bird of the common sort. it was cooked and eaten before my memory returned. fortunately the head, neck, legs, wings, many of the larger feathers, and a large part of the skin, had been preserved; and from these a very nearly perfect specimen has been put together, and is now exhibited in the museum of the zoological society. mr. gould, in describing this new species, has done me the honour of calling it after my name. among the patagonian indians in the strait of magellan, we found a half indian, who had lived some years with the tribe, but had been born in the northern provinces. i asked him if he had ever heard of the avestruz petise? he answered by saying, "why, there are none others in these southern countries." he informed me that the number of eggs in the nest of the petise is considerably less than in that of the other kind, namely, not more than fifteen on an average, but he asserted that more than one female deposited them. at santa cruz we saw several of these birds. they were excessively wary: i think they could see a person approaching when too far off to be distinguished themselves. in ascending the river few were seen; but in our quiet and rapid descent, many, in pairs and by fours or fives, were observed. it was remarked that this bird did not expand its wings, when first starting at full speed, after the manner of the northern kind. in conclusion i may observe, that the struthio rhea inhabits the country of la plata as far as a little south of the rio negro in lat. 41 degs., and that the struthio darwinii takes its place in southern patagonia; the part about the rio negro being neutral territory. m. a. d'orbigny, [16] when at the rio negro, made great exertions to procure this bird, but never had the good fortune to succeed. dobrizhoffer [17] long ago was aware of there being two kinds of ostriches, he says, "you must know, moreover, that emus differ in size and habits in different tracts of land; for those that inhabit the plains of buenos ayres and tucuman are larger, and have black, white and grey feathers; those near to the strait of magellan are smaller and more beautiful, for their white feathers are tipped with black at the extremity, and their black ones in like manner terminate in white." a very singular little bird, tinochorus rumicivorus, is here common: in its habits and general appearance, it nearly equally partakes of the characters, different as they are, of the quail and snipe. the tinochorus is found in the whole of southern south america, wherever there are sterile plains, or open dry pasture land. it frequents in pairs or small flocks the most desolate places, where scarcely another living creature can exist. upon being approached they squat close, and then are very difficult to be distinguished from the ground. when feeding they walk rather slowly, with their legs wide apart. they dust themselves in roads and sandy places, and frequent particular spots, where they may be found day after day: like partridges, they take wing in a flock. in all these respects, in the muscular gizzard adapted for vegetable food, in the arched beak and fleshy nostrils, short legs and form of foot, the tinochorus has a close affinity with quails. but as soon as the bird is seen flying, its whole appearance changes; the long pointed wings, so different from those in the gallinaceous order, the irregular manner of flight, and plaintive cry uttered at the moment of rising, recall the idea of a snipe. the sportsmen of the beagle unanimously called it the short-billed snipe. to this genus, or rather to the family of the waders, its skeleton shows that it is really related. the tinochorus is closely related to some other south american birds. two species of the genus attagis are in almost every respect ptarmigans in their habits; one lives in tierra del fuego, above the limits of the forest land; and the other just beneath the snow-line on the cordillera of central chile. a bird of another closely allied genus, chionis alba, is an inhabitant of the antarctic regions; it feeds on sea-weed and shells on the tidal rocks. although not web footed, from some unaccountable habit, it is frequently met with far out at sea. this small family of birds is one of those which, from its varied relations to other families, although at present offering only difficulties to the systematic naturalist, ultimately may assist in revealing the grand scheme, common to the present and past ages, on which organized beings have been created. the genus furnarius contains several species, all small birds, living on the ground, and inhabiting open dry countries. in structure they cannot be compared to any european form. ornithologists have generally included them among the creepers, although opposed to that family in every habit. the best known species is the common oven-bird of la plata, the casara or housemaker of the spaniards. the nest, whence it takes its name, is placed in the most exposed situations, as on the top of a post, a bare rock, or on a cactus. it is composed of mud and bits of straw, and has strong thick walls: in shape it precisely resembles an oven, or depressed beehive. the opening is large and arched, and directly in front, within the nest, there is a partition, which reaches nearly to the roof, thus forming a passage or antechamber to the true nest. another and smaller species of furnarius (f. cunicularius), resembles the oven-bird in the general reddish tint of its plumage, in a peculiar shrill reiterated cry, and in an odd manner of running by starts. from its affinity, the spaniards call it casarita (or little housebuilder), although its nidification is quite different. the casarita builds its nest at the bottom of a narrow cylindrical hole, which is said to extend horizontally to nearly six feet under ground. several of the country people told me, that when boys, they had attempted to dig out the nest, but had scarcely ever succeeded in getting to the end of the passage. the bird chooses any low bank of firm sandy soil by the side of a road or stream. here (at bahia blanca) the walls round the houses are built of hardened mud, and i noticed that one, which enclosed a courtyard where i lodged, was bored through by round holes in a score of places. on asking the owner the cause of this he bitterly complained of the little casarita, several of which i afterwards observed at work. it is rather curious to find how incapable these birds must be of acquiring any notion of thickness, for although they were constantly flitting over the low wall, they continued vainly to bore through it, thinking it an excellent bank for their nests. i do not doubt that each bird, as often as it came to daylight on the opposite side, was greatly surprised at the marvellous fact. i have already mentioned nearly all the mammalia common in this country. of armadilloes three species occur namely, the dasypus minutus or _pichy_, the d. villosus or _peludo_, and the _apar_. the first extends ten degrees further south than any other kind; a fourth species, the _mulita_, does not come as far south as bahia blanca. the four species have nearly similar habits; the _peludo_, however, is nocturnal, while the others wander by day over the open plains, feeding on beetles, larvae, roots, and even small snakes. the _apar_, commonly called _mataco_, is remarkable by having only three moveable bands; the rest of its tesselated covering being nearly inflexible. it has the power of rolling itself into a perfect sphere, like one kind of english woodlouse. in this state it is safe from the attack of dogs; for the dog not being able to take the whole in its mouth, tries to bite one side, and the ball slips away. the smooth hard covering of the _mataco_ offers a better defence than the sharp spines of the hedgehog. the _pichy_ prefers a very dry soil; and the sand-dunes near the coast, where for many months it can never taste water, is its favourite resort: it often tries to escape notice, by squatting close to the ground. in the course of a day's ride, near bahia blanca, several were generally met with. the instant one was perceived, it was necessary, in order to catch it, almost to tumble off one's horse; for in soft soil the animal burrowed so quickly, that its hinder quarters would almost disappear before one could alight. it seems almost a pity to kill such nice little animals, for as a gaucho said, while sharpening his knife on the back of one, "son tan mansos" (they are so quiet). of reptiles there are many kinds: one snake (a trigonocephalus, or cophias [18]), from the size of the poison channel in its fangs, must be very deadly. cuvier, in opposition to some other naturalists, makes this a sub-genus of the rattlesnake, and intermediate between it and the viper. in confirmation of this opinion, i observed a fact, which appears to me very curious and instructive, as showing how every character, even though it may be in some degree independent of structure, has a tendency to vary by slow degrees. the extremity of the tail of this snake is terminated by a point, which is very slightly enlarged; and as the animal glides along, it constantly vibrates the last inch; and this part striking against the dry grass and brushwood, produces a rattling noise, which can be distinctly heard at the distance of six feet. as often as the animal was irritated or surprised, its tail was shaken; and the vibrations were extremely rapid. even as long as the body retained its irritability, a tendency to this habitual movement was evident. this trigonocephalus has, therefore, in some respects the structure of a viper, with the habits of a rattlesnake: the noise, however, being produced by a simpler device. the expression of this snake's face was hideous and fierce; the pupil consisted of a vertical slit in a mottled and coppery iris; the jaws were broad at the base, and the nose terminated in a triangular projection. i do not think i ever saw anything more ugly, excepting, perhaps, some of the vampire bats. i imagine this repulsive aspect originates from the features being placed in positions, with respect to each other, somewhat proportional to those of the human face; and thus we obtain a scale of hideousness. amongst the batrachian reptiles, i found only one little toad (phryniscus nigricans), which was most singular from its colour. if we imagine, first, that it had been steeped in the blackest ink, and then, when dry, allowed to crawl over a board, freshly painted with the brightest vermilion, so as to colour the soles of its feet and parts of its stomach, a good idea of its appearance will be gained. if it had been an unnamed species, surely it ought to have been called _diabolicus_, for it is a fit toad to preach in the ear of eve. instead of being nocturnal in its habits, as other toads are, and living in damp obscure recesses, it crawls during the heat of the day about the dry sand-hillocks and arid plains, where not a single drop of water can be found. it must necessarily depend on the dew for its moisture; and this probably is absorbed by the skin, for it is known, that these reptiles possess great powers of cutaneous absorption. at maldonado, i found one in a situation nearly as dry as at bahia blanca, and thinking to give it a great treat, carried it to a pool of water; not only was the little animal unable to swim, but i think without help it would soon have been drowned. of lizards there were many kinds, but only one (proctotretus multimaculatus) remarkable from its habits. it lives on the bare sand near the sea coast, and from its mottled colour, the brownish scales being speckled with white, yellowish red, and dirty blue, can hardly be distinguished from the surrounding surface. when frightened, it attempts to avoid discovery by feigning death, with outstretched legs, depressed body, and closed eyes: if further molested, it buries itself with great quickness in the loose sand. this lizard, from its flattened body and short legs, cannot run quickly. i will here add a few remarks on the hybernation of animals in this part of south america. when we first arrived at bahia blanca, september 7th, 1832, we thought nature had granted scarcely a living creature to this sandy and dry country. by digging, however, in the ground, several insects, large spiders, and lizards were found in a half-torpid state. on the 15th, a few animals began to appear, and by the 18th (three days from the equinox), everything announced the commencement of spring. the plains were ornamented by the flowers of a pink wood-sorrel, wild peas, cenotherae, and geraniums; and the birds began to lay their eggs. numerous lamellicorn and heteromerous insects, the latter remarkable for their deeply sculptured bodies, were slowly crawling about; while the lizard tribe, the constant inhabitants of a sandy soil, darted about in every direction. during the first eleven days, whilst nature was dormant, the mean temperature taken from observations made every two hours on board the beagle, was 51 degs.; and in the middle of the day the thermometer seldom ranged above 55 degs. on the eleven succeeding days, in which all living things became so animated, the mean was 58 degs., and the range in the middle of the day between 60 and 70 degs. here, then, an increase of seven degrees in mean temperature, but a greater one of extreme heat, was sufficient to awake the functions of life. at monte video, from which we had just before sailed, in the twenty-three days included between the 26th of july and the 19th of august, the mean temperature from 276 observations was 58.4 degs.; the mean hottest day being 65.5 degs., and the coldest 46 degs. the lowest point to which the thermometer fell was 41.5 degs., and occasionally in the middle of the day it rose to 69 or 70 degs. yet with this high temperature, almost every beetle, several genera of spiders, snails, and land-shells, toads and lizards were all lying torpid beneath stones. but we have seen that at bahia blanca, which is four degrees southward and therefore with a climate only a very little colder, this same temperature with a rather less extreme heat, was sufficient to awake all orders of animated beings. this shows how nicely the stimulus required to arouse hybernating animals is governed by the usual climate of the district, and not by the absolute heat. it is well known that within the tropics, the hybernation, or more properly aestivation, of animals is determined not by the temperature, but by the times of drought. near rio de janeiro, i was at first surprised to observe, that, a few days after some little depressions had been filled with water, they were peopled by numerous full-grown shells and beetles, which must have been lying dormant. humboldt has related the strange accident of a hovel having been erected over a spot where a young crocodile lay buried in the hardened mud. he adds, "the indians often find enormous boas, which they call uji or water serpents, in the same lethargic state. to reanimate them, they must be irritated or wetted with water." i will only mention one other animal, a zoophyte (i believe virgularia patagonica), a kind of sea-pen. it consists of a thin, straight, fleshy stem, with alternate rows of polypi on each side, and surrounding an elastic stony axis, varying in length from eight inches to two feet. the stem at one extremity is truncate, but at the other is terminated by a vermiform fleshy appendage. the stony axis which gives strength to the stem may be traced at this extremity into a mere vessel filled with granular matter. at low water hundreds of these zoophytes might be seen, projecting like stubble, with the truncate end upwards, a few inches above the surface of the muddy sand. when touched or pulled they suddenly drew themselves in with force, so as nearly or quite to disappear. by this action, the highly elastic axis must be bent at the lower extremity, where it is naturally slightly curved; and i imagine it is by this elasticity alone that the zoophyte is enabled to rise again through the mud. each polypus, though closely united to its brethren, has a distinct mouth, body, and tentacula. of these polypi, in a large specimen, there must be many thousands; yet we see that they act by one movement: they have also one central axis connected with a system of obscure circulation, and the ova are produced in an organ distinct from the separate individuals. [19] well may one be allowed to ask, what is an individual? it is always interesting to discover the foundation of the strange tales of the old voyagers; and i have no doubt but that the habits of this virgularia explain one such case. captain lancaster, in his voyage [20] in 1601, narrates that on the sea-sands of the island of sombrero, in the east indies, he "found a small twig growing up like a young tree, and on offering to pluck it up it shrinks down to the ground, and sinks, unless held very hard. on being plucked up, a great worm is found to be its root, and as the tree groweth in greatness, so doth the worm diminish, and as soon as the worm is entirely turned into a tree it rooteth in the earth, and so becomes great. this transformation is one of the strangest wonders that i saw in all my travels: for if this tree is plucked up, while young, and the leaves and bark stripped off, it becomes a hard stone when dry, much like white coral: thus is this worm twice transformed into different natures. of these we gathered and brought home many." during my stay at bahia blanca, while waiting for the beagle, the place was in a constant state of excitement, from rumours of wars and victories, between the troops of rosas and the wild indians. one day an account came that a small party forming one of the postas on the line to buenos ayres, had been found all murdered. the next day three hundred men arrived from the colorado, under the command of commandant miranda. a large portion of these men were indians (mansos, or tame), belonging to the tribe of the cacique bernantio. they passed the night here; and it was impossible to conceive anything more wild and savage than the scene of their bivouac. some drank till they were intoxicated; others swallowed the steaming blood of the cattle slaughtered for their suppers, and then, being sick from drunkenness, they cast it up again, and were besmeared with filth and gore. nam simul expletus dapibus, vinoque sepultus cervicem inflexam posuit, jacuitque per antrum immensus, saniem eructans, ac frusta cruenta per somnum commixta mero. in the morning they started for the scene of the murder, with orders to follow the "rastro," or track, even if it led them to chile. we subsequently heard that the wild indians had escaped into the great pampas, and from some cause the track had been missed. one glance at the rastro tells these people a whole history. supposing they examine the track of a thousand horses, they will soon guess the number of mounted ones by seeing how many have cantered; by the depth of the other impressions, whether any horses were loaded with cargoes; by the irregularity of the footsteps, how far tired; by the manner in which the food has been cooked, whether the pursued travelled in haste; by the general appearance, how long it has been since they passed. they consider a rastro of ten days or a fortnight, quite recent enough to be hunted out. we also heard that miranda struck from the west end of the sierra ventana, in a direct line to the island of cholechel, situated seventy leagues up the rio negro. this is a distance of between two and three hundred miles, through a country completely unknown. what other troops in the world are so independent? with the sun for their guide, mare's flesh for food, their saddle-cloths for beds,--as long as there is a little water, these men would penetrate to the end of the world. a few days afterwards i saw another troop of these banditti-like soldiers start on an expedition against a tribe of indians at the small salinas, who had been betrayed by a prisoner cacique. the spaniard who brought the orders for this expedition was a very intelligent man. he gave me an account of the last engagement at which he was present. some indians, who had been taken prisoners, gave information of a tribe living north of the colorado. two hundred soldiers were sent; and they first discovered the indians by a cloud of dust from their horses' feet, as they chanced to be travelling. the country was mountainous and wild, and it must have been far in the interior, for the cordillera were in sight. the indians, men, women, and children, were about one hundred and ten in number, and they were nearly all taken or killed, for the soldiers sabre every man. the indians are now so terrified that they offer no resistance in a body, but each flies, neglecting even his wife and children; but when overtaken, like wild animals, they fight against any number to the last moment. one dying indian seized with his teeth the thumb of his adversary, and allowed his own eye to be forced out sooner than relinquish his hold. another, who was wounded, feigned death, keeping a knife ready to strike one more fatal blow. my informer said, when he was pursuing an indian, the man cried out for mercy, at the same time that he was covertly loosing the bolas from his waist, meaning to whirl it round his head and so strike his pursuer. "i however struck him with my sabre to the ground, and then got off my horse, and cut his throat with my knife." this is a dark picture; but how much more shocking is the unquestionable fact, that all the women who appear above twenty years old are massacred in cold blood! when i exclaimed that this appeared rather inhuman, he answered, "why, what can be done? they breed so!" every one here is fully convinced that this is the most just war, because it is against barbarians. who would believe in this age that such atrocities could be committed in a christian civilized country? the children of the indians are saved, to be sold or given away as servants, or rather slaves for as long a time as the owners can make them believe themselves slaves; but i believe in their treatment there is little to complain of. in the battle four men ran away together. they were pursued, one was killed, and the other three were taken alive. they turned out to be messengers or ambassadors from a large body of indians, united in the common cause of defence, near the cordillera. the tribe to which they had been sent was on the point of holding a grand council, the feast of mare's flesh was ready, and the dance prepared: in the morning the ambassadors were to have returned to the cordillera. they were remarkably fine men, very fair, above six feet high, and all under thirty years of age. the three survivors of course possessed very valuable information and to extort this they were placed in a line. the two first being questioned, answered, "no se" (i do not know), and were one after the other shot. the third also said "no se;" adding, "fire, i am a man, and can die!" not one syllable would they breathe to injure the united cause of their country! the conduct of the above-mentioned cacique was very different; he saved his life by betraying the intended plan of warfare, and the point of union in the andes. it was believed that there were already six or seven hundred indians together, and that in summer their numbers would be doubled. ambassadors were to have been sent to the indians at the small salinas, near bahia blanca, whom i have mentioned that this same cacique had betrayed. the communication, therefore, between the indians, extends from the cordillera to the coast of the atlantic. general rosas's plan is to kill all stragglers, and having driven the remainder to a common point, to attack them in a body, in the summer, with the assistance of the chilenos. this operation is to be repeated for three successive years. i imagine the summer is chosen as the time for the main attack, because the plains are then without water, and the indians can only travel in particular directions. the escape of the indians to the south of the rio negro, where in such a vast unknown country they would be safe, is prevented by a treaty with the tehuelches to this effect;--that rosas pays them so much to slaughter every indian who passes to the south of the river, but if they fail in so doing, they themselves are to be exterminated. the war is waged chiefly against the indians near the cordillera; for many of the tribes on this eastern side are fighting with rosas. the general, however, like lord chesterfield, thinking that his friends may in a future day become his enemies, always places them in the front ranks, so that their numbers may be thinned. since leaving south america we have heard that this war of extermination completely failed. among the captive girls taken in the same engagement, there were two very pretty spanish ones, who had been carried away by the indians when young, and could now only speak the indian tongue. from their account they must have come from salta, a distance in a straight line of nearly one thousand miles. this gives one a grand idea of the immense territory over which the indians roam: yet, great as it is, i think there will not, in another half-century, be a wild indian northward of the rio negro. the warfare is too bloody to last; the christians killing every indian, and the indians doing the same by the christians. it is melancholy to trace how the indians have given way before the spanish invaders. schirdel [21] says that in 1535, when buenos ayres was founded, there were villages containing two and three thousand inhabitants. even in falconer's time (1750) the indians made inroads as far as luxan, areco, and arrecife, but now they are driven beyond the salado. not only have whole tribes been exterminated, but the remaining indians have become more barbarous: instead of living in large villages, and being employed in the arts of fishing, as well as of the chase, they now wander about the open plains, without home or fixed occupation. i heard also some account of an engagement which took place, a few weeks previously to the one mentioned, at cholechel. this is a very important station on account of being a pass for horses; and it was, in consequence, for some time the head-quarters of a division of the army. when the troops first arrived there they found a tribe of indians, of whom they killed twenty or thirty. the cacique escaped in a manner which astonished every one. the chief indians always have one or two picked horses, which they keep ready for any urgent occasion. on one of these, an old white horse, the cacique sprung, taking with him his little son. the horse had neither saddle nor bridle. to avoid the shots, the indian rode in the peculiar method of his nation namely, with an arm round the horse's neck, and one leg only on its back. thus hanging on one side, he was seen patting the horse's head, and talking to him. the pursuers urged every effort in the chase; the commandant three times changed his horse, but all in vain. the old indian father and his son escaped, and were free. what a fine picture one can form in one's mind,--the naked, bronze-like figure of the old man with his little boy, riding like a mazeppa on the white horse, thus leaving far behind him the host of his pursuers! i saw one day a soldier striking fire with a piece of flint, which i immediately recognised as having been a part of the head of an arrow. he told me it was found near the island of cholechel, and that they are frequently picked up there. it was between two and three inches long, and therefore twice as large as those now used in tierra del fuego: it was made of opaque cream-coloured flint, but the point and barbs had been intentionally broken off. it is well known that no pampas indians now use bows and arrows. i believe a small tribe in banda oriental must be excepted; but they are widely separated from the pampas indians, and border close on those tribes that inhabit the forest, and live on foot. it appears, therefore, that these arrow-heads are antiquarian [22] relics of the indians, before the great change in habits consequent on the introduction of the horse into south america. [1] since this was written, m. alcide d'orbingy has examined these shells, and pronounces them all to be recent. [2] m. aug. bravard has described, in a spanish work ('observaciones geologicas,' 1857), this district, and he believes that the bones of the extinct mammals were washed out of the underlying pampean deposit, and subsequently became embedded with the still existing shells; but i am not convinced by his remarks. m. bravard believes that the whole enormous pampean deposit is a sub-aerial formation, like sand-dunes: this seems to me to be an untenable doctrine. [3] principles of geology, vol. iv. p. 40. [4] this theory was first developed in the zoology of the voyage of the beagle, and subsequently in professor owen's memoir on mylodon robustus. [5] i mean this to exclude the total amount which may have been successively produced and consumed during a given period. [6] travels in the interior of south africa, vol. ii. p. 207 [7] the elephant which was killed at exeter change was estimated (being partly weighed) at five tons and a half. the elephant actress, as i was informed, weighed one ton less; so that we may take five as the average of a full-grown elephant. i was told at the surry gardens, that a hippopotamus which was sent to england cut up into pieces was estimated at three tons and a half; we will call it three. from these premises we may give three tons and a half to each of the five rhinoceroses; perhaps a ton to the giraffe, and half to the bos caffer as well as to the elan (a large ox weighs from 1200 to 1500 pounds). this will give an average (from the above estimates) of 2.7 of a ton for the ten largest herbivorous animals of southern africa. in south america, allowing 1200 pounds for the two tapirs together, 550 for the guanaco and vicuna, 500 for three deer, 300 for the capybara, peccari, and a monkey, we shall have an average of 250 pounds, which i believe is overstating the result. the ratio will therefore be as 6048 to 250, or 24 to 1, for the ten largest animals from the two continents. [8] if we suppose the case of the discovery of a skeleton of a greenland whale in a fossil state, not a single cetaceous animal being known to exist, what naturalist would have ventured conjecture on the possibility of a carcass so gigantic being supported on the minute crustacea and mollusca living in the frozen seas of the extreme north? [9] see zoological remarks to capt. back's expedition, by dr. richardson. he says, "the subsoil north of latitude 56 degs. is perpetually frozen, the thaw on the coast not penetrating above three feet, and at bear lake, in latitude 64 degs., not more than twenty inches. the frozen substratum does not of itself destroy vegetation, for forests flourish on the surface, at a distance from the coast." [10] see humboldt, fragments asiatiques, p. 386: barton's geography of plants: and malte brun. in the latter work it is said that the limit of the growth of trees in siberia may be drawn under the parallel of 70 degs. [11] sturt's travels, vol. ii. p. 74. [12] a gaucho assured me that he had once seen a snow-white or albino variety, and that it was a most beautiful bird. [13] burchell's travels, vol. i. p. 280. [14] azara, vol. iv. p. 173. [15] lichtenstein, however, asserts (travels, vol. ii. p. 25) that the hens begin sitting when they have laid ten or twelve eggs; and that they continue laying, i presume, in another nest. this appears to me very improbable. he asserts that four or five hens associate for incubation with one cock, who sits only at night. [16] when at the rio negro, we heard much of the indefatigable labours of this naturalist. m. alcide d'orbigny, during the years 1825 to 1833, traversed several large portions of south america, and has made a collection, and is now publishing the results on a scale of magnificence, which at once places himself in the list of american travellers second only to humboldt. [17] account of the abipones, a.d. 1749, vol. i. (english translation) p. 314 [18] m. bibron calls it t. crepitans. [19] the cavities leading from the fleshy compartments of the extremity, were filled with a yellow pulpy matter, which, examined under a microscope, presented an extraordinary appearance. the mass consisted of rounded, semi-transparent, irregular grains, aggregated together into particles of various sizes. all such particles, and the separate grains, possessed the power of rapid movement; generally revolving around different axes, but sometimes progressive. the movement was visible with a very weak power, but even with the highest its cause could not be perceived. it was very different from the circulation of the fluid in the elastic bag, containing the thin extremity of the axis. on other occasions, when dissecting small marine animals beneath the microscope, i have seen particles of pulpy matter, some of large size, as soon as they were disengaged, commence revolving. i have imagined, i know not with how much truth, that this granulo-pulpy matter was in process of being converted into ova. certainly in this zoophyte such appeared to be the case. [20] kerr's collection of voyages, vol. viii. p. 119. [21] purchas's collection of voyages. i believe the date was really 1537. [22] azara has even doubted whether the pampas indians ever used bows. chapter vi bahia blanca to buenos ayres set out for buenos ayres--rio sauce--sierra ventana--third posta--driving horses--bolas--partridges and foxes--features of the country--long-legged plover--teru-tero--hail-storm--natural enclosures in the sierra tapalguen--flesh of puma--meat diet--guardia del monte--effects of cattle on the vegetation--cardoon--buenos ayres--corral where cattle are slaughtered. september 18th.--i hired a gaucho to accompany me on my ride to buenos ayres, though with some difficulty, as the father of one man was afraid to let him go, and another, who seemed willing, was described to me as so fearful, that i was afraid to take him, for i was told that even if he saw an ostrich at a distance, he would mistake it for an indian, and would fly like the wind away. the distance to buenos ayres is about four hundred miles, and nearly the whole way through an uninhabited country. we started early in the morning; ascending a few hundred feet from the basin of green turf on which bahia blanca stands, we entered on a wide desolate plain. it consists of a crumbling argillaceo-calcareous rock, which, from the dry nature of the climate, supports only scattered tufts of withered grass, without a single bush or tree to break the monotonous uniformity. the weather was fine, but the atmosphere remarkably hazy; i thought the appearance foreboded a gale, but the gauchos said it was owing to the plain, at some great distance in the interior, being on fire. after a long gallop, having changed horses twice, we reached the rio sauce: it is a deep, rapid, little stream, not above twenty-five feet wide. the second posta on the road to buenos ayres stands on its banks, a little above there is a ford for horses, where the water does not reach to the horses' belly; but from that point, in its course to the sea, it is quite impassable, and hence makes a most useful barrier against the indians. insignificant as this stream is, the jesuit falconer, whose information is generally so very correct, figures it as a considerable river, rising at the foot of the cordillera. with respect to its source, i do not doubt that this is the case for the gauchos assured me, that in the middle of the dry summer, this stream, at the same time with the colorado has periodical floods; which can only originate in the snow melting on the andes. it is extremely improbable that a stream so small as the sauce then was, should traverse the entire width of the continent; and indeed, if it were the residue of a large river, its waters, as in other ascertained cases, would be saline. during the winter we must look to the springs round the sierra ventana as the source of its pure and limpid stream. i suspect the plains of patagonia like those of australia, are traversed by many water-courses which only perform their proper parts at certain periods. probably this is the case with the water which flows into the head of port desire, and likewise with the rio chupat, on the banks of which masses of highly cellular scoriae were found by the officers employed in the survey. as it was early in the afternoon when we arrived, we took fresh horses, and a soldier for a guide, and started for the sierra de la ventana. this mountain is visible from the anchorage at bahia blanca; and capt. fitz roy calculates its height to be 3340 feet--an altitude very remarkable on this eastern side of the continent. i am not aware that any foreigner, previous to my visit, had ascended this mountain; and indeed very few of the soldiers at bahia blanca knew anything about it. hence we heard of beds of coal, of gold and silver, of caves, and of forests, all of which inflamed my curiosity, only to disappoint it. the distance from the posta was about six leagues over a level plain of the same character as before. the ride was, however, interesting, as the mountain began to show its true form. when we reached the foot of the main ridge, we had much difficulty in finding any water, and we thought we should have been obliged to have passed the night without any. at last we discovered some by looking close to the mountain, for at the distance even of a few hundred yards the streamlets were buried and entirely lost in the friable calcareous stone and loose detritus. i do not think nature ever made a more solitary, desolate pile of rock;--it well deserves its name of _hurtado_, or separated. the mountain is steep, extremely rugged, and broken, and so entirely destitute of trees, and even bushes, that we actually could not make a skewer to stretch out our meat over the fire of thistle-stalks. [1] the strange aspect of this mountain is contrasted by the sea-like plain, which not only abuts against its steep sides, but likewise separates the parallel ranges. the uniformity of the colouring gives an extreme quietness to the view,--the whitish grey of the quartz rock, and the light brown of the withered grass of the plain, being unrelieved by any brighter tint. from custom, one expects to see in the neighbourhood of a lofty and bold mountain, a broken country strewed over with huge fragments. here nature shows that the last movement before the bed of the sea is changed into dry land may sometimes be one of tranquillity. under these circumstances i was curious to observe how far from the parent rock any pebbles could be found. on the shores of bahia blanca, and near the settlement, there were some of quartz, which certainly must have come from this source: the distance is forty-five miles. the dew, which in the early part of the night wetted the saddle-cloths under which we slept, was in the morning frozen. the plain, though appearing horizontal, had insensibly sloped up to a height of between 800 and 900 feet above the sea. in the morning (9th of september) the guide told me to ascend the nearest ridge, which he thought would lead me to the four peaks that crown the summit. the climbing up such rough rocks was very fatiguing; the sides were so indented, that what was gained in one five minutes was often lost in the next. at last, when i reached the ridge, my disappointment was extreme in finding a precipitous valley as deep as the plain, which cut the chain transversely in two, and separated me from the four points. this valley is very narrow, but flat-bottomed, and it forms a fine horse-pass for the indians, as it connects the plains on the northern and southern sides of the range. having descended, and while crossing it, i saw two horses grazing: i immediately hid myself in the long grass, and began to reconnoitre; but as i could see no signs of indians i proceeded cautiously on my second ascent. it was late in the day, and this part of the mountain, like the other, was steep and rugged. i was on the top of the second peak by two o'clock, but got there with extreme difficulty; every twenty yards i had the cramp in the upper part of both thighs, so that i was afraid i should not have been able to have got down again. it was also necessary to return by another road, as it was out of the question to pass over the saddle-back. i was therefore obliged to give up the two higher peaks. their altitude was but little greater, and every purpose of geology had been answered; so that the attempt was not worth the hazard of any further exertion. i presume the cause of the cramp was the great change in the kind of muscular action, from that of hard riding to that of still harder climbing. it is a lesson worth remembering, as in some cases it might cause much difficulty. i have already said the mountain is composed of white quartz rock, and with it a little glossy clay-slate is associated. at the height of a few hundred feet above the plain patches of conglomerate adhered in several places to the solid rock. they resembled in hardness, and in the nature of the cement, the masses which may be seen daily forming on some coasts. i do not doubt these pebbles were in a similar manner aggregated, at a period when the great calcareous formation was depositing beneath the surrounding sea. we may believe that the jagged and battered forms of the hard quartz yet show the effects of the waves of an open ocean. i was, on the whole, disappointed with this ascent. even the view was insignificant;--a plain like the sea, but without its beautiful colour and defined outline. the scene, however, was novel, and a little danger, like salt to meat, gave it a relish. that the danger was very little was certain, for my two companions made a good fire--a thing which is never done when it is suspected that indians are near. i reached the place of our bivouac by sunset, and drinking much mate, and smoking several cigaritos, soon made up my bed for the night. the wind was very strong and cold, but i never slept more comfortably. september 10th.--in the morning, having fairly scudded before the gale, we arrived by the middle of the day at the sauce posta. in the road we saw great numbers of deer, and near the mountain a guanaco. the plain, which abuts against the sierra, is traversed by some curious gullies, of which one was about twenty feet wide, and at least thirty deep; we were obliged in consequence to make a considerable circuit before we could find a pass. we stayed the night at the posta, the conversation, as was generally the case, being about the indians. the sierra ventana was formerly a great place of resort; and three or four years ago there was much fighting there. my guide had been present when many indians were killed: the women escaped to the top of the ridge, and fought most desperately with great stones; many thus saving themselves. september 11th.--proceeded to the third posta in company with the lieutenant who commanded it. the distance is called fifteen leagues; but it is only guess-work, and is generally overstated. the road was uninteresting, over a dry grassy plain; and on our left hand at a greater or less distance there were some low hills; a continuation of which we crossed close to the posta. before our arrival we met a large herd of cattle and horses, guarded by fifteen soldiers; but we were told many had been lost. it is very difficult to drive animals across the plains; for if in the night a puma, or even a fox, approaches, nothing can prevent the horses dispersing in every direction; and a storm will have the same effect. a short time since, an officer left buenos ayres with five hundred horses, and when he arrived at the army he had under twenty. soon afterwards we perceived by the cloud of dust, that a party of horsemen were coming towards us; when far distant my companions knew them to be indians, by their long hair streaming behind their backs. the indians generally have a fillet round their heads, but never any covering; and their black hair blowing across their swarthy faces, heightens to an uncommon degree the wildness of their appearance. they turned out to be a party of bernantio's friendly tribe, going to a salina for salt. the indians eat much salt, their children sucking it like sugar. this habit is very different from that of the spanish gauchos, who, leading the same kind of life, eat scarcely any; according to mungo park, [2] it is people who live on vegetable food who have an unconquerable desire for salt. the indians gave us good-humoured nods as they passed at full gallop, driving before them a troop of horses, and followed by a train of lanky dogs. september 12th and 13th.--i stayed at this posta two days, waiting for a troop of soldiers, which general rosas had the kindness to send to inform me, would shortly travel to buenos ayres; and he advised me to take the opportunity of the escort. in the morning we rode to some neighbouring hills to view the country, and to examine the geology. after dinner the soldiers divided themselves into two parties for a trial of skill with the bolas. two spears were stuck in the ground twenty-five yards apart, but they were struck and entangled only once in four or five times. the balls can be thrown fifty or sixty yards, but with little certainty. this, however, does not apply to a man on horseback; for when the speed of the horse is added to the force of the arm, it is said, that they can be whirled with effect to the distance of eighty yards. as a proof of their force, i may mention, that at the falkland islands, when the spaniards murdered some of their own countrymen and all the englishmen, a young friendly spaniard was running away, when a great tall man, by name luciano, came at full gallop after him, shouting to him to stop, and saying that he only wanted to speak to him. just as the spaniard was on the point of reaching the boat, luciano threw the balls: they struck him on the legs with such a jerk, as to throw him down and to render him for some time insensible. the man, after luciano had had his talk, was allowed to escape. he told us that his legs were marked by great weals, where the thong had wound round, as if he had been flogged with a whip. in the middle of the day two men arrived, who brought a parcel from the next posta to be forwarded to the general: so that besides these two, our party consisted this evening of my guide and self, the lieutenant, and his four soldiers. the latter were strange beings; the first a fine young negro; the second half indian and negro; and the two others non-descripts; namely, an old chilian miner, the colour of mahogany, and another partly a mulatto; but two such mongrels with such detestable expressions, i never saw before. at night, when they were sitting round the fire, and playing at cards, i retired to view such a salvator rosa scene. they were seated under a low cliff, so that i could look down upon them; around the party were lying dogs, arms, remnants of deer and ostriches; and their long spears were stuck in the turf. further in the dark background, their horses were tied up, ready for any sudden danger. if the stillness of the desolate plain was broken by one of the dogs barking, a soldier, leaving the fire, would place his head close to the ground, and thus slowly scan the horizon. even if the noisy teru-tero uttered its scream, there would be a pause in the conversation, and every head, for a moment, a little inclined. what a life of misery these men appear to us to lead! they were at least ten leagues from the sauce posta, and since the murder committed by the indians, twenty from another. the indians are supposed to have made their attack in the middle of the night; for very early in the morning after the murder, they were luckily seen approaching this posta. the whole party here, however, escaped, together with the troop of horses; each one taking a line for himself, and driving with him as many animals as he was able to manage. the little hovel, built of thistle-stalks, in which they slept, neither kept out the wind nor rain; indeed in the latter case the only effect the roof had, was to condense it into larger drops. they had nothing to eat excepting what they could catch, such as ostriches, deer, armadilloes, etc., and their only fuel was the dry stalks of a small plant, somewhat resembling an aloe. the sole luxury which these men enjoyed was smoking the little paper cigars, and sucking mate. i used to think that the carrion vultures, man's constant attendants on these dreary plains, while seated on the little neighbouring cliffs seemed by their very patience to say, "ah! when the indians come we shall have a feast." in the morning we all sallied forth to hunt, and although we had not much success, there were some animated chases. soon after starting the party separated, and so arranged their plans, that at a certain time of the day (in guessing which they show much skill) they should all meet from different points of the compass on a plain piece of ground, and thus drive together the wild animals. one day i went out hunting at bahia blanca, but the men there merely rode in a crescent, each being about a quarter of a mile apart from the other. a fine male ostrich being turned by the headmost riders, tried to escape on one side. the gauchos pursued at a reckless pace, twisting their horses about with the most admirable command, and each man whirling the balls round his head. at length the foremost threw them, revolving through the air: in an instant the ostrich rolled over and over, its legs fairly lashed together by the thong. the plains abound with three kinds of partridge, [3] two of which are as large as hen pheasants. their destroyer, a small and pretty fox, was also singularly numerous; in the course of the day we could not have seen less than forty or fifty. they were generally near their earths, but the dogs killed one. when we returned to the posta, we found two of the party returned who had been hunting by themselves. they had killed a puma, and had found an ostrich's nest with twenty-seven eggs in it. each of these is said to equal in weight eleven hen's eggs; so that we obtained from this one nest as much food as 297 hen's eggs would have given. september 14th.--as the soldiers belonging to the next posta meant to return, and we should together make a party of five, and all armed, i determined not to wait for the expected troops. my host, the lieutenant, pressed me much to stop. as he had been very obliging--not only providing me with food, but lending me his private horses--i wanted to make him some remuneration. i asked my guide whether i might do so, but he told me certainly not; that the only answer i should receive, probably would be, "we have meat for the dogs in our country, and therefore do not grudge it to a christian." it must not be supposed that the rank of lieutenant in such an army would at all prevent the acceptance of payment: it was only the high sense of hospitality, which every traveller is bound to acknowledge as nearly universal throughout these provinces. after galloping some leagues, we came to a low swampy country, which extends for nearly eighty miles northward, as far as the sierra tapalguen. in some parts there were fine damp plains, covered with grass, while others had a soft, black, and peaty soil. there were also many extensive but shallow lakes, and large beds of reeds. the country on the whole resembled the better parts of the cambridgeshire fens. at night we had some difficulty in finding amidst the swamps, a dry place for our bivouac. september 15th.--rose very early in the morning and shortly after passed the posta where the indians had murdered the five soldiers. the officer had eighteen chuzo wounds in his body. by the middle of the day, after a hard gallop, we reached the fifth posta: on account of some difficulty in procuring horses we stayed there the night. as this point was the most exposed on the whole line, twenty-one soldiers were stationed here; at sunset they returned from hunting, bringing with them seven deer, three ostriches, and many armadilloes and partridges. when riding through the country, it is a common practice to set fire to the plain; and hence at night, as on this occasion, the horizon was illuminated in several places by brilliant conflagrations. this is done partly for the sake of puzzling any stray indians, but chiefly for improving the pasture. in grassy plains unoccupied by the larger ruminating quadrupeds, it seems necessary to remove the superfluous vegetation by fire, so as to render the new year's growth serviceable. the rancho at this place did not boast even of a roof, but merely consisted of a ring of thistle-stalks, to break the force of the wind. it was situated on the borders of an extensive but shallow lake, swarming with wild fowl, among which the black-necked swan was conspicuous. the kind of plover, which appears as if mounted on stilts (himantopus nigricollis), is here common in flocks of considerable size. it has been wrongfully accused of inelegance; when wading about in shallow water, which is its favourite resort, its gait is far from awkward. these birds in a flock utter a noise, that singularly resembles the cry of a pack of small dogs in full chase: waking in the night, i have more than once been for a moment startled at the distant sound. the teru-tero (vanellus cayanus) is another bird, which often disturbs the stillness of the night. in appearance and habits it resembles in many respects our peewits; its wings, however, are armed with sharp spurs, like those on the legs of the common cock. as our peewit takes its name from the sound of its voice, so does the teru-tero. while riding over the grassy plains, one is constantly pursued by these birds, which appear to hate mankind, and i am sure deserve to be hated for their never-ceasing, unvaried, harsh screams. to the sportsman they are most annoying, by telling every other bird and animal of his approach: to the traveller in the country, they may possibly, as molina says, do good, by warning him of the midnight robber. during the breeding season, they attempt, like our peewits, by feigning to be wounded, to draw away from their nests dogs and other enemies. the eggs of this bird are esteemed a great delicacy. september 16th.--to the seventh posta at the foot of the sierra tapalguen. the country was quite level, with a coarse herbage and a soft peaty soil. the hovel was here remarkably neat, the posts and rafters being made of about a dozen dry thistle-stalks bound together with thongs of hide; and by the support of these ionic-like columns, the roof and sides were thatched with reeds. we were here told a fact, which i would not have credited, if i had not had partly ocular proof of it; namely, that, during the previous night hail as large as small apples, and extremely hard, had fallen with such violence, as to kill the greater number of the wild animals. one of the men had already found thirteen deer (cervus campestris) lying dead, and i saw their _fresh_ hides; another of the party, a few minutes after my arrival brought in seven more. now i well know, that one man without dogs could hardly have killed seven deer in a week. the men believed they had seen about fifteen ostriches (part of one of which we had for dinner); and they said that several were running about evidently blind in one eye. numbers of smaller birds, as ducks, hawks, and partridges, were killed. i saw one of the latter with a black mark on its back, as if it had been struck with a paving-stone. a fence of thistle-stalks round the hovel was nearly broken down, and my informer, putting his head out to see what was the matter, received a severe cut, and now wore a bandage. the storm was said to have been of limited extent: we certainly saw from our last night's bivouac a dense cloud and lightning in this direction. it is marvellous how such strong animals as deer could thus have been killed; but i have no doubt, from the evidence i have given, that the story is not in the least exaggerated. i am glad, however, to have its credibility supported by the jesuit dobrizhoffen, [4] who, speaking of a country much to the northward, says, hail fell of an enormous size and killed vast numbers of cattle: the indians hence called the place _lalegraicavalca_, meaning "the little white things." dr. malcolmson, also, informs me that he witnessed in 1831 in india, a hail-storm, which killed numbers of large birds and much injured the cattle. these hailstones were flat, and one was ten inches in circumference, and another weighed two ounces. they ploughed up a gravel-walk like musket-balls, and passed through glass-windows, making round holes, but not cracking them. having finished our dinner, of hail-stricken meat, we crossed the sierra tapalguen; a low range of hills, a few hundred feet in height, which commences at cape corrientes. the rock in this part is pure quartz; further eastward i understand it is granitic. the hills are of a remarkable form; they consist of flat patches of table-land, surrounded by low perpendicular cliffs, like the outliers of a sedimentary deposit. the hill which i ascended was very small, not above a couple of hundred yards in diameter; but i saw others larger. one which goes by the name of the "corral," is said to be two or three miles in diameter, and encompassed by perpendicular cliffs, between thirty and forty feet high, excepting at one spot, where the entrance lies. falconer [5] gives a curious account of the indians driving troops of wild horses into it, and then by guarding the entrance, keeping them secure. i have never heard of any other instance of table-land in a formation of quartz, and which, in the hill i examined, had neither cleavage nor stratification. i was told that the rock of the "corral" was white, and would strike fire. we did not reach the posta on the rio tapalguen till after it was dark. at supper, from something which was said, i was suddenly struck with horror at thinking that i was eating one of the favourite dishes of the country namely, a half-formed calf, long before its proper time of birth. it turned out to be puma; the meat is very white and remarkably like veal in taste. dr. shaw was laughed at for stating that "the flesh of the lion is in great esteem having no small affinity with veal, both in colour, taste, and flavour." such certainly is the case with the puma. the gauchos differ in their opinion, whether the jaguar is good eating, but are unanimous in saying that cat is excellent. september 17th.--we followed the course of the rio tapalguen, through a very fertile country, to the ninth posta. tapalguen, itself, or the town of tapalguen, if it may be so called, consists of a perfectly level plain, studded over, as far as the eye can reach, with the toldos or oven-shaped huts of the indians. the families of the friendly indians, who were fighting on the side of rosas, resided here. we met and passed many young indian women, riding by two or three together on the same horse: they, as well as many of the young men, were strikingly handsome,--their fine ruddy complexions being the picture of health. besides the toldos, there were three ranchos; one inhabited by the commandant, and the two others by spaniards with small shops. we were here able to buy some biscuit. i had now been several days without tasting anything besides meat: i did not at all dislike this new regimen; but i felt as if it would only have agreed with me with hard exercise. i have heard that patients in england, when desired to confine themselves exclusively to an animal diet, even with the hope of life before their eyes, have hardly been able to endure it. yet the gaucho in the pampas, for months together, touches nothing but beef. but they eat, i observe, a very large proportion of fat, which is of a less animalized nature; and they particularly dislike dry meat, such as that of the agouti. dr. richardson [6] also, has remarked, "that when people have fed for a long time solely upon lean animal food, the desire for fat becomes so insatiable, that they can consume a large quantity of unmixed and even oily fat without nausea:" this appears to me a curious physiological fact. it is, perhaps, from their meat regimen that the gauchos, like other carnivorous animals, can abstain long from food. i was told that at tandeel, some troops voluntarily pursued a party of indians for three days, without eating or drinking. we saw in the shops many articles, such as horsecloths, belts, and garters, woven by the indian women. the patterns were very pretty, and the colours brilliant; the workmanship of the garters was so good that an english merchant at buenos ayres maintained they must have been manufactured in england, till he found the tassels had been fastened by split sinew. september 18th.--we had a very long ride this day. at the twelfth posta, which is seven leagues south of the rio salado, we came to the first estancia with cattle and white women. afterwards we had to ride for many miles through a country flooded with water above our horses' knees. by crossing the stirrups, and riding arab-like with our legs bent up, we contrived to keep tolerably dry. it was nearly dark when we arrived at the salado; the stream was deep, and about forty yards wide; in summer, however, its bed becomes almost dry, and the little remaining water nearly as salt as that of the sea. we slept at one of the great estancias of general rosas. it was fortified, and of such an extent, that arriving in the dark i thought it was a town and fortress. in the morning we saw immense herds of cattle, the general here having seventy-four square leagues of land. formerly nearly three hundred men were employed about this estate, and they defied all the attacks of the indians. september 19th.--passed the guardia del monte. this is a nice scattered little town, with many gardens, full of peach and quince trees. the plain here looked like that around buenos ayres; the turf being short and bright green, with beds of clover and thistles, and with bizcacha holes. i was very much struck with the marked change in the aspect of the country after having crossed the salado. from a coarse herbage we passed on to a carpet of fine green verdure. i at first attributed this to some change in the nature of the soil, but the inhabitants assured me that here, as well as in banda oriental, where there is as great a difference between the country round monte video and the thinly-inhabited savannahs of colonia, the whole was to be attributed to the manuring and grazing of the cattle. exactly the same fact has been observed in the prairies [7] of north america, where coarse grass, between five and six feet high, when grazed by cattle, changes into common pasture land. i am not botanist enough to say whether the change here is owing to the introduction of new species, to the altered growth of the same, or to a difference in their proportional numbers. azara has also observed with astonishment this change: he is likewise much perplexed by the immediate appearance of plants not occurring in the neighbourhood, on the borders of any track that leads to a newly-constructed hovel. in another part he says, [8] "ces chevaux (sauvages) ont la manie de preferer les chemins, et le bord des routes pour deposer leurs excremens, dont on trouve des monceaux dans ces endroits." does this not partly explain the circumstance? we thus have lines of richly manured land serving as channels of communication across wide districts. near the guardia we find the southern limit of two european plants, now become extraordinarily common. the fennel in great profusion covers the ditch-banks in the neighbourhood of buenos ayres, monte video, and other towns. but the cardoon (cynara cardunculus) has a far wider range: [9] it occurs in these latitudes on both sides of the, cordillera, across the continent. i saw it in unfrequented spots in chile, entre rios, and banda oriental. in the latter country alone, very many (probably several hundred) square miles are covered by one mass of these prickly plants, and are impenetrable by man or beast. over the undulating plains, where these great beds occur, nothing else can now live. before their introduction, however, the surface must have supported, as in other parts, a rank herbage. i doubt whether any case is on record of an invasion on so grand a scale of one plant over the aborigines. as i have already said, i nowhere saw the cardoon south of the salado; but it is probable that in proportion as that country becomes inhabited, the cardoon will extend its limits. the case is different with the giant thistle (with variegated leaves) of the pampas, for i met with it in the valley of the sauce. according to the principles so well laid down by mr. lyell, few countries have undergone more remarkable changes, since the year 1535, when the first colonist of la plata landed with seventy-two horses. the countless herds of horses, cattle, and sheep, not only have altered the whole aspect of the vegetation, but they have almost banished the guanaco, deer and ostrich. numberless other changes must likewise have taken place; the wild pig in some parts probably replaces the peccari; packs of wild dogs may be heard howling on the wooded banks of the less-frequented streams; and the common cat, altered into a large and fierce animal, inhabits rocky hills. as m. d'orbigny has remarked, the increase in numbers of the carrion-vulture, since the introduction of the domestic animals, must have been infinitely great; and we have given reasons for believing that they have extended their southern range. no doubt many plants, besides the cardoon and fennel, are naturalized; thus the islands near the mouth of the parana, are thickly clothed with peach and orange trees, springing from seeds carried there by the waters of the river. while changing horses at the guardia several people questioned us much about the army,--i never saw anything like the enthusiasm for rosas, and for the success of the "most just of all wars, because against barbarians." this expression, it must be confessed, is very natural, for till lately, neither man, woman nor horse, was safe from the attacks of the indians. we had a long day's ride over the same rich green plain, abounding with various flocks, and with here and there a solitary estancia, and its one _ombu_ tree. in the evening it rained heavily: on arriving at a posthouse we were told by the owner, that if we had not a regular passport we must pass on, for there were so many robbers he would trust no one. when he read, however, my passport, which began with "el naturalista don carlos," his respect and civility were as unbounded as his suspicions had been before. what a naturalist might be, neither he nor his countrymen, i suspect, had any idea; but probably my title lost nothing of its value from that cause. september 20th.--we arrived by the middle of the day at buenos ayres. the outskirts of the city looked quite pretty, with the agave hedges, and groves of olive, peach and willow trees, all just throwing out their fresh green leaves. i rode to the house of mr. lumb, an english merchant, to whose kindness and hospitality, during my stay in the country, i was greatly indebted. the city of buenos ayres is large; [10] and i should think one of the most regular in the world. every street is at right angles to the one it crosses, and the parallel ones being equidistant, the houses are collected into solid squares of equal dimensions, which are called quadras. on the other hand, the houses themselves are hollow squares; all the rooms opening into a neat little courtyard. they are generally only one story high, with flat roofs, which are fitted with seats and are much frequented by the inhabitants in summer. in the centre of the town is the plaza, where the public offices, fortress, cathedral, etc., stand. here also, the old viceroys, before the revolution, had their palaces. the general assemblage of buildings possesses considerable architectural beauty, although none individually can boast of any. the great _corral_, where the animals are kept for slaughter to supply food to this beef-eating population, is one of the spectacles best worth seeing. the strength of the horse as compared to that of the bullock is quite astonishing: a man on horseback having thrown his lazo round the horns of a beast, can drag it anywhere he chooses. the animal ploughing up the ground with outstretched legs, in vain efforts to resist the force, generally dashes at full speed to one side; but the horse immediately turning to receive the shock, stands so firmly that the bullock is almost thrown down, and it is surprising that their necks are not broken. the struggle is not, however, one of fair strength; the horse's girth being matched against the bullock's extended neck. in a similar manner a man can hold the wildest horse, if caught with the lazo, just behind the ears. when the bullock has been dragged to the spot where it is to be slaughtered, the matador with great caution cuts the hamstrings. then is given the death bellow; a noise more expressive of fierce agony than any i know. i have often distinguished it from a long distance, and have always known that the struggle was then drawing to a close. the whole sight is horrible and revolting: the ground is almost made of bones; and the horses and riders are drenched with gore. [1] i call these thistle-stalks for the want of a more correct name. i believe it is a species of eryngium. [2] travels in africa, p. 233. [3] two species of tinamus and eudromia elegans of a. d'orbigny, which can only be called a partridge with regard to its habits. [4] history of the abipones, vol. ii. p. 6. [5] falconer's patagonia, p. 70. [6] fauna boreali-americana, vol. i. p. 35. [7] see mr. atwater's account of the prairies, in silliman's n. a. journal, vol. i. p. 117. [8] azara's voyages, vol. i. p. 373. [9] m. a. d'orbigny (vol. i. p. 474) says that the cardoon and artichoke are both found wild. dr. hooker (botanical magazine, vol. iv. p. 2862), has described a variety of the cynara from this part of south america under the name of inermis. he states that botanists are now generally agreed that the cardoon and the artichoke are varieties of one plant. i may add, that an intelligent farmer assured me that he had observed in a deserted garden some artichokes changing into the common cardoon. dr. hooker believes that head's vivid description of the thistle of the pampas applies to the cardoon, but this is a mistake. captain head referred to the plant, which i have mentioned a few lines lower down, under the title of giant thistle. whether it is a true thistle i do not know; but it is quite different from the cardoon; and more like a thistle properly so called. [10] it is said to contain 60,000 inhabitants. monte video, the second town of importance on the banks of the plata, has 15,000. chapter vii buenos ayres and st. fe excursion to st. fe--thistle beds--habits of the bizcacha--little owl--saline streams--level plain--mastodon--st. fe--change in landscape--geology--tooth of extinct horse--relation of the fossil and recent quadrupeds of north and south america--effects of a great drought--parana--habits of the jaguar--scissor-beak--kingfisher, parrot, and scissor-tail--revolution--buenos ayres state of government. september 27th.--in the evening i set out on an excursion to st. fe, which is situated nearly three hundred english miles from buenos ayres, on the banks of the parana. the roads in the neighbourhood of the city after the rainy weather, were extraordinarily bad. i should never have thought it possible for a bullock waggon to have crawled along: as it was, they scarcely went at the rate of a mile an hour, and a man was kept ahead, to survey the best line for making the attempt. the bullocks were terribly jaded: it is a great mistake to suppose that with improved roads, and an accelerated rate of travelling, the sufferings of the animals increase in the same proportion. we passed a train of waggons and a troop of beasts on their road to mendoza. the distance is about 580 geographical miles, and the journey is generally performed in fifty days. these waggons are very long, narrow, and thatched with reeds; they have only two wheels, the diameter of which in some cases is as much as ten feet. each is drawn by six bullocks, which are urged on by a goad at least twenty feet long: this is suspended from within the roof; for the wheel bullocks a smaller one is kept; and for the intermediate pair, a point projects at right angles from the middle of the long one. the whole apparatus looked like some implement of war. september 28th.--we passed the small town of luxan where there is a wooden bridge over the river--a most unusual convenience in this country. we passed also areco. the plains appeared level, but were not so in fact; for in various places the horizon was distant. the estancias are here wide apart; for there is little good pasture, owing to the land being covered by beds either of an acrid clover, or of the great thistle. the latter, well known from the animated description given by sir f. head, were at this time of the year two-thirds grown; in some parts they were as high as the horse's back, but in others they had not yet sprung up, and the ground was bare and dusty as on a turnpike-road. the clumps were of the most brilliant green, and they made a pleasing miniature-likeness of broken forest land. when the thistles are full grown, the great beds are impenetrable, except by a few tracts, as intricate as those in a labyrinth. these are only known to the robbers, who at this season inhabit them, and sally forth at night to rob and cut throats with impunity. upon asking at a house whether robbers were numerous, i was answered, "the thistles are not up yet;"--the meaning of which reply was not at first very obvious. there is little interest in passing over these tracts, for they are inhabited by few animals or birds, excepting the bizcacha and its friend the little owl. the bizcacha [1] is well known to form a prominent feature in the zoology of the pampas. it is found as far south as the rio negro, in lat. 41 degs., but not beyond. it cannot, like the agouti, subsist on the gravelly and desert plains of patagonia, but prefers a clayey or sandy soil, which produces a different and more abundant vegetation. near mendoza, at the foot of the cordillera, it occurs in close neighbourhood with the allied alpine species. it is a very curious circumstance in its geographical distribution, that it has never been seen, fortunately for the inhabitants of banda oriental, to the eastward of the river uruguay: yet in this province there are plains which appear admirably adapted to its habits. the uruguay has formed an insuperable obstacle to its migration: although the broader barrier of the parana has been passed, and the bizcacha is common in entre rios, the province between these two great rivers. near buenos ayres these animals are exceedingly common. their most favourite resort appears to be those parts of the plain which during one-half of the year are covered with giant thistles, to the exclusion of other plants. the gauchos affirm that it lives on roots; which, from the great strength of its gnawing teeth, and the kind of places frequented by it, seems probable. in the evening the bizcachas come out in numbers, and quietly sit at the mouths of their burrows on their haunches. at such times they are very tame, and a man on horseback passing by seems only to present an object for their grave contemplation. they run very awkwardly, and when running out of danger, from their elevated tails and short front legs much resemble great rats. their flesh, when cooked, is very white and good, but it is seldom used. the bizcacha has one very singular habit; namely, dragging every hard object to the mouth of its burrow: around each group of holes many bones of cattle, stones, thistle-stalks, hard lumps of earth, dry dung, etc., are collected into an irregular heap, which frequently amounts to as much as a wheelbarrow would contain. i was credibly informed that a gentleman, when riding on a dark night, dropped his watch; he returned in the morning, and by searching the neighbourhood of every bizcacha hole on the line of road, as he expected, he soon found it. this habit of picking up whatever may be lying on the ground anywhere near its habitation, must cost much trouble. for what purpose it is done, i am quite unable to form even the most remote conjecture: it cannot be for defence, because the rubbish is chiefly placed above the mouth of the burrow, which enters the ground at a very small inclination. no doubt there must exist some good reason; but the inhabitants of the country are quite ignorant of it. the only fact which i know analogous to it, is the habit of that extraordinary australian bird, the calodera maculata, which makes an elegant vaulted passage of twigs for playing in, and which collects near the spot, land and sea-shells, bones and the feathers of birds, especially brightly coloured ones. mr. gould, who has described these facts, informs me, that the natives, when they lose any hard object, search the playing passages, and he has known a tobacco-pipe thus recovered. the little owl (athene cunicularia), which has been so often mentioned, on the plains of buenos ayres exclusively inhabits the holes of the bizcacha; but in banda oriental it is its own workman. during the open day, but more especially in the evening, these birds may be seen in every direction standing frequently by pairs on the hillock near their burrows. if disturbed they either enter the hole, or, uttering a shrill harsh cry, move with a remarkably undulatory flight to a short distance, and then turning round, steadily gaze at their pursuer. occasionally in the evening they may be heard hooting. i found in the stomachs of two which i opened the remains of mice, and i one day saw a small snake killed and carried away. it is said that snakes are their common prey during the daytime. i may here mention, as showing on what various kinds of food owls subsist, that a species killed among the islets of the chonos archipelago, had its stomach full of good-sized crabs. in india [2] there is a fishing genus of owls, which likewise catches crabs. in the evening we crossed the rio arrecife on a simple raft made of barrels lashed together, and slept at the post-house on the other side. i this day paid horse-hire for thirty-one leagues; and although the sun was glaring hot i was but little fatigued. when captain head talks of riding fifty leagues a day, i do not imagine the distance is equal to 150 english miles. at all events, the thirty-one leagues was only 76 miles in a straight line, and in an open country i should think four additional miles for turnings would be a sufficient allowance. 29th and 30th.--we continued to ride over plains of the same character. at san nicolas i first saw the noble river of the parana. at the foot of the cliff on which the town stands, some large vessels were at anchor. before arriving at rozario, we crossed the saladillo, a stream of fine clear running water, but too saline to drink. rozario is a large town built on a dead level plain, which forms a cliff about sixty feet high over the parana. the river here is very broad, with many islands, which are low and wooded, as is also the opposite shore. the view would resemble that of a great lake, if it were not for the linear-shaped islets, which alone give the idea of running water. the cliffs are the most picturesque part; sometimes they are absolutely perpendicular, and of a red colour; at other times in large broken masses, covered with cacti and mimosa-trees. the real grandeur, however, of an immense river like this, is derived from reflecting how important a means of communication and commerce it forms between one nation and another; to what a distance it travels, and from how vast a territory it drains the great body of fresh water which flows past your feet. for many leagues north and south of san nicolas and rozario, the country is really level. scarcely anything which travellers have written about its extreme flatness, can be considered as exaggeration. yet i could never find a spot where, by slowly turning round, objects were not seen at greater distances in some directions than in others; and this manifestly proves inequality in the plain. at sea, a person's eye being six feet above the surface of the water, his horizon is two miles and four-fifths distant. in like manner, the more level the plain, the more nearly does the horizon approach within these narrow limits; and this, in my opinion, entirely destroys that grandeur which one would have imagined that a vast level plain would have possessed. october 1st.--we started by moonlight and arrived at the rio tercero by sunrise. the river is also called the saladillo, and it deserves the name, for the water is brackish. i stayed here the greater part of the day, searching for fossil bones. besides a perfect tooth of the toxodon, and many scattered bones, i found two immense skeletons near each other, projecting in bold relief from the perpendicular cliff of the parana. they were, however, so completely decayed, that i could only bring away small fragments of one of the great molar teeth; but these are sufficient to show that the remains belonged to a mastodon, probably to the same species with that, which formerly must have inhabited the cordillera in upper peru in such great numbers. the men who took me in the canoe, said they had long known of these skeletons, and had often wondered how they had got there: the necessity of a theory being felt, they came to the conclusion that, like the bizcacha, the mastodon was formerly a burrowing animal! in the evening we rode another stage, and crossed the monge, another brackish stream, bearing the dregs of the washings of the pampas. october 2nd.--we passed through corunda, which, from the luxuriance of its gardens, was one of the prettiest villages i saw. from this point to st. fe the road is not very safe. the western side of the parana northward, ceases to be inhabited; and hence the indians sometimes come down thus far, and waylay travellers. the nature of the country also favours this, for instead of a grassy plain, there is an open woodland, composed of low prickly mimosas. we passed some houses that had been ransacked and since deserted; we saw also a spectacle, which my guides viewed with high satisfaction; it was the skeleton of an indian with the dried skin hanging on the bones, suspended to the branch of a tree. in the morning we arrived at st. fe. i was surprised to observe how great a change of climate a difference of only three degrees of latitude between this place and buenos ayres had caused. this was evident from the dress and complexion of the men--from the increased size of the ombu-trees--the number of new cacti and other plants--and especially from the birds. in the course of an hour i remarked half-a-dozen birds, which i had never seen at buenos ayres. considering that there is no natural boundary between the two places, and that the character of the country is nearly similar, the difference was much greater than i should have expected. october 3rd and 4th.--i was confined for these two days to my bed by a headache. a good-natured old woman, who attended me, wished me to try many odd remedies. a common practice is, to bind an orange-leaf or a bit of black plaster to each temple: and a still more general plan is, to split a bean into halves, moisten them, and place one on each temple, where they will easily adhere. it is not thought proper ever to remove the beans or plaster, but to allow them to drop off, and sometimes, if a man, with patches on his head, is asked, what is the matter? he will answer, "i had a headache the day before yesterday." many of the remedies used by the people of the country are ludicrously strange, but too disgusting to be mentioned. one of the least nasty is to kill and cut open two puppies and bind them on each side of a broken limb. little hairless dogs are in great request to sleep at the feet of invalids. st. fe is a quiet little town, and is kept clean and in good order. the governor, lopez, was a common soldier at the time of the revolution; but has now been seventeen years in power. this stability of government is owing to his tyrannical habits; for tyranny seems as yet better adapted to these countries than republicanism. the governor's favourite occupation is hunting indians: a short time since he slaughtered forty-eight, and sold the children at the rate of three or four pounds apiece. october 5th.--we crossed the parana to st. fe bajada, a town on the opposite shore. the passage took some hours, as the river here consisted of a labyrinth of small streams, separated by low wooded islands. i had a letter of introduction to an old catalonian spaniard, who treated me with the most uncommon hospitality. the bajada is the capital of entre rios. in 1825 the town contained 6000 inhabitants, and the province 30,000; yet, few as the inhabitants are, no province has suffered more from bloody and desperate revolutions. they boast here of representatives, ministers, a standing army, and governors: so it is no wonder that they have their revolutions. at some future day this must be one of the richest countries of la plata. the soil is varied and productive; and its almost insular form gives it two grand lines of communication by the rivers parana and uruguay. i was delayed here five days, and employed myself in examining the geology of the surrounding country, which was very interesting. we here see at the bottom of the cliffs, beds containing sharks' teeth and sea-shells of extinct species, passing above into an indurated marl, and from that into the red clayey earth of the pampas, with its calcareous concretions and the bones of terrestrial quadrupeds. this vertical section clearly tells us of a large bay of pure salt-water, gradually encroached on, and at last converted into the bed of a muddy estuary, into which floating carcasses were swept. at punta gorda, in banda oriental, i found an alternation of the pampaean estuary deposit, with a limestone containing some of the same extinct sea-shells; and this shows either a change in the former currents, or more probably an oscillation of level in the bottom of the ancient estuary. until lately, my reasons for considering the pampaean formation to be an estuary deposit were, its general appearance, its position at the mouth of the existing great river the plata, and the presence of so many bones of terrestrial quadrupeds: but now professor ehrenberg has had the kindness to examine for me a little of the red earth, taken from low down in the deposit, close to the skeletons of the mastodon, and he finds in it many infusoria, partly salt-water and partly fresh-water forms, with the latter rather preponderating; and therefore, as he remarks, the water must have been brackish. m. a. d'orbigny found on the banks of the parana, at the height of a hundred feet, great beds of an estuary shell, now living a hundred miles lower down nearer the sea; and i found similar shells at a less height on the banks of the uruguay; this shows that just before the pampas was slowly elevated into dry land, the water covering it was brackish. below buenos ayres there are upraised beds of sea-shells of existing species, which also proves that the period of elevation of the pampas was within the recent period. in the pampaean deposit at the bajada i found the osseous armour of a gigantic armadillo-like animal, the inside of which, when the earth was removed, was like a great cauldron; i found also teeth of the toxodon and mastodon, and one tooth of a horse, in the same stained and decayed state. this latter tooth greatly interested me, [3] and i took scrupulous care in ascertaining that it had been embedded contemporaneously with the other remains; for i was not then aware that amongst the fossils from bahia blanca there was a horse's tooth hidden in the matrix: nor was it then known with certainty that the remains of horses are common in north america. mr. lyell has lately brought from the united states a tooth of a horse; and it is an interesting fact, that professor owen could find in no species, either fossil or recent, a slight but peculiar curvature characterizing it, until he thought of comparing it with my specimen found here: he has named this american horse equus curvidens. certainly it is a marvellous fact in the history of the mammalia, that in south america a native horse should have lived and disappeared, to be succeeded in after-ages by the countless herds descended from the few introduced with the spanish colonists! the existence in south america of a fossil horse, of the mastodon, possibly of an elephant, [4] and of a hollow-horned ruminant, discovered by mm. lund and clausen in the caves of brazil, are highly interesting facts with respect to the geographical distribution of animals. at the present time, if we divide america, not by the isthmus of panama, but by the southern part of mexico [5] in lat. 20 degs., where the great table-land presents an obstacle to the migration of species, by affecting the climate, and by forming, with the exception of some valleys and of a fringe of low land on the coast, a broad barrier; we shall then have the two zoological provinces of north and south america strongly contrasted with each other. some few species alone have passed the barrier, and may be considered as wanderers from the south, such as the puma, opossum, kinkajou, and peccari. south america is characterized by possessing many peculiar gnawers, a family of monkeys, the llama, peccari, tapir, opossums, and, especially, several genera of edentata, the order which includes the sloths, ant-eaters, and armadilloes. north america, on the other hand, is characterized (putting on one side a few wandering species) by numerous peculiar gnawers, and by four genera (the ox, sheep, goat, and antelope) of hollow-horned ruminants, of which great division south america is not known to possess a single species. formerly, but within the period when most of the now existing shells were living, north america possessed, besides hollow-horned ruminants, the elephant, mastodon, horse, and three genera of edentata, namely, the megatherium, megalonyx, and mylodon. within nearly this same period (as proved by the shells at bahia blanca) south america possessed, as we have just seen, a mastodon, horse, hollow-horned ruminant, and the same three genera (as well as several others) of the edentata. hence it is evident that north and south america, in having within a late geological period these several genera in common, were much more closely related in the character of their terrestrial inhabitants than they now are. the more i reflect on this case, the more interesting it appears: i know of no other instance where we can almost mark the period and manner of the splitting up of one great region into two well-characterized zoological provinces. the geologist, who is fully impressed with the vast oscillations of level which have affected the earth's crust within late periods, will not fear to speculate on the recent elevation of the mexican platform, or, more probably, on the recent submergence of land in the west indian archipelago, as the cause of the present zoological separation of north and south america. the south american character of the west indian mammals [6] seems to indicate that this archipelago was formerly united to the southern continent, and that it has subsequently been an area of subsidence. when america, and especially north america, possessed its elephants, mastodons, horse, and hollow-horned ruminants, it was much more closely related in its zoological characters to the temperate parts of europe and asia than it now is. as the remains of these genera are found on both sides of behring's straits [7] and on the plains of siberia, we are led to look to the north-western side of north america as the former point of communication between the old and so-called new world. and as so many species, both living and extinct, of these same genera inhabit and have inhabited the old world, it seems most probable that the north american elephants, mastodons, horse, and hollow-horned ruminants migrated, on land since submerged near behring's straits, from siberia into north america, and thence, on land since submerged in the west indies, into south america, where for a time they mingled with the forms characteristic of that southern continent, and have since become extinct. while travelling through the country, i received several vivid descriptions of the effects of a late great drought; and the account of this may throw some light on the cases where vast numbers of animals of all kinds have been embedded together. the period included between the years 1827 and 1830 is called the "gran seco," or the great drought. during this time so little rain fell, that the vegetation, even to the thistles, failed; the brooks were dried up, and the whole country assumed the appearance of a dusty high road. this was especially the case in the northern part of the province of buenos ayres and the southern part of st. fe. very great numbers of birds, wild animals, cattle, and horses perished from the want of food and water. a man told me that the deer [8] used to come into his courtyard to the well, which he had been obliged to dig to supply his own family with water; and that the partridges had hardly strength to fly away when pursued. the lowest estimation of the loss of cattle in the province of buenos ayres alone, was taken at one million head. a proprietor at san pedro had previously to these years 20,000 cattle; at the end not one remained. san pedro is situated in the middle of the finest country; and even now abounds again with animals; yet during the latter part of the "gran seco," live cattle were brought in vessels for the consumption of the inhabitants. the animals roamed from their estancias, and, wandering far southward, were mingled together in such multitudes, that a government commission was sent from buenos ayres to settle the disputes of the owners. sir woodbine parish informed me of another and very curious source of dispute; the ground being so long dry, such quantities of dust were blown about, that in this open country the landmarks became obliterated, and people could not tell the limits of their estates. i was informed by an eye-witness that the cattle in herds of thousands rushed into the parana, and being exhausted by hunger they were unable to crawl up the muddy banks, and thus were drowned. the arm of the river which runs by san pedro was so full of putrid carcasses, that the master of a vessel told me that the smell rendered it quite impassable. without doubt several hundred thousand animals thus perished in the river: their bodies when putrid were seen floating down the stream; and many in all probability were deposited in the estuary of the plata. all the small rivers became highly saline, and this caused the death of vast numbers in particular spots; for when an animal drinks of such water it does not recover. azara describes [9] the fury of the wild horses on a similar occasion, rushing into the marshes, those which arrived first being overwhelmed and crushed by those which followed. he adds that more than once he has seen the carcasses of upwards of a thousand wild horses thus destroyed. i noticed that the smaller streams in the pampas were paved with a breccia of bones but this probably is the effect of a gradual increase, rather than of the destruction at any one period. subsequently to the drought of 1827 to 1832, a very rainy season followed which caused great floods. hence it is almost certain that some thousands of the skeletons were buried by the deposits of the very next year. what would be the opinion of a geologist, viewing such an enormous collection of bones, of all kinds of animals and of all ages, thus embedded in one thick earthy mass? would he not attribute it to a flood having swept over the surface of the land, rather than to the common order of things? [10] october 12th.--i had intended to push my excursion further, but not being quite well, i was compelled to return by a balandra, or one-masted vessel of about a hundred tons' burden, which was bound to buenos ayres. as the weather was not fair, we moored early in the day to a branch of a tree on one of the islands. the parana is full of islands, which undergo a constant round of decay and renovation. in the memory of the master several large ones had disappeared, and others again had been formed and protected by vegetation. they are composed of muddy sand, without even the smallest pebble, and were then about four feet above the level of the river; but during the periodical floods they are inundated. they all present one character; numerous willows and a few other trees are bound together by a great variety of creeping plants, thus forming a thick jungle. these thickets afford a retreat for capybaras and jaguars. the fear of the latter animal quite destroyed all pleasure in scrambling through the woods. this evening i had not proceeded a hundred yards, before finding indubitable signs of the recent presence of the tiger, i was obliged to come back. on every island there were tracks; and as on the former excursion "el rastro de los indios" had been the subject of conversation, so in this was "el rastro del tigre." the wooded banks of the great rivers appear to be the favourite haunts of the jaguar; but south of the plata, i was told that they frequented the reeds bordering lakes: wherever they are, they seem to require water. their common prey is the capybara, so that it is generally said, where capybaras are numerous there is little danger from the jaguar. falconer states that near the southern side of the mouth of the plata there are many jaguars, and that they chiefly live on fish; this account i have heard repeated. on the parana they have killed many wood-cutters, and have even entered vessels at night. there is a man now living in the bajada, who, coming up from below when it was dark, was seized on the deck; he escaped, however, with the loss of the use of one arm. when the floods drive these animals from the islands, they are most dangerous. i was told that a few years since a very large one found its way into a church at st. fe: two padres entering one after the other were killed, and a third, who came to see what was the matter, escaped with difficulty. the beast was destroyed by being shot from a corner of the building which was unroofed. they commit also at these times great ravages among cattle and horses. it is said that they kill their prey by breaking their necks. if driven from the carcass, they seldom return to it. the gauchos say that the jaguar, when wandering about at night, is much tormented by the foxes yelping as they follow him. this is a curious coincidence with the fact which is generally affirmed of the jackals accompanying, in a similarly officious manner, the east indian tiger. the jaguar is a noisy animal, roaring much by night, and especially before bad weather. one day, when hunting on the banks of the uruguay, i was shown certain trees, to which these animals constantly recur for the purpose, as it is said, of sharpening their claws. i saw three well-known trees; in front, the bark was worn smooth, as if by the breast of the animal, and on each side there were deep scratches, or rather grooves, extending in an oblique line, nearly a yard in length. the scars were of different ages. a common method of ascertaining whether a jaguar is in the neighbourhood is to examine these trees. i imagine this habit of the jaguar is exactly similar to one which may any day be seen in the common cat, as with outstretched legs and exserted claws it scrapes the leg of a chair; and i have heard of young fruit-trees in an orchard in england having been thus much injured. some such habit must also be common to the puma, for on the bare hard soil of patagonia i have frequently seen scores so deep that no other animal could have made them. the object of this practice is, i believe, to tear off the ragged points of their claws, and not, as the gauchos think, to sharpen them. the jaguar is killed, without much difficulty, by the aid of dogs baying and driving him up a tree, where he is despatched with bullets. owing to bad weather we remained two days at our moorings. our only amusement was catching fish for our dinner: there were several kinds, and all good eating. a fish called the "armado" (a silurus) is remarkable from a harsh grating noise which it makes when caught by hook and line, and which can be distinctly heard when the fish is beneath the water. this same fish has the power of firmly catching hold of any object, such as the blade of an oar or the fishing-line, with the strong spine both of its pectoral and dorsal fin. in the evening the weather was quite tropical, the thermometer standing at 79 degs. numbers of fireflies were hovering about, and the musquitoes were very troublesome. i exposed my hand for five minutes, and it was soon black with them; i do not suppose there could have been less than fifty, all busy sucking. october 15th.--we got under way and passed punta gorda, where there is a colony of tame indians from the province of missiones. we sailed rapidly down the current, but before sunset, from a silly fear of bad weather, we brought-to in a narrow arm of the river. i took the boat and rowed some distance up this creek. it was very narrow, winding, and deep; on each side a wall thirty or forty feet high, formed by trees intwined with creepers, gave to the canal a singularly gloomy appearance. i here saw a very extraordinary bird, called the scissor-beak (rhynchops nigra). it has short legs, web feet, extremely long-pointed wings, and is of about the size of a tern. the beak is flattened laterally, that is, in a plane at right angles to that of a spoonbill or duck. it is as flat and elastic as an ivory paper-cutter, and the lower mandible, differing from every other bird, is an inch and a half longer than the upper. in a lake near maldonado, from which the water had been nearly drained, and which, in consequence, swarmed with small fry, i saw several of these birds, generally in small flocks, flying rapidly backwards and forwards close to the surface of the lake. they kept their bills wide open, and the lower mandible half buried in the water. thus skimming the surface, they ploughed it in their course: the water was quite smooth, and it formed a most curious spectacle to behold a flock, each bird leaving its narrow wake on the mirror-like surface. in their flight they frequently twist about with extreme quickness, and dexterously manage with their projecting lower mandible to plough up small fish, which are secured by the upper and shorter half of their scissor-like [picture] bills. this fact i repeatedly saw, as, like swallows, they continued to fly backwards and forwards close before me. occasionally when leaving the surface of the water their flight was wild, irregular, and rapid; they then uttered loud harsh cries. when these birds are fishing, the advantage of the long primary feathers of their wings, in keeping them dry, is very evident. when thus employed, their forms resemble the symbol by which many artists represent marine birds. their tails are much used in steering their irregular course. these birds are common far inland along the course of the rio parana; it is said that they remain here during the whole year, and breed in the marshes. during the day they rest in flocks on the grassy plains at some distance from the water. being at anchor, as i have said, in one of the deep creeks between the islands of the parana, as the evening drew to a close, one of these scissor-beaks suddenly appeared. the water was quite still, and many little fish were rising. the bird continued for a long time to skim the surface, flying in its wild and irregular manner up and down the narrow canal, now dark with the growing night and the shadows of the overhanging trees. at monte video, i observed that some large flocks during the day remained on the mud-banks at the head of the harbour, in the same manner as on the grassy plains near the parana; and every evening they took flight seaward. from these facts i suspect that the rhynchops generally fishes by night, at which time many of the lower animals come most abundantly to the surface. m. lesson states that he has seen these birds opening the shells of the mactrae buried in the sand-banks on the coast of chile: from their weak bills, with the lower mandible so much projecting, their short legs and long wings, it is very improbable that this can be a general habit. in our course down the parana, i observed only three other birds, whose habits are worth mentioning. one is a small kingfisher (ceryle americana); it has a longer tail than the european species, and hence does not sit in so stiff and upright a position. its flight also, instead of being direct and rapid, like the course of an arrow, is weak and undulatory, as among the soft-billed birds. it utters a low note, like the clicking together of two small stones. a small green parrot (conurus murinus), with a grey breast, appears to prefer the tall trees on the islands to any other situation for its building-place. a number of nests are placed so close together as to form one great mass of sticks. these parrots always live in flocks, and commit great ravages on the corn-fields. i was told, that near colonia 2500 were killed in the course of one year. a bird with a forked tail, terminated by two long feathers (tyrannus savana), and named by the spaniards scissor-tail, is very common near buenos ayres: it commonly sits on a branch of the _ombu_ tree, near a house, and thence takes a short flight in pursuit of insects, and returns to the same spot. when on the wing it presents in its manner of flight and general appearance a caricature-likeness of the common swallow. it has the power of turning very shortly in the air, and in so doing opens and shuts its tail, sometimes in a horizontal or lateral and sometimes in a vertical direction, just like a pair of scissors. october 16th.--some leagues below rozario, the western shore of the parana is bounded by perpendicular cliffs, which extend in a long line to below san nicolas; hence it more resembles a sea-coast than that of a fresh-water river. it is a great drawback to the scenery of the parana, that, from the soft nature of its banks, the water is very muddy. the uruguay, flowing through a granitic country, is much clearer; and where the two channels unite at the head of the plata, the waters may for a long distance be distinguished by their black and red colours. in the evening, the wind being not quite fair, as usual we immediately moored, and the next day, as it blew rather freshly, though with a favouring current, the master was much too indolent to think of starting. at bajada, he was described to me as "hombre muy aflicto"--a man always miserable to get on; but certainly he bore all delays with admirable resignation. he was an old spaniard, and had been many years in this country. he professed a great liking to the english, but stoutly maintained that the battle of trafalgar was merely won by the spanish captains having been all bought over; and that the only really gallant action on either side was performed by the spanish admiral. it struck me as rather characteristic, that this man should prefer his countrymen being thought the worst of traitors, rather than unskilful or cowardly. 18th and 19th.--we continued slowly to sail down the noble stream: the current helped us but little. we met, during our descent, very few vessels. one of the best gifts of nature, in so grand a channel of communication, seems here wilfully thrown away--a river in which ships might navigate from a temperate country, as surprisingly abundant in certain productions as destitute of others, to another possessing a tropical climate, and a soil which, according to the best of judges, m. bonpland, is perhaps unequalled in fertility in any part of the world. how different would have been the aspect of this river if english colonists had by good fortune first sailed up the plata! what noble towns would now have occupied its shores! till the death of francia, the dictator of paraguay, these two countries must remain distinct, as if placed on opposite sides of the globe. and when the old bloody-minded tyrant is gone to his long account, paraguay will be torn by revolutions, violent in proportion to the previous unnatural calm. that country will have to learn, like every other south american state, that a republic cannot succeed till it contains a certain body of men imbued with the principles of justice and honour. october 20th.--being arrived at the mouth of the parana, and as i was very anxious to reach buenos ayres, i went on shore at las conchas, with the intention of riding there. upon landing, i found to my great surprise that i was to a certain degree a prisoner. a violent revolution having broken out, all the ports were laid under an embargo. i could not return to my vessel, and as for going by land to the city, it was out of the question. after a long conversation with the commandant, i obtained permission to go the next day to general rolor, who commanded a division of the rebels on this side the capital. in the morning i rode to the encampment. the general, officers, and soldiers, all appeared, and i believe really were, great villains. the general, the very evening before he left the city, voluntarily went to the governor, and with his hand to his heart, pledged his word of honour that he at least would remain faithful to the last. the general told me that the city was in a state of close blockade, and that all he could do was to give me a passport to the commander-in-chief of the rebels at quilmes. we had therefore to take a great sweep round the city, and it was with much difficulty that we procured horses. my reception at the encampment was quite civil, but i was told it was impossible that i could be allowed to enter the city. i was very anxious about this, as i anticipated the beagle's departure from the rio plata earlier than it took place. having mentioned, however, general rosas's obliging kindness to me when at the colorado, magic itself could not have altered circumstances quicker than did this conversation. i was instantly told that though they could not give me a passport, if i chose to leave my guide and horses, i might pass their sentinels. i was too glad to accept of this, and an officer was sent with me to give directions that i should not be stopped at the bridge. the road for the space of a league was quite deserted. i met one party of soldiers, who were satisfied by gravely looking at an old passport: and at length i was not a little pleased to find myself within the city. this revolution was supported by scarcely any pretext of grievances: but in a state which, in the course of nine months (from february to october, 1820), underwent fifteen changes in its government--each governor, according to the constitution, being elected for three years--it would be very unreasonable to ask for pretexts. in this case, a party of men--who, being attached to rosas, were disgusted with the governor balcarce--to the number of seventy left the city, and with the cry of rosas the whole country took arms. the city was then blockaded, no provisions, cattle or horses, were allowed to enter; besides this, there was only a little skirmishing, and a few men daily killed. the outside party well knew that by stopping the supply of meat they would certainly be victorious. general rosas could not have known of this rising; but it appears to be quite consonant with the plans of his party. a year ago he was elected governor, but he refused it, unless the sala would also confer on him extraordinary powers. this was refused, and since then his party have shown that no other governor can keep his place. the warfare on both sides was avowedly protracted till it was possible to hear from rosas. a note arrived a few days after i left buenos ayres, which stated that the general disapproved of peace having been broken, but that he thought the outside party had justice on their side. on the bare reception of this, the governor, ministers, and part of the military, to the number of some hundreds, fled from the city. the rebels entered, elected a new governor, and were paid for their services to the number of 5500 men. from these proceedings, it was clear that rosas ultimately would become the dictator: to the term king, the people in this, as in other republics, have a particular dislike. since leaving south america, we have heard that rosas has been elected, with powers and for a time altogether opposed to the constitutional principles of the republic. [1] the bizcacha (lagostomus trichodactylus) somewhat resembles a large rabbit, but with bigger gnawing teeth and a long tail; it has, however, only three toes behind, like the agouti. during the last three or four years the skins of these animals have been sent to england for the sake of the fur. [2] journal of asiatic soc., vol. v. p. 363. [3] i need hardly state here that there is good evidence against any horse living in america at the time of columbus. [4] cuvier. ossemens fossils, tom. i. p. 158. [5] this is the geographical division followed by lichtenstein, swainson, erichson, and richardson. the section from vera cruz to acapulco, given by humboldt in the polit. essay on kingdom of n. spain will show how immense a barrier the mexican table-land forms. dr. richardson, in his admirable report on the zoology of n. america read before the brit. assoc. 1836 (p. 157), talking of the identification of a mexican animal with the synetheres prehensilis, says, "we do not know with what propriety, but if correct, it is, if not a solitary instance, at least very nearly so, of a rodent animal being common to north and south america." [6] see dr. richardson's report, p. 157; also l'institut, 1837, p. 253. cuvier says the kinkajou is found in the larger antilles, but this is doubtful. m. gervais states that the didelphis crancrivora is found there. it is certain that the west indies possess some mammifers peculiar to themselves. a tooth of a mastadon has been brought from bahama; edin. new phil. journ., 1826, p. 395. [7] see the admirable appendix by dr. buckland to beechey's voyage; also the writings of chamisso in kotzebue's voyage. [8] in captain owen's surveying voyage (vol. ii. p. 274) there is a curious account of the effects of a drought on the elephants, at benguela (west coast of africa). "a number of these animals had some time since entered the town, in a body, to possess themselves of the wells, not being able to procure any water in the country. the inhabitants mustered, when a desperate conflict ensued, which terminated in the ultimate discomfiture of the invaders, but not until they had killed one man, and wounded several others." the town is said to have a population of nearly three thousand! dr. malcolmson informs me that, during a great drought in india, the wild animals entered the tents of some troops at ellore, and that a hare drank out of a vessel held by the adjutant of the regiment. [9] travels, vol. i. p. 374. [10] these droughts to a certain degree seem to be almost periodical; i was told the dates of several others, and the intervals were about fifteen years. chapter viii banda oriental and patagonia excursion to colonia del sacramiento--value of an estancia--cattle, how counted--singular breed of oxen--perforated pebbles--shepherd dogs--horses broken-in, gauchos riding--character of inhabitants--rio plata--flocks of butterflies--aeronaut spiders--phosphorescence of the sea--port desire--guanaco--port st. julian--geology of patagonia--fossil gigantic animal--types of organization constant--change in the zoology of america--causes of extinction. having been delayed for nearly a fortnight in the city, i was glad to escape on board a packet bound for monte video. a town in a state of blockade must always be a disagreeable place of residence; in this case moreover there were constant apprehensions from robbers within. the sentinels were the worst of all; for, from their office and from having arms in their hands, they robbed with a degree of authority which other men could not imitate. our passage was a very long and tedious one. the plata looks like a noble estuary on the map; but is in truth a poor affair. a wide expanse of muddy water has neither grandeur nor beauty. at one time of the day, the two shores, both of which are extremely low, could just be distinguished from the deck. on arriving at monte video i found that the beagle would not sail for some time, so i prepared for a short excursion in this part of banda oriental. everything which i have said about the country near maldonado is applicable to monte video; but the land, with the one exception of the green mount 450 feet high, from which it takes its name, is far more level. very little of the undulating grassy plain is enclosed; but near the town there are a few hedge-banks, covered with agaves, cacti, and fennel. november 14th.--we left monte video in the afternoon. i intended to proceed to colonia del sacramiento, situated on the northern bank of the plata and opposite to buenos ayres, and thence, following up the uruguay, to the village of mercedes on the rio negro (one of the many rivers of this name in south america), and from this point to return direct to monte video. we slept at the house of my guide at canelones. in the morning we rose early, in the hopes of being able to ride a good distance; but it was a vain attempt, for all the rivers were flooded. we passed in boats the streams of canelones, st. lucia, and san jose, and thus lost much time. on a former excursion i crossed the lucia near its mouth, and i was surprised to observe how easily our horses, although not used to swim, passed over a width of at least six hundred yards. on mentioning this at monte video, i was told that a vessel containing some mountebanks and their horses, being wrecked in the plata, one horse swam seven miles to the shore. in the course of the day i was amused by the dexterity with which a gaucho forced a restive horse to swim a river. he stripped off his clothes, and jumping on its back, rode into the water till it was out of its depth; then slipping off over the crupper, he caught hold of the tail, and as often as the horse turned round the man frightened it back by splashing water in its face. as soon as the horse touched the bottom on the other side, the man pulled himself on, and was firmly seated, bridle in hand, before the horse gained the bank. a naked man on a naked horse is a fine spectacle; i had no idea how well the two animals suited each other. the tail of a horse is a very useful appendage; i have passed a river in a boat with four people in it, which was ferried across in the same way as the gaucho. if a man and horse have to cross a broad river, the best plan is for the man to catch hold of the pommel or mane, and help himself with the other arm. we slept and stayed the following day at the post of cufre. in the evening the postman or letter-carrier arrived. he was a day after his time, owing to the rio rozario being flooded. it would not, however, be of much consequence; for, although he had passed through some of the principal towns in banda oriental, his luggage consisted of two letters! the view from the house was pleasing; an undulating green surface, with distant glimpses of the plata. i find that i look at this province with very different eyes from what i did upon my first arrival. i recollect i then thought it singularly level; but now, after galloping over the pampas, my only surprise is, what could have induced me ever to call it level. the country is a series of undulations, in themselves perhaps not absolutely great, but, as compared to the plains of st. fe, real mountains. from these inequalities there is an abundance of small rivulets, and the turf is green and luxuriant. november 17th.--we crossed the rozario, which was deep and rapid, and passing the village of colla, arrived at midday at colonia del sacramiento. the distance is twenty leagues, through a country covered with fine grass, but poorly stocked with cattle or inhabitants. i was invited to sleep at colonia, and to accompany on the following day a gentleman to his estancia, where there were some limestone rocks. the town is built on a stony promontory something in the same manner as at monte video. it is strongly fortified, but both fortifications and town suffered much in the brazilian war. it is very ancient; and the irregularity of the streets, and the surrounding groves of old orange and peach trees, gave it a pretty appearance. the church is a curious ruin; it was used as a powder-magazine, and was struck by lightning in one of the ten thousand thunderstorms of the rio plata. two-thirds of the building were blown away to the very foundation; and the rest stands a shattered and curious monument of the united powers of lightning and gunpowder. in the evening i wandered about the half-demolished walls of the town. it was the chief seat of the brazilian war;--a war most injurious to this country, not so much in its immediate effects, as in being the origin of a multitude of generals and all other grades of officers. more generals are numbered (but not paid) in the united provinces of la plata than in the united kingdom of great britain. these gentlemen have learned to like power, and do not object to a little skirmishing. hence there are many always on the watch to create disturbance and to overturn a government which as yet has never rested on any staple foundation. i noticed, however, both here and in other places, a very general interest in the ensuing election for the president; and this appears a good sign for the prosperity of this little country. the inhabitants do not require much education in their representatives; i heard some men discussing the merits of those for colonia; and it was said that, "although they were not men of business, they could all sign their names:" with this they seemed to think every reasonable man ought to be satisfied. 18th.--rode with my host to his estancia, at the arroyo de san juan. in the evening we took a ride round the estate: it contained two square leagues and a half, and was situated in what is called a rincon; that is, one side was fronted by the plata, and the two others guarded by impassable brooks. there was an excellent port for little vessels, and an abundance of small wood, which is valuable as supplying fuel to buenos ayres. i was curious to know the value of so complete an estancia. of cattle there were 3000, and it would well support three or four times that number; of mares 800, together with 150 broken-in horses, and 600 sheep. there was plenty of water and limestone, a rough house, excellent corrals, and a peach orchard. for all this he had been offered 2000 pounds, and he only wanted 500 pounds additional, and probably would sell it for less. the chief trouble with an estancia is driving the cattle twice a week to a central spot, in order to make them tame, and to count them. this latter operation would be thought difficult, where there are ten or fifteen thousand head together. it is managed on the principle that the cattle invariably divide themselves into little troops of from forty to one hundred. each troop is recognized by a few peculiarly marked animals, and its number is known: so that, one being lost out of ten thousand, it is perceived by its absence from one of the tropillas. during a stormy night the cattle all mingle together; but the next morning the tropillas separate as before; so that each animal must know its fellow out of ten thousand others. on two occasions i met with in this province some oxen of a very curious breed, called nata or niata. they appear externally to hold nearly the same relation to other cattle, which bull or pug dogs do to other dogs. their forehead is very short and broad, with the nasal end turned up, and the upper lip much drawn back; their lower jaws project beyond the upper, and have a corresponding upward curve; hence their teeth are always exposed. their nostrils are seated high up and are very open; their eyes project outwards. when walking they carry their heads low, on a short neck; and their hinder legs are rather longer compared with the front legs than is usual. their bare teeth, their short heads, and upturned nostrils give them the most ludicrous self-confident air of defiance imaginable. since my return, i have procured a skeleton head, through the kindness of my friend captain sulivan, r. n., which is now deposited in the college of surgeons. [1] don f. muniz, of luxan, has kindly collected for me all the information which he could respecting this breed. from his account it seems that about eighty or ninety years ago, they were rare and kept as curiosities at buenos ayres. the breed is universally believed to have originated amongst the indians southward of the plata; and that it was with them the commonest kind. even to this day, those reared in the provinces near the plata show their less civilized origin, in being fiercer than common cattle, and in the cow easily deserting her first calf, if visited too often or molested. it is a singular fact that an almost similar structure to the abnormal [2] one of the niata breed, characterizes, as i am informed by dr. falconer, that great extinct ruminant of india, the sivatherium. the breed is very _true_; and a niata bull and cow invariably produce niata calves. a niata bull with a common cow, or the reverse cross, produces offspring having an intermediate character, but with the niata characters strongly displayed: according to senor muniz, there is the clearest evidence, contrary to the common belief of agriculturists in analogous cases, that the niata cow when crossed with a common bull transmits her peculiarities more strongly than the niata bull when crossed with a common cow. when the pasture is tolerably long, the niata cattle feed with the tongue and palate as well as common cattle; but during the great droughts, when so many animals perish, the niata breed is under a great disadvantage, and would be exterminated if not attended to; for the common cattle, like horses, are able just to keep alive, by browsing with their lips on twigs of trees and reeds; this the niatas cannot so well do, as their lips do not join, and hence they are found to perish before the common cattle. this strikes me as a good illustration of how little we are able to judge from the ordinary habits of life, on what circumstances, occurring only at long intervals, the rarity or extinction of a species may be determined. november 19th.--passing the valley of las vacas, we slept at a house of a north american, who worked a lime-kiln on the arroyo de las vivoras. in the morning we rode to a protecting headland on the banks of the river, called punta gorda. on the way we tried to find a jaguar. there were plenty of fresh tracks, and we visited the trees, on which they are said to sharpen their claws; but we did not succeed in disturbing one. from this point the rio uruguay presented to our view a noble volume of water. from the clearness and rapidity of the stream, its appearance was far superior to that of its neighbour the parana. on the opposite coast, several branches from the latter river entered the uruguay. as the sun was shining, the two colours of the waters could be seen quite distinct. in the evening we proceeded on our road towards mercedes on the rio negro. at night we asked permission to sleep at an estancia at which we happened to arrive. it was a very large estate, being ten leagues square, and the owner is one of the greatest landowners in the country. his nephew had charge of it, and with him there was a captain in the army, who the other day ran away from buenos ayres. considering their station, their conversation was rather amusing. they expressed, as was usual, unbounded astonishment at the globe being round, and could scarcely credit that a hole would, if deep enough, come out on the other side. they had, however, heard of a country where there were six months of light and six of darkness, and where the inhabitants were very tall and thin! they were curious about the price and condition of horses and cattle in england. upon finding out we did not catch our animals with the lazo, they cried out, "ah, then, you use nothing but the bolas:" the idea of an enclosed country was quite new to them. the captain at last said, he had one question to ask me, which he should be very much obliged if i would answer with all truth. i trembled to think how deeply scientific it would be: it was, "whether the ladies of buenos ayres were not the handsomest in the world." i replied, like a renegade, "charmingly so." he added, "i have one other question: do ladies in any other part of the world wear such large combs?" i solemnly assured him that they did not. they were absolutely delighted. the captain exclaimed, "look there! a man who has seen half the world says it is the case; we always thought so, but now we know it." my excellent judgment in combs and beauty procured me a most hospitable reception; the captain forced me to take his bed, and he would sleep on his recado. 21st.--started at sunrise, and rode slowly during the whole day. the geological nature of this part of the province was different from the rest, and closely resembled that of the pampas. in consequence, there were immense beds of the thistle, as well as of the cardoon: the whole country, indeed, may be called one great bed of these plants. the two sorts grow separate, each plant in company with its own kind. the cardoon is as high as a horse's back, but the pampas thistle is often higher than the crown of the rider's head. to leave the road for a yard is out of the question; and the road itself is partly, and in some cases entirely closed. pasture, of course there is none; if cattle or horses once enter the bed, they are for the time completely lost. hence it is very hazardous to attempt to drive cattle at this season of the year; for when jaded enough to face the thistles, they rush among them, and are seen no more. in these districts there are very few estancias, and these few are situated in the neighbourhood of damp valleys, where fortunately neither of these overwhelming plants can exist. as night came on before we arrived at our journey's end, we slept at a miserable little hovel inhabited by the poorest people. the extreme though rather formal courtesy of our host and hostess, considering their grade of life, was quite delightful. november 22nd.--arrived at an estancia on the berquelo belonging to a very hospitable englishman, to whom i had a letter of introduction from my friend mr. lumb. i stayed here three days. one morning i rode with my host to the sierra del pedro flaco, about twenty miles up the rio negro. nearly the whole country was covered with good though coarse grass, which was as high as a horse's belly; yet there were square leagues without a single head of cattle. the province of banda oriental, if well stocked, would support an astonishing number of animals, at present the annual export of hides from monte video amounts to three hundred thousand; and the home consumption, from waste, is very considerable. an "estanciero" told me that he often had to send large herds of cattle a long journey to a salting establishment, and that the tired beasts were frequently obliged to be killed and skinned; but that he could never persuade the gauchos to eat of them, and every evening a fresh beast was slaughtered for their suppers! the view of the rio negro from the sierra was more picturesque than any other which i saw in this province. the river, broad, deep, and rapid, wound at the foot of a rocky precipitous cliff: a belt of wood followed its course, and the horizon terminated in the distant undulations of the turf-plain. when in this neighbourhood, i several times heard of the sierra de las cuentas: a hill distant many miles to the northward. the name signifies hill of beads. i was assured that vast numbers of little round stones, of various colours, each with a small cylindrical hole, are found there. formerly the indians used to collect them, for the purpose of making necklaces and bracelets--a taste, i may observe, which is common to all savage nations, as well as to the most polished. i did not know what to understand from this story, but upon mentioning it at the cape of good hope to dr. andrew smith, he told me that he recollected finding on the south-eastern coast of africa, about one hundred miles to the eastward of st. john's river, some quartz crystals with their edges blunted from attrition, and mixed with gravel on the sea-beach. each crystal was about five lines in diameter, and from an inch to an inch and a half in length. many of them had a small canal extending from one extremity to the other, perfectly cylindrical, and of a size that readily admitted a coarse thread or a piece of fine catgut. their colour was red or dull white. the natives were acquainted with this structure in crystals. i have mentioned these circumstances because, although no crystallized body is at present known to assume this form, it may lead some future traveller to investigate the real nature of such stones. while staying at this estancia, i was amused with what i saw and heard of the shepherd-dogs of the country. [3] when riding, it is a common thing to meet a large flock of sheep guarded by one or two dogs, at the distance of some miles from any house or man. i often wondered how so firm a friendship had been established. the method of education consists in separating the puppy, while very young, from the bitch, and in accustoming it to its future companions. an ewe is held three or four times a day for the little thing to suck, and a nest of wool is made for it in the sheep-pen; at no time is it allowed to associate with other dogs, or with the children of the family. the puppy is, moreover, generally castrated; so that, when grown up, it can scarcely have any feelings in common with the rest of its kind. from this education it has no wish to leave the flock, and just as another dog will defend its master, man, so will these the sheep. it is amusing to observe, when approaching a flock, how the dog immediately advances barking, and the sheep all close in his rear, as if round the oldest ram. these dogs are also easily taught to bring home the flock, at a certain hour in the evening. their most troublesome fault, when young, is their desire of playing with the sheep; for in their sport they sometimes gallop their poor subjects most unmercifully. the shepherd-dog comes to the house every day for some meat, and as soon as it is given him, he skulks away as if ashamed of himself. on these occasions the house-dogs are very tyrannical, and the least of them will attack and pursue the stranger. the minute, however, the latter has reached the flock, he turns round and begins to bark, and then all the house-dogs take very quickly to their heels. in a similar manner a whole pack of the hungry wild dogs will scarcely ever (and i was told by some never) venture to attack a flock guarded by even one of these faithful shepherds. the whole account appears to me a curious instance of the pliability of the affections in the dog; and yet, whether wild or however educated, he has a feeling of respect or fear for those that are fulfilling their instinct of association. for we can understand on no principle the wild dogs being driven away by the single one with its flock, except that they consider, from some confused notion, that the one thus associated gains power, as if in company with its own kind. f. cuvier has observed that all animals that readily enter into domestication, consider man as a member of their own society, and thus fulfil their instinct of association. in the above case the shepherd-dog ranks the sheep as its fellow-brethren, and thus gains confidence; and the wild dogs, though knowing that the individual sheep are not dogs, but are good to eat, yet partly consent to this view when seeing them in a flock with a shepherd-dog at their head. one evening a "domidor" (a subduer of horses) came for the purpose of breaking-in some colts. i will describe the preparatory steps, for i believe they have not been mentioned by other travellers. a troop of wild young horses is driven into the corral, or large enclosure of stakes, and the door is shut. we will suppose that one man alone has to catch and mount a horse, which as yet had never felt bridle or saddle. i conceive, except by a gaucho, such a feat would be utterly impracticable. the gaucho picks out a full-grown colt; and as the beast rushes round the circus he throws his lazo so as to catch both the front legs. instantly the horse rolls over with a heavy shock, and whilst struggling on the ground, the gaucho, holding the lazo tight, makes a circle, so as to catch one of the hind legs just beneath the fetlock, and draws it close to the two front legs: he then hitches the lazo, so that the three are bound together. then sitting on the horse's neck, he fixes a strong bridle, without a bit, to the lower jaw: this he does by passing a narrow thong through the eye-holes at the end of the reins, and several times round both jaw and tongue. the two front legs are now tied closely together with a strong leathern thong, fastened by a slip-knot. the lazo, which bound the three together, being then loosed, the horse rises with difficulty. the gaucho now holding fast the bridle fixed to the lower jaw, leads the horse outside the corral. if a second man is present (otherwise the trouble is much greater) he holds the animal's head, whilst the first puts on the horsecloths and saddle, and girths the whole together. during this operation, the horse, from dread and astonishment at thus being bound round the waist, throws himself over and over again on the ground, and, till beaten, is unwilling to rise. at last, when the saddling is finished, the poor animal can hardly breathe from fear, and is white with foam and sweat. the man now prepares to mount by pressing heavily on the stirrup, so that the horse may not lose its balance; and at the moment that he throws his leg over the animal's back, he pulls the slip-knot binding the front legs, and the beast is free. some "domidors" pull the knot while the animal is lying on the ground, and, standing over the saddle, allow him to rise beneath them. the horse, wild with dread, gives a few most violent bounds, and then starts off at full gallop: when quite exhausted, the man, by patience, brings him back to the corral, where, reeking hot and scarcely alive, the poor beast is let free. those animals which will not gallop away, but obstinately throw themselves on the ground, are by far the most troublesome. this process is tremendously severe, but in two or three trials the horse is tamed. it is not, however, for some weeks that the animal is ridden with the iron bit and solid ring, for it must learn to associate the will of its rider with the feel of the rein, before the most powerful bridle can be of any service. animals are so abundant in these countries, that humanity and self-interest are not closely united; therefore i fear it is that the former is here scarcely known. one day, riding in the pampas with a very respectable "estanciero," my horse, being tired, lagged behind. the man often shouted to me to spur him. when i remonstrated that it was a pity, for the horse was quite exhausted, he cried out, "why not?--never mind--spur him--it is my horse." i had then some difficulty in making him comprehend that it was for the horse's sake, and not on his account, that i did not choose to use my spurs. he exclaimed, with a look of great surprise, "ah, don carlos, que cosa!" it was clear that such an idea had never before entered his head. the gauchos are well known to be perfect riders. the idea of being thrown, let the horse do what it likes; never enters their head. their criterion of a good rider is, a man who can manage an untamed colt, or who, if his horse falls, alights on his own feet, or can perform other such exploits. i have heard of a man betting that he would throw his horse down twenty times, and that nineteen times he would not fall himself. i recollect seeing a gaucho riding a very stubborn horse, which three times successively reared so high as to fall backwards with great violence. the man judged with uncommon coolness the proper moment for slipping off, not an instant before or after the right time; and as soon as the horse got up, the man jumped on his back, and at last they started at a gallop. the gaucho never appears to exert any muscular force. i was one day watching a good rider, as we were galloping along at a rapid pace, and thought to myself, "surely if the horse starts, you appear so careless on your seat, you must fall." at this moment, a male ostrich sprang from its nest right beneath the horse's nose: the young colt bounded on one side like a stag; but as for the man, all that could be said was, that he started and took fright with his horse. in chile and peru more pains are taken with the mouth of the horse than in la plata, and this is evidently a consequence of the more intricate nature of the country. in chile a horse is not considered perfectly broken, till he can be brought up standing, in the midst of his full speed, on any particular spot,--for instance, on a cloak thrown on the ground: or, again, he will charge a wall, and rearing, scrape the surface with his hoofs. i have seen an animal bounding with spirit, yet merely reined by a fore-finger and thumb, taken at full gallop across a courtyard, and then made to wheel round the post of a veranda with great speed, but at so equal a distance, that the rider, with outstretched arm, all the while kept one finger rubbing the post. then making a demi-volte in the air, with the other arm outstretched in a like manner, he wheeled round, with astonishing force, in an opposite direction. such a horse is well broken; and although this at first may appear useless, it is far otherwise. it is only carrying that which is daily necessary into perfection. when a bullock is checked and caught by the lazo, it will sometimes gallop round and round in a circle, and the horse being alarmed at the great strain, if not well broken, will not readily turn like the pivot of a wheel. in consequence many men have been killed; for if the lazo once takes a twist round a man's body, it will instantly, from the power of the two opposed animals, almost cut him in twain. on the same principle the races are managed; the course is only two or three hundred yards long, the wish being to have horses that can make a rapid dash. the race-horses are trained not only to stand with their hoofs touching a line, but to draw all four feet together, so as at the first spring to bring into play the full action of the hind-quarters. in chile i was told an anecdote, which i believe was true; and it offers a good illustration of the use of a well-broken animal. a respectable man riding one day met two others, one of whom was mounted on a horse, which he knew to have been stolen from himself. he challenged them; they answered him by drawing their sabres and giving chase. the man, on his good and fleet beast, kept just ahead: as he passed a thick bush he wheeled round it, and brought up his horse to a dead check. the pursuers were obliged to shoot on one side and ahead. then instantly dashing on, right behind them, he buried his knife in the back of one, wounded the other, recovered his horse from the dying robber, and rode home. for these feats of horsemanship two things are necessary: a most severe bit, like the mameluke, the power of which, though seldom used, the horse knows full well; and large blunt spurs, that can be applied either as a mere touch, or as an instrument of extreme pain. i conceive that with english spurs, the slightest touch of which pricks the skin, it would be impossible to break in a horse after the south american fashion. at an estancia near las vacas large numbers of mares are weekly slaughtered for the sake of their hides, although worth only five paper dollars, or about half a crown apiece. it seems at first strange that it can answer to kill mares for such a trifle; but as it is thought ridiculous in this country ever to break in or ride a mare, they are of no value except for breeding. the only thing for which i ever saw mares used, was to tread out wheat from the ear, for which purpose they were driven round a circular enclosure, where the wheat-sheaves were strewed. the man employed for slaughtering the mares happened to be celebrated for his dexterity with the lazo. standing at the distance of twelve yards from the mouth of the corral, he has laid a wager that he would catch by the legs every animal, without missing one, as it rushed past him. there was another man who said he would enter the corral on foot, catch a mare, fasten her front legs together, drive her out, throw her down, kill, skin, and stake the hide for drying (which latter is a tedious job); and he engaged that he would perform this whole operation on twenty-two animals in one day. or he would kill and take the skin off fifty in the same time. this would have been a prodigious task, for it is considered a good day's work to skin and stake the hides of fifteen or sixteen animals. november 26th.--i set out on my return in a direct line for monte video. having heard of some giant's bones at a neighbouring farm-house on the sarandis, a small stream entering the rio negro, i rode there accompanied by my host, and purchased for the value of eighteen pence the head of the toxodon. [4] when found it was quite perfect; but the boys knocked out some of the teeth with stones, and then set up the head as a mark to throw at. by a most fortunate chance i found a perfect tooth, which exactly fitted one of the sockets in this skull, embedded by itself on the banks of the rio tercero, at the distance of about 180 miles from this place. i found remains of this extraordinary animal at two other places, so that it must formerly have been common. i found here, also, some large portions of the armour of a gigantic armadillo-like animal, and part of the great head of a mylodon. the bones of this head are so fresh, that they contain, according to the analysis by mr. t. reeks, seven per cent of animal matter; and when placed in a spirit-lamp, they burn with a small flame. the number of the remains embedded in the grand estuary deposit which forms the pampas and covers the granitic rocks of banda oriental, must be extraordinarily great. i believe a straight line drawn in any direction through the pampas would cut through some skeleton or bones. besides those which i found during my short excursions, i heard of many others, and the origin of such names as "the stream of the animal," "the hill of the giant," is obvious. at other times i heard of the marvellous property of certain rivers, which had the power of changing small bones into large; or, as some maintained, the bones themselves grew. as far as i am aware, not one of these animals perished, as was formerly supposed, in the marshes or muddy river-beds of the present land, but their bones have been exposed by the streams intersecting the subaqueous deposit in which they were originally embedded. we may conclude that the whole area of the pampas is one wide sepulchre of these extinct gigantic quadrupeds. by the middle of the day, on the 28th, we arrived at monte video, having been two days and a half on the road. the country for the whole way was of a very uniform character, some parts being rather more rocky and hilly than near the plata. not far from monte video we passed through the village of las pietras, so named from some large rounded masses of syenite. its appearance was rather pretty. in this country a few fig-trees round a group of houses, and a site elevated a hundred feet above the general level, ought always to be called picturesque. during the last six months i have had an opportunity of seeing a little of the character of the inhabitants of these provinces. the gauchos, or countryrmen, are very superior to those who reside in the towns. the gaucho is invariably most obliging, polite, and hospitable: i did not meet with even one instance of rudeness or inhospitality. he is modest, both respecting himself and country, but at the same time a spirited, bold fellow. on the other hand, many robberies are committed, and there is much bloodshed: the habit of constantly wearing the knife is the chief cause of the latter. it is lamentable to hear how many lives are lost in trifling quarrels. in fighting, each party tries to mark the face of his adversary by slashing his nose or eyes; as is often attested by deep and horrid-looking scars. robberies are a natural consequence of universal gambling, much drinking, and extreme indolence. at mercedes i asked two men why they did not work. one gravely said the days were too long; the other that he was too poor. the number of horses and the profusion of food are the destruction of all industry. moreover, there are so many feast-days; and again, nothing can succeed without it be begun when the moon is on the increase; so that half the month is lost from these two causes. police and justice are quite inefficient. if a man who is poor commits murder and is taken, he will be imprisoned, and perhaps even shot; but if he is rich and has friends, he may rely on it no very severe consequence will ensue. it is curious that the most respectable inhabitants of the country invariably assist a murderer to escape: they seem to think that the individual sins against the government, and not against the people. a traveller has no protection besides his fire-arms; and the constant habit of carrying them is the main check to more frequent robberies. the character of the higher and more educated classes who reside in the towns, partakes, but perhaps in a lesser degree, of the good parts of the gaucho, but is, i fear, stained by many vices of which he is free. sensuality, mockery of all religion, and the grossest corruption, are far from uncommon. nearly every public officer can be bribed. the head man in the post-office sold forged government franks. the governor and prime minister openly combined to plunder the state. justice, where gold came into play, was hardly expected by any one. i knew an englishman, who went to the chief justice (he told me, that not then understanding the ways of the place, he trembled as he entered the room), and said, "sir, i have come to offer you two hundred (paper) dollars (value about five pounds sterling) if you will arrest before a certain time a man who has cheated me. i know it is against the law, but my lawyer (naming him) recommended me to take this step." the chief justice smiled acquiescence, thanked him, and the man before night was safe in prison. with this entire want of principle in many of the leading men, with the country full of ill-paid turbulent officers, the people yet hope that a democratic form of government can succeed! on first entering society in these countries, two or three features strike one as particularly remarkable. the polite and dignified manners pervading every rank of life, the excellent taste displayed by the women in their dresses, and the equality amongst all ranks. at the rio colorado some men who kept the humblest shops used to dine with general rosas. a son of a major at bahia blanca gained his livelihood by making paper cigars, and he wished to accompany me, as guide or servant, to buenos ayres, but his father objected on the score of the danger alone. many officers in the army can neither read nor write, yet all meet in society as equals. in entre rios, the sala consisted of only six representatives. one of them kept a common shop, and evidently was not degraded by the office. all this is what would be expected in a new country; nevertheless the absence of gentlemen by profession appears to an englishman something strange. when speaking of these countries, the manner in which they have been brought up by their unnatural parent, spain, should always be borne in mind. on the whole, perhaps, more credit is due for what has been done, than blame for that which may be deficient. it is impossible to doubt but that the extreme liberalism of these countries must ultimately lead to good results. the very general toleration of foreign religions, the regard paid to the means of education, the freedom of the press, the facilities offered to all foreigners, and especially, as i am bound to add, to every one professing the humblest pretensions to science, should be recollected with gratitude by those who have visited spanish south america. december 6th.--the beagle sailed from the rio plata, never again to enter its muddy stream. our course was directed to port desire, on the coast of patagonia. before proceeding any further, i will here put together a few observations made at sea. several times when the ship has been some miles off the mouth of the plata, and at other times when off the shores of northern patagonia, we have been surrounded by insects. one evening, when we were about ten miles from the bay of san blas, vast numbers of butterflies, in bands or flocks of countless myriads, extended as far as the eye could range. even by the aid of a telescope it was not possible to see a space free from butterflies. the seamen cried out "it was snowing butterflies," and such in fact was the appearance. more species than one were present, but the main part belonged to a kind very similar to, but not identical with, the common english colias edusa. some moths and hymenoptera accompanied the butterflies; and a fine beetle (calosoma) flew on board. other instances are known of this beetle having been caught far out at sea; and this is the more remarkable, as the greater number of the carabidae seldom or never take wing. the day had been fine and calm, and the one previous to it equally so, with light and variable airs. hence we cannot suppose that the insects were blown off the land, but we must conclude that they voluntarily took flight. the great bands of the colias seem at first to afford an instance like those on record of the migrations of another butterfly, vanessa cardui; [5] but the presence of other insects makes the case distinct, and even less intelligible. before sunset a strong breeze sprung up from the north, and this must have caused tens of thousands of the butterflies and other insects to have perished. on another occasion, when seventeen miles off cape corrientes, i had a net overboard to catch pelagic animals. upon drawing it up, to my surprise, i found a considerable number of beetles in it, and although in the open sea, they did not appear much injured by the salt water. i lost some of the specimens, but those which i preserved belonged to the genera colymbetes, hydroporus, hydrobius (two species), notaphus, cynucus, adimonia, and scarabaeus. at first i thought that these insects had been blown from the shore; but upon reflecting that out of the eight species four were aquatic, and two others partly so in their habits, it appeared to me most probable that they were floated into the sea by a small stream which drains a lake near cape corrientes. on any supposition it is an interesting circumstance to find live insects swimming in the open ocean seventeen miles from the nearest point of land. there are several accounts of insects having been blown off the patagonian shore. captain cook observed it, as did more lately captain king of the adventure. the cause probably is due to the want of shelter, both of trees and hills, so that an insect on the wing with an off-shore breeze, would be very apt to be blown out to sea. the most remarkable instance i have known of an insect being caught far from the land, was that of a large grasshopper (acrydium), which flew on board, when the beagle was to windward of the cape de verd islands, and when the nearest point of land, not directly opposed to the trade-wind, was cape blanco on the coast of africa, 370 miles distant. [6] on several occasions, when the beagle has been within the mouth of the plata, the rigging has been coated with the web of the gossamer spider. one day (november 1st, 1832) i paid particular attention to this subject. the weather had been fine and clear, and in the morning the air was full of patches of the flocculent web, as on an autumnal day in england. the ship was sixty miles distant from the land, in the direction of a steady though light breeze. vast numbers of a small spider, about one-tenth of an inch in length, and of a dusky red colour, were attached to the webs. there must have been, i should suppose, some thousands on the ship. the little spider, when first coming in contact with the rigging, was always seated on a single thread, and not on the flocculent mass. this latter seems merely to be produced by the entanglement of the single threads. the spiders were all of one species, but of both sexes, together with young ones. these latter were distinguished by their smaller size and more dusky colour. i will not give the description of this spider, but merely state that it does not appear to me to be included in any of latreille's genera. the little aeronaut as soon as it arrived on board was very active, running about, sometimes letting itself fall, and then reascending the same thread; sometimes employing itself in making a small and very irregular mesh in the corners between the ropes. it could run with facility on the surface of the water. when disturbed it lifted up its front legs, in the attitude of attention. on its first arrival it appeared very thirsty, and with exserted maxillae drank eagerly of drops of water, this same circumstance has been observed by strack: may it not be in consequence of the little insect having passed through a dry and rarefied atmosphere? its stock of web seemed inexhaustible. while watching some that were suspended by a single thread, i several times observed that the slightest breath of air bore them away out of sight, in a horizontal line. on another occasion (25th) under similar circumstances, i repeatedly observed the same kind of small spider, either when placed or having crawled on some little eminence, elevate its abdomen, send forth a thread, and then sail away horizontally, but with a rapidity which was quite unaccountable. i thought i could perceive that the spider, before performing the above preparatory steps, connected its legs together with the most delicate threads, but i am not sure whether this observation was correct. one day, at st. fe, i had a better opportunity of observing some similar facts. a spider which was about three-tenths of an inch in length, and which in its general appearance resembled a citigrade (therefore quite different from the gossamer), while standing on the summit of a post, darted forth four or five threads from its spinners. these, glittering in the sunshine, might be compared to diverging rays of light; they were not, however, straight, but in undulations like films of silk blown by the wind. they were more than a yard in length, and diverged in an ascending direction from the orifices. the spider then suddenly let go its hold of the post, and was quickly borne out of sight. the day was hot and apparently calm; yet under such circumstances, the atmosphere can never be so tranquil as not to affect a vane so delicate as the thread of a spider's web. if during a warm day we look either at the shadow of any object cast on a bank, or over a level plain at a distant landmark, the effect of an ascending current of heated air is almost always evident: such upward currents, it has been remarked, are also shown by the ascent of soap-bubbles, which will not rise in an in-doors room. hence i think there is not much difficulty in understanding the ascent of the fine lines projected from a spider's spinners, and afterwards of the spider itself; the divergence of the lines has been attempted to be explained, i believe by mr. murray, by their similar electrical condition. the circumstance of spiders of the same species, but of different sexes and ages, being found on several occasions at the distance of many leagues from the land, attached in vast numbers to the lines, renders it probable that the habit of sailing through the air is as characteristic of this tribe, as that of diving is of the argyroneta. we may then reject latreille's supposition, that the gossamer owes its origin indifferently to the young of several genera of spiders: although, as we have seen, the young of other spiders do possess the power of performing aerial voyages. [7] during our different passages south of the plata, i often towed astern a net made of bunting, and thus caught many curious animals. of crustacea there were many strange and undescribed genera. one, which in some respects is allied to the notopods (or those crabs which have their posterior legs placed almost on their backs, for the purpose of adhering to the under side of rocks), is very remarkable from the structure of its hind pair of legs. the penultimate joint, instead of terminating in a simple claw, ends in three bristle-like appendages of dissimilar lengths--the longest equalling that of the entire leg. these claws are very thin, and are serrated with the finest teeth, directed backwards: their curved extremities are flattened, and on this part five most minute cups are placed which seem to act in the same manner as the suckers on the arms of the cuttle-fish. as the animal lives in the open sea, and probably wants a place of rest, i suppose this beautiful and most anomalous structure is adapted to take hold of floating marine animals. in deep water, far from the land, the number of living creatures is extremely small: south of the latitude 35 degs., i never succeeded in catching anything besides some beroe, and a few species of minute entomostracous crustacea. in shoaler water, at the distance of a few miles from the coast, very many kinds of crustacea and some other animals are numerous, but only during the night. between latitudes 56 and 57 degs. south of cape horn, the net was put astern several times; it never, however, brought up anything besides a few of two extremely minute species of entomostraca. yet whales and seals, petrels and albatross, are exceedingly abundant throughout this part of the ocean. it has always been a mystery to me on what the albatross, which lives far from the shore, can subsist; i presume that, like the condor, it is able to fast long; and that one good feast on the carcass of a putrid whale lasts for a long time. the central and intertropical parts of the atlantic swarm with pteropoda, crustacea, and radiata, and with their devourers the flying-fish, and again with their devourers the bonitos and albicores; i presume that the numerous lower pelagic animals feed on the infusoria, which are now known, from the researches of ehrenberg, to abound in the open ocean: but on what, in the clear blue water, do these infusoria subsist? while sailing a little south of the plata on one very dark night, the sea presented a wonderful and most beautiful spectacle. there was a fresh breeze, and every part of the surface, which during the day is seen as foam, now glowed with a pale light. the vessel drove before her bows two billows of liquid phosphorus, and in her wake she was followed by a milky train. as far as the eye reached, the crest of every wave was bright, and the sky above the horizon, from the reflected glare of these livid flames, was not so utterly obscure as over the vault of the heavens. as we proceed further southward the sea is seldom phosphorescent; and off cape horn i do not recollect more than once having seen it so, and then it was far from being brilliant. this circumstance probably has a close connection with the scarcity of organic beings in that part of the ocean. after the elaborate paper, [8] by ehrenberg, on the phosphorescence of the sea, it is almost superfluous on my part to make any observations on the subject. i may however add, that the same torn and irregular particles of gelatinous matter, described by ehrenberg, seem in the southern as well as in the northern hemisphere, to be the common cause of this phenomenon. the particles were so minute as easily to pass through fine gauze; yet many were distinctly visible by the naked eye. the water when placed in a tumbler and agitated, gave out sparks, but a small portion in a watch-glass scarcely ever was luminous. ehrenberg states that these particles all retain a certain degree of irritability. my observations, some of which were made directly after taking up the water, gave a different result. i may also mention, that having used the net during one night, i allowed it to become partially dry, and having occasion twelve hours afterwards to employ it again, i found the whole surface sparkled as brightly as when first taken out of the water. it does not appear probable in this case, that the particles could have remained so long alive. on one occasion having kept a jelly-fish of the genus dianaea till it was dead, the water in which it was placed became luminous. when the waves scintillate with bright green sparks, i believe it is generally owing to minute crustacea. but there can be no doubt that very many other pelagic animals, when alive, are phosphorescent. on two occasions i have observed the sea luminous at considerable depths beneath the surface. near the mouth of the plata some circular and oval patches, from two to four yards in diameter, and with defined outlines, shone with a steady but pale light; while the surrounding water only gave out a few sparks. the appearance resembled the reflection of the moon, or some luminous body; for the edges were sinuous from the undulations of the surface. the ship, which drew thirteen feet of water, passed over, without disturbing these patches. therefore we must suppose that some animals were congregated together at a greater depth than the bottom of the vessel. near fernando noronha the sea gave out light in flashes. the appearance was very similar to that which might be expected from a large fish moving rapidly through a luminous fluid. to this cause the sailors attributed it; at the time, however, i entertained some doubts, on account of the frequency and rapidity of the flashes. i have already remarked that the phenomenon is very much more common in warm than in cold countries; and i have sometimes imagined that a disturbed electrical condition of the atmosphere was most favourable to its production. certainly i think the sea is most luminous after a few days of more calm weather than ordinary, during which time it has swarmed with various animals. observing that the water charged with gelatinous particles is in an impure state, and that the luminous appearance in all common cases is produced by the agitation of the fluid in contact with the atmosphere, i am inclined to consider that the phosphorescence is the result of the decomposition of the organic particles, by which process (one is tempted almost to call it a kind of respiration) the ocean becomes purified. december 23rd.--we arrived at port desire, situated in lat. 47 degs., on the coast of patagonia. the creek runs for about twenty miles inland, with an irregular width. the beagle anchored a few miles within the entrance, in front of the ruins of an old spanish settlement. the same evening i went on shore. the first landing in any new country is very interesting, and especially when, as in this case, the whole aspect bears the stamp of a marked and individual character. at the height of between two and three hundred feet above some masses of porphyry a wide plain extends, which is truly characteristic of patagonia. the surface is quite level, and is composed of well-rounded shingle mixed with a whitish earth. here and there scattered tufts of brown wiry grass are supported, and still more rarely, some low thorny bushes. the weather is dry and pleasant, and the fine blue sky is but seldom obscured. when standing in the middle of one of these desert plains and looking towards the interior, the view is generally bounded by the escarpment of another plain, rather higher, but equally level and desolate; and in every other direction the horizon is indistinct from the trembling mirage which seems to rise from the heated surface. in such a country the fate of the spanish settlement was soon decided; the dryness of the climate during the greater part of the year, and the occasional hostile attacks of the wandering indians, compelled the colonists to desert their half-finished buildings. the style, however, in which they were commenced shows the strong and liberal hand of spain in the old time. the result of all the attempts to colonize this side of america south of 41 degs., has been miserable. port famine expresses by its name the lingering and extreme sufferings of several hundred wretched people, of whom one alone survived to relate their misfortunes. at st. joseph's bay, on the coast of patagonia, a small settlement was made; but during one sunday the indians made an attack and massacred the whole party, excepting two men, who remained captives during many years. at the rio negro i conversed with one of these men, now in extreme old age. the zoology of patagonia is as limited as its flora. [9] on the arid plains a few black beetles (heteromera) might be seen slowly crawling about, and occasionally a lizard darted from side to side. of birds we have three carrion hawks and in the valleys a few finches and insect-feeders. an ibis (theristicus melanops--a species said to be found in central africa) is not uncommon on the most desert parts: in their stomachs i found grasshoppers, cicadae, small lizards, and even scorpions. [10] at one time of the year these birds go in flocks, at another in pairs, their cry is very loud and singular, like the neighing of the guanaco. the guanaco, or wild llama, is the characteristic quadruped of the plains of patagonia; it is the south american representative of the camel of the east. it is an elegant animal in a state of nature, with a long slender neck and fine legs. it is very common over the whole of the temperate parts of the continent, as far south as the islands near cape horn. it generally lives in small herds of from half a dozen to thirty in each; but on the banks of the st. cruz we saw one herd which must have contained at least five hundred. they are generally wild and extremely wary. mr. stokes told me, that he one day saw through a glass a herd of these animals which evidently had been frightened, and were running away at full speed, although their distance was so great that he could not distinguish them with his naked eye. the sportsman frequently receives the first notice of their presence, by hearing from a long distance their peculiar shrill neighing note of alarm. if he then looks attentively, he will probably see the herd standing in a line on the side of some distant hill. on approaching nearer, a few more squeals are given, and off they set at an apparently slow, but really quick canter, along some narrow beaten track to a neighbouring hill. if, however, by chance he abruptly meets a single animal, or several together, they will generally stand motionless and intently gaze at him; then perhaps move on a few yards, turn round, and look again. what is the cause of this difference in their shyness? do they mistake a man in the distance for their chief enemy the puma? or does curiosity overcome their timidity? that they are curious is certain; for if a person lies on the ground, and plays strange antics, such as throwing up his feet in the air, they will almost always approach by degrees to reconnoitre him. it was an artifice that was repeatedly practised by our sportsmen with success, and it had moreover the advantage of allowing several shots to be fired, which were all taken as parts of the performance. on the mountains of tierra del fuego, i have more than once seen a guanaco, on being approached, not only neigh and squeal, but prance and leap about in the most ridiculous manner, apparently in defiance as a challenge. these animals are very easily domesticated, and i have seen some thus kept in northern patagonia near a house, though not under any restraint. they are in this state very bold, and readily attack a man by striking him from behind with both knees. it is asserted that the motive for these attacks is jealousy on account of their females. the wild guanacos, however, have no idea of defence; even a single dog will secure one of these large animals, till the huntsman can come up. in many of their habits they are like sheep in a flock. thus when they see men approaching in several directions on horseback, they soon become bewildered, and know not which way to run. this greatly facilitates the indian method of hunting, for they are thus easily driven to a central point, and are encompassed. the guanacos readily take to the water: several times at port valdes they were seen swimming from island to island. byron, in his voyage says he saw them drinking salt water. some of our officers likewise saw a herd apparently drinking the briny fluid from a salina near cape blanco. i imagine in several parts of the country, if they do not drink salt water, they drink none at all. in the middle of the day they frequently roll in the dust, in saucer-shaped hollows. the males fight together; two one day passed quite close to me, squealing and trying to bite each other; and several were shot with their hides deeply scored. herds sometimes appear to set out on exploring parties: at bahia blanca, where, within thirty miles of the coast, these animals are extremely unfrequent, i one day saw the tracks of thirty or forty, which had come in a direct line to a muddy salt-water creek. they then must have perceived that they were approaching the sea, for they had wheeled with the regularity of cavalry, and had returned back in as straight a line as they had advanced. the guanacos have one singular habit, which is to me quite inexplicable; namely, that on successive days they drop their dung in the same defined heap. i saw one of these heaps which was eight feet in diameter, and was composed of a large quantity. this habit, according to m. a. d'orbigny, is common to all the species of the genus; it is very useful to the peruvian indians, who use the dung for fuel, and are thus saved the trouble of collecting it. the guanacos appear to have favourite spots for lying down to die. on the banks of the st. cruz, in certain circumscribed spaces, which were generally bushy and all near the river, the ground was actually white with bones. on one such spot i counted between ten and twenty heads. i particularly examined the bones; they did not appear, as some scattered ones which i had seen, gnawed or broken, as if dragged together by beasts of prey. the animals in most cases must have crawled, before dying, beneath and amongst the bushes. mr. bynoe informs me that during a former voyage he observed the same circumstance on the banks of the rio gallegos. i do not at all understand the reason of this, but i may observe, that the wounded guanacos at the st. cruz invariably walked towards the river. at st. jago in the cape de verd islands, i remember having seen in a ravine a retired corner covered with bones of the goat; we at the time exclaimed that it was the burial ground of all the goats in the island. i mention these trifling circumstances, because in certain cases they might explain the occurrence of a number of uninjured bones in a cave, or buried under alluvial accumulations; and likewise the cause why certain animals are more commonly embedded than others in sedimentary deposits. one day the yawl was sent under the command of mr. chaffers with three days' provisions to survey the upper part of the harbour. in the morning we searched for some watering-places mentioned in an old spanish chart. we found one creek, at the head of which there was a trickling rill (the first we had seen) of brackish water. here the tide compelled us to wait several hours; and in the interval i walked some miles into the interior. the plain as usual consisted of gravel, mingled with soil resembling chalk in appearance, but very different from it in nature. from the softness of these materials it was worn into many gulleys. there was not a tree, and, excepting the guanaco, which stood on the hill-top a watchful sentinel over its herd, scarcely an animal or a bird. all was stillness and desolation. yet in passing over these scenes, without one bright object near, an ill-defined but strong sense of pleasure is vividly excited. one asked how many ages the plain had thus lasted, and how many more it was doomed thus to continue. "none can reply--all seems eternal now. the wilderness has a mysterious tongue, which teaches awful doubt." [11] in the evening we sailed a few miles further up, and then pitched the tents for the night. by the middle of the next day the yawl was aground, and from the shoalness of the water could not proceed any higher. the water being found partly fresh, mr. chaffers took the dingey and went up two or three miles further, where she also grounded, but in a fresh-water river. the water was muddy, and though the stream was most insignificant in size, it would be difficult to account for its origin, except from the melting snow on the cordillera. at the spot where we bivouacked, we were surrounded by bold cliffs and steep pinnacles of porphyry. i do not think i ever saw a spot which appeared more secluded from the rest of the world, than this rocky crevice in the wide plain. the second day after our return to the anchorage, a party of officers and myself went to ransack an old indian grave, which i had found on the summit of a neighbouring hill. two immense stones, each probably weighing at least a couple of tons, had been placed in front of a ledge of rock about six feet high. at the bottom of the grave on the hard rock there was a layer of earth about a foot deep, which must have been brought up from the plain below. above it a pavement of flat stones was placed, on which others were piled, so as to fill up the space between the ledge and the two great blocks. to complete the grave, the indians had contrived to detach from the ledge a huge fragment, and to throw it over the pile so as to rest on the two blocks. we undermined the grave on both sides, but could not find any relics, or even bones. the latter probably had decayed long since (in which case the grave must have been of extreme antiquity), for i found in another place some smaller heaps beneath which a very few crumbling fragments could yet be distinguished as having belonged to a man. falconer states, that where an indian dies he is buried, but that subsequently his bones are carefully taken up and carried, let the distance be ever so great, to be deposited near the sea-coast. this custom, i think, may be accounted for by recollecting, that before the introduction of horses, these indians must have led nearly the same life as the fuegians now do, and therefore generally have resided in the neighbourhood of the sea. the common prejudice of lying where one's ancestors have lain, would make the now roaming indians bring the less perishable part of their dead to their ancient burial-ground on the coast. january 9th, 1834.--before it was dark the beagle anchored in the fine spacious harbour of port st. julian, situated about one hundred and ten miles to the south of port desire. we remained here eight days. the country is nearly similar to that of port desire, but perhaps rather more sterile. one day a party accompanied captain fitz roy on a long walk round the head of the harbour. we were eleven hours without tasting any water, and some of the party were quite exhausted. from the summit of a hill (since well named thirsty hill) a fine lake was spied, and two of the party proceeded with concerted signals to show whether it was fresh water. what was our disappointment to find a snow-white expanse of salt, crystallized in great cubes! we attributed our extreme thirst to the dryness of the atmosphere; but whatever the cause might be, we were exceedingly glad late in the evening to get back to the boats. although we could nowhere find, during our whole visit, a single drop of fresh water, yet some must exist; for by an odd chance i found on the surface of the salt water, near the head of the bay, a colymbetes not quite dead, which must have lived in some not far distant pool. three other insects (a cincindela, like hybrida, a cymindis, and a harpalus, which all live on muddy flats occasionally overflowed by the sea), and one other found dead on the plain, complete the list of the beetles. a good-sized fly (tabanus) was extremely numerous, and tormented us by its painful bite. the common horsefly, which is so troublesome in the shady lanes of england, belongs to this same genus. we here have the puzzle that so frequently occurs in the case of musquitoes--on the blood of what animals do these insects commonly feed? the guanaco is nearly the only warm-blooded quadruped, and it is found in quite inconsiderable numbers compared with the multitude of flies. the geology of patagonia is interesting. differently from europe, where the tertiary formations appear to have accumulated in bays, here along hundreds of miles of coast we have one great deposit, including many tertiary shells, all apparently extinct. the most common shell is a massive gigantic oyster, sometimes even a foot in diameter. these beds are covered by others of a peculiar soft white stone, including much gypsum, and resembling chalk, but really of a pumiceous nature. it is highly remarkable, from being composed, to at least one-tenth of its bulk, of infusoria. professor ehrenberg has already ascertained in it thirty oceanic forms. this bed extends for 500 miles along the coast, and probably for a considerably greater distance. at port st. julian its thickness is more than 800 feet! these white beds are everywhere capped by a mass of gravel, forming probably one of the largest beds of shingle in the world: it certainly extends from near the rio colorado to between 600 and 700 nautical miles southward, at santa cruz (a river a little south of st. julian), it reaches to the foot of the cordillera; half way up the river, its thickness is more than 200 feet; it probably everywhere extends to this great chain, whence the well-rounded pebbles of porphyry have been derived: we may consider its average breadth as 200 miles, and its average thickness as about 50 feet. if this great bed of pebbles, without including the mud necessarily derived from their attrition, was piled into a mound, it would form a great mountain chain! when we consider that all these pebbles, countless as the grains of sand in the desert, have been derived from the slow falling of masses of rock on the old coast-lines and banks of rivers, and that these fragments have been dashed into smaller pieces, and that each of them has since been slowly rolled, rounded, and far transported the mind is stupefied in thinking over the long, absolutely necessary, lapse of years. yet all this gravel has been transported, and probably rounded, subsequently to the deposition of the white beds, and long subsequently to the underlying beds with the tertiary shells. everything in this southern continent has been effected on a grand scale: the land, from the rio plata to tierra del fuego, a distance of 1200 miles, has been raised in mass (and in patagonia to a height of between 300 and 400 feet), within the period of the now existing sea-shells. the old and weathered shells left on the surface of the upraised plain still partially retain their colours. the uprising movement has been interrupted by at least eight long periods of rest, during which the sea ate, deeply back into the land, forming at successive levels the long lines of cliffs, or escarpments, which separate the different plains as they rise like steps one behind the other. the elevatory movement, and the eating-back power of the sea during the periods of rest, have been equable over long lines of coast; for i was astonished to find that the step-like plains stand at nearly corresponding heights at far distant points. the lowest plain is 90 feet high; and the highest, which i ascended near the coast, is 950 feet; and of this, only relics are left in the form of flat gravel-capped hills. the upper plain of santa cruz slopes up to a height of 3000 feet at the foot of the cordillera. i have said that within the period of existing sea-shells, patagonia has been upraised 300 to 400 feet: i may add, that within the period when icebergs transported boulders over the upper plain of santa cruz, the elevation has been at least 1500 feet. nor has patagonia been affected only by upward movements: the extinct tertiary shells from port st. julian and santa cruz cannot have lived, according to professor e. forbes, in a greater depth of water than from 40 to 250 feet; but they are now covered with sea-deposited strata from 800 to 1000 feet in thickness: hence the bed of the sea, on which these shells once lived, must have sunk downwards several hundred feet, to allow of the accumulation of the superincumbent strata. what a history of geological changes does the simply-constructed coast of patagonia reveal! at port st. julian, [12] in some red mud capping the gravel on the 90-feet plain, i found half the skeleton of the macrauchenia patachonica, a remarkable quadruped, full as large as a camel. it belongs to the same division of the pachydermata with the rhinoceros, tapir, and palaeotherium; but in the structure of the bones of its long neck it shows a clear relation to the camel, or rather to the guanaco and llama. from recent sea-shells being found on two of the higher step-formed plains, which must have been modelled and upraised before the mud was deposited in which the macrauchenia was entombed, it is certain that this curious quadruped lived long after the sea was inhabited by its present shells. i was at first much surprised how a large quadruped could so lately have subsisted, in lat. 49 degs. 15', on these wretched gravel plains, with their stunted vegetation; but the relationship of the macrauchenia to the guanaco, now an inhabitant of the most sterile parts, partly explains this difficulty. the relationship, though distant, between the macrauchenia and the guanaco, between the toxodon and the capybara,--the closer relationship between the many extinct edentata and the living sloths, ant-eaters, and armadillos, now so eminently characteristic of south american zoology,--and the still closer relationship between the fossil and living species of ctenomys and hydrochaerus, are most interesting facts. this relationship is shown wonderfully--as wonderfully as between the fossil and extinct marsupial animals of australia--by the great collection lately brought to europe from the caves of brazil by mm. lund and clausen. in this collection there are extinct species of all the thirty-two genera, excepting four, of the terrestrial quadrupeds now inhabiting the provinces in which the caves occur; and the extinct species are much more numerous than those now living: there are fossil ant-eaters, armadillos, tapirs, peccaries, guanacos, opossums, and numerous south american gnawers and monkeys, and other animals. this wonderful relationship in the same continent between the dead and the living, will, i do not doubt, hereafter throw more light on the appearance of organic beings on our earth, and their disappearance from it, than any other class of facts. it is impossible to reflect on the changed state of the american continent without the deepest astonishment. formerly it must have swarmed with great monsters: now we find mere pigmies, compared with the antecedent, allied races. if buffon had known of the gigantic sloth and armadillo-like animals, and of the lost pachydermata, he might have said with a greater semblance of truth that the creative force in america had lost its power, rather than that it had never possessed great vigour. the greater number, if not all, of these extinct quadrupeds lived at a late period, and were the contemporaries of most of the existing sea-shells. since they lived, no very great change in the form of the land can have taken place. what, then, has exterminated so many species and whole genera? the mind at first is irresistibly hurried into the belief of some great catastrophe; but thus to destroy animals, both large and small, in southern patagonia, in brazil, on the cordillera of peru, in north america up to behring's straits, we must shake the entire framework of the globe. an examination, moreover, of the geology of la plata and patagonia, leads to the belief that all the features of the land result from slow and gradual changes. it appears from the character of the fossils in europe, asia, australia, and in north and south america, that those conditions which favour the life of the _larger_ quadrupeds were lately co-extensive with the world: what those conditions were, no one has yet even conjectured. it could hardly have been a change of temperature, which at about the same time destroyed the inhabitants of tropical, temperate, and arctic latitudes on both sides of the globe. in north america we positively know from mr. lyell, that the large quadrupeds lived subsequently to that period, when boulders were brought into latitudes at which icebergs now never arrive: from conclusive but indirect reasons we may feel sure, that in the southern hemisphere the macrauchenia, also, lived long subsequently to the ice-transporting boulder-period. did man, after his first inroad into south america, destroy, as has been suggested, the unwieldy megatherium and the other edentata? we must at least look to some other cause for the destruction of the little tucutuco at bahia blanca, and of the many fossil mice and other small quadrupeds in brazil. no one will imagine that a drought, even far severer than those which cause such losses in the provinces of la plata, could destroy every individual of every species from southern patagonia to behring's straits. what shall we say of the extinction of the horse? did those plains fail of pasture, which have since been overrun by thousands and hundreds of thousands of the descendants of the stock introduced by the spaniards? have the subsequently introduced species consumed the food of the great antecedent races? can we believe that the capybara has taken the food of the toxodon, the guanaco of the macrauchenia, the existing small edentata of their numerous gigantic prototypes? certainly, no fact in the long history of the world is so startling as the wide and repeated exterminations of its inhabitants. nevertheless, if we consider the subject under another point of view, it will appear less perplexing. we do not steadily bear in mind, how profoundly ignorant we are of the conditions of existence of every animal; nor do we always remember, that some check is constantly preventing the too rapid increase of every organized being left in a state of nature. the supply of food, on an average, remains constant, yet the tendency in every animal to increase by propagation is geometrical; and its surprising effects have nowhere been more astonishingly shown, than in the case of the european animals run wild during the last few centuries in america. every animal in a state of nature regularly breeds; yet in a species long established, any _great_ increase in numbers is obviously impossible, and must be checked by some means. we are, nevertheless, seldom able with certainty to tell in any given species, at what period of life, or at what period of the year, or whether only at long intervals, the check falls; or, again, what is the precise nature of the check. hence probably it is, that we feel so little surprise at one, of two species closely allied in habits, being rare and the other abundant in the same district; or, again, that one should be abundant in one district, and another, filling the same place in the economy of nature, should be abundant in a neighbouring district, differing very little in its conditions. if asked how this is, one immediately replies that it is determined by some slight difference, in climate, food, or the number of enemies: yet how rarely, if ever, we can point out the precise cause and manner of action of the check! we are therefore, driven to the conclusion, that causes generally quite inappreciable by us, determine whether a given species shall be abundant or scanty in numbers. in the cases where we can trace the extinction of a species through man, either wholly or in one limited district, we know that it becomes rarer and rarer, and is then lost: it would be difficult to point out any just distinction [13] between a species destroyed by man or by the increase of its natural enemies. the evidence of rarity preceding extinction, is more striking in the successive tertiary strata, as remarked by several able observers; it has often been found that a shell very common in a tertiary stratum is now most rare, and has even long been thought extinct. if then, as appears probable, species first become rare and then extinct--if the too rapid increase of every species, even the most favoured, is steadily checked, as we must admit, though how and when it is hard to say--and if we see, without the smallest surprise, though unable to assign the precise reason, one species abundant and another closely allied species rare in the same district--why should we feel such great astonishment at the rarity being carried one step further to extinction? an action going on, on every side of us, and yet barely appreciable, might surely be carried a little further, without exciting our observation. who would feel any great surprise at hearing that the magalonyx was formerly rare compared with the megatherium, or that one of the fossil monkeys was few in number compared with one of the now living monkeys? and yet in this comparative rarity, we should have the plainest evidence of less favourable conditions for their existence. to admit that species generally become rare before they become extinct--to feel no surprise at the comparative rarity of one species with another, and yet to call in some extraordinary agent and to marvel greatly when a species ceases to exist, appears to me much the same as to admit that sickness in the individual is the prelude to death--to feel no surprise at sickness--but when the sick man dies to wonder, and to believe that he died through violence. [1] mr. waterhouse has drawn up a detailed description of this head, which i hope he will publish in some journal. [2] a nearly similar abnormal, but i do not know whether hereditary, structure has been observed in the carp, and likewise in the crocodile of the ganges: histoire des anomalies, par m. isid. geoffroy st. hilaire, tom. i. p. 244. [3] m. a. d'orbigny has given nearly a similar account of these dogs, tom. i. p. 175. [4] i must express my obligations to mr. keane, at whose house i was staying on the berquelo, and to mr. lumb at buenos ayres, for without their assistance these valuable remains would never have reached england. [5] lyell's principles of geology, vol. iii. p. 63. [6] the flies which frequently accompany a ship for some days on its passage from harbour to harbour, wandering from the vessel, are soon lost, and all disappear. [7] mr. blackwall, in his researches in zoology, has many excellent observations on the habits of spiders. [8] an abstract is given in no. iv. of the magazine of zoology and botany. [9] i found here a species of cactus, described by professor henslow, under the name of opuntia darwinii (magazine of zoology and botany, vol. i. p. 466), which was remarkable for the irritability of the stamens, when i inserted either a piece of stick or the end of my finger in the flower. the segments of the perianth also closed on the pistil, but more slowly than the stamens. plants of this family, generally considered as tropical, occur in north america (lewis and clarke's travels, p. 221), in the same high latitude as here, namely, in both cases, in 47 degs. [10] these insects were not uncommon beneath stones. i found one cannibal scorpion quietly devouring another. [11] shelley, lines on mt. blanc. [12] i have lately heard that capt. sulivan, r.n., has found numerous fossil bones, embedded in regular strata, on the banks of the r. gallegos, in lat. 51 degs. 4'. some of the bones are large; others are small, and appear to have belonged to an armadillo. this is a most interesting and important discovery. [13] see the excellent remarks on this subject by mr. lyell, in his principles of geology. chapter ix santa cruz, patagonia, and the falkland islands santa cruz--expedition up the river--indians--immense streams of basaltic lava--fragments not transported by the river--excavations of the valley--condor, habits of--cordillera--erratic boulders of great size--indian relics--return to the ship--falkland islands--wild horses, cattle, rabbits--wolf-like fox--fire made of bones--manner of hunting wild cattle--geology--streams of stones--scenes of violence--penguins--geese--eggs of doris--compound animals. april 13, 1834.--the beagle anchored within the mouth of the santa cruz. this river is situated about sixty miles south of port st. julian. during the last voyage captain stokes proceeded thirty miles up it, but then, from the want of provisions, was obliged to return. excepting what was discovered at that time, scarcely anything was known about this large river. captain fitz roy now determined to follow its course as far as time would allow. on the 18th three whale-boats started, carrying three weeks' provisions; and the party consisted of twenty-five souls--a force which would have been sufficient to have defied a host of indians. with a strong flood-tide and a fine day we made a good run, soon drank some of the fresh water, and were at night nearly above the tidal influence. the river here assumed a size and appearance which, even at the highest point we ultimately reached, was scarcely diminished. it was generally from three to four hundred yards broad, and in the middle about seventeen feet deep. the rapidity of the current, which in its whole course runs at the rate of from four to six knots an hour, is perhaps its most remarkable feature. the water is of a fine blue colour, but with a slight milky tinge, and not so transparent as at first sight would have been expected. it flows over a bed of pebbles, like those which compose the beach and the surrounding plains. it runs in a winding course through a valley, which extends in a direct line westward. this valley varies from five to ten miles in breadth; it is bounded by step-formed terraces, which rise in most parts, one above the other, to the height of five hundred feet, and have on the opposite sides a remarkable correspondence. april 19th.--against so strong a current it was, of course, quite impossible to row or sail: consequently the three boats were fastened together head and stern, two hands left in each, and the rest came on shore to track. as the general arrangements made by captain fitz roy were very good for facilitating the work of all, and as all had a share in it, i will describe the system. the party including every one, was divided into two spells, each of which hauled at the tracking line alternately for an hour and a half. the officers of each boat lived with, ate the same food, and slept in the same tent with their crew, so that each boat was quite independent of the others. after sunset the first level spot where any bushes were growing, was chosen for our night's lodging. each of the crew took it in turns to be cook. immediately the boat was hauled up, the cook made his fire; two others pitched the tent; the coxswain handed the things out of the boat; the rest carried them up to the tents and collected firewood. by this order, in half an hour everything was ready for the night. a watch of two men and an officer was always kept, whose duty it was to look after the boats, keep up the fire, and guard against indians. each in the party had his one hour every night. during this day we tracked but a short distance, for there were many islets, covered by thorny bushes, and the channels between them were shallow. april 20th.--we passed the islands and set to work. our regular day's march, although it was hard enough, carried us on an average only ten miles in a straight line, and perhaps fifteen or twenty altogether. beyond the place where we slept last night, the country is completely _terra incognita_, for it was there that captain stokes turned back. we saw in the distance a great smoke, and found the skeleton of a horse, so we knew that indians were in the neighbourhood. on the next morning (21st) tracks of a party of horse and marks left by the trailing of the chuzos, or long spears, were observed on the ground. it was generally thought that the indians had reconnoitred us during the night. shortly afterwards we came to a spot where, from the fresh footsteps of men, children, and horses, it was evident that the party had crossed the river. april 22nd.--the country remained the same, and was extremely uninteresting. the complete similarity of the productions throughout patagonia is one of its most striking characters. the level plains of arid shingle support the same stunted and dwarf plants; and in the valleys the same thorn-bearing bushes grow. everywhere we see the same birds and insects. even the very banks of the river and of the clear streamlets which entered it, were scarcely enlivened by a brighter tint of green. the curse of sterility is on the land, and the water flowing over a bed of pebbles partakes of the same curse. hence the number of water-fowls is very scanty; for there is nothing to support life in the stream of this barren river. patagonia, poor as she is in some respects, can however boast of a greater stock of small rodents [1] than perhaps any other country in the world. several species of mice are externally characterized by large thin ears and a very fine fur. these little animals swarm amongst the thickets in the valleys, where they cannot for months together taste a drop of water excepting the dew. they all seem to be cannibals for no sooner was a mouse caught in one of my traps that it was devoured by others. a small and delicately shaped fox, which is likewise very abundant, probably derives its entire support from these small animals. the guanaco is also in his proper district, herds of fifty or a hundred were common; and, as i have stated, we saw one which must have contained at least five hundred. the puma, with the condor and other carrion-hawks in its train, follows and preys upon these animals. the footsteps of the puma were to be seen almost everywhere on the banks of the river; and the remains of several guanacos, with their necks dislocated and bones broken, showed how they had met their death. april 24th.--like the navigators of old when approaching an unknown land, we examined and watched for the most trivial sign of a change. the drifted trunk of a tree, or a boulder of primitive rock, was hailed with joy, as if we had seen a forest growing on the flanks of the cordillera. the top, however, of a heavy bank of clouds, which remained almost constantly in one position, was the most promising sign, and eventually turned out a true harbinger. at first the clouds were mistaken for the mountains themselves, instead of the masses of vapour condensed by their icy summits. april 26th.--we this day met with a marked change in the geological structure of the plains. from the first starting i had carefully examined the gravel in the river, and for the two last days had noticed the presence of a few small pebbles of a very cellular basalt. these gradually increased in number and in size, but none were as large as a man's head. this morning, however, pebbles of the same rock, but more compact, suddenly became abundant, and in the course of half an hour we saw, at the distance of five of six miles, the angular edge of a great basaltic platform. when we arrived at its base we found the stream bubbling among the fallen blocks. for the next twenty-eight miles the river-course was encumbered with these basaltic masses. above that limit immense fragments of primitive rocks, derived from its surrounding boulder-formation, were equally numerous. none of the fragments of any considerable size had been washed more than three or four miles down the river below their parent-source: considering the singular rapidity of the great body of water in the santa cruz, and that no still reaches occur in any part, this example is a most striking one, of the inefficiency of rivers in transporting even moderately-sized fragments. the basalt is only lava, which has flowed beneath the sea; but the eruptions must have been on the grandest scale. at the point where we first met this formation it was 120 feet in thickness; following up the river course, the surface imperceptibly rose and the mass became thicker, so that at forty miles above the first station it was 320 feet thick. what the thickness may be close to the cordillera, i have no means of knowing, but the platform there attains a height of about three thousand feet above the level of the sea; we must therefore look to the mountains of that great chain for its source; and worthy of such a source are streams that have flowed over the gently inclined bed of the sea to a distance of one hundred miles. at the first glance of the basaltic cliffs on the opposite sides of the valley, it was evident that the strata once were united. what power, then, has removed along a whole line of country, a solid mass of very hard rock, which had an average thickness of nearly three hundred feet, and a breadth varying from rather less than two miles to four miles? the river, though it has so little power in transporting even inconsiderable fragments, yet in the lapse of ages might produce by its gradual erosion an effect of which it is difficult to judge the amount. but in this case, independently of the insignificance of such an agency, good reasons can be assigned for believing that this valley was formerly occupied by an arm of the sea. it is needless in this work to detail the arguments leading to this conclusion, derived from the form and the nature of the step-formed terraces on both sides of the valley, from the manner in which the bottom of the valley near the andes expands into a great estuary-like plain with sand-hillocks on it, and from the occurrence of a few sea-shells lying in the bed of the river. if i had space i could prove that south america was formerly here cut off by a strait, joining the atlantic and pacific oceans, like that of magellan. but it may yet be asked, how has the solid basalt been moved? geologists formerly would have brought into play the violent action of some overwhelming debacle; but in this case such a supposition would have been quite inadmissible, because, the same step-like plains with existing sea-shells lying on their surface, which front the long line of the patagonian coast, sweep up on each side of the valley of santa cruz. no possible action of any flood could thus have modelled the land, either within the valley or along the open coast; and by the formation of such step-like plains or terraces the valley itself had been hollowed out. although we know that there are tides, which run within the narrows of the strait of magellan at the rate of eight knots an hour, yet we must confess that it makes the head almost giddy to reflect on the number of years, century after century, which the tides, unaided by a heavy surf, must have required to have corroded so vast an area and thickness of solid basaltic lava. nevertheless, we must believe that the strata undermined by the waters of this ancient strait, were broken up into huge fragments, and these lying scattered on the beach were reduced first to smaller blocks, then to pebbles and lastly to the most impalpable mud, which the tides drifted far into the eastern or western ocean. with the change in the geological structure of the plains the character of the landscape likewise altered. while rambling up some of the narrow and rocky defiles, i could almost have fancied myself transported back again to the barren valleys of the island of st. jago. among the basaltic cliffs i found some plants which i had seen nowhere else, but others i recognised as being wanderers from tierra del fuego. these porous rocks serve as a reservoir for the scanty rain-water; and consequently on the line where the igneous and sedimentary formations unite, some small springs (most rare occurrences in patagonia) burst forth; and they could be distinguished at a distance by the circumscribed patches of bright green herbage. april 27th.--the bed of the river became rather narrower and hence the stream more rapid. it here ran at the rate of six knots an hour. from this cause, and from the many great angular fragments, tracking the boats became both dangerous and laborious. this day i shot a condor. it measured from tip to tip of the wings, eight and a half feet, and from beak to tail, four feet. this bird is known to have a wide geographical range, being found on the west coast of south america, from the strait of magellan along the cordillera as far as eight degrees north of the equator. the steep cliff near the mouth of the rio negro is its northern limit on the patagonian coast; and they have there wandered about four hundred miles from the great central line of their habitations in the andes. further south, among the bold precipices at the head of port desire, the condor is not uncommon; yet only a few stragglers occasionally visit the sea-coast. a line of cliff near the mouth of the santa cruz is frequented by these birds, and about eighty miles up the river, where the sides of the valley are formed by steep basaltic precipices, the condor reappears. from these facts it seems that the condors require perpendicular cliffs. in chile, they haunt, during the greater part of the year, the lower country near the shores of the pacific, and at night several roost together in one tree; but in the early part of summer, they retire to the most inaccessible parts of the inner cordillera, there to breed in peace. with respect to their propagation, i was told by the country people in chile, that the condor makes no sort of nest, but in the months of november and december lays two large white eggs on a shelf of bare rock. it is said that the young condors cannot fly for an entire year; and long after they are able, they continue to roost by night, and hunt by day with their parents. the old birds generally live in pairs; but among the inland basaltic cliffs of the santa cruz, i found a spot, where scores must usually haunt. on coming suddenly to the brow of the precipice, it was a grand spectacle to see between twenty and thirty of these great birds start heavily from their resting-place, and wheel away in majestic circles. from the quantity of dung on the rocks they must long have frequented this cliff for roosting and breeding. having gorged themselves with carrion on the plains below, they retire to these favourite ledges to digest their food. from these facts, the condor, like the gallinazo, must to a certain degree be considered as a gregarious bird. in this part of the country they live altogether on the guanacos which have died a natural death, or as more commonly happens, have been killed by the pumas. i believe, from what i saw in patagonia, that they do not on ordinary occasions extend their daily excursions to any great distance from their regular sleeping-places. the condors may oftentimes be seen at a great height, soaring over a certain spot in the most graceful circles. on some occasions i am sure that they do this only for pleasure, but on others, the chileno countryman tells you that they are watching a dying animal, or the puma devouring its prey. if the condors glide down, and then suddenly all rise together, the chileno knows that it is the puma which, watching the carcass, has sprung out to drive away the robbers. besides feeding on carrion, the condors frequently attack young goats and lambs; and the shepherd-dogs are trained, whenever they pass over, to run out, and looking upwards to bark violently. the chilenos destroy and catch numbers. two methods are used; one is to place a carcass on a level piece of ground within an enclosure of sticks with an opening, and when the condors are gorged to gallop up on horseback to the entrance, and thus enclose them: for when this bird has not space to run, it cannot give its body sufficient momentum to rise from the ground. the second method is to mark the trees in which, frequently to the number of five or six together, they roost, and they at night to climb up and noose them. they are such heavy sleepers, as i have myself witnessed, that this is not a difficult task. at valparaiso, i have seen a living condor sold for sixpence, but the common price is eight or ten shillings. one which i saw brought in, had been tied with rope, and was much injured; yet, the moment the line was cut by which its bill was secured, although surrounded by people, it began ravenously to tear a piece of carrion. in a garden at the same place, between twenty and thirty were kept alive. they were fed only once a week, but they appeared in pretty good health. [2] the chileno countrymen assert that the condor will live, and retain its vigour, between five and six weeks without eating: i cannot answer for the truth of this, but it is a cruel experiment, which very likely has been tried. when an animal is killed in the country, it is well known that the condors, like other carrion-vultures, soon gain intelligence of it, and congregate in an inexplicable manner. in most cases it must not be overlooked, that the birds have discovered their prey, and have picked the skeleton clean, before the flesh is in the least degree tainted. remembering the experiments of m. audubon, on the little smelling powers of carrion-hawks, i tried in the above mentioned garden the following experiment: the condors were tied, each by a rope, in a long row at the bottom of a wall; and having folded up a piece of meat in white paper, i walked backwards and forwards, carrying it in my hand at the distance of about three yards from them, but no notice whatever was taken. i then threw it on the ground, within one yard of an old male bird; he looked at it for a moment with attention, but then regarded it no more. with a stick i pushed it closer and closer, until at last he touched it with his beak; the paper was then instantly torn off with fury, and at the same moment, every bird in the long row began struggling and flapping its wings. under the same circumstances, it would have been quite impossible to have deceived a dog. the evidence in favour of and against the acute smelling powers of carrion-vultures is singularly balanced. professor owen has demonstrated that the olfactory nerves of the turkey-buzzard (cathartes aura) are highly developed, and on the evening when mr. owen's paper was read at the zoological society, it was mentioned by a gentleman that he had seen the carrion-hawks in the west indies on two occasions collect on the roof of a house, when a corpse had become offensive from not having been buried, in this case, the intelligence could hardly have been acquired by sight. on the other hand, besides the experiments of audubon and that one by myself, mr. bachman has tried in the united states many varied plans, showing that neither the turkey-buzzard (the species dissected by professor owen) nor the gallinazo find their food by smell. he covered portions of highly-offensive offal with a thin canvas cloth, and strewed pieces of meat on it: these the carrion-vultures ate up, and then remained quietly standing, with their beaks within the eighth of an inch of the putrid mass, without discovering it. a small rent was made in the canvas, and the offal was immediately discovered; the canvas was replaced by a fresh piece, and meat again put on it, and was again devoured by the vultures without their discovering the hidden mass on which they were trampling. these facts are attested by the signatures of six gentlemen, besides that of mr. bachman. [3] often when lying down to rest on the open plains, on looking upwards, i have seen carrion-hawks sailing through the air at a great height. where the country is level i do not believe a space of the heavens, of more than fifteen degrees above the horizon, is commonly viewed with any attention by a person either walking or on horseback. if such be the case, and the vulture is on the wing at a height of between three and four thousand feet, before it could come within the range of vision, its distance in a straight line from the beholder's eye, would be rather more than two british miles. might it not thus readily be overlooked? when an animal is killed by the sportsman in a lonely valley, may he not all the while be watched from above by the sharp-sighted bird? and will not the manner of its descend proclaim throughout the district to the whole family of carrion-feeders, that their prey is at hand? when the condors are wheeling in a flock round and round any spot, their flight is beautiful. except when rising from the ground, i do not recollect ever having seen one of these birds flap its wings. near lima, i watched several for nearly half an hour, without once taking off my eyes, they moved in large curves, sweeping in circles, descending and ascending without giving a single flap. as they glided close over my head, i intently watched from an oblique position, the outlines of the separate and great terminal feathers of each wing; and these separate feathers, if there had been the least vibratory movement, would have appeared as if blended together; but they were seen distinct against the blue sky. the head and neck were moved frequently, and apparently with force; and the extended wings seemed to form the fulcrum on which the movements of the neck, body, and tail acted. if the bird wished to descend, the wings were for a moment collapsed; and when again expanded with an altered inclination, the momentum gained by the rapid descent seemed to urge the bird upwards with the even and steady movement of a paper kite. in the case of any bird soaring, its motion must be sufficiently rapid so that the action of the inclined surface of its body on the atmosphere may counterbalance its gravity. the force to keep up the momentum of a body moving in a horizontal plane in the air (in which there is so little friction) cannot be great, and this force is all that is wanted. the movements of the neck and body of the condor, we must suppose, is sufficient for this. however this may be, it is truly wonderful and beautiful to see so great a bird, hour after hour, without any apparent exertion, wheeling and gliding over mountain and river. april 29th.--from some high land we hailed with joy the white summits of the cordillera, as they were seen occasionally peeping through their dusky envelope of clouds. during the few succeeding days we continued to get on slowly, for we found the river-course very tortuous, and strewed with immense fragments of various ancient slate rocks, and of granite. the plain bordering the valley has here attained an elevation of about 1100 feet above the river, and its character was much altered. the well-rounded pebbles of porphyry were mingled with many immense angular fragments of basalt and of primary rocks. the first of these erratic boulders which i noticed, was sixty-seven miles distant from the nearest mountain; another which i measured was five yards square, and projected five feet above the gravel. its edges were so angular, and its size so great, that i at first mistook it for a rock _in situ_, and took out my compass to observe the direction of its cleavage. the plain here was not quite so level as that nearer the coast, but yet in betrayed no signs of any great violence. under these circumstances it is, i believe, quite impossible to explain the transportal of these gigantic masses of rock so many miles from their parent-source, on any theory except by that of floating icebergs. during the two last days we met with signs of horses, and with several small articles which had belonged to the indians--such as parts of a mantle and a bunch of ostrich feathers--, but they appeared to have been lying long on the ground. between the place where the indians had so lately crossed the river and this neighbourhood, though so many miles apart, the country appears to be quite unfrequented. at first, considering the abundance of the guanacos, i was surprised at this; but it is explained by the stony nature of the plains, which would soon disable an unshod horse from taking part in the chase. nevertheless, in two places in this very central region, i found small heaps of stones, which i do not think could have been accidentally thrown together. they were placed on points, projecting over the edge of the highest lava cliff, and they resembled, but on a small scale, those near port desire. may 4th.--captain fitz roy determined to take the boats no higher. the river had a winding course, and was very rapid; and the appearance of the country offered no temptation to proceed any further. everywhere we met with the same productions, and the same dreary landscape. we were now one hundred and forty miles distant from the atlantic and about sixty from the nearest arm of the pacific. the valley in this upper part expanded into a wide basin, bounded on the north and south by the basaltic platforms, and fronted by the long range of the snow-clad cordillera. but we viewed these grand mountains with regret, for we were obliged to imagine their nature and productions, instead of standing, as we had hoped, on their summits. besides the useless loss of time which an attempt to ascend the river and higher would have cost us, we had already been for some days on half allowance of bread. this, although really enough for reasonable men, was, after a hard day's march, rather scanty food: a light stomach and an easy digestion are good things to talk about, but very unpleasant in practice. 5th.--before sunrise we commenced our descent. we shot down the stream with great rapidity, generally at the rate of ten knots an hour. in this one day we effected what had cost us five-and-a-half hard days' labour in ascending. on the 8th, we reached the beagle after our twenty-one days' expedition. every one, excepting myself, had cause to be dissatisfied; but to me the ascent afforded a most interesting section of the great tertiary formation of patagonia. on march 1st, 1833, and again on march 16th, 1834, the beagle anchored in berkeley sound, in east falkland island. this archipelago is situated in nearly the same latitude with the mouth of the strait of magellan; it covers a space of one hundred and twenty by sixty geographical miles, and is little more than half the size of ireland. after the possession of these miserable islands had been contested by france, spain, and england, they were left uninhabited. the government of buenos ayres then sold them to a private individual, but likewise used them, as old spain had done before, for a penal settlement. england claimed her right and seized them. the englishman who was left in charge of the flag was consequently murdered. a british officer was next sent, unsupported by any power: and when we arrived, we found him in charge of a population, of which rather more than half were runaway rebels and murderers. the theatre is worthy of the scenes acted on it. an undulating land, with a desolate and wretched aspect, is everywhere covered by a peaty soil and wiry grass, of one monotonous brown colour. here and there a peak or ridge of grey quartz rock breaks through the smooth surface every one has heard of the climate of these regions; it may be compared to that which is experienced at the height of between one and two thousand feet, on the mountains of north wales; having however less sunshine and less frost but more wind and rain. [4] 16th.--i will now describe a short excursion which made round a part of this island. in the morning i started with six horses and two gauchos: the latter were capital men for the purpose, and well accustomed to living on their own resources. the weather was very boisterous and cold with heavy hail-storms. we got on, however, pretty well but, except the geology, nothing could be less interesting than our day's ride. the country is uniformly the same undulating moorland; the surface being covered by light brown withered grass and a few very small shrubs, all springing out of an elastic peaty soil. in the valleys here and there might be seen a small flock of wild geese, and everywhere the ground was so soft that the snipe were able to feed. besides these two birds there were few others. there is one main range of hills, nearly two thousand feet in height, and composed of quartz rock, the rugged and barren crests of which gave us some trouble to cross. on the south side we came to the best country for wild cattle; we met, however, no great number, for they had been lately much harassed. in the evening we came across a small herd. one of my companions, st. jago by name, soon separated a fat cow: he threw the bolas, and it struck her legs, but failed in becoming entangled. then dropping his hat to mark the spot where the balls were left, while at full gallop, he uncoiled his lazo, and after a most severe chase, again came up to the cow, and caught her round the horns. the other gaucho had gone on ahead with the spare horses, so that st. jago had some difficulty in killing the furious beast. he managed to get her on a level piece of ground, by taking advantage of her as often as she rushed at him; and when she would not move, my horse, from having been trained, would canter up, and with his chest give her a violent push. but when on level ground it does not appear an easy job for one man to kill a beast mad with terror. nor would it be so, if the horse, when left to itself without its rider, did not soon learn, for its own safety, to keep the lazo tight, so that, if the cow or ox moves forward, the horse moves just as quickly forward; otherwise, it stands motionless leaning on one side. this horse, however, was a young one, and would not stand still, but gave in to the cow as she struggled. it was admirable to see with what dexterity st. jago dodged behind the beast, till at last he contrived to give the fatal touch to the main tendon of the hind leg after which, without much difficulty, he drove his knife into the head of the spinal marrow, and the cow dropped as if struck by lightning. he cut off pieces of flesh with the skin to it, but without any bones, sufficient for our expedition. we then rode on to our sleeping-place, and had for supper "carne con cuero," or meat roasted with the skin on it. this is as superior to common beef as venison is to mutton. a large circular piece taken from the back is roasted on the embers with the hide downwards and is the form of a saucer, so that none of the gravy is lost. if any worthy alderman had supped with us that evening, "carne con cuero," without doubt, would soon have been celebrated in london. during the night it rained, and the next day (17th) was very stormy, with much hail and snow. we rode across the island to the neck of land which joins the rincon del toro (the great peninsula at the s. w. extremity) to the rest of the island. from the great number of cows which have been killed, there is a large proportion of bulls. these wander about single, or two and three together, and are very savage. i never saw such magnificent beasts; they equalled in the size of their huge heads and necks the grecian marble sculptures. capt. sulivan informs me that the hide of an average-sized bull weighs forty-seven pounds, whereas a hide of this weight, less thoroughly dried, is considered as a very heavy one at monte video. the young bulls generally run away, for a short distance; but the old ones do not stir a step, except to rush at man and horse; and many horses have been thus killed. an old bull crossed a boggy stream, and took his stand on the opposite side to us; we in vain tried to drive him away, and failing, were obliged to make a large circuit. the gauchos in revenge determined to emasculate him and render him for the future harmless. it was very interesting to see how art completely mastered force. one lazo was thrown over his horns as he rushed at the horse, and another round his hind legs: in a minute the monster was stretched powerless on the ground. after the lazo has once been drawn tightly round the horns of a furious animal, it does not at first appear an easy thing to disengage it again without killing the beast: nor, i apprehend, would it be so if the man was by himself. by the aid, however, of a second person throwing his lazo so as to catch both hind legs, it is quickly managed: for the animal, as long as its hind legs are kept outstretched, is quite helpless, and the first man can with his hands loosen his lazo from the horns, and then quietly mount his horse; but the moment the second man, by backing ever so little, relaxes the strain, the lazo slips off the legs of the struggling beast, which then rises free, shakes himself, and vainly rushes at his antagonist. during our whole ride we saw only one troop of wild horses. these animals, as well as the cattle, were introduced by the french in 1764, since which time both have greatly increased. it is a curious fact, that the horses have never left the eastern end of the island, although there is no natural boundary to prevent them from roaming, and that part of the island is not more tempting than the rest. the gauchos whom i asked, though asserting this to be the case, were unable to account for it, except from the strong attachment which horses have to any locality to which they are accustomed. considering that the island does not appear fully stocked, and that there are no beasts of prey, i was particularly curious to know what has checked their originally rapid increase. that in a limited island some check would sooner or later supervene, is inevitable; but why had the increase of the horse been checked sooner than that of the cattle? capt. sulivan has taken much pains for me in this inquiry. the gauchos employed here attribute it chiefly to the stallions constantly roaming from place to place, and compelling the mares to accompany them, whether or not the young foals are able to follow. one gaucho told capt. sulivan that he had watched a stallion for a whole hour, violently kicking and biting a mare till he forced her to leave her foal to its fate. capt. sulivan can so far corroborate this curious account, that he has several times found young foals dead, whereas he has never found a dead calf. moreover, the dead bodies of full-grown horses are more frequently found, as if more subject to disease or accidents, than those of the cattle. from the softness of the ground their hoofs often grow irregularly to a great length, and this causes lameness. the predominant colours are roan and iron-grey. all the horses bred here, both tame and wild, are rather small-sized, though generally in good condition; and they have lost so much strength, that they are unfit to be used in taking wild cattle with the lazo: in consequence, it is necessary to go to the great expense of importing fresh horses from the plata. at some future period the southern hemisphere probably will have its breed of falkland ponies, as the northern has its shetland breed. the cattle, instead of having degenerated like the horses seem, as before remarked, to have increased in size; and they are much more numerous than the horses. capt. sulivan informs me that they vary much less in the general form of their bodies and in the shape of their horns than english cattle. in colour they differ much; and it is a remarkable circumstance, that in different parts of this one small island, different colours predominate. round mount usborne, at a height of from 1000 to 1500 feet above the sea, about half of some of the herds are mouse or lead-coloured, a tint which is not common in other parts of the island. near port pleasant dark brown prevails, whereas south of choiseul sound (which almost divides the island into two parts), white beasts with black heads and feet are the most common: in all parts black, and some spotted animals may be observed. capt. sulivan remarks, that the difference in the prevailing colours was so obvious, that in looking for the herds near port pleasant, they appeared from a long distance like black spots, whilst south of choiseul sound they appeared like white spots on the hill-sides. capt. sulivan thinks that the herds do not mingle; and it is a singular fact, that the mouse-coloured cattle, though living on the high land, calve about a month earlier in the season than the other coloured beasts on the lower land. it is interesting thus to find the once domesticated cattle breaking into three colours, of which some one colour would in all probability ultimately prevail over the others, if the herds were left undisturbed for the next several centuries. the rabbit is another animal which has been introduced; and has succeeded very well; so that they abound over large parts of the island. yet, like the horses, they are confined within certain limits; for they have not crossed the central chain of hills, nor would they have extended even so far as its base, if, as the gauchos informed me, small colonies has not been carried there. i should not have supposed that these animals, natives of northern africa, could have existed in a climate so humid as this, and which enjoys so little sunshine that even wheat ripens only occasionally. it is asserted that in sweden, which any one would have thought a more favourable climate, the rabbit cannot live out of doors. the first few pairs, moreover, had here to content against pre-existing enemies, in the fox and some large hawks. the french naturalists have considered the black variety a distinct species, and called it lepus magellanicus. [5] they imagined that magellan, when talking of an animal under the name of "conejos" in the strait of magellan, referred to this species; but he was alluding to a small cavy, which to this day is thus called by the spaniards. the gauchos laughed at the idea of the black kind being different from the grey, and they said that at all events it had not extended its range any further than the grey kind; that the two were never found separate; and that they readily bred together, and produced piebald offspring. of the latter i now possess a specimen, and it is marked about the head differently from the french specific description. this circumstance shows how cautious naturalists should be in making species; for even cuvier, on looking at the skull of one of these rabbits, thought it was probably distinct! the only quadruped native to the island [6]; is a large wolf-like fox (canis antarcticus), which is common to both east and west falkland. i have no doubt it is a peculiar species, and confined to this archipelago; because many sealers, gauchos, and indians, who have visited these islands, all maintain that no such animal is found in any part of south america. molina, from a similarity in habits, thought that this was the same with his "culpeu;" [7] but i have seen both, and they are quite distinct. these wolves are well known from byron's account of their tameness and curiosity, which the sailors, who ran into the water to avoid them, mistook for fierceness. to this day their manners remain the same. they have been observed to enter a tent, and actually pull some meat from beneath the head of a sleeping seaman. the gauchos also have frequently in the evening killed them, by holding out a piece of meat in one hand, and in the other a knife ready to stick them. as far as i am aware, there is no other instance in any part of the world, of so small a mass of broken land, distant from a continent, possessing so large an aboriginal quadruped peculiar to itself. their numbers have rapidly decreased; they are already banished from that half of the island which lies to the eastward of the neck of land between st. salvador bay and berkeley sound. within a very few years after these islands shall have become regularly settled, in all probability this for will be classed with the dodo, as an animal which has perished from the face of the earth. at night (17th) we slept on the neck of land at the head of choiseul sound, which forms the south-west peninsula. the valley was pretty well sheltered from the cold wind, but there was very little brushwood for fuel. the gauchos, however, soon found what, to my great surprise, made nearly as hot a fire as coals; this was the skeleton of a bullock lately killed, from which the flesh had been picked by the carrion-hawks. they told me that in winter they often killed a beast, cleaned the flesh from the bones with their knives, and then with these same bones roasted the meat for their suppers. 18th.--it rained during nearly the whole day. at night we managed, however, with our saddle-cloths to keep ourselves pretty well dry and warm; but the ground on which we slept was on each occasion nearly in the state of a bog, and there was not a dry spot to sit down on after our day's ride. i have in another part stated how singular it is that there should be absolutely no trees on these islands, although tierra del fuego is covered by one large forest. the largest bush in the island (belonging to the family of compositae) is scarcely so tall as our gorse. the best fuel is afforded by a green little bush about the size of common heath, which has the useful property of burning while fresh and green. it was very surprising to see the gauchos, in the midst of rain and everything soaking wet, with nothing more than a tinder-box and a piece of rag, immediately make a fire. they sought beneath the tufts of grass and bushel for a few dry twigs, and these they rubbed into fibres; then surrounding them with coarser twigs, something like a bird's nest, they put the rag with its spark of fire in the middle and covered it up. the nest being then held up to the wind, by degrees it smoked more and more, and at last burst out in flames. i do not think any other method would have had a chance of succeeding with such damp materials. 19th.--each morning, from not having ridden for some time previously, i was very stiff. i was surprised to hear the gauchos, who have from infancy almost lived on horseback, say that, under similar circumstances, they always suffer. st. jago told me, that having been confined for three months by illness, he went out hunting wild cattle, and in consequence, for the next two days, his thighs were so stiff that he was obliged to lie in bed. this shows that the gauchos, although they do not appear to do so, yet really must exert much muscular effort in riding. the hunting wild cattle, in a country so difficult to pass as this is on account of the swampy ground, must be very hard work. the gauchos say they often pass at full speed over ground which would be impassable at a slower pace; in the same manner as a man is able to skate over thin ice. when hunting, the party endeavours to get as close as possible to the herd without being discovered. each man carries four or five pair of the bolas; these he throws one after the other at as many cattle, which, when once entangled, are left for some days till they become a little exhausted by hunger and struggling. they are then let free and driven towards a small herd of tame animals, which have been brought to the spot on purpose. from their previous treatment, being too much terrified to leave the herd, they are easily driven, if their strength last out, to the settlement. the weather continued so very bad that we determine to make a push, and try to reach the vessel before night. from the quantity of rain which had fallen, the surface of the whole country was swampy. i suppose my horse fell at least a dozen times, and sometimes the whole six horses were floundering in the mud together. all the little streams are bordered by soft peat, which makes it very difficult for the horses to leap them without falling. to complete our discomforts we were obliged to cross the head of a creek of the sea, in which the water was as high as our horses' backs; and the little waves, owing to the violence of the wind, broke over us, and made us very wet and cold. even the iron-framed gauchos professed themselves glad when they reached the settlement, after our little excursion. the geological structure of these islands is in most respects simple. the lower country consists of clay-slate and sandstone, containing fossils, very closely related to, but not identical with, those found in the silurian formations of europe; the hills are formed of white granular quartz rock. the strata of the latter are frequently arched with perfect symmetry, and the appearance of some of the masses is in consequence most singular. pernety [8] has devoted several pages to the description of a hill of ruins, the successive strata of which he has justly compared to the seats of an amphitheatre. the quartz rock must have been quite pasty when it underwent such remarkable flexures without being shattered into fragments. as the quartz insensibly passes into the sandstone, it seems probable that the former owes its origin to the sandstone having been heated to such a degree that it became viscid, and upon cooling crystallized. while in the soft state it must have been pushed up through the overlying beds. in many parts of the island the bottoms of the valleys are covered in an extraordinary manner by myriads of great loose angular fragments of the quartz rock, forming "streams of stones." these have been mentioned with surprise by every voyager since the time of pernety. the blocks are not water-worn, their angles being only a little blunted; they vary in size from one or two feet in diameter to ten, or even more than twenty times as much. they are not thrown together into irregular piles, but are spread out into level sheets or great streams. it is not possible to ascertain their thickness, but the water of small streamlets can be heard trickling through the stones many feet below the surface. the actual depth is probably great, because the crevices between the lower fragments must long ago have been filled up with sand. the width of these sheets of stones varied from a few hundred feet to a mile; but the peaty soil daily encroaches on the borders, and even forms islets wherever a few fragments happen to lie close together. in a valley south of berkeley sound, which some of our party called the "great valley of fragments," it was necessary to cross an uninterrupted band half a mile wide, by jumping from one pointed stone to another. so large were the fragments, that being overtaken by a shower of rain, i readily found shelter beneath one of them. their little inclination is the most remarkable circumstance in these "streams of stones." on the hill-sides i have seen them sloping at an angle of ten degrees with the horizon; but in some of the level, broad-bottomed valleys, the inclination is only just sufficient to be clearly perceived. on so rugged a surface there was no means of measuring the angle, but to give a common illustration, i may say that the slope would not have checked the speed of an english mail-coach. in some places, a continuous stream of these fragments followed up the course of a valley, and even extended to the very crest of the hill. on these crests huge masses, exceeding in dimensions any small building, seemed to stand arrested in their headlong course: there, also, the curved strata of the archways lay piled on each other, like the ruins of some vast and ancient cathedral. in endeavouring to describe these scenes of violence one is tempted to pass from one simile to another. we may imagine that streams of white lava had flowed from many parts of the mountains into the lower country, and that when solidified they had been rent by some enormous convulsion into myriads of fragments. the expression "streams of stones," which immediately occurred to every one, conveys the same idea. these scenes are on the spot rendered more striking by the contrast of the low rounded forms of the neighbouring hills. i was interested by finding on the highest peak of one range (about 700 feet above the sea) a great arched fragment, lying on its convex side, or back downwards. must we believe that it was fairly pitched up in the air, and thus turned? or, with more probability, that there existed formerly a part of the same range more elevated than the point on which this monument of a great convulsion of nature now lies. as the fragments in the valleys are neither rounded nor the crevices filled up with sand, we must infer that the period of violence was subsequent to the land having been raised above the waters of the sea. in a transverse section within these valleys, the bottom is nearly level, or rises but very little towards either side. hence the fragments appear to have travelled from the head of the valley; but in reality it seems more probable that they have been hurled down from the nearest slopes; and that since, by a vibratory movement of overwhelming force, [9] the fragments have been levelled into one continuous sheet. if during the earthquake [10] which in 1835 overthrew concepcion, in chile, it was thought wonderful that small bodies should have been pitched a few inches from the ground, what must we say to a movement which has caused fragments many tons in weight, to move onwards like so much sand on a vibrating board, and find their level? i have seen, in the cordillera of the andes, the evident marks where stupendous mountains have been broken into pieces like so much thin crust, and the strata thrown of their vertical edges; but never did any scene, like these "streams of stones," so forcibly convey to my mind the idea of a convulsion, of which in historical records we might in vain seek for any counterpart: yet the progress of knowledge will probably some day give a simple explanation of this phenomenon, as it already has of the so long-thought inexplicable transportal of the erratic boulders, which are strewed over the plains of europe. i have little to remark on the zoology of these islands. have before described the carrion-vulture of polyborus. there are some other hawks, owls, and a few small land-birds. the water-fowl are particularly numerous, and they must formerly, from the accounts of the old navigators, have been much more so. one day i observed a cormorant playing with a fish which it had caught. eight times successively the bird let its prey go, then dived after it, and although in deep water, brought it each time to the surface. in the zoological gardens i have seen the otter treat a fish in the same manner, much as a cat does a mouse: i do not know of any other instance where dame nature appears so wilfully cruel. another day, having placed myself between a penguin (aptenodytes demersa) and the water, i was much amused by watching its habits. it was a brave bird; and till reaching the sea, it regularly fought and drove me backwards. nothing less than heavy blows would have stopped him; every inch he gained he firmly kept, standing close before me erect and determined. when thus opposed he continually rolled his head from side to side, in a very odd manner, as if the power of distinct vision lay only in the anterior and basal part of each eye. this bird is commonly called the jackass penguin, from its habit, while on shore, of throwing its head backwards, and making a loud strange noise, very like the braying of an ass; but while at sea, and undisturbed, its note is very deep and solemn, and is often heard in the night-time. in diving, its little wings are used as fins; but on the land, as front legs. when crawling, it may be said on four legs, through the tussocks or on the side of a grassy cliff, it moves so very quickly that it might easily be mistaken for a quadruped. when at sea and fishing, it comes to the surface for the purpose of breathing with such a spring, and dives again so instantaneously, that i defy any one at first sight to be sure that it was not a fish leaping for sport. two kinds of geese frequent the falklands. the upland species (anas magellanica) is common, in pairs and in small flocks, throughout the island. they do not migrate, but build on the small outlying islets. this is supposed to be from fear of the foxes: and it is perhaps from the same cause that these birds, though very tame by day, are shy and wild in the dusk of the evening. they live entirely on vegetable matter. the rock-goose, so called from living exclusively on the sea-beach (anas antarctica), is common both here and on the west coast of america, as far north as chile. in the deep and retired channels of tierra del fuego, the snow-white gander, invariably accompanied by his darker consort, and standing close by each other on some distant rocky point, is a common feature in the landscape. in these islands a great loggerheaded duck or goose (anas brachyptera), which sometimes weighs twenty-two pounds, is very abundant. these birds were in former days called, from their extraordinary manner of paddling and splashing upon the water, race-horses; but now they are named, much more appropriately, steamers. their wings are too small and weak to allow of flight, but by their aid, partly swimming and partly flapping the surface of the water, they move very quickly. the manner is something like that by which the common house-duck escapes when pursued by a dog; but i am nearly sure that the steamer moves its wings alternately, instead of both together, as in other birds. these clumsy, loggerheaded ducks make such a noise and splashing, that the effect is exceedingly curious. thus we find in south america three birds which use their wings for other purposes besides flight; the penguins as fins, the steamer as paddles, and the ostrich as sails: and the apteryz of new zealand, as well as its gigantic extinct prototype the deinornis, possess only rudimentary representatives of wings. the steamer is able to dive only to a very short distance. it feeds entirely on shell-fish from the kelp and tidal rocks: hence the beak and head, for the purpose of breaking them, are surprisingly heavy and strong: the head is so strong that i have scarcely been able to fracture it with my geological hammer; and all our sportsmen soon discovered how tenacious these birds were of life. when in the evening pluming themselves in a flock, they make the same odd mixture of sounds which bull-frogs do within the tropics. in tierra del fuego, as well as in the falkland islands, made many observations on the lower marine animals, [11] but they are of little general interest. i will mention only one class of facts, relating to certain zoophytes in the more highly organized division of that class. several genera (flustra, eschara, cellaria, crisia, and others) agree in having singular moveable organs (like those of flustra avicularia, found in the european seas) attached to their cells. the organ, in the greater number of cases, very closely resembles the head of a vulture; but the lower mandible can be opened much wider than in a real bird's beak. the head itself possessed considerable powers of movement, by means of a short neck. in one zoophyte the head itself was fixed, but the lower jaw free: in another it was replaced by a triangular hood, with beautifully-fitted trap-door, which evidently answered to the lower mandible. in the greater number of species, each cell was provided with one head, but in others each cell had two. the young cells at the end of the branches of these corallines contain quite immature polypi, yet the vulture-head attached to them, though small, are in every respect perfect when the polypus was removed by a needle from any of the cells, these organs did not appear in the least affected. when one of the vulture-like heads was cut off from the cell, the lower mandible retained its power of opening and closing. perhaps the most singular part of their structure is, that when there were more than two rows of cells on a branch, the central cells were furnished with these appendages, of only one-fourth the size of the outside ones. their movements varied according to the species; but in some i never saw the least motion; while others, with the lower mandible generally wide open, oscillated backwards and forwards at the rate of about five seconds each turn, others moved rapidly and by starts. when touched with a needle, the beak generally seized the point so firmly, that the whole branch might be shaken. these bodies have no relation whatever with the production of the eggs or gemmules, as they are formed before the young polypi appear in the cells at the end of the growing branches; as they move independently of the polypi, and do not appear to be in any way connected with them; and as they differ in size on the outer and inner rows of cells, i have little doubt, that in their functions, they are related rather to the horny axis of the branches than to the polypi in the cells. the fleshy appendage at the lower extremity of the sea-pen (described at bahia blanca) also forms part of the zoophyte, as a whole, in the same manner as the roots of a tree form part of the whole tree, and not of the individual leaf or flower-buds. in another elegant little coralline (crisia?), each cell was furnished with a long-toothed bristle, which had the power of moving quickly. each of these bristles and each of the vulture-like heads generally moved quite independently of the others, but sometimes all on both sides of a branch, sometimes only those on one side, moved together coinstantaneously, sometimes each moved in regular order one after another. in these actions we apparently behold as perfect a transmission of will in the zoophyte, though composed of thousands of distinct polypi, as in any single animal. the case, indeed, is not different from that of the sea-pens, which, when touched, drew themselves into the sand on the coast of bahia blanca. i will state one other instance of uniform action, though of a very different nature, in a zoophyte closely allied to clytia, and therefore very simply organized. having kept a large tuft of it in a basin of salt-water, when it was dark i found that as often as i rubbed any part of a branch, the whole became strongly phosphorescent with a green light: i do not think i ever saw any object more beautifully so. but the remarkable circumstance was, that the flashes of light always proceeded up the branches, from the base towards the extremities. the examination of these compound animals was always very interesting to me. what can be more remarkable that to see a plant-like body producing an egg, capable of swimming about and of choosing a proper place to adhere to, which then sprouts into branches, each crowded with innumerable distinct animals, often of complicated organizations. the branches, moreover, as we have just seen, sometimes possess organs capable of movement and independent of the polypi. surprising as this union of separate individuals in common stock must always appear, every tree displays the same fact, for buds must be considered as individual plants. it is, however, natural to consider a polypus, furnished with a mouth, intestines, and other organs, as a distinct individual, whereas the individuality of a leaf-bud is not easily realised, so that the union of separate individuals in a common body is more striking in a coralline than in a tree. our conception of a compound animal, where in some respects the individuality of each is not completed, may be aided, by reflecting on the production of two distinct creatures by bisecting a single one with a knife, or where nature herself performs the task of bisection. we may consider the polypi in a zoophyte, or the buds in a tree, as cases where the division of the individual has not been completely effected. certainly in the case of trees, and judging from analogy in that of corallines, the individuals propagated by buds seem more intimately related to each other, than eggs or seeds are to their parents. it seems now pretty well established that plants propagated by buds all partake of a common duration of life; and it is familiar to every one, what singular and numerous peculiarities are transmitted with certainty, by buds, layers, and grafts, which by seminal propagation never or only casually reappear. [1] the desserts of syria are characterized, according to volney (tom. i. p. 351), by woody bushes, numerous rats, gazelles and hares. in the landscape of patagonia, the guanaco replaces the gazelle, and the agouti the hare. [2] i noticed that several hours before any one of the condors died, all the lice, with which it was infested, crawled to the outside feathers. i was assured that this always happens. [3] london's magazine of nat. hist., vol. vii. [4] from accounts published since our voyage, and more especially from several interesting letters from capt. sulivan, r. n., employed on the survey, it appears that we took an exaggerated view of the badness of the climate on these islands. but when i reflect on the almost universal covering of peat, and on the fact of wheat seldom ripening here, i can hardly believe that the climate in summer is so fine and dry as it has lately been represented. [5] lesson's zoology of the voyage of the coquille, tom. i. p. 168. all the early voyagers, and especially bougainville, distinctly state that the wolf-like fox was the only native animal on the island. the distinction of the rabbit as a species, is taken from peculiarities in the fur, from the shape of the head, and from the shortness of the ears. i may here observe that the difference between the irish and english hare rests upon nearly similar characters, only more strongly marked. [6] i have reason, however, to suspect that there is a field-mouse. the common european rat and mouse have roamed far from the habitations of the settlers. the common hog has also run wild on one islet; all are of a black colour: the boars are very fierce, and have great trunks. [7] the "culpeu" is the canis magellanicus brought home by captain king from the strait of magellan. it is common in chile. [8] pernety, voyage aux isles malouines, p. 526. [9] "nous n'avons pas ete moins saisis d'etonnement a la vue de l'innombrable quantite de pierres de touts grandeurs, bouleversees les unes sur les autres, et cependent rangees, comme si elles avoient ete amoncelees negligemment pour remplir des ravins. on ne se lassoit pas d'admirer les effets prodigieux de la nature."--pernety, p. 526. [10] an inhabitant of mendoza, and hence well capable of judging, assured me that, during the several years he had resided on these islands, he had never felt the slightest shock of an earthquake. [11] i was surprised to find, on counting the eggs of a large white doris (this sea-slug was three and a half inches long), how extraordinarily numerous they were. from two to five eggs (each three-thousandths of an inch in diameter) were contained in spherical little case. these were arranged two deep in transverse rows forming a ribbon. the ribbon adhered by its edge to the rock in an oval spire. one which i found, measured nearly twenty inches in length and half in breadth. by counting how many balls were contained in a tenth of an inch in the row, and how many rows in an equal length of the ribbon, on the most moderate computation there were six hundred thousand eggs. yet this doris was certainly not very common; although i was often searching under the stones, i saw only seven individuals. no fallacy is more common with naturalists, than that the numbers of an individual species depend on its powers of propagation. chapter x tierra del fuego tierra del fuego, first arrival--good success bay--an account of the fuegians on board--interview with the savages--scenery of the forests--cape horn--wigwam cove--miserable condition of the savages--famines--cannibals--matricide--religious feelings--great gale--beagle channel--ponsonby sound--build wigwams and settle the fuegians--bifurcation of the beagle channel--glaciers--return to the ship--second visit in the ship to the settlement--equality of condition amongst the natives. december 17th, 1832.--having now finished with patagonia and the falkland islands, i will describe our first arrival in tierra del fuego. a little after noon we doubled cape st. diego, and entered the famous strait of le maire. we kept close to the fuegian shore, but the outline of the rugged, inhospitable statenland was visible amidst the clouds. in the afternoon we anchored in the bay of good success. while entering we were saluted in a manner becoming the inhabitants of this savage land. a group of fuegians partly concealed by the entangled forest, were perched on a wild point overhanging the sea; and as we passed by, they sprang up and waving their tattered cloaks sent forth a loud and sonorous shout. the savages followed the ship, and just before dark we saw their fire, and again heard their wild cry. the harbour consists of a fine piece of water half surrounded by low rounded mountains of clay-slate, which are covered to the water's edge by one dense gloomy forest. a single glance at the landscape was sufficient to show me how widely different it was from anything i had ever beheld. at night it blew a gale of wind, and heavy squalls from the mountains swept past us. it would have been a bad time out at sea, and we, as well as others, may call this good success bay. in the morning the captain sent a party to communicate with the fuegians. when we came within hail, one of the four natives who were present advanced to receive us, and began to shout most vehemently, wishing to direct us where to land. when we were on shore the party looked rather alarmed, but continued talking and making gestures with great rapidity. it was without exception the most curious and interesting spectacle i ever beheld: i could not have believed how wide was the difference between savage and civilized man: it is greater than between a wild and domesticated animal, inasmuch as in man there is a greater power of improvement. the chief spokesman was old, and appeared to be the head of the family; the three others were powerful young men, about six feet high. the women and children had been sent away. these fuegians are a very different race from the stunted, miserable wretches farther westward; and they seem closely allied to the famous patagonians of the strait of magellan. their only garment consists of a mantle made of guanaco skin, with the wool outside: this they wear just thrown over their shoulders, leaving their persons as often exposed as covered. their skin is of a dirty coppery-red colour. the old man had a fillet of white feathers tied round his head, which partly confined his black, coarse, and entangled hair. his face was crossed by two broad transverse bars; one, painted bright red, reached from ear to ear and included the upper lip; the other, white like chalk, extended above and parallel to the first, so that even his eyelids were thus coloured. the other two men were ornamented by streaks of black powder, made of charcoal. the party altogether closely resembled the devils which come on the stage in plays like der freischutz. their very attitudes were abject, and the expression of their countenances distrustful, surprised, and startled. after we had presented them with some scarlet cloth, which they immediately tied round their necks, they became good friends. this was shown by the old man patting our breasts, and making a chuckling kind of noise, as people do when feeding chickens. i walked with the old man, and this demonstration of friendship was repeated several times; it was concluded by three hard slaps, which were given me on the breast and back at the same time. he then bared his bosom for me to return the compliment, which being done, he seemed highly pleased. the language of these people, according to our notions, scarcely deserves to be called articulate. captain cook has compared it to a man clearing his throat, but certainly no european ever cleared his throat with so many hoarse, guttural, and clicking sounds. they are excellent mimics: as often as we coughed or yawned, or made any odd motion, they immediately imitated us. some of our party began to squint and look awry; but one of the young fuegians (whose whole face was painted black, excepting a white band across his eyes) succeeded in making far more hideous grimaces. they could repeat with perfect correctness each word in any sentence we addressed them, and they remembered such words for some time. yet we europeans all know how difficult it is to distinguish apart the sounds in a foreign language. which of us, for instance, could follow an american indian through a sentence of more than three words? all savages appear to possess, to an uncommon degree, this power of mimicry. i was told, almost in the same words, of the same ludicrous habit among the caffres; the australians, likewise, have long been notorious for being able to imitate and describe the gait of any man, so that he may be recognized. how can this faculty be explained? is it a consequence of the more practised habits of perception and keener senses, common to all men in a savage state, as compared with those long civilized? when a song was struck up by our party, i thought the fuegians would have fallen down with astonishment. with equal surprise they viewed our dancing; but one of the young men, when asked, had no objection to a little waltzing. little accustomed to europeans as they appeared to be, yet they knew and dreaded our fire-arms; nothing would tempt them to take a gun in their hands. they begged for knives, calling them by the spanish word "cuchilla." they explained also what they wanted, by acting as if they had a piece of blubber in their mouth, and then pretending to cut instead of tear it. i have not as yet noticed the fuegians whom we had on board. during the former voyage of the adventure and beagle in 1826 to 1830, captain fitz roy seized on a party of natives, as hostages for the loss of a boat, which had been stolen, to the great jeopardy of a party employed on the survey; and some of these natives, as well as a child whom he bought for a pearl-button, he took with him to england, determining to educate them and instruct them in religion at his own expense. to settle these natives in their own country, was one chief inducement to captain fitz roy to undertake our present voyage; and before the admiralty had resolved to send out this expedition, captain fitz roy had generously chartered a vessel, and would himself have taken them back. the natives were accompanied by a missionary, r. matthews; of whom and of the natives, captain fitz roy has published a full and excellent account. two men, one of whom died in england of the small-pox, a boy and a little girl, were originally taken; and we had now on board, york minster, jemmy button (whose name expresses his purchase-money), and fuegia basket. york minster was a full-grown, short, thick, powerful man: his disposition was reserved, taciturn, morose, and when excited violently passionate; his affections were very strong towards a few friends on board; his intellect good. jemmy button was a universal favourite, but likewise passionate; the expression of his face at once showed his nice disposition. he was merry and often laughed, and was remarkably sympathetic with any one in pain: when the water was rough, i was often a little sea-sick, and he used to come to me and say in a plaintive voice, "poor, poor fellow!" but the notion, after his aquatic life, of a man being sea-sick, was too ludicrous, and he was generally obliged to turn on one side to hide a smile or laugh, and then he would repeat his "poor, poor fellow!" he was of a patriotic disposition; and he liked to praise his own tribe and country, in which he truly said there were "plenty of trees," and he abused all the other tribes: he stoutly declared that there was no devil in his land. jemmy was short, thick, and fat, but vain of his personal appearance; he used always to wear gloves, his hair was neatly cut, and he was distressed if his well-polished shoes were dirtied. he was fond of admiring himself in a looking glass; and a merry-faced little indian boy from the rio negro, whom we had for some months on board, soon perceived this, and used to mock him: jemmy, who was always rather jealous of the attention paid to this little boy, did not at all like this, and used to say, with rather a contemptuous twist of his head, "too much skylark." it seems yet wonderful to me, when i think over all his many good qualities that he should have been of the same race, and doubtless partaken of the same character, with the miserable, degraded savages whom we first met here. lastly, fuegia basket was a nice, modest, reserved young girl, with a rather pleasing but sometimes sullen expression, and very quick in learning anything, especially languages. this she showed in picking up some portuguese and spanish, when left on shore for only a short time at rio de janeiro and monte video, and in her knowledge of english. york minster was very jealous of any attention paid to her; for it was clear he determined to marry her as soon as they were settled on shore. although all three could both speak and understand a good deal of english, it was singularly difficult to obtain much information from them, concerning the habits of their countrymen; this was partly owing to their apparent difficulty in understanding the simplest alternative. every one accustomed to very young children, knows how seldom one can get an answer even to so simple a question as whether a thing is black or white; the idea of black or white seems alternately to fill their minds. so it was with these fuegians, and hence it was generally impossible to find out, by cross questioning, whether one had rightly understood anything which they had asserted. their sight was remarkably acute; it is well known that sailors, from long practice, can make out a distant object much better than a landsman; but both york and jemmy were much superior to any sailor on board: several times they have declared what some distant object has been, and though doubted by every one, they have proved right, when it has been examined through a telescope. they were quite conscious of this power; and jemmy, when he had any little quarrel with the officer on watch, would say, "me see ship, me no tell." it was interesting to watch the conduct of the savages, when we landed, towards jemmy button: they immediately perceived the difference between him and ourselves, and held much conversation one with another on the subject. the old man addressed a long harangue to jemmy, which it seems was to invite him to stay with them. but jemmy understood very little of their language, and was, moreover, thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen. when york minster afterwards came on shore, they noticed him in the same way, and told him he ought to shave; yet he had not twenty dwarf hairs on his face, whilst we all wore our untrimmed beards. they examined the colour of his skin, and compared it with ours. one of our arms being bared, they expressed the liveliest surprise and admiration at its whiteness, just in the same way in which i have seen the ourangoutang do at the zoological gardens. we thought that they mistook two or three of the officers, who were rather shorter and fairer, though adorned with large beards, for the ladies of our party. the tallest amongst the fuegians was evidently much pleased at his height being noticed. when placed back to back with the tallest of the boat's crew, he tried his best to edge on higher ground, and to stand on tiptoe. he opened his mouth to show his teeth, and turned his face for a side view; and all this was done with such alacrity, that i dare say he thought himself the handsomest man in tierra del fuego. after our first feeling of grave astonishment was over, nothing could be more ludicrous than the odd mixture of surprise and imitation which these savages every moment exhibited. the next day i attempted to penetrate some way into the country. tierra del fuego may be described as a mountainous land, partly submerged in the sea, so that deep inlets and bays occupy the place where valleys should exist. the mountain sides, except on the exposed western coast, are covered from the water's edge upwards by one great forest. the trees reach to an elevation of between 1000 and 1500 feet, and are succeeded by a band of peat, with minute alpine plants; and this again is succeeded by the line of perpetual snow, which, according to captain king, in the strait of magellan descends to between 3000 and 4000 feet. to find an acre of level land in any part of the country is most rare. i recollect only one little flat piece near port famine, and another of rather larger extent near goeree road. in both places, and everywhere else, the surface is covered by a thick bed of swampy peat. even within the forest, the ground is concealed by a mass of slowly putrefying vegetable matter, which, from being soaked with water, yields to the foot. finding it nearly hopeless to push my way through the wood, i followed the course of a mountain torrent. at first, from the waterfalls and number of dead trees, i could hardly crawl along; but the bed of the stream soon became a little more open, from the floods having swept the sides. i continued slowly to advance for an hour along the broken and rocky banks, and was amply repaid by the grandeur of the scene. the gloomy depth of the ravine well accorded with the universal signs of violence. on every side were lying irregular masses of rock and torn-up trees; other trees, though still erect, were decayed to the heart and ready to fall. the entangled mass of the thriving and the fallen reminded me of the forests within the tropics--yet there was a difference: for in these still solitudes, death, instead of life, seemed the predominant spirit. i followed the water-course till i came to a spot where a great slip had cleared a straight space down the mountain side. by this road i ascended to a considerable elevation, and obtained a good view of the surrounding woods. the trees all belong to one kind, the fagus betuloides; for the number of the other species of fagus and of the winter's bark, is quite inconsiderable. this beech keeps its leaves throughout the year; but its foliage is of a peculiar brownish-green colour, with a tinge of yellow. as the whole landscape is thus coloured, it has a sombre, dull appearance; nor is it often enlivened by the rays of the sun. december 20th.--one side of the harbour is formed by a hill about 1500 feet high, which captain fitz roy has called after sir j. banks, in commemoration of his disastrous excursion, which proved fatal to two men of his party, and nearly so to dr. solander. the snow-storm, which was the cause of their misfortune, happened in the middle of january, corresponding to our july, and in the latitude of durham! i was anxious to reach the summit of this mountain to collect alpine plants; for flowers of any kind in the lower parts are few in number. we followed the same water-course as on the previous day, till it dwindled away, and we were then compelled to crawl blindly among the trees. these, from the effects of the elevation and of the impetuous winds, were low, thick and crooked. at length we reached that which from a distance appeared like a carpet of fine green turf, but which, to our vexation, turned out to be a compact mass of little beech-trees about four or five feet high. they were as thick together as box in the border of a garden, and we were obliged to struggle over the flat but treacherous surface. after a little more trouble we gained the peat, and then the bare slate rock. a ridge connected this hill with another, distant some miles, and more lofty, so that patches of snow were lying on it. as the day was not far advanced, i determined to walk there and collect plants along the road. it would have been very hard work, had it not been for a well-beaten and straight path made by the guanacos; for these animals, like sheep, always follow the same line. when we reached the hill we found it the highest in the immediate neighbourhood, and the waters flowed to the sea in opposite directions. we obtained a wide view over the surrounding country: to the north a swampy moorland extended, but to the south we had a scene of savage magnificence, well becoming tierra del fuego. there was a degree of mysterious grandeur in mountain behind mountain, with the deep intervening valleys, all covered by one thick, dusky mass of forest. the atmosphere, likewise, in this climate, where gale succeeds gale, with rain, hail, and sleet, seems blacker than anywhere else. in the strait of magellan looking due southward from port famine, the distant channels between the mountains appeared from their gloominess to lead beyond the confines of this world. december 21st.--the beagle got under way: and on the succeeding day, favoured to an uncommon degree by a fine easterly breeze, we closed in with the barnevelts, and running past cape deceit with its stony peaks, about three o'clock doubled the weather-beaten cape horn. the evening was calm and bright, and we enjoyed a fine view of the surrounding isles. cape horn, however, demanded his tribute, and before night sent us a gale of wind directly in our teeth. we stood out to sea, and on the second day again made the land, when we saw on our weather-bow this notorious promontory in its proper form--veiled in a mist, and its dim outline surrounded by a storm of wind and water. great black clouds were rolling across the heavens, and squalls of rain, with hail, swept by us with such extreme violence, that the captain determined to run into wigwam cove. this is a snug little harbour, not far from cape horn; and here, at christmas-eve, we anchored in smooth water. the only thing which reminded us of the gale outside, was every now and then a puff from the mountains, which made the ship surge at her anchors. december 25th.--close by the cove, a pointed hill, called kater's peak, rises to the height of 1700 feet. the surrounding islands all consist of conical masses of greenstone, associated sometimes with less regular hills of baked and altered clay-slate. this part of tierra del fuego may be considered as the extremity of the submerged chain of mountains already alluded to. the cove takes its name of "wigwam" from some of the fuegian habitations; but every bay in the neighbourhood might be so called with equal propriety. the inhabitants, living chiefly upon shell-fish, are obliged constantly to change their place of residence; but they return at intervals to the same spots, as is evident from the piles of old shells, which must often amount to many tons in freight. these heaps can be distinguished at a long distance by the bright green colour of certain plants, which invariably grow on them. among these may be enumerated the wild celery and scurvy grass, two very serviceable plants, the use of which has not been discovered by the natives. the fuegian wigwam resembles, in size and dimensions, a haycock. it merely consists of a few broken branches stuck in the ground, and very imperfectly thatched on one side with a few tufts of grass and rushes. the whole cannot be the work of an hour, and it is only used for a few days. at goeree roads i saw a place where one of these naked men had slept, which absolutely offered no more cover than the form of a hare. the man was evidently living by himself, and york minster said he was "very bad man," and that probably he had stolen something. on the west coast, however, the wigwams are rather better, for they are covered with seal-skins. we were detained here several days by the bad weather. the climate is certainly wretched: the summer solstice was now passed, yet every day snow fell on the hills, and in the valleys there was rain, accompanied by sleet. the thermometer generally stood about 45 degs., but in the night fell to 38 or 40 degs. from the damp and boisterous state of the atmosphere, not cheered by a gleam of sunshine, one fancied the climate even worse than it really was. while going one day on shore near wollaston island, we pulled alongside a canoe with six fuegians. these were the most abject and miserable creatures i anywhere beheld. on the east coast the natives, as we have seen, have guanaco cloaks, and on the west they possess seal-skins. amongst these central tribes the men generally have an otter-skin, or some small scrap about as large as a pocket-handkerchief, which is barely sufficient to cover their backs as low down as their loins. it is laced across the breast by strings, and according as the wind blows, it is shifted from side to side. but these fuegians in the canoe were quite naked, and even one full-grown woman was absolutely so. it was raining heavily, and the fresh water, together with the spray, trickled down her body. in another harbour not far distant, a woman, who was suckling a recently-born child, came one day alongside the vessel, and remained there out of mere curiosity, whilst the sleet fell and thawed on her naked bosom, and on the skin of her naked baby! these poor wretches were stunted in their growth, their hideous faces bedaubed with white paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their hair entangled, their voices discordant, and their gestures violent. viewing such men, one can hardly make one's self believe that they are fellow-creatures, and inhabitants of the same world. it is a common subject of conjecture what pleasure in life some of the lower animals can enjoy: how much more reasonably the same question may be asked with respect to these barbarians! at night, five or six human beings, naked and scarcely protected from the wind and rain of this tempestuous climate, sleep on the wet ground coiled up like animals. whenever it is low water, winter or summer, night or day, they must rise to pick shell-fish from the rocks; and the women either dive to collect sea-eggs, or sit patiently in their canoes, and with a baited hair-line without any hook, jerk out little fish. if a seal is killed, or the floating carcass of a putrid whale is discovered, it is a feast; and such miserable food is assisted by a few tasteless berries and fungi. they often suffer from famine: i heard mr. low, a sealing-master intimately acquainted with the natives of this country, give a curious account of the state of a party of one hundred and fifty natives on the west coast, who were very thin and in great distress. a succession of gales prevented the women from getting shell-fish on the rocks, and they could not go out in their canoes to catch seal. a small party of these men one morning set out, and the other indians explained to him, that they were going a four days' journey for food: on their return, low went to meet them, and he found them excessively tired, each man carrying a great square piece of putrid whale's-blubber with a hole in the middle, through which they put their heads, like the gauchos do through their ponchos or cloaks. as soon as the blubber was brought into a wigwam, an old man cut off thin slices, and muttering over them, broiled them for a minute, and distributed them to the famished party, who during this time preserved a profound silence. mr. low believes that whenever a whale is cast on shore, the natives bury large pieces of it in the sand, as a resource in time of famine; and a native boy, whom he had on board, once found a stock thus buried. the different tribes when at war are cannibals. from the concurrent, but quite independent evidence of the boy taken by mr. low, and of jemmy button, it is certainly true, that when pressed in winter by hunger, they kill and devour their old women before they kill their dogs: the boy, being asked by mr. low why they did this, answered, "doggies catch otters, old women no." this boy described the manner in which they are killed by being held over smoke and thus choked; he imitated their screams as a joke, and described the parts of their bodies which are considered best to eat. horrid as such a death by the hands of their friends and relatives must be, the fears of the old women, when hunger begins to press, are more painful to think of; we are told that they then often run away into the mountains, but that they are pursued by the men and brought back to the slaughter-house at their own firesides! captain fitz roy could never ascertain that the fuegians have any distinct belief in a future life. they sometimes bury their dead in caves, and sometimes in the mountain forests; we do not know what ceremonies they perform. jemmy button would not eat land-birds, because "eat dead men": they are unwilling even to mention their dead friends. we have no reason to believe that they perform any sort of religious worship; though perhaps the muttering of the old man before he distributed the putrid blubber to his famished party, may be of this nature. each family or tribe has a wizard or conjuring doctor, whose office we could never clearly ascertain. jemmy believed in dreams, though not, as i have said, in the devil: i do not think that our fuegians were much more superstitious than some of the sailors; for an old quartermaster firmly believed that the successive heavy gales, which we encountered off cape horn, were caused by our having the fuegians on board. the nearest approach to a religious feeling which i heard of, was shown by york minster, who, when mr. bynoe shot some very young ducklings as specimens, declared in the most solemn manner, "oh, mr. bynoe, much rain, snow, blow much." this was evidently a retributive punishment for wasting human food. in a wild and excited manner he also related, that his brother, one day whilst returning to pick up some dead birds which he had left on the coast, observed some feathers blown by the wind. his brother said (york imitating his manner), "what that?" and crawling onwards, he peeped over the cliff, and saw "wild man" picking his birds; he crawled a little nearer, and then hurled down a great stone and killed him. york declared for a long time afterwards storms raged, and much rain and snow fell. as far as we could make out, he seemed to consider the elements themselves as the avenging agents: it is evident in this case, how naturally, in a race a little more advanced in culture, the elements would become personified. what the "bad wild men" were, has always appeared to me most mysterious: from what york said, when we found the place like the form of a hare, where a single man had slept the night before, i should have thought that they were thieves who had been driven from their tribes; but other obscure speeches made me doubt this; i have sometimes imagined that the most probable explanation was that they were insane. the different tribes have no government or chief; yet each is surrounded by other hostile tribes, speaking different dialects, and separated from each other only by a deserted border or neutral territory: the cause of their warfare appears to be the means of subsistence. their country is a broken mass of wild rocks, lofty hills, and useless forests: and these are viewed through mists and endless storms. the habitable land is reduced to the stones on the beach; in search of food they are compelled unceasingly to wander from spot to spot, and so steep is the coast, that they can only move about in their wretched canoes. they cannot know the feeling of having a home, and still less that of domestic affection; for the husband is to the wife a brutal master to a laborious slave. was a more horrid deed ever perpetrated, than that witnessed on the west coast by byron, who saw a wretched mother pick up her bleeding dying infant-boy, whom her husband had mercilessly dashed on the stones for dropping a basket of sea-eggs! how little can the higher powers of the mind be brought into play: what is there for imagination to picture, for reason to compare, or judgment to decide upon? to knock a limpet from the rock does not require even cunning, that lowest power of the mind. their skill in some respects may be compared to the instinct of animals; for it is not improved by experience: the canoe, their most ingenious work, poor as it is, has remained the same, as we know from drake, for the last two hundred and fifty years. whilst beholding these savages, one asks, whence have they come? what could have tempted, or what change compelled a tribe of men, to leave the fine regions of the north, to travel down the cordillera or backbone of america, to invent and build canoes, which are not used by the tribes of chile, peru, and brazil, and then to enter on one of the most inhospitable countries within the limits of the globe? although such reflections must at first seize on the mind, yet we may feel sure that they are partly erroneous. there is no reason to believe that the fuegians decrease in number; therefore we must suppose that they enjoy a sufficient share of happiness, of whatever kind it may be, to render life worth having. nature by making habit omnipotent, and its effects hereditary, has fitted the fuegian to the climate and the productions of his miserable country. after having been detained six days in wigwam cove by very bad weather, we put to sea on the 30th of december. captain fitz roy wished to get westward to land york and fuegia in their own country. when at sea we had a constant succession of gales, and the current was against us: we drifted to 57 degs. 23' south. on the 11th of january, 1833, by carrying a press of sail, we fetched within a few miles of the great rugged mountain of york minster (so called by captain cook, and the origin of the name of the elder fuegian), when a violent squall compelled us to shorten sail and stand out to sea. the surf was breaking fearfully on the coast, and the spray was carried over a cliff estimated to 200 feet in height. on the 12th the gale was very heavy, and we did not know exactly where we were: it was a most unpleasant sound to hear constantly repeated, "keep a good look-out to leeward." on the 13th the storm raged with its full fury: our horizon was narrowly limited by the sheets of spray borne by the wind. the sea looked ominous, like a dreary waving plain with patches of drifted snow: whilst the ship laboured heavily, the albatross glided with its expanded wings right up the wind. at noon a great sea broke over us, and filled one of the whale boats, which was obliged to be instantly cut away. the poor beagle trembled at the shock, and for a few minutes would not obey her helm; but soon, like a good ship that she was, she righted and came up to the wind again. had another sea followed the first, our fate would have been decided soon, and for ever. we had now been twenty-four days trying in vain to get westward; the men were worn out with fatigue, and they had not had for many nights or days a dry thing to put on. captain fitz roy gave up the attempt to get westward by the outside coast. in the evening we ran in behind false cape horn, and dropped our anchor in forty-seven fathoms, fire flashing from the windlass as the chain rushed round it. how delightful was that still night, after having been so long involved in the din of the warring elements! january 15th, 1833.--the beagle anchored in goeree roads. captain fitz roy having resolved to settle the fuegians, according to their wishes, in ponsonby sound, four boats were equipped to carry them there through the beagle channel. this channel, which was discovered by captain fitz roy during the last voyage, is a most remarkable feature in the geography of this, or indeed of any other country: it may be compared to the valley of lochness in scotland, with its chain of lakes and friths. it is about one hundred and twenty miles long, with an average breadth, not subject to any very great variation, of about two miles; and is throughout the greater part so perfectly straight, that the view, bounded on each side by a line of mountains, gradually becomes indistinct in the long distance. it crosses the southern part of tierra del fuego in an east and west line, and in the middle is joined at right angles on the south side by an irregular channel, which has been called ponsonby sound. this is the residence of jemmy button's tribe and family. 19th.--three whale-boats and the yawl, with a party of twenty-eight, started under the command of captain fitz roy. in the afternoon we entered the eastern mouth of the channel, and shortly afterwards found a snug little cove concealed by some surrounding islets. here we pitched our tents and lighted our fires. nothing could look more comfortable than this scene. the glassy water of the little harbour, with the branches of the trees hanging over the rocky beach, the boats at anchor, the tents supported by the crossed oars, and the smoke curling up the wooded valley, formed a picture of quiet retirement. the next day (20th) we smoothly glided onwards in our little fleet, and came to a more inhabited district. few if any of these natives could ever have seen a white man; certainly nothing could exceed their astonishment at the apparition of the four boats. fires were lighted on every point (hence the name of tierra del fuego, or the land of fire), both to attract our attention and to spread far and wide the news. some of the men ran for miles along the shore. i shall never forget how wild and savage one group appeared: suddenly four or five men came to the edge of an overhanging cliff; they were absolutely naked, and their long hair streamed about their faces; they held rugged staffs in their hands, and, springing from the ground, they waved their arms round their heads, and sent forth the most hideous yells. at dinner-time we landed among a party of fuegians. at first they were not inclined to be friendly; for until the captain pulled in ahead of the other boats, they kept their slings in their hands. we soon, however, delighted them by trifling presents, such as tying red tape round their heads. they liked our biscuit: but one of the savages touched with his finger some of the meat preserved in tin cases which i was eating, and feeling it soft and cold, showed as much disgust at it, as i should have done at putrid blubber. jemmy was thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen, and declared his own tribe were quite different, in which he was wofully mistaken. it was as easy to please as it was difficult to satisfy these savages. young and old, men and children, never ceased repeating the word "yammerschooner," which means "give me." after pointing to almost every object, one after the other, even to the buttons on our coats, and saying their favourite word in as many intonations as possible, they would then use it in a neuter sense, and vacantly repeat "yammerschooner." after yammerschoonering for any article very eagerly, they would by a simple artifice point to their young women or little children, as much as to say, "if you will not give it me, surely you will to such as these." at night we endeavoured in vain to find an uninhabited cove; and at last were obliged to bivouac not far from a party of natives. they were very inoffensive as long as they were few in numbers, but in the morning (21st) being joined by others they showed symptoms of hostility, and we thought that we should have come to a skirmish. an european labours under great disadvantages when treating with savages like these, who have not the least idea of the power of fire-arms. in the very act of levelling his musket he appears to the savage far inferior to a man armed with a bow and arrow, a spear, or even a sling. nor is it easy to teach them our superiority except by striking a fatal blow. like wild beasts, they do not appear to compare numbers; for each individual, if attacked, instead of retiring, will endeavour to dash your brains out with a stone, as certainly as a tiger under similar circumstances would tear you. captain fitz roy on one occasion being very anxious, from good reasons, to frighten away a small party, first flourished a cutlass near them, at which they only laughed; he then twice fired his pistol close to a native. the man both times looked astounded, and carefully but quickly rubbed his head; he then stared awhile, and gabbled to his companions, but he never seemed to think of running away. we can hardly put ourselves in the position of these savages, and understand their actions. in the case of this fuegian, the possibility of such a sound as the report of a gun close to his ear could never have entered his mind. he perhaps literally did not for a second know whether it was a sound or a blow, and therefore very naturally rubbed his head. in a similar manner, when a savage sees a mark struck by a bullet, it may be some time before he is able at all to understand how it is effected; for the fact of a body being invisible from its velocity would perhaps be to him an idea totally inconceivable. moreover, the extreme force of a bullet, that penetrates a hard substance without tearing it, may convince the savage that it has no force at all. certainly i believe that many savages of the lowest grade, such as these of tierra del fuego, have seen objects struck, and even small animals killed by the musket, without being in the least aware how deadly an instrument it is. 22nd.--after having passed an unmolested night, in what would appear to be neutral territory between jemmy's tribe and the people whom we saw yesterday, we sailed pleasantly along. i do not know anything which shows more clearly the hostile state of the different tribes, than these wide border or neutral tracts. although jemmy button well knew the force of our party, he was, at first, unwilling to land amidst the hostile tribe nearest to his own. he often told us how the savage oens men "when the leaf red," crossed the mountains from the eastern coast of tierra del fuego, and made inroads on the natives of this part of the country. it was most curious to watch him when thus talking, and see his eyes gleaming and his whole face assume a new and wild expression. as we proceeded along the beagle channel, the scenery assumed a peculiar and very magnificent character; but the effect was much lessened from the lowness of the point of view in a boat, and from looking along the valley, and thus losing all the beauty of a succession of ridges. the mountains were here about three thousand feet high, and terminated in sharp and jagged points. they rose in one unbroken sweep from the water's edge, and were covered to the height of fourteen or fifteen hundred feet by the dusky-coloured forest. it was most curious to observe, as far as the eye could range, how level and truly horizontal the line on the mountain side was, at which trees ceased to grow: it precisely resembled the high-water mark of drift-weed on a sea-beach. at night we slept close to the junction of ponsonby sound with the beagle channel. a small family of fuegians, who were living in the cove, were quiet and inoffensive, and soon joined our party round a blazing fire. we were well clothed, and though sitting close to the fire were far from too warm; yet these naked savages, though further off, were observed, to our great surprise, to be streaming with perspiration at undergoing such a roasting. they seemed, however, very well pleased, and all joined in the chorus of the seamen's songs: but the manner in which they were invariably a little behindhand was quite ludicrous. during the night the news had spread, and early in the morning (23rd) a fresh party arrived, belonging to the tekenika, or jemmy's tribe. several of them had run so fast that their noses were bleeding, and their mouths frothed from the rapidity with which they talked; and with their naked bodies all bedaubed with black, white, [1] and red, they looked like so many demoniacs who had been fighting. we then proceeded (accompanied by twelve canoes, each holding four or five people) down ponsonby sound to the spot where poor jemmy expected to find his mother and relatives. he had already heard that his father was dead; but as he had had a "dream in his head" to that effect, he did not seem to care much about it, and repeatedly comforted himself with the very natural reflection--"me no help it." he was not able to learn any particulars regarding his father's death, as his relations would not speak about it. jemmy was now in a district well known to him, and guided the boats to a quiet pretty cove named woollya, surrounded by islets, every one of which and every point had its proper native name. we found here a family of jemmy's tribe, but not his relations: we made friends with them; and in the evening they sent a canoe to inform jemmy's mother and brothers. the cove was bordered by some acres of good sloping land, not covered (as elsewhere) either by peat or by forest-trees. captain fitz roy originally intended, as before stated, to have taken york minster and fuegia to their own tribe on the west coast; but as they expressed a wish to remain here, and as the spot was singularly favourable, captain fitz roy determined to settle here the whole party, including matthews, the missionary. five days were spent in building for them three large wigwams, in landing their goods, in digging two gardens, and sowing seeds. the next morning after our arrival (the 24th) the fuegians began to pour in, and jemmy's mother and brothers arrived. jemmy recognised the stentorian voice of one of his brothers at a prodigious distance. the meeting was less interesting than that between a horse, turned out into a field, when he joins an old companion. there was no demonstration of affection; they simply stared for a short time at each other; and the mother immediately went to look after her canoe. we heard, however, through york that the mother has been inconsolable for the loss of jemmy and had searched everywhere for him, thinking that he might have been left after having been taken in the boat. the women took much notice of and were very kind to fuegia. we had already perceived that jemmy had almost forgotten his own language. i should think there was scarcely another human being with so small a stock of language, for his english was very imperfect. it was laughable, but almost pitiable, to hear him speak to his wild brother in english, and then ask him in spanish ("no sabe?") whether he did not understand him. everything went on peaceably during the three next days whilst the gardens were digging and wigwams building. we estimated the number of natives at about one hundred and twenty. the women worked hard, whilst the men lounged about all day long, watching us. they asked for everything they saw, and stole what they could. they were delighted at our dancing and singing, and were particularly interested at seeing us wash in a neighbouring brook; they did not pay much attention to anything else, not even to our boats. of all the things which york saw, during his absence from his country, nothing seems more to have astonished him than an ostrich, near maldonado: breathless with astonishment he came running to mr. bynoe, with whom he was out walking--"oh, mr. bynoe, oh, bird all same horse!" much as our white skins surprised the natives, by mr. low's account a negro-cook to a sealing vessel, did so more effectually, and the poor fellow was so mobbed and shouted at that he would never go on shore again. everything went on so quietly that some of the officers and myself took long walks in the surrounding hills and woods. suddenly, however, on the 27th, every woman and child disappeared. we were all uneasy at this, as neither york nor jemmy could make out the cause. it was thought by some that they had been frightened by our cleaning and firing off our muskets on the previous evening; by others, that it was owing to offence taken by an old savage, who, when told to keep further off, had coolly spit in the sentry's face, and had then, by gestures acted over a sleeping fuegian, plainly showed, as it was said, that he should like to cut up and eat our man. captain fitz roy, to avoid the chance of an encounter, which would have been fatal to so many of the fuegians, thought it advisable for us to sleep at a cove a few miles distant. matthews, with his usual quiet fortitude (remarkable in a man apparently possessing little energy of character), determined to stay with the fuegians, who evinced no alarm for themselves; and so we left them to pass their first awful night. on our return in the morning (28th) we were delighted to find all quiet, and the men employed in their canoes spearing fish. captain fitz roy determined to send the yawl and one whale-boat back to the ship; and to proceed with the two other boats, one under his own command (in which he most kindly allowed me to accompany him), and one under mr. hammond, to survey the western parts of the beagle channel, and afterwards to return and visit the settlement. the day to our astonishment was overpoweringly hot, so that our skins were scorched: with this beautiful weather, the view in the middle of the beagle channel was very remarkable. looking towards either hand, no object intercepted the vanishing points of this long canal between the mountains. the circumstance of its being an arm of the sea was rendered very evident by several huge whales [2] spouting in different directions. on one occasion i saw two of these monsters, probably male and female, slowly swimming one after the other, within less than a stone's throw of the shore, over which the beech-tree extended its branches. we sailed on till it was dark, and then pitched our tents in a quiet creek. the greatest luxury was to find for our beds a beach of pebbles, for they were dry and yielded to the body. peaty soil is damp; rock is uneven and hard; sand gets into one's meat, when cooked and eaten boat-fashion; but when lying in our blanket-bags, on a good bed of smooth pebbles, we passed most comfortable nights. it was my watch till one o'clock. there is something very solemn in these scenes. at no time does the consciousness in what a remote corner of the world you are then standing, come so strongly before the mind. everything tends to this effect; the stillness of the night is interrupted only by the heavy breathing of the seamen beneath the tents, and sometimes by the cry of a night-bird. the occasional barking of a dog, heard in the distance, reminds one that it is the land of the savage. january 20th.--early in the morning we arrived at the point where the beagle channel divides into two arms; and we entered the northern one. the scenery here becomes even grander than before. the lofty mountains on the north side compose the granitic axis, or backbone of the country and boldly rise to a height of between three and four thousand feet, with one peak above six thousand feet. they are covered by a wide mantle of perpetual snow, and numerous cascades pour their waters, through the woods, into the narrow channel below. in many parts, magnificent glaciers extend from the mountain side to the water's edge. it is scarcely possible to imagine anything more beautiful than the beryl-like blue of these glaciers, and especially as contrasted with the dead white of the upper expanse of snow. the fragments which had fallen from the glacier into the water were floating away, and the channel with its icebergs presented, for the space of a mile, a miniature likeness of the polar sea. the boats being hauled on shore at our dinner-hour, we were admiring from the distance of half a mile a perpendicular cliff of ice, and were wishing that some more fragments would fall. at last, down came a mass with a roaring noise, and immediately we saw the smooth outline of a wave travelling towards us. the men ran down as quickly as they could to the boats; for the chance of their being dashed to pieces was evident. one of the seamen just caught hold of the bows, as the curling breaker reached it: he was knocked over and over, but not hurt, and the boats though thrice lifted on high and let fall again, received no damage. this was most fortunate for us, for we were a hundred miles distant from the ship, and we should have been left without provisions or fire-arms. i had previously observed that some large fragments of rock on the beach had been lately displaced; but until seeing this wave, i did not understand the cause. one side of the creek was formed by a spur of mica-slate; the head by a cliff of ice about forty feet high; and the other side by a promontory fifty feet high, built up of huge rounded fragments of granite and mica-slate, out of which old trees were growing. this promontory was evidently a moraine, heaped up at a period when the glacier had greater dimensions. when we reached the western mouth of this northern branch of the beagle channel, we sailed amongst many unknown desolate islands, and the weather was wretchedly bad. we met with no natives. the coast was almost everywhere so steep, that we had several times to pull many miles before we could find space enough to pitch our two tents: one night we slept on large round boulders, with putrefying sea-weed between them; and when the tide rose, we had to get up and move our blanket-bags. the farthest point westward which we reached was stewart island, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles from our ship. we returned into the beagle channel by the southern arm, and thence proceeded, with no adventure, back to ponsonby sound. february 6th.--we arrived at woollya. matthews gave so bad an account of the conduct of the fuegians, that captain fitz roy determined to take him back to the beagle; and ultimately he was left at new zealand, where his brother was a missionary. from the time of our leaving, a regular system of plunder commenced; fresh parties of the natives kept arriving: york and jemmy lost many things, and matthews almost everything which had not been concealed underground. every article seemed to have been torn up and divided by the natives. matthews described the watch he was obliged always to keep as most harassing; night and day he was surrounded by the natives, who tried to tire him out by making an incessant noise close to his head. one day an old man, whom matthews asked to leave his wigwam, immediately returned with a large stone in his hand: another day a whole party came armed with stones and stakes, and some of the younger men and jemmy's brother were crying: matthews met them with presents. another party showed by signs that they wished to strip him naked and pluck all the hairs out of his face and body. i think we arrived just in time to save his life. jemmy's relatives had been so vain and foolish, that they had showed to strangers their plunder, and their manner of obtaining it. it was quite melancholy leaving the three fuegians with their savage countrymen; but it was a great comfort that they had no personal fears. york, being a powerful resolute man, was pretty sure to get on well, together with his wife fuegia. poor jemmy looked rather disconsolate, and would then, i have little doubt, have been glad to have returned with us. his own brother had stolen many things from him; and as he remarked, "what fashion call that:" he abused his countrymen, "all bad men, no sabe (know) nothing" and, though i never heard him swear before, "damned fools." our three fuegians, though they had been only three years with civilized men, would, i am sure, have been glad to have retained their new habits; but this was obviously impossible. i fear it is more than doubtful, whether their visit will have been of any use to them. in the evening, with matthews on board, we made sail back to the ship, not by the beagle channel, but by the southern coast. the boats were heavily laden and the sea rough, and we had a dangerous passage. by the evening of the 7th we were on board the beagle after an absence of twenty days, during which time we had gone three hundred miles in the open boats. on the 11th, captain fitz roy paid a visit by himself to the fuegians and found them going on well; and that they had lost very few more things. on the last day of february in the succeeding year (1834) the beagle anchored in a beautiful little cove at the eastern entrance of the beagle channel. captain fitz roy determined on the bold, and as it proved successful, attempt to beat against the westerly winds by the same route, which we had followed in the boats to the settlement at woollya. we did not see many natives until we were near ponsonby sound, where we were followed by ten or twelve canoes. the natives did not at all understand the reason of our tacking, and, instead of meeting us at each tack, vainly strove to follow us in our zigzag course. i was amused at finding what a difference the circumstance of being quite superior in force made, in the interest of beholding these savages. while in the boats i got to hate the very sound of their voices, so much trouble did they give us. the first and last word was "yammerschooner." when, entering some quiet little cove, we have looked round and thought to pass a quiet night, the odious word "yammerschooner" has shrilly sounded from some gloomy nook, and then the little signal-smoke has curled up to spread the news far and wide. on leaving some place we have said to each other, "thank heaven, we have at last fairly left these wretches!" when one more faint hallo from an all-powerful voice, heard at a prodigious distance, would reach our ears, and clearly could we distinguish--"yammerschooner." but now, the more fuegians the merrier; and very merry work it was. both parties laughing, wondering, gaping at each other; we pitying them, for giving us good fish and crabs for rags, etc.; they grasping at the chance of finding people so foolish as to exchange such splendid ornaments for a good supper. it was most amusing to see the undisguised smile of satisfaction with which one young woman with her face painted black, tied several bits of scarlet cloth round her head with rushes. her husband, who enjoyed the very universal privilege in this country of possessing two wives, evidently became jealous of all the attention paid to his young wife; and, after a consultation with his naked beauties, was paddled away by them. some of the fuegians plainly showed that they had a fair notion of barter. i gave one man a large nail (a most valuable present) without making any signs for a return; but he immediately picked out two fish, and handed them up on the point of his spear. if any present was designed for one canoe, and it fell near another, it was invariably given to the right owner. the fuegian boy, whom mr. low had on board showed, by going into the most violent passion, that he quite understood the reproach of being called a liar, which in truth he was. we were this time, as on all former occasions, much surprised at the little notice, or rather none whatever, which was taken of many things, the use of which must have been evident to the natives. simple circumstances--such as the beauty of scarlet cloth or blue beads, the absence of women, our care in washing ourselves,--excited their admiration far more than any grand or complicated object, such as our ship. bougainville has well remarked concerning these people, that they treat the "chefs d'oeuvre de l'industrie humaine, comme ils traitent les loix de la nature et ses phenomenes." on the 5th of march, we anchored in a cove at woollya, but we saw not a soul there. we were alarmed at this, for the natives in ponsonby sound showed by gestures, that there had been fighting; and we afterwards heard that the dreaded oens men had made a descent. soon a canoe, with a little flag flying, was seen approaching, with one of the men in it washing the paint off his face. this man was poor jemmy,--now a thin, haggard savage, with long disordered hair, and naked, except a bit of blanket round his waist. we did not recognize him till he was close to us, for he was ashamed of himself, and turned his back to the ship. we had left him plump, fat, clean, and well-dressed;--i never saw so complete and grievous a change. as soon, however, as he was clothed, and the first flurry was over, things wore a good appearance. he dined with captain fitz roy, and ate his dinner as tidily as formerly. he told us that he had "too much" (meaning enough) to eat, that he was not cold, that his relations were very good people, and that he did not wish to go back to england: in the evening we found out the cause of this great change in jemmy's feelings, in the arrival of his young and nice-looking wife. with his usual good feeling he brought two beautiful otter-skins for two of his best friends, and some spear-heads and arrows made with his own hands for the captain. he said he had built a canoe for himself, and he boasted that he could talk a little of his own language! but it is a most singular fact, that he appears to have taught all his tribe some english: an old man spontaneously announced "jemmy button's wife." jemmy had lost all his property. he told us that york minster had built a large canoe, and with his wife fuegia, [3] had several months since gone to his own country, and had taken farewell by an act of consummate villainy; he persuaded jemmy and his mother to come with him, and then on the way deserted them by night, stealing every article of their property. jemmy went to sleep on shore, and in the morning returned, and remained on board till the ship got under way, which frightened his wife, who continued crying violently till he got into his canoe. he returned loaded with valuable property. every soul on board was heartily sorry to shake hands with him for the last time. i do not now doubt that he will be as happy as, perhaps happier than, if he had never left his own country. every one must sincerely hope that captain fitz roy's noble hope may be fulfilled, of being rewarded for the many generous sacrifices which he made for these fuegians, by some shipwrecked sailor being protected by the descendants of jemmy button and his tribe! when jemmy reached the shore, he lighted a signal fire, and the smoke curled up, bidding us a last and long farewell, as the ship stood on her course into the open sea. the perfect equality among the individuals composing the fuegian tribes must for a long time retard their civilization. as we see those animals, whose instinct compels them to live in society and obey a chief, are most capable of improvement, so is it with the races of mankind. whether we look at it as a cause or a consequence, the more civilized always have the most artificial governments. for instance, the inhabitants of otaheite, who, when first discovered, were governed by hereditary kings, had arrived at a far higher grade than another branch of the same people, the new zealanders,--who, although benefited by being compelled to turn their attention to agriculture, were republicans in the most absolute sense. in tierra del fuego, until some chief shall arise with power sufficient to secure any acquired advantage, such as the domesticated animals, it seems scarcely possible that the political state of the country can be improved. at present, even a piece of cloth given to one is torn into shreds and distributed; and no one individual becomes richer than another. on the other hand, it is difficult to understand how a chief can arise till there is property of some sort by which he might manifest his superiority and increase his power. i believe, in this extreme part of south america, man exists in a lower state of improvement than in any other part of the world. the south sea islanders, of the two races inhabiting the pacific, are comparatively civilized. the esquimau in his subterranean hut, enjoys some of the comforts of life, and in his canoe, when fully equipped, manifests much skill. some of the tribes of southern africa prowling about in search of roots, and living concealed on the wild and arid plains, are sufficiently wretched. the australian, in the simplicity of the arts of life, comes nearest the fuegian: he can, however, boast of his boomerang, his spear and throwing-stick, his method of climbing trees, of tracking animals, and of hunting. although the australian may be superior in acquirements, it by no means follows that he is likewise superior in mental capacity: indeed, from what i saw of the fuegians when on board and from what i have read of the australians, i should think the case was exactly the reverse. [1] this substance, when dry, is tolerably compact, and of little specific gravity: professor ehrenberg has examined it: he states (konig akad. der wissen: berlin, feb. 1845) that it is composed of infusoria, including fourteen polygastrica, and four phytolitharia. he says that they are all inhabitants of fresh-water; this is a beautiful example of the results obtainable through professor ehrenberg's microscopic researches; for jemmy button told me that it is always collected at the bottoms of mountain-brooks. it is, moreover, a striking fact that in the geographical distribution of the infusoria, which are well known to have very wide ranges, that all the species in this substance, although brought from the extreme southern point of tierra del fuego, are old, known forms. [2] one day, off the east coast of tierra del fuego, we saw a grand sight in several spermaceti whales jumping upright quite out of the water, with the exception of their tail-fins. as they fell down sideways, they splashed the water high up, and the sound reverberated like a distant broadside. [3] captain sulivan, who, since his voyage in the beagle, has been employed on the survey of the falkland islands, heard from a sealer in (1842?), that when in the western part of the strait of magellan, he was astonished by a native woman coming on board, who could talk some english. without doubt this was fuega basket. she lived (i fear the term probably bears a double interpretation) some days on board. chapter xi strait of magellan.--climate of the southern coasts strait of magellan--port famine--ascent of mount tarn--forests--edible fungus--zoology--great sea-weed--leave tierra del fuego--climate--fruit-trees and productions of the southern coasts--height of snow-line on the cordillera--descent of glaciers to the sea--icebergs formed--transportal of boulders--climate and productions of the antarctic islands--preservation of frozen carcasses--recapitulation. in the end of may, 1834, we entered for a second time the eastern mouth of the strait of magellan. the country on both sides of this part of the strait consists of nearly level plains, like those of patagonia. cape negro, a little within the second narrows, may be considered as the point where the land begins to assume the marked features of tierra del fuego. on the east coast, south of the strait, broken park-like scenery in a like manner connects these two countries, which are opposed to each other in almost every feature. it is truly surprising to find in a space of twenty miles such a change in the landscape. if we take a rather greater distance, as between port famine and gregory bay, that is about sixty miles, the difference is still more wonderful. at the former place, we have rounded mountains concealed by impervious forests, which are drenched with the rain, brought by an endless succession of gales; while at cape gregory, there is a clear and bright blue sky over the dry and sterile plains. the atmospheric currents, [1] although rapid, turbulent, and unconfined by any apparent limits, yet seem to follow, like a river in its bed, a regularly determined course. during our previous visit (in january), we had an interview at cape gregory with the famous so-called gigantic patagonians, who gave us a cordial reception. their height appears greater than it really is, from their large guanaco mantles, their long flowing hair, and general figure: on an average, their height is about six feet, with some men taller and only a few shorter; and the women are also tall; altogether they are certainly the tallest race which we anywhere saw. in features they strikingly resemble the more northern indians whom i saw with rosas, but they have a wilder and more formidable appearance: their faces were much painted with red and black, and one man was ringed and dotted with white like a fuegian. captain fitz roy offered to take any three of them on board, and all seemed determined to be of the three. it was long before we could clear the boat; at last we got on board with our three giants, who dined with the captain, and behaved quite like gentlemen, helping themselves with knives, forks, and spoons: nothing was so much relished as sugar. this tribe has had so much communication with sealers and whalers that most of the men can speak a little english and spanish; and they are half civilized, and proportionally demoralized. the next morning a large party went on shore, to barter for skins and ostrich-feathers; fire-arms being refused, tobacco was in greatest request, far more so than axes or tools. the whole population of the toldos, men, women, and children, were arranged on a bank. it was an amusing scene, and it was impossible not to like the so-called giants, they were so thoroughly good-humoured and unsuspecting: they asked us to come again. they seem to like to have europeans to live with them; and old maria, an important woman in the tribe, once begged mr. low to leave any one of his sailors with them. they spend the greater part of the year here; but in summer they hunt along the foot of the cordillera: sometimes they travel as far as the rio negro 750 miles to the north. they are well stocked with horses, each man having, according to mr. low, six or seven, and all the women, and even children, their one own horse. in the time of sarmiento (1580), these indians had bows and arrows, now long since disused; they then also possessed some horses. this is a very curious fact, showing the extraordinarily rapid multiplication of horses in south america. the horse was first landed at buenos ayres in 1537, and the colony being then for a time deserted, the horse ran wild; [2] in 1580, only forty-three years afterwards, we hear of them at the strait of magellan! mr. low informs me, that a neighbouring tribe of foot-indians is now changing into horse-indians: the tribe at gregory bay giving them their worn-out horses, and sending in winter a few of their best skilled men to hunt for them. june 1st.--we anchored in the fine bay of port famine. it was now the beginning of winter, and i never saw a more cheerless prospect; the dusky woods, piebald with snow, could be only seen indistinctly, through a drizzling hazy atmosphere. we were, however, lucky in getting two fine days. on one of these, mount sarmiento, a distant mountain 6800 feet high, presented a very noble spectacle. i was frequently surprised in the scenery of tierra del fuego, at the little apparent elevation of mountains really lofty. i suspect it is owing to a cause which would not at first be imagined, namely, that the whole mass, from the summit to the water's edge, is generally in full view. i remember having seen a mountain, first from the beagle channel, where the whole sweep from the summit to the base was full in view, and then from ponsonby sound across several successive ridges; and it was curious to observe in the latter case, as each fresh ridge afforded fresh means of judging of the distance, how the mountain rose in height. before reaching port famine, two men were seen running along the shore and hailing the ship. a boat was sent for them. they turned out to be two sailors who had run away from a sealing-vessel, and had joined the patagonians. these indians had treated them with their usual disinterested hospitality. they had parted company through accident, and were then proceeding to port famine in hopes of finding some ship. i dare say they were worthless vagabonds, but i never saw more miserable-looking ones. they had been living for some days on mussel-shells and berries, and their tattered clothes had been burnt by sleeping so near their fires. they had been exposed night and day, without any shelter, to the late incessant gales, with rain, sleet, and snow, and yet they were in good health. during our stay at port famine, the fuegians twice came and plagued us. as there were many instruments, clothes, and men on shore, it was thought necessary to frighten them away. the first time a few great guns were fired, when they were far distant. it was most ludicrous to watch through a glass the indians, as often as the shot struck the water, take up stones, and, as a bold defiance, throw them towards the ship, though about a mile and a half distant! a boat was sent with orders to fire a few musket-shots wide of them. the fuegians hid themselves behind the trees, and for every discharge of the muskets they fired their arrows; all, however, fell short of the boat, and the officer as he pointed at them laughed. this made the fuegians frantic with passion, and they shook their mantles in vain rage. at last, seeing the balls cut and strike the trees, they ran away, and we were left in peace and quietness. during the former voyage the fuegians were here very troublesome, and to frighten them a rocket was fired at night over their wigwams; it answered effectually, and one of the officers told me that the clamour first raised, and the barking of the dogs, was quite ludicrous in contrast with the profound silence which in a minute or two afterwards prevailed. the next morning not a single fuegian was in the neighbourhood. when the beagle was here in the month of february, i started one morning at four o'clock to ascend mount tarn, which is 2600 feet high, and is the most elevated point in this immediate district. we went in a boat to the foot of the mountain (but unluckily not to the best part), and then began our ascent. the forest commences at the line of high-water mark, and during the first two hours i gave over all hopes of reaching the summit. so thick was the wood, that it was necessary to have constant recourse to the compass; for every landmark, though in a mountainous country, was completely shut out. in the deep ravines, the death-like scene of desolation exceeded all description; outside it was blowing a gale, but in these hollows, not even a breath of wind stirred the leaves of the tallest trees. so gloomy, cold, and wet was every part, that not even the fungi, mosses, or ferns could flourish. in the valleys it was scarcely possible to crawl along, they were so completely barricaded by great mouldering trunks, which had fallen down in every direction. when passing over these natural bridges, one's course was often arrested by sinking knee deep into the rotten wood; at other times, when attempting to lean against a firm tree, one was startled by finding a mass of decayed matter ready to fall at the slightest touch. we at last found ourselves among the stunted trees, and then soon reached the bare ridge, which conducted us to the summit. here was a view characteristic of tierra del fuego; irregular chains of hills, mottled with patches of snow, deep yellowish-green valleys, and arms of the sea intersecting the land in many directions. the strong wind was piercingly cold, and the atmosphere rather hazy, so that we did not stay long on the top of the mountain. our descent was not quite so laborious as our ascent, for the weight of the body forced a passage, and all the slips and falls were in the right direction. i have already mentioned the sombre and dull character of the evergreen forests, [3] in which two or three species of trees grow, to the exclusion of all others. above the forest land, there are many dwarf alpine plants, which all spring from the mass of peat, and help to compose it: these plants are very remarkable from their close alliance with the species growing on the mountains of europe, though so many thousand miles distant. the central part of tierra del fuego, where the clay-slate formation occurs, is most favourable to the growth of trees; on the outer coast the poorer granitic soil, and a situation more exposed to the violent winds, do not allow of their attaining any great size. near port famine i have seen more large trees than anywhere else: i measured a winter's bark which was four feet six inches in girth, and several of the beech were as much as thirteen feet. captain king also mentions a beech which was seven feet in diameter, seventeen feet above the roots. there is one vegetable production deserving notice from its importance as an article of food to the fuegians. it is a globular, bright-yellow fungus, which grows in vast numbers on the beech-trees. when young it is elastic and turgid, with [picture] a smooth surface; but when mature it shrinks, becomes tougher, and has its entire surface deeply pitted or honey-combed, as represented in the accompanying woodcut. this fungus belongs to a new and curious genus, [4] i found a second species on another species of beech in chile: and dr. hooker informs me, that just lately a third species has been discovered on a third species of beech in van diernan's land. how singular is this relationship between parasitical fungi and the trees on which they grow, in distant parts of the world! in tierra del fuego the fungus in its tough and mature state is collected in large quantities by the women and children, and is eaten un-cooked. it has a mucilaginous, slightly sweet taste, with a faint smell like that of a mushroom. with the exception of a few berries, chiefly of a dwarf arbutus, the natives eat no vegetable food besides this fungus. in new zealand, before the introduction of the potato, the roots of the fern were largely consumed; at the present time, i believe, tierra del fuego is the only country in the world where a cryptogamic plant affords a staple article of food. the zoology of tierra del fuego, as might have been expected from the nature of its climate and vegetation, is very poor. of mammalia, besides whales and seals, there is one bat, a kind of mouse (reithrodon chinchilloides), two true mice, a ctenomys allied to or identical with the tucutuco, two foxes (canis magellanicus and c. azarae), a sea-otter, the guanaco, and a deer. most of these animals inhabit only the drier eastern parts of the country; and the deer has never been seen south of the strait of magellan. observing the general correspondence of the cliffs of soft sandstone, mud, and shingle, on the opposite sides of the strait, and on some intervening islands, one is strongly tempted to believe that the land was once joined, and thus allowed animals so delicate and helpless as the tucutuco and reithrodon to pass over. the correspondence of the cliffs is far from proving any junction; because such cliffs generally are formed by the intersection of sloping deposits, which, before the elevation of the land, had been accumulated near the then existing shores. it is, however, a remarkable coincidence, that in the two large islands cut off by the beagle channel from the rest of tierra del fuego, one has cliffs composed of matter that may be called stratified alluvium, which front similar ones on the opposite side of the channel,--while the other is exclusively bordered by old crystalline rocks: in the former, called navarin island, both foxes and guanacos occur; but in the latter, hoste island, although similar in every respect, and only separated by a channel a little more than half a mile wide, i have the word of jemmy button for saying that neither of these animals are found. the gloomy woods are inhabited by few birds: occasionally the plaintive note of a white-tufted tyrant-flycatcher (myiobius albiceps) may be heard, concealed near the summit of the most lofty trees; and more rarely the loud strange cry of a black wood-pecker, with a fine scarlet crest on its head. a little, dusky-coloured wren (scytalopus magellanicus) hops in a skulking manner among the entangled mass of the fallen and decaying trunks. but the creeper (oxyurus tupinieri) is the commonest bird in the country. throughout the beech forests, high up and low down, in the most gloomy, wet, and impenetrable ravines, it may be met with. this little bird no doubt appears more numerous than it really is, from its habit of following with seeming curiosity any person who enters these silent woods: continually uttering a harsh twitter, it flutters from tree to tree, within a few feet of the intruder's face. it is far from wishing for the modest concealment of the true creeper (certhia familiaris); nor does it, like that bird, run up the trunks of trees, but industriously, after the manner of a willow-wren, hops about, and searches for insects on every twig and branch. in the more open parts, three or four species of finches, a thrush, a starling (or icterus), two opetiorhynchi, and several hawks and owls occur. the absence of any species whatever in the whole class of reptiles, is a marked feature in the zoology of this country, as well as in that of the falkland islands. i do not ground this statement merely on my own observation, but i heard it from the spanish inhabitants of the latter place, and from jemmy button with regard to tierra del fuego. on the banks of the santa cruz, in 50 degs. south, i saw a frog; and it is not improbable that these animals, as well as lizards, may be found as far south as the strait of magellan, where the country retains the character of patagonia; but within the damp and cold limit of tierra del fuego not one occurs. that the climate would not have suited some of the orders, such as lizards, might have been foreseen; but with respect to frogs, this was not so obvious. beetles occur in very small numbers: it was long before i could believe that a country as large as scotland, covered with vegetable productions and with a variety of stations, could be so unproductive. the few which i found were alpine species (harpalidae and heteromidae) living under stones. the vegetable-feeding chrysomelidae, so eminently characteristic of the tropics, are here almost entirely absent; [5] i saw very few flies, butterflies, or bees, and no crickets or orthoptera. in the pools of water i found but a few aquatic beetles, and not any fresh-water shells: succinea at first appears an exception; but here it must be called a terrestrial shell, for it lives on the damp herbage far from the water. land-shells could be procured only in the same alpine situations with the beetles. i have already contrasted the climate as well as the general appearance of tierra del fuego with that of patagonia; and the difference is strongly exemplified in the entomology. i do not believe they have one species in common; certainly the general character of the insects is widely different. if we turn from the land to the sea, we shall find the latter as abundantly stocked with living creatures as the former is poorly so. in all parts of the world a rocky and partially protected shore perhaps supports, in a given space, a greater number of individual animals than any other station. there is one marine production which, from its importance, is worthy of a particular history. it is the kelp, or macrocystis pyrifera. this plant grows on every rock from low-water mark to a great depth, both on the outer coast and within the channels. [6] i believe, during the voyages of the adventure and beagle, not one rock near the surface was discovered which was not buoyed by this floating weed. the good service it thus affords to vessels navigating near this stormy land is evident; and it certainly has saved many a one from being wrecked. i know few things more surprising than to see this plant growing and flourishing amidst those great breakers of the western ocean, which no mass of rock, let it be ever so hard, can long resist. the stem is round, slimy, and smooth, and seldom has a diameter of so much as an inch. a few taken together are sufficiently strong to support the weight of the large loose stones, to which in the inland channels they grow attached; and yet some of these stones were so heavy that when drawn to the surface, they could scarcely be lifted into a boat by one person. captain cook, in his second voyage, says, that this plant at kerguelen land rises from a greater depth than twenty-four fathoms; "and as it does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very acute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterwards spreads many fathoms on the surface of the sea, i am well warranted to say that some of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upwards." i do not suppose the stem of any other plant attains so great a length as three hundred and sixty feet, as stated by captain cook. captain fitz roy, moreover, found it growing [7] up from the greater depth of forty-five fathoms. the beds of this sea-weed, even when of not great breadth, make excellent natural floating breakwaters. it is quite curious to see, in an exposed harbour, how soon the waves from the open sea, as they travel through the straggling stems, sink in height, and pass into smooth water. the number of living creatures of all orders, whose existence intimately depends on the kelp, is wonderful. a great volume might be written, describing the inhabitants of one of these beds of sea-weed. almost all the leaves, excepting those that float on the surface, are so thickly incrusted with corallines as to be of a white colour. we find exquisitely delicate structures, some inhabited by simple hydra-like polypi, others by more organized kinds, and beautiful compound ascidiae. on the leaves, also, various patelliform shells, trochi, uncovered molluscs, and some bivalves are attached. innumerable crustacea frequent every part of the plant. on shaking the great entangled roots, a pile of small fish, shells, cuttle-fish, crabs of all orders, sea-eggs, star-fish, beautiful holuthuriae, planariae, and crawling nereidous animals of a multitude of forms, all fall out together. often as i recurred to a branch of the kelp, i never failed to discover animals of new and curious structures. in chiloe, where the kelp does not thrive very well, the numerous shells, corallines, and crustacea are absent; but there yet remain a few of the flustraceae, and some compound ascidiae; the latter, however, are of different species from those in tierra del fuego: we see here the fucus possessing a wider range than the animals which use it as an abode. i can only compare these great aquatic forests of the southern hemisphere with the terrestrial ones in the intertropical regions. yet if in any country a forest was destroyed, i do not believe nearly so many species of animals would perish as would here, from the destruction of the kelp. amidst the leaves of this plant numerous species of fish live, which nowhere else could find food or shelter; with their destruction the many cormorants and other fishing birds, the otters, seals, and porpoises, would soon perish also; and lastly, the fuegian savage, the miserable lord of this miserable land, would redouble his cannibal feast, decrease in numbers, and perhaps cease to exist. june 8th.--we weighed anchor early in the morning and left port famine. captain fitz roy determined to leave the strait of magellan by the magdalen channel, which had not long been discovered. our course lay due south, down that gloomy passage which i have before alluded to as appearing to lead to another and worse world. the wind was fair, but the atmosphere was very thick; so that we missed much curious scenery. the dark ragged clouds were rapidly driven over the mountains, from their summits nearly down to their bases. the glimpses which we caught through the dusky mass were highly interesting; jagged points, cones of snow, blue glaciers, strong outlines, marked on a lurid sky, were seen at different distances and heights. in the midst of such scenery we anchored at cape turn, close to mount sarmiento, which was then hidden in the clouds. at the base of the lofty and almost perpendicular sides of our little cove there was one deserted wigwam, and it alone reminded us that man sometimes wandered into these desolate regions. but it would be difficult to imagine a scene where he seemed to have fewer claims or less authority. the inanimate works of nature--rock, ice, snow, wind, and water--all warring with each other, yet combined against man--here reigned in absolute sovereignty. june 9th.--in the morning we were delighted by seeing the veil of mist gradually rise from sarmiento, and display it to our view. this mountain, which is one of the highest in tierra del fuego, has an altitude of 6800 feet. its base, for about an eighth of its total height, is clothed by dusky woods, and above this a field of snow extends to the summit. these vast piles of snow, which never melt, and seem destined to last as long as the world holds together, present a noble and even sublime spectacle. the outline of the mountain was admirably clear and defined. owing to the abundance of light reflected from the white and glittering surface, no shadows were cast on any part; and those lines which intersected the sky could alone be distinguished: hence the mass stood out in the boldest relief. several glaciers descended in a winding course from the upper great expanse of snow to the sea-coast: they may be likened to great frozen niagaras; and perhaps these cataracts of blue ice are full as beautiful as the moving ones of water. by night we reached the western part of the channel; but the water was so deep that no anchorage could be found. we were in consequence obliged to stand off and on in this narrow arm of the sea, during a pitch-dark night of fourteen hours long. june 10th.--in the morning we made the best of our way into the open pacific. the western coast generally consists of low, rounded, quite barren hills of granite and greenstone. sir j. narborough called one part south desolation, because it is "so desolate a land to behold:" and well indeed might he say so. outside the main islands, there are numberless scattered rocks on which the long swell of the open ocean incessantly rages. we passed out between the east and west furies; and a little farther northward there are so many breakers that the sea is called the milky way. one sight of such a coast is enough to make a landsman dream for a week about shipwrecks, peril, and death; and with this sight we bade farewell for ever to tierra del fuego. the following discussion on the climate of the southern parts of the continent with relation to its productions, on the snow-line, on the extraordinarily low descent of the glaciers, and on the zone of perpetual congelation in the antarctic islands, may be passed over by any one not interested in these curious subjects, or the final recapitulation alone may be read. i shall, however, here give only an abstract, and must refer for details to the thirteenth chapter and the appendix of the former edition of this work. on the climate and productions of tierra del fuego and of the south-west coast.--the following table gives the mean temperature of tierra del fuego, the falkland islands, and, for comparison, that of dublin:- summer winter mean of summer latitude temp. temp. and winter -------------------------------------------------------------- tierra del fuego 53 38' s. 50 33.08 41.54 falkland islands 51 38' s. 51 - - dublin 53 21' n. 59.54 39.2 49.37 hence we see that the central part of tierra del fuego is colder in winter, and no less than 9.5 degs. less hot in summer, than dublin. according to von buch, the mean temperature of july (not the hottest month in the year) at saltenfiord in norway, is as high as 57.8 degs., and this place is actually 13 degs. nearer the pole than port famine! [8] inhospitable as this climate appears to our feelings evergreen trees flourish luxuriantly under it. humming-birds may be seen sucking the flowers, and parrots feeding on the seeds of the winter's bark, in lat. 55 degs. s. i have already remarked to what a degree the sea swarms with living creatures; and the shells (such as the patellae, fissurellae, chitons, and barnacles), according to mr. g. b. sowerby, are of a much larger size and of a more vigorous growth, than the analogous species in the northern hemisphere. a large voluta is abundant in southern tierra del fuego and the falkland islands. at bahia blanca, in lat. 39 degs. s., the most abundant shells were three species of oliva (one of large size), one or two volutas, and a terebra. now, these are amongst the best characterized tropical forms. it is doubtful whether even one small species of oliva exists on the southern shores of europe, and there are no species of the two other genera. if a geologist were to find in lat 39 degs. on the coast of portugal a bed containing numerous shells belonging to three species of oliva, to a voluta and terebra, he would probably assert that the climate at the period of their existence must have been tropical; but judging from south america, such an inference might be erroneous. the equable, humid, and windy climate of tierra del fuego extends, with only a small increase of heat, for many degrees along the west coast of the continent. the forests for 600 miles northward of cape horn, have a very similar aspect. as a proof of the equable climate, even for 300 or 400 miles still further northward, i may mention that in chiloe (corresponding in latitude with the northern parts of spain) the peach seldom produces fruit, whilst strawberries and apples thrive to perfection. even the crops of barley and wheat [9] are often brought into the houses to be dried and ripened. at valdivia (in the same latitude of 40 degs., with madrid) grapes and figs ripen, but are not common; olives seldom ripen even partially, and oranges not at all. these fruits, in corresponding latitudes in europe, are well known to succeed to perfection; and even in this continent, at the rio negro, under nearly the same parallel with valdivia, sweet potatoes (convolvulus) are cultivated; and grapes, figs, olives, oranges, water and musk melons, produce abundant fruit. although the humid and equable climate of chiloe, and of the coast northward and southward of it, is so unfavourable to our fruits, yet the native forests, from lat. 45 to 38 degs., almost rival in luxuriance those of the glowing intertropical regions. stately trees of many kinds, with smooth and highly coloured barks, are loaded by parasitical monocotyledonous plants; large and elegant ferns are numerous, and arborescent grasses entwine the trees into one entangled mass to the height of thirty or forty feet above the ground. palm-trees grow in lat 37 degs.; an arborescent grass, very like a bamboo, in 40 degs.; and another closely allied kind, of great length, but not erect, flourishes even as far south as 45 degs. s. an equable climate, evidently due to the large area of sea compared with the land, seems to extend over the greater part of the southern hemisphere; and, as a consequence, the vegetation partakes of a semi-tropical character. tree-ferns thrive luxuriantly in van diemen's land (lat. 45 degs.), and i measured one trunk no less than six feet in circumference. an arborescent fern was found by forster in new zealand in 46 degs., where orchideous plants are parasitical on the trees. in the auckland islands, ferns, according to dr. dieffenbach [10] have trunks so thick and high that they may be almost called tree-ferns; and in these islands, and even as far south as lat. 55 degs. in the macquarrie islands, parrots abound. on the height of the snow-line, and on the descent of the glaciers in south america.--for the detailed authorities for the following table, i must refer to the former edition:- height in feet latitude of snow-line observer --------------------------------------------------------------- equatorial region; mean result 15,748 humboldt. bolivia, lat. 16 to 18 degs. s. 17,000 pentland. central chile, lat. 33 degs. s. 14,500 15,000 gillies, and the author. chiloe, lat. 41 to 43 degs. s. 6,000 officers of the beagle and the author. tierra del fuego, 54 degs. s. 3,500 4,000 king. as the height of the plane of perpetual snow seems chiefly to be determined by the extreme heat of the summer, rather than by the mean temperature of the year, we ought not to be surprised at its descent in the strait of magellan, where the summer is so cool, to only 3500 or 4000 feet above the level of the sea; although in norway, we must travel to between lat. 67 and 70 degs. n., that is, about 14 degs. nearer the pole, to meet with perpetual snow at this low level. the difference in height, namely, about 9000 feet, between the snow-line on the cordillera behind chiloe (with its highest points ranging from only 5600 to 7500 feet) and in central chile [11] (a distance of only 9 degs. of latitude), is truly wonderful. the land from the southward of chiloe to near concepcion (lat. 37 degs.) is hidden by one dense forest dripping with moisture. the sky is cloudy, and we have seen how badly the fruits of southern europe succeed. in central chile, on the other hand, a little northward of concepcion, the sky is generally clear, rain does not fall for the seven summer months, and southern european fruits succeed admirably; and even the sugar-cane has been cultivated. [12] no doubt the plane of perpetual snow undergoes the above remarkable flexure of 9000 feet, unparalleled in other parts of the world, not far from the latitude of concepcion, where the land ceases to be covered with forest-trees; for trees in south america indicate a rainy climate, and rain a clouded sky and little heat in summer. the descent of glaciers to the sea must, i conceive, mainly depend (subject, of course, to a proper supply of snow in the upper region) on the lowness of the line of perpetual snow on steep mountains near the coast. as the snow-line is so low in tierra del fuego, we might have expected that many of the glaciers would have reached the sea. nevertheless, i was astonished when i first saw a range, only from 3000 to 4000 feet in height, in the latitude of cumberland, with every valley filled with streams of ice descending to the sea-coast. almost every arm of the sea, which penetrates to the interior higher chain, not only in tierra del fuego, but on the coast for 650 miles northwards, is terminated by "tremendous and astonishing glaciers," as described by one of the officers on the survey. great masses of ice frequently fall from these icy cliffs, and the crash reverberates like the broadside of a man-of-war through the lonely channels. these falls, as noticed in the last chapter, produce great waves which break on the adjoining coasts. it is known that earthquakes frequently cause masses of earth to fall from sea-cliffs: how terrific, then, would be the effect of a severe shock (and such occur here [13]) on a body like a glacier, already in motion, and traversed by fissures! i can readily believe that the water would be fairly beaten back out of the deepest channel, and then, returning with an overwhelming force, would whirl about huge masses of rock like so much chaff. in eyre's sound, in the latitude of paris, there are immense glaciers, and yet the loftiest neighbouring mountain is only 6200 feet high. in this sound, about fifty icebergs were seen at one time floating outwards, and one of them must have been at least 168 feet in total height. some of the icebergs were loaded with blocks of no inconsiderable size, of granite and other rocks, different from the clay-slate of the surrounding mountains. the glacier furthest from the pole, surveyed during the voyages of the adventure and beagle, is in lat. 46 degs. 50', in the gulf of penas. it is 15 miles long, and in one part 7 broad and descends to the sea-coast. but even a few miles northward of this glacier, in laguna de san [picture] rafael, some spanish missionaries [14] encountered "many icebergs, some great, some small, and others middle-sized," in a narrow arm of the sea, on the 22nd of the month corresponding with our june, and in a latitude corresponding with that of the lake of geneva! in europe, the most southern glacier which comes down to the sea is met with, according to von buch, on the coast of norway, in lat. 67 degs. now, this is more than 20 degs. of latitude, or 1230 miles, nearer the pole than the laguna de san rafael. the position of the glaciers at this place and in the gulf of penas may be put even in a more striking point of view, for they descend to the sea-coast within 7.5 degs. of latitude, or 450 miles, of a harbour, where three species of oliva, a voluta, and a terebra, are the commonest shells, within less than 9 degs. from where palms grow, within 4.5 degs. of a region where the jaguar and puma range over the plains, less than 2.5 degs. from arborescent grasses, and (looking to the westward in the same hemisphere) less than 2 degs. from orchideous parasites, and within a single degree of tree-ferns! these facts are of high geological interest with respect to the climate of the northern hemisphere at the period when boulders were transported. i will not here detail how simply the theory of icebergs being charged with fragments of rock, explain the origin and position of the gigantic boulders of eastern tierra del fuego, on the high plain of santa cruz, and on the island of chiloe. in tierra del fuego, the greater number of boulders lie on the lines of old sea-channels, now converted into dry valleys by the elevation of the land. they are associated with a great unstratified formation of mud and sand, containing rounded and angular fragments of all sizes, which has originated [15] in the repeated ploughing up of the sea-bottom by the stranding of icebergs, and by the matter transported on them. few geologists now doubt that those erratic boulders which lie near lofty mountains have been pushed forward by the glaciers themselves, and that those distant from mountains, and embedded in subaqueous deposits, have been conveyed thither either on icebergs or frozen in coast-ice. the connection between the transportal of boulders and the presence of ice in some form, is strikingly shown by their geographical distribution over the earth. in south america they are not found further than 48 degs. of latitude, measured from the southern pole; in north america it appears that the limit of their transportal extends to 53.5 degs. from the northern pole; but in europe to not more than 40 degs. of latitude, measured from the same point. on the other hand, in the intertropical parts of america, asia, and africa, they have never been observed; nor at the cape of good hope, nor in australia. [16] on the climate and productions of the antarctic islands.--considering the rankness of the vegetation in tierra del fuego, and on the coast northward of it, the condition of the islands south and south-west of america is truly surprising. sandwich land, in the latitude of the north part of scotland, was found by cook, during the hottest month of the year, "covered many fathoms thick with everlasting snow;" and there seems to be scarcely any vegetation. georgia, an island 96 miles long and 10 broad, in the latitude of yorkshire, "in the very height of summer, is in a manner wholly covered with frozen snow." it can boast only of moss, some tufts of grass, and wild burnet; it has only one land-bird (anthus correndera), yet iceland, which is 10 degs. nearer the pole, has, according to mackenzie, fifteen land-birds. the south shetland islands, in the same latitude as the southern half of norway, possess only some lichens, moss, and a little grass; and lieut. kendall [17] found the bay, in which he was at anchor, beginning to freeze at a period corresponding with our 8th of september. the soil here consists of ice and volcanic ashes interstratified; and at a little depth beneath the surface it must remain perpetually congealed, for lieut. kendall found the body of a foreign sailor which had long been buried, with the flesh and all the features perfectly preserved. it is a singular fact, that on the two great continents in the northern hemisphere (but not in the broken land of europe between them ), we have the zone of perpetually frozen under-soil in a low latitude--namely, in 56 degs. in north america at the depth of three feet, [18] and in 62 degs. in siberia at the depth of twelve to fifteen feet--as the result of a directly opposite condition of things to those of the southern hemisphere. on the northern continents, the winter is rendered excessively cold by the radiation from a large area of land into a clear sky, nor is it moderated by the warmth-bringing currents of the sea; the short summer, on the other hand, is hot. in the southern ocean the winter is not so excessively cold, but the summer is far less hot, for the clouded sky seldom allows the sun to warm the ocean, itself a bad absorbent of heat: and hence the mean temperature of the year, which regulates the zone of perpetually congealed under-soil, is low. it is evident that a rank vegetation, which does not so much require heat as it does protection from intense cold, would approach much nearer to this zone of perpetual congelation under the equable climate of the southern hemisphere, than under the extreme climate of the northern continents. the case of the sailor's body perfectly preserved in the icy soil of the south shetland islands (lat. 62 to 63 degs. s.), in a rather lower latitude than that (lat. 64 degs. n.) under which pallas found the frozen rhinoceros in siberia, is very interesting. although it is a fallacy, as i have endeavoured to show in a former chapter, to suppose that the larger quadrupeds require a luxuriant vegetation for their support, nevertheless it is important to find in the south shetland islands a frozen under-soil within 360 miles of the forest-clad islands near cape horn, where, as far as the _bulk_ of vegetation is concerned, any number of great quadrupeds might be supported. the perfect preservation of the carcasses of the siberian elephants and rhinoceroses is certainly one of the most wonderful facts in geology; but independently of the imagined difficulty of supplying them with food from the adjoining countries, the whole case is not, i think, so perplexing as it has generally been considered. the plains of siberia, like those of the pampas, appear to have been formed under the sea, into which rivers brought down the bodies of many animals; of the greater number of these, only the skeletons have been preserved, but of others the perfect carcass. now, it is known that in the shallow sea on the arctic coast of america the bottom freezes, [19] and does not thaw in spring so soon as the surface of the land, moreover at greater depths, where the bottom of the sea does not freeze the mud a few feet beneath the top layer might remain even in summer below 32 degs., as in the case on the land with the soil at the depth of a few feet. at still greater depths, the temperature of the mud and water would probably not be low enough to preserve the flesh; and hence, carcasses drifted beyond the shallow parts near an arctic coast, would have only their skeletons preserved: now in the extreme northern parts of siberia bones are infinitely numerous, so that even islets are said to be almost composed of them; [20] and those islets lie no less than ten degrees of latitude north of the place where pallas found the frozen rhinoceros. on the other hand, a carcass washed by a flood into a shallow part of the arctic sea, would be preserved for an indefinite period, if it were soon afterwards covered with mud sufficiently thick to prevent the heat of the summer-water penetrating to it; and if, when the sea-bottom was upraised into land, the covering was sufficiently thick to prevent the heat of the summer air and sun thawing and corrupting it. recapitulation.--i will recapitulate the principal facts with regard to the climate, ice-action, and organic productions of the southern hemisphere, transposing the places in imagination to europe, with which we are so much better acquainted. then, near lisbon, the commonest sea-shells, namely, three species of oliva, a voluta, and a terebra, would have a tropical character. in the southern provinces of france, magnificent forests, intwined by arborescent grasses and with the trees loaded with parasitical plants, would hide the face of the land. the puma and the jaguar would haunt the pyrenees. in the latitude of mont blanc, but on an island as far westward as central north america, tree-ferns and parasitical orchideae would thrive amidst the thick woods. even as far north as central denmark, humming-birds would be seen fluttering about delicate flowers, and parrots feeding amidst the evergreen woods; and in the sea there, we should have a voluta, and all the shells of large size and vigorous growth. nevertheless, on some islands only 360 miles northward of our new cape horn in denmark, a carcass buried in the soil (or if washed into a shallow sea, and covered up with mud) would be preserved perpetually frozen. if some bold navigator attempted to penetrate northward of these islands, he would run a thousand dangers amidst gigantic icebergs, on some of which he would see great blocks of rock borne far away from their original site. another island of large size in the latitude of southern scotland, but twice as far to the west, would be "almost wholly covered with everlasting snow," and would have each bay terminated by ice-cliffs, whence great masses would be yearly detached: this island would boast only of a little moss, grass, and burnet, and a titlark would be its only land inhabitant. from our new cape horn in denmark, a chain of mountains, scarcely half the height of the alps, would run in a straight line due southward; and on its western flank every deep creek of the sea, or fiord, would end in "bold and astonishing glaciers." these lonely channels would frequently reverberate with the falls of ice, and so often would great waves rush along their coasts; numerous icebergs, some as tall as cathedrals, and occasionally loaded with "no inconsiderable blocks of rock," would be stranded on the outlying islets; at intervals violent earthquakes would shoot prodigious masses of ice into the waters below. lastly, some missionaries attempting to penetrate a long arm of the sea, would behold the not lofty surrounding mountains, sending down their many grand icy streams to the sea-coast, and their progress in the boats would be checked by the innumerable floating icebergs, some small and some great; and this would have occurred on our twenty-second of june, and where the lake of geneva is now spread out! [21] [1] the south-westerly breezes are generally very dry. january 29th, being at anchor under cape gregory: a very hard gale from w. by s., clear sky with few cumuli; temperature 57 degs., dew-point 36 degs.,--difference 21 degs. on january 15th, at port st. julian: in the morning, light winds with much rain, followed by a very heavy squall with rain,--settled into heavy gale with large cumuli,--cleared up, blowing very strong from s.s.w. temperature 60 degs., dew-point 42 degs.,--difference 18 degs. [2] rengger, natur. der saeugethiere von paraguay. s. 334. [3] captain fitz roy informs me that in april (our october), the leaves of those trees which grow near the base of the mountains change colour, but not those on the more elevated parts. i remember having read some observations, showing that in england the leaves fall earlier in a warm and fine autumn than in a late and cold one, the change in the colour being here retarded in the more elevated, and therefore colder situations, must be owing to the same general law of vegetation. the trees of tierra del fuego during no part of the year entirely shed their leaves. [4] described from my specimens and notes by the rev. j. m. berkeley, in the linnean transactions (vol. xix. p. 37), under the name of cyttaria darwinii; the chilean species is the c. berteroii. this genus is allied to bulgaria. [5] i believe i must except one alpine haltica, and a single specimen of a melasoma. mr. waterhouse informs me, that of the harpalidae there are eight or nine species--the forms of the greater number being very peculiar; of heteromera, four or five species; of rhyncophora, six or seven; and of the following families one species in each: staphylinidae, elateridae, cebrionidae, melolonthidae. the species in the other orders are even fewer. in all the orders, the scarcity of the individuals is even more remarkable than that of the species. most of the coleoptera have been carefully described by mr. waterhouse in the annals of nat. hist. [6] its geographical range is remarkably wide; it is found from the extreme southern islets near cape horn, as far north on the eastern coast (according to information given me by mr. stokes) as lat. 43 degs.,--but on the western coast, as dr. hooker tells me, it extends to the r. san francisco in california, and perhaps even to kamtschatka. we thus have an immense range in latitude; and as cook, who must have been well acquainted with the species, found it at kerguelen land, no less than 140 degs. in longitude. [7] voyages of the adventure and beagle, vol. i. p. 363.--it appears that sea-weed grows extremely quick.--mr. stephenson found (wilson's voyage round scotland, vol. ii. p. 228) that a rock uncovered only at spring-tides, which had been chiselled smooth in november, on the following may, that is, within six months afterwards, was thickly covered with fucus digitatus two feet, and f. esculentus six feet, in length. [8] with regard to tierra del fuego, the results are deduced from the observations of capt. king (geographical journal, 1830), and those taken on board the beagle. for the falkland islands, i am indebted to capt. sulivan for the mean of the mean temperature (reduced from careful observations at midnight, 8 a.m., noon, and 8 p.m.) of the three hottest months, viz., december, january, and february. the temperature of dublin is taken from barton. [9] agueros, descrip. hist. de la prov. de chiloe, 1791, p. 94. [10] see the german translation of this journal; and for the other facts, mr. brown's appendix to flinders's voyage. [11] on the cordillera of central chile, i believe the snow-line varies exceedingly in height in different summers. i was assured that during one very dry and long summer, all the snow disappeared from aconcagua, although it attains the prodigious height of 23,000 feet. it is probable that much of the snow at these great heights is evaporated rather than thawed. [12] miers's chile, vol. i. p. 415. it is said that the sugar-cane grew at ingenio, lat. 32 to 33 degs., but not in sufficient quantity to make the manufacture profitable. in the valley of quillota, south of ingenio, i saw some large date palm trees. [13] bulkeley's and cummin's faithful narrative of the loss of the wager. the earthquake happened august 25, 1741. [14] agueros, desc. hist. de chiloe, p. 227. [15] geological transactions, vol. vi. p. 415. [16] i have given details (the first, i believe, published) on this subject in the first edition, and in the appendix to it. i have there shown that the apparent exceptions to the absence of erratic boulders in certain countries, are due to erroneous observations; several statements there given i have since found confirmed by various authors. [17] geographical journal, 1830, pp. 65, 66. [18] richardson's append. to back's exped., and humboldt's fragm. asiat., tom. ii. p. 386. [19] messrs. dease and simpson, in geograph. journ., vol. viii. pp. 218 and 220. [20] cuvier (ossemens fossiles, tom. i. p. 151), from billing's voyage. [21] in the former edition and appendix, i have given some facts on the transportal of erratic boulders and icebergs in the atlantic ocean. this subject has lately been treated excellently by mr. hayes, in the boston journal (vol. iv. p. 426). the author does not appear aware of a case published by me (geographical journal, vol. ix. p. 528) of a gigantic boulder embedded in an iceberg in the antarctic ocean, almost certainly one hundred miles distant from any land, and perhaps much more distant. in the appendix i have discussed at length the probability (at that time hardly thought of) of icebergs, when stranded, grooving and polishing rocks, like glaciers. this is now a very commonly received opinion; and i cannot still avoid the suspicion that it is applicable even to such cases as that of the jura. dr. richardson has assured me that the icebergs off north america push before them pebbles and sand, and leave the submarine rocky flats quite bare; it is hardly possible to doubt that such ledges must be polished and scored in the direction of the set of the prevailing currents. since writing that appendix, i have seen in north wales (london phil. mag., vol. xxi. p. 180) the adjoining action of glaciers and floating icebergs. chapter xii central chile valparaiso--excursion to the foot of the andes--structure of the land--ascend the bell of quillota--shattered masses of greenstone--immense valleys--mines--state of miners--santiago--hot-baths of cauquenes--gold-mines--grinding-mills--perforated stones--habits of the puma--el turco and tapacolo--humming-birds. july 23rd.--the beagle anchored late at night in the bay of valparaiso, the chief seaport of chile. when morning came, everything appeared delightful. after tierra del fuego, the climate felt quite delicious--the atmosphere so dry, and the heavens so clear and blue with the sun shining brightly, that all nature seemed sparkling with life. the view from the anchorage is very pretty. the town is built at the very foot of a range of hills, about 1600 feet high, and rather steep. from its position, it consists of one long, straggling street, which runs parallel to the beach, and wherever a ravine comes down, the houses are piled up on each side of it. the rounded hills, being only partially protected by a very scanty vegetation, are worn into numberless little gullies, which expose a singularly bright red soil. from this cause, and from the low whitewashed houses with tile roofs, the view reminded me of st. cruz in teneriffe. in a north-westerly direction there are some fine glimpses of the andes: but these mountains appear much grander when viewed from the neighbouring hills: the great distance at which they are situated can then more readily be perceived. the volcano of aconcagua is particularly magnificent. this huge and irregularly conical mass has an elevation greater than that of chimborazo; for, from measurements made by the officers in the beagle, its height is no less than 23,000 feet. the cordillera, however, viewed from this point, owe the greater part of their beauty to the atmosphere through which they are seen. when the sun was setting in the pacific, it was admirable to watch how clearly their rugged outlines could be distinguished, yet how varied and how delicate were the shades of their colour. i had the good fortune to find living here mr. richard corfield, an old schoolfellow and friend, to whose hospitality and kindness i was greatly indebted, in having afforded me a most pleasant residence during the beagle's stay in chile. the immediate neighbourhood of valparaiso is not very productive to the naturalist. during the long summer the wind blows steadily from the southward, and a little off shore, so that rain never falls; during the three winter months, however, it is sufficiently abundant. the vegetation in consequence is very scanty: except in some deep valleys, there are no trees, and only a little grass and a few low bushes are scattered over the less steep parts of the hills. when we reflect, that at the distance of 350 miles to the south, this side of the andes is completely hidden by one impenetrable forest, the contrast is very remarkable. i took several long walks while collecting objects of natural history. the country is pleasant for exercise. there are many very beautiful flowers; and, as in most other dry climates, the plants and shrubs possess strong and peculiar odours--even one's clothes by brushing through them became scented. i did not cease from wonder at finding each succeeding day as fine as the foregoing. what a difference does climate make in the enjoyment of life! how opposite are the sensations when viewing black mountains half enveloped in clouds, and seeing another range through the light blue haze of a fine day! the one for a time may be very sublime; the other is all gaiety and happy life. august 14th.--i set out on a riding excursion, for the purpose of geologizing the basal parts of the andes, which alone at this time of the year are not shut up by the winter snow. our first day's ride was northward along the sea-coast. after dark we reached the hacienda of quintero, the estate which formerly belonged to lord cochrane. my object in coming here was to see the great beds of shells, which stand some yards above the level of the sea, and are burnt for lime. the proofs of the elevation of this whole line of coast are unequivocal: at the height of a few hundred feet old-looking shells are numerous, and i found some at 1300 feet. these shells either lie loose on the surface, or are embedded in a reddish-black vegetable mould. i was much surprised to find under the microscope that this vegetable mould is really marine mud, full of minute particles of organic bodies. 15th.--we returned towards the valley of quillota. the country was exceedingly pleasant; just such as poets would call pastoral: green open lawns, separated by small valleys with rivulets, and the cottages, we may suppose of the shepherds scattered on the hill-sides. we were obliged to cross the ridge of the chilicauquen. at its base there were many fine evergreen forest-trees, but these flourished only in the ravines, where there was running water. any person who had seen only the country near valparaiso, would never have imagined that there had been such picturesque spots in chile. as soon as we reached the brow of the sierra, the valley of quillota was immediately under our feet. the prospect was one of remarkable artificial luxuriance. the valley is very broad and quite flat, and is thus easily irrigated in all parts. the little square gardens are crowded with orange and olive trees, and every sort of vegetable. on each side huge bare mountains rise, and this from the contrast renders the patchwork valley the more pleasing. whoever called "valparaiso" the "valley of paradise," must have been thinking of quillota. we crossed over to the hacienda de san isidro, situated at the very foot of the bell mountain. chile, as may be seen in the maps, is a narrow strip of land between the cordillera and the pacific; and this strip is itself traversed by several mountain-lines, which in this part run parallel to the great range. between these outer lines and the main cordillera, a succession of level basins, generally opening into each other by narrow passages, extend far to the southward: in these, the principal towns are situated, as san felipe, santiago, san fernando. these basins or plains, together with the transverse flat valleys (like that of quillota) which connect them with the coast, i have no doubt are the bottoms of ancient inlets and deep bays, such as at the present day intersect every part of tierra del fuego and the western coast. chile must formerly have resembled the latter country in the configuration of its land and water. the resemblance was occasionally shown strikingly when a level fog-bank covered, as with a mantle, all the lower parts of the country: the white vapour curling into the ravines, beautifully represented little coves and bays; and here and there a solitary hillock peeping up, showed that it had formerly stood there as an islet. the contrast of these flat valleys and basins with the irregular mountains, gave the scenery a character which to me was new and very interesting. from the natural slope to seaward of these plains, they are very easily irrigated, and in consequence singularly fertile. without this process the land would produce scarcely anything, for during the whole summer the sky is cloudless. the mountains and hills are dotted over with bushes and low trees, and excepting these the vegetation is very scanty. each landowner in the valley possesses a certain portion of hill-country, where his half-wild cattle, in considerable numbers, manage to find sufficient pasture. once every year there is a grand "rodeo," when all the cattle are driven down, counted, and marked, and a certain number separated to be fattened in the irrigated fields. wheat is extensively cultivated, and a good deal of indian corn: a kind of bean is, however, the staple article of food for the common labourers. the orchards produce an overflowing abundance of peaches figs, and grapes. with all these advantages, the inhabitants of the country ought to be much more prosperous than they are. 16th.--the mayor-domo of the hacienda was good enough to give me a guide and fresh horses; and in the morning we set out to ascend the campana, or bell mountain, which is 6400 feet high. the paths were very bad, but both the geology and scenery amply repaid the trouble. we reached by the evening, a spring called the agua del guanaco, which is situated at a great height. this must be an old name, for it is very many years since a guanaco drank its waters. during the ascent i noticed that nothing but bushes grew on the northern slope, whilst on the southern slope there was a bamboo about fifteen feet high. in a few places there were palms, and i was surprised to see one at an elevation of at least 4500 feet. these palms are, for their family, ugly trees. their stem is very large, and of a curious form, being thicker in the middle than at the base or top. they are excessively numerous in some parts of chile, and valuable on account of a sort of treacle made from the sap. on one estate near petorca they tried to count them, but failed, after having numbered several hundred thousand. every year in the early spring, in august, very many are cut down, and when the trunk is lying on the ground, the crown of leaves is lopped off. the sap then immediately begins to flow from the upper end, and continues so doing for some months: it is, however, necessary that a thin slice should be shaved off from that end every morning, so as to expose a fresh surface. a good tree will give ninety gallons, and all this must have been contained in the vessels of the apparently dry trunk. it is said that the sap flows much more quickly on those days when the sun is powerful; and likewise, that it is absolutely necessary to take care, in cutting down the tree, that it should fall with its head upwards on the side of the hill; for if it falls down the slope, scarcely any sap will flow; although in that case one would have thought that the action would have been aided, instead of checked, by the force of gravity. the sap is concentrated by boiling, and is then called treacle, which it very much resembles in taste. we unsaddled our horses near the spring, and prepared to pass the night. the evening was fine, and the atmosphere so clear, that the masts of the vessels at anchor in the bay of valparaiso, although no less than twenty-six geographical miles distant, could be distinguished clearly as little black streaks. a ship doubling the point under sail, appeared as a bright white speck. anson expresses much surprise, in his voyage, at the distance at which his vessels were discovered from the coast; but he did not sufficiently allow for the height of the land, and the great transparency of the air. the setting of the sun was glorious; the valleys being black whilst the snowy peaks of the andes yet retained a ruby tint. when it was dark, we made a fire beneath a little arbour of bamboos, fried our charqui (or dried slips of beef), took our mate, and were quite comfortable. there is an inexpressible charm in thus living in the open air. the evening was calm and still;--the shrill noise of the mountain bizcacha, and the faint cry of a goatsucker, were occasionally to be heard. besides these, few birds, or even insects, frequent these dry, parched mountains. august 17th.--in the morning we climbed up the rough mass of greenstone which crowns the summit. this rock, as frequently happens, was much shattered and broken into huge angular fragments. i observed, however, one remarkable circumstance, namely, that many of the surfaces presented every degree of freshness some appearing as if broken the day before, whilst on others lichens had either just become, or had long grown, attached. i so fully believed that this was owing to the frequent earthquakes, that i felt inclined to hurry from below each loose pile. as one might very easily be deceived in a fact of this kind, i doubted its accuracy, until ascending mount wellington, in van diemen's land, where earthquakes do not occur; and there i saw the summit of the mountain similarly composed and similarly shattered, but all the blocks appeared as if they had been hurled into their present position thousands of years ago. we spent the day on the summit, and i never enjoyed one more thoroughly. chile, bounded by the andes and the pacific, was seen as in a map. the pleasure from the scenery, in itself beautiful, was heightened by the many reflections which arose from the mere view of the campana range with its lesser parallel ones, and of the broad valley of quillota directly intersecting them. who can avoid wondering at the force which has upheaved these mountains, and even more so at the countless ages which it must have required to have broken through, removed, and levelled whole masses of them? it is well in this case to call to mind the vast shingle and sedimentary beds of patagonia, which, if heaped on the cordillera, would increase its height by so many thousand feet. when in that country, i wondered how any mountain-chain could have supplied such masses, and not have been utterly obliterated. we must not now reverse the wonder, and doubt whether all-powerful time can grind down mountains--even the gigantic cordillera--into-gravel and mud. the appearance of the andes was different from that which i had expected. the lower line of the snow was of course horizontal, and to this line the even summits of the range seemed quite parallel. only at long intervals, a group of points or a single cone showed where a volcano had existed, or does now exist. hence the range resembled a great solid wall, surmounted here and there by a tower, and making a most perfect barrier to the country. almost every part of the hill had been drilled by attempts to open gold-mines: the rage for mining has left scarcely a spot in chile unexamined. i spent the evening as before, talking round the fire with my two companions. the guasos of chile, who correspond to the gauchos of the pampas, are, however, a very different set of beings. chile is the more civilized of the two countries, and the inhabitants, in consequence, have lost much individual character. gradations in rank are much more strongly marked: the guaso does not by any means consider every man his equal; and i was quite surprised to find that my companions did not like to eat at the same time with myself. this feeling of inequality is a necessary consequence of the existence of an aristocracy of wealth. it is said that some few of the greater landowners possess from five to ten thousand pounds sterling per annum: an inequality of riches which i believe is not met with in any of the cattle-breeding countries eastward of the andes. a traveller does not here meet that unbounded hospitality which refuses all payment, but yet is so kindly offered that no scruples can be raised in accepting it. almost every house in chile will receive you for the night, but a trifle is expected to be given in the morning; even a rich man will accept two or three shillings. the gaucho, although he may be a cutthroat, is a gentleman; the guaso is in few respects better, but at the same time a vulgar, ordinary fellow. the two men, although employed much in the same manner, are different in their habits and attire; and the peculiarities of each are universal in their respective countries. the gaucho seems part of his horse, and scorns to exert himself except when on his back: the guaso may be hired to work as a labourer in the fields. the former lives entirely on animal food; the latter almost wholly on vegetable. we do not here see the white boots, the broad drawers and scarlet chilipa; the picturesque costume of the pampas. here, common trousers are protected by black and green worsted leggings. the poncho, however, is common to both. the chief pride of the guaso lies in his spurs, which are absurdly large. i measured one which was six inches in the _diameter_ of the rowel, and the rowel itself contained upwards of thirty points. the stirrups are on the same scale, each consisting of a square, carved block of wood, hollowed out, yet weighing three or four pounds. the guaso is perhaps more expert with the lazo than the gaucho; but, from the nature of the country, he does not know the use of the bolas. august 18th.--we descended the mountain, and passed some beautiful little spots, with rivulets and fine trees. having slept at the same hacienda as before, we rode during the two succeeding days up the valley, and passed through quillota, which is more like a collection of nursery-gardens than a town. the orchards were beautiful, presenting one mass of peach-blossoms. i saw, also, in one or two places the date-palm; it is a most stately tree; and i should think a group of them in their native asiatic or african deserts must be superb. we passed likewise san felipe, a pretty straggling town like quillota. the valley in this part expands into one of those great bays or plains, reaching to the foot of the cordillera, which have been mentioned as forming so curious a part of the scenery of chile. in the evening we reached the mines of jajuel, situated in a ravine at the flank of the great chain. i stayed here five days. my host the superintendent of the mine, was a shrewd but rather ignorant cornish miner. he had married a spanish woman, and did not mean to return home; but his admiration for the mines of cornwall remained unbounded. amongst many other questions, he asked me, "now that george rex is dead, how many more of the family of rexes are yet alive?" this rex certainly must be a relation of the great author finis, who wrote all books! these mines are of copper, and the ore is all shipped to swansea, to be smelted. hence the mines have an aspect singularly quiet, as compared to those in england: here no smoke, furnaces, or great steam-engines, disturb the solitude of the surrounding mountains. the chilian government, or rather the old spanish law, encourages by every method the searching for mines. the discoverer may work a mine on any ground, by paying five shillings; and before paying this he may try, even in the garden of another man, for twenty days. it is now well known that the chilian method of mining is the cheapest. my host says that the two principal improvements introduced by foreigners have been, first, reducing by previous roasting the copper pyrites--which, being the common ore in cornwall, the english miners were astounded on their arrival to find thrown away as useless: secondly, stamping and washing the scoriae from the old furnaces--by which process particles of metal are recovered in abundance. i have actually seen mules carrying to the coast, for transportation to england, a cargo of such cinders. but the first case is much the most curious. the chilian miners were so convinced that copper pyrites contained not a particle of copper, that they laughed at the englishmen for their ignorance, who laughed in turn, and bought their richest veins for a few dollars. it is very odd that, in a country where mining had been extensively carried on for many years, so simple a process as gently roasting the ore to expel the sulphur previous to smelting it, had never been discovered. a few improvements have likewise been introduced in some of the simple machinery; but even to the present day, water is removed from some mines by men carrying it up the shaft in leathern bags! the labouring men work very hard. they have little time allowed for their meals, and during summer and winter they begin when it is light, and leave off at dark. they are paid one pound sterling a month, and their food is given them: this for breakfast consists of sixteen figs and two small loaves of bread; for dinner, boiled beans; for supper, broken roasted wheat grain. they scarcely ever taste meat; as, with the twelve pounds per annum, they have to clothe themselves, and support their families. the miners who work in the mine itself have twenty-five shillings per month, and are allowed a little charqui. but these men come down from their bleak habitations only once in every fortnight or three weeks. during my stay here i thoroughly enjoyed scrambling about these huge mountains. the geology, as might have been expected, was very interesting. the shattered and baked rocks, traversed by innumerable dykes of greenstone, showed what commotions had formerly taken place. the scenery was much the same as that near the bell of quillota--dry barren mountains, dotted at intervals by bushes with a scanty foliage. the cactuses, or rather opuntias were here very numerous. i measured one of a spherical figure, which, including the spines, was six feet and four inches in circumference. the height of the common cylindrical, branching kind, is from twelve to fifteen feet, and the girth (with spines) of the branches between three and four feet. a heavy fall of snow on the mountains prevented me during the last two days, from making some interesting excursions. i attempted to reach a lake which the inhabitants, from some unaccountable reason, believe to be an arm of the sea. during a very dry season, it was proposed to attempt cutting a channel from it for the sake of the water, but the padre, after a consultation, declared it was too dangerous, as all chile would be inundated, if, as generally supposed, the lake was connected with the pacific. we ascended to a great height, but becoming involved in the snow-drifts failed in reaching this wonderful lake, and had some difficulty in returning. i thought we should have lost our horses; for there was no means of guessing how deep the drifts were, and the animals, when led, could only move by jumping. the black sky showed that a fresh snow-storm was gathering, and we therefore were not a little glad when we escaped. by the time we reached the base the storm commenced, and it was lucky for us that this did not happen three hours earlier in the day. august 26th.--we left jajuel and again crossed the basin of san felipe. the day was truly chilian: glaringly bright, and the atmosphere quite clear. the thick and uniform covering of newly fallen snow rendered the view of the volcano of aconcagua and the main chain quite glorious. we were now on the road to santiago, the capital of chile. we crossed the cerro del talguen, and slept at a little rancho. the host, talking about the state of chile as compared to other countries, was very humble: "some see with two eyes, and some with one, but for my part i do not think that chile sees with any." august 27th.--after crossing many low hills we descended into the small land-locked plain of guitron. in the basins, such as this one, which are elevated from one thousand to two thousand feet above the sea, two species of acacia, which are stunted in their forms, and stand wide apart from each other, grow in large numbers. these trees are never found near the sea-coast; and this gives another characteristic feature to the scenery of these basins. we crossed a low ridge which separates guitron from the great plain on which santiago stands. the view was here pre-eminently striking: the dead level surface, covered in parts by woods of acacia, and with the city in the distance, abutting horizontally against the base of the andes, whose snowy peaks were bright with the evening sun. at the first glance of this view, it was quite evident that the plain represented the extent of a former inland sea. as soon as we gained the level road we pushed our horses into a gallop, and reached the city before it was dark. i stayed a week in santiago, and enjoyed myself very much. in the morning i rode to various places on the plain, and in the evening dined with several of the english merchants, whose hospitality at this place is well known. a never-failing source of pleasure was to ascend the little hillock of rock (st. lucia) which projects in the middle of the city. the scenery certainly is most striking, and, as i have said, very peculiar. i am informed that this same character is common to the cities on the great mexican platform. of the town i have nothing to say in detail: it is not so fine or so large as buenos ayres, but is built after the same model. i arrived here by a circuit to the north; so i resolved to return to valparaiso by a rather longer excursion to the south of the direct road. september 5th.--by the middle of the day we arrived at one of the suspension bridges, made of hide, which cross the maypu, a large turbulent river a few leagues southward of santiago. these bridges are very poor affairs. the road, following the curvature of the suspending ropes, is made of bundles of sticks placed close together. it was full of holes, and oscillated rather fearfully, even with the weight of a man leading his horse. in the evening we reached a comfortable farm-house, where there were several very pretty senoritas. they were much horrified at my having entered one of their churches out of mere curiosity. they asked me, "why do you not become a christian--for our religion is certain?" i assured them i was a sort of christian; but they would not hear of it--appealing to my own words, "do not your padres, your very bishops, marry?" the absurdity of a bishop having a wife particularly struck them: they scarcely knew whether to be most amused or horror-struck at such an enormity. 6th.--we proceeded due south, and slept at rancagua. the road passed over the level but narrow plain, bounded on one side by lofty hills, and on the other by the cordillera. the next day we turned up the valley of the rio cachapual, in which the hot-baths of cauquenes, long celebrated for their medicinal properties, are situated. the suspension bridges, in the less frequented parts, are generally taken down during the winter when the rivers are low. such was the case in this valley, and we were therefore obliged to cross the stream on horseback. this is rather disagreeable, for the foaming water, though not deep, rushes so quickly over the bed of large rounded stones, that one's head becomes quite confused, and it is difficult even to perceive whether the horse is moving onward or standing still. in summer, when the snow melts, the torrents are quite impassable; their strength and fury are then extremely great, as might be plainly seen by the marks which they had left. we reached the baths in the evening, and stayed there five days, being confined the two last by heavy rain. the buildings consist of a square of miserable little hovels, each with a single table and bench. they are situated in a narrow deep valley just without the central cordillera. it is a quiet, solitary spot, with a good deal of wild beauty. the mineral springs of cauquenes burst forth on a line of dislocation, crossing a mass of stratified rock, the whole of which betrays the action of heat. a considerable quantity of gas is continually escaping from the same orifices with the water. though the springs are only a few yards apart, they have very different temperature; and this appears to be the result of an unequal mixture of cold water: for those with the lowest temperature have scarcely any mineral taste. after the great earthquake of 1822 the springs ceased, and the water did not return for nearly a year. they were also much affected by the earthquake of 1835; the temperature being suddenly changed from 118 to 92 degs. [1] it seems probable that mineral waters rising deep from the bowels of the earth, would always be more deranged by subterranean disturbances than those nearer the surface. the man who had charge of the baths assured me that in summer the water is hotter and more plentiful than in winter. the former circumstance i should have expected, from the less mixture, during the dry season, of cold water; but the latter statement appears very strange and contradictory. the periodical increase during the summer, when rain never falls, can, i think, only be accounted for by the melting of the snow: yet the mountains which are covered by snow during that season, are three or four leagues distant from the springs. i have no reason to doubt the accuracy of my informer, who, having lived on the spot for several years, ought to be well acquainted with the circumstance,--which, if true, certainly is very curious: for we must suppose that the snow-water, being conducted through porous strata to the regions of heat, is again thrown up to the surface by the line of dislocated and injected rocks at cauquenes; and the regularity of the phenomenon would seem to indicate that in this district heated rock occurred at a depth not very great. one day i rode up the valley to the farthest inhabited spot. shortly above that point, the cachapual divides into two deep tremendous ravines, which penetrate directly into the great range. i scrambled up a peaked mountain, probably more than six thousand feet high. here, as indeed everywhere else, scenes of the highest interest presented themselves. it was by one of these ravines, that pincheira entered chile and ravaged the neighbouring country. this is the same man whose attack on an estancia at the rio negro i have described. he was a renegade half-caste spaniard, who collected a great body of indians together and established himself by a stream in the pampas, which place none of the forces sent after him could ever discover. from this point he used to sally forth, and crossing the cordillera by passes hitherto unattempted, he ravaged the farm-houses and drove the cattle to his secret rendezvous. pincheira was a capital horseman, and he made all around him equally good, for he invariably shot any one who hesitated to follow him. it was against this man, and other wandering indian tribes, that rosas waged the war of extermination. september 13th.--we left the baths of cauquenes, and, rejoining the main road, slept at the rio clara. from this place we rode to the town of san fernando. before arriving there, the last land-locked basin had expanded into a great plain, which extended so far to the south, that the snowy summits of the more distant andes were seen as if above the horizon of the sea. san fernando is forty leagues from santiago; and it was my farthest point southward; for we here turned at right angles towards the coast. we slept at the gold-mines of yaquil, which are worked by mr. nixon, an american gentleman, to whose kindness i was much indebted during the four days i stayed at his house. the next morning we rode to the mines, which are situated at the distance of some leagues, near the summit of a lofty hill. on the way we had a glimpse of the lake tagua-tagua, celebrated for its floating islands, which have been described by m. gay. [2] they are composed of the stalks of various dead plants intertwined together, and on the surface of which other living ones take root. their form is generally circular, and their thickness from four to six feet, of which the greater part is immersed in the water. as the wind blows, they pass from one side of the lake to the other, and often carry cattle and horses as passengers. when we arrived at the mine, i was struck by the pale appearance of many of the men, and inquired from mr. nixon respecting their condition. the mine is 450 feet deep, and each man brings up about 200 pounds weight of stone. with this load they have to climb up the alternate notches cut in the trunks of trees, placed in a zigzag line up the shaft. even beardless young men, eighteen and twenty years old, with little muscular development of their bodies (they are quite naked excepting drawers) ascend with this great load from nearly the same depth. a strong man, who is not accustomed to this labour, perspires most profusely, with merely carrying up his own body. with this very severe labour, they live entirely on boiled beans and bread. they would prefer having bread alone; but their masters, finding that they cannot work so hard upon this, treat them like horses, and make them eat the beans. their pay is here rather more than at the mines of jajuel, being from 24 to 28 shillings per month. they leave the mine only once in three weeks; when they stay with their families for two days. one of the rules of this mine sounds very harsh, but answers pretty well for the master. the only method of stealing gold is to secrete pieces of the ore, and take them out as occasion may offer. whenever the major-domo finds a lump thus hidden, its full value is stopped out of the wages of all the men; who thus, without they all combine, are obliged to keep watch over each other. when the ore is brought to the mill, it is ground into an impalpable powder; the process of washing removes all the lighter particles, and amalgamation finally secures the gold-dust. the washing, when described, sounds a very simple process; but it is beautiful to see how the exact adaptation of the current of water to the specific gravity of the gold, so easily separates the powdered matrix from the metal. the mud which passes from the mills is collected into pools, where it subsides, and every now and then is cleared out, and thrown into a common heap. a great deal of chemical action then commences, salts of various kinds effloresce on the surface, and the mass becomes hard. after having been left for a year or two, and then rewashed, it yields gold; and this process may be repeated even six or seven times; but the gold each time becomes less in quantity, and the intervals required (as the inhabitants say, to generate the metal) are longer. there can be no doubt that the chemical action, already mentioned, each time liberates fresh gold from some combination. the discovery of a method to effect this before the first grinding would without doubt raise the value of gold-ores many fold. it is curious to find how the minute particles of gold, being scattered about and not corroding, at last accumulate in some quantity. a short time since a few miners, being out of work, obtained permission to scrape the ground round the house and mills; they washed the earth thus got together, and so procured thirty dollars' worth of gold. this is an exact counterpart of what takes place in nature. mountains suffer degradation and wear away, and with them the metallic veins which they contain. the hardest rock is worn into impalpable mud, the ordinary metals oxidate, and both are removed; but gold, platina, and a few others are nearly indestructible, and from their weight, sinking to the bottom, are left behind. after whole mountains have passed through this grinding mill, and have been washed by the hand of nature, the residue becomes metalliferous, and man finds it worth his while to complete the task of separation. bad as the above treatment of the miners appears, it is gladly accepted of by them; for the condition of the labouring agriculturists is much worse. their wages are lower, and they live almost exclusively on beans. this poverty must be chiefly owing to the feudal-like system on which the land is tilled: the landowner gives a small plot of ground to the labourer for building on and cultivating, and in return has his services (or those of a proxy) for every day of his life, without any wages. until a father has a grown-up son, who can by his labour pay the rent, there is no one, except on occasional days, to take care of his own patch of ground. hence extreme poverty is very common among the labouring classes in this country. there are some old indian ruins in this neighbourhood, and i was shown one of the perforated stones, which molina mentions as being found in many places in considerable numbers. they are of a circular flattened form, from five to six inches in diameter, with a hole passing quite through the centre. it has generally been supposed that they were used as heads to clubs, although their form does not appear at all well adapted for that purpose. burchell [3] states that some of the tribes in southern africa dig up roots by the aid of a stick pointed at one end, the force and weight of which are increased by a round stone with a hole in it, into which the other end is firmly wedged. it appears probable that the indians of chile formerly used some such rude agricultural instrument. one day, a german collector in natural history, of the name of renous, called, and nearly at the same time an old spanish lawyer. i was amused at being told the conversation which took place between them. renous speaks spanish so well, that the old lawyer mistook him for a chilian. renous alluding to me, asked him what he thought of the king of england sending out a collector to their country, to pick up lizards and beetles, and to break stones? the old gentleman thought seriously for some time, and then said, "it is not well,--_hay un gato encerrado aqui_ (there is a cat shut up here). no man is so rich as to send out people to pick up such rubbish. i do not like it: if one of us were to go and do such things in england, do not you think the king of england would very soon send us out of his country?" and this old gentleman, from his profession, belongs to the better informed and more intelligent classes! renous himself, two or three years before, left in a house at san fernando some caterpillars, under charge of a girl to feed, that they might turn into butterflies. this was rumoured through the town, and at last the padres and governor consulted together, and agreed it must be some heresy. accordingly, when renous returned, he was arrested. september 19th.--we left yaquil, and followed the flat valley, formed like that of quillota, in which the rio tinderidica flows. even at these few miles south of santiago the climate is much damper; in consequence there are fine tracts of pasturage, which are not irrigated. (20th.) we followed this valley till it expanded into a great plain, which reaches from the sea to the mountains west of rancagua. we shortly lost all trees and even bushes; so that the inhabitants are nearly as badly off for firewood as those in the pampas. never having heard of these plains, i was much surprised at meeting with such scenery in chile. the plains belong to more than one series of different elevations, and they are traversed by broad flat-bottomed valleys; both of which circumstances, as in patagonia, bespeak the action of the sea on gently rising land. in the steep cliffs bordering these valleys, there are some large caves, which no doubt were originally formed by the waves: one of these is celebrated under the name of cueva del obispo; having formerly been consecrated. during the day i felt very unwell, and from that time till the end of october did not recover. september 22nd.--we continued to pass over green plains without a tree. the next day we arrived at a house near navedad, on the sea-coast, where a rich haciendero gave us lodgings. i stayed here the two ensuing days, and although very unwell, managed to collect from the tertiary formation some marine shells. 24th.--our course was now directed towards valparaiso, which with great difficulty i reached on the 27th, and was there confined to my bed till the end of october. during this time i was an inmate in mr. corfield's house, whose kindness to me i do not know how to express. i will here add a few observations on some of the animals and birds of chile. the puma, or south american lion, is not uncommon. this animal has a wide geographical range; being found from the equatorial forests, throughout the deserts of patagonia as far south as the damp and cold latitudes (53 to 54 degs.) of tierra del fuego. i have seen its footsteps in the cordillera of central chile, at an elevation of at least 10,000 feet. in la plata the puma preys chiefly on deer, ostriches, bizcacha, and other small quadrupeds; it there seldom attacks cattle or horses, and most rarely man. in chile, however, it destroys many young horses and cattle, owing probably to the scarcity of other quadrupeds: i heard, likewise, of two men and a woman who had been thus killed. it is asserted that the puma always kills its prey by springing on the shoulders, and then drawing back the head with one of its paws, until the vertebrae break: i have seen in patagonia the skeletons of guanacos, with their necks thus dislocated. the puma, after eating its fill, covers the carcass with many large bushes, and lies down to watch it. this habit is often the cause of its being discovered; for the condors wheeling in the air every now and then descend to partake of the feast, and being angrily driven away, rise all together on the wing. the chileno guaso then knows there is a lion watching his prey--the word is given--and men and dogs hurry to the chase. sir f. head says that a gaucho in the pampas, upon merely seeing some condors wheeling in the air, cried "a lion!" i could never myself meet with any one who pretended to such powers of discrimination. it is asserted that, if a puma has once been betrayed by thus watching the carcass, and has then been hunted, it never resumes this habit; but that, having gorged itself, it wanders far away. the puma is easily killed. in an open country, it is first entangled with the bolas, then lazoed, and dragged along the ground till rendered insensible. at tandeel (south of the plata), i was told that within three months one hundred were thus destroyed. in chile they are generally driven up bushes or trees, and are then either shot, or baited to death by dogs. the dogs employed in this chase belong to a particular breed, called leoneros: they are weak, slight animals, like long-legged terriers, but are born with a particular instinct for this sport. the puma is described as being very crafty: when pursued, it often returns on its former track, and then suddenly making a spring on one side, waits there till the dogs have passed by. it is a very silent animal, uttering no cry even when wounded, and only rarely during the breeding season. of birds, two species of the genus pteroptochos (megapodius and albicollis of kittlitz) are perhaps the most conspicuous. the former, called by the chilenos "el turco," is as large as a fieldfare, to which bird it has some alliance; but its legs are much longer, tail shorter, and beak stronger: its colour is a reddish brown. the turco is not uncommon. it lives on the ground, sheltered among the thickets which are scattered over the dry and sterile hills. with its tail erect, and stilt-like legs, it may be seen every now and then popping from one bush to another with uncommon quickness. it really requires little imagination to believe that the bird is ashamed of itself, and is aware of its most ridiculous figure. on first seeing it, one is tempted to exclaim, "a vilely stuffed specimen has escaped from some museum, and has come to life again!" it cannot be made to take flight without the greatest trouble, nor does it run, but only hops. the various loud cries which it utters when concealed amongst the bushes, are as strange as its appearance. it is said to build its nest in a deep hole beneath the ground. i dissected several specimens: the gizzard, which was very muscular, contained beetles, vegetable fibres, and pebbles. from this character, from the length of its legs, scratching feet, membranous covering to the nostrils, short and arched wings, this bird seems in a certain degree to connect the thrushes with the gallinaceous order. the second species (or p. albicollis) is allied to the first in its general form. it is called tapacolo, or "cover your posterior;" and well does the shameless little bird deserve its name; for it carries its tail more than erect, that is, inclined backwards towards its head. it is very common, and frequents the bottoms of hedge-rows, and the bushes scattered over the barren hills, where scarcely another bird can exist. in its general manner of feeding, of quickly hopping out of the thickets and back again, in its desire of concealment, unwillingness to take flight, and nidification, it bears a close resemblance to the turco; but its appearance is not quite so ridiculous. the tapacolo is very crafty: when frightened by any person, it will remain motionless at the bottom of a bush, and will then, after a little while, try with much address to crawl away on the opposite side. it is also an active bird, and continually making a noise: these noises are various and strangely odd; some are like the cooing of doves, others like the bubbling of water, and many defy all similes. the country people say it changes its cry five times in the year--according to some change of season, i suppose. [4] two species of humming-birds are common; trochilus forficatus is found over a space of 2500 miles on the west coast, from the hot dry country of lima, to the forests of tierra del fuego--where it may be seen flitting about in snow-storms. in the wooded island of chiloe, which has an extremely humid climate, this little bird, skipping from side to side amidst the dripping foliage, is perhaps more abundant than almost any other kind. i opened the stomachs of several specimens, shot in different parts of the continent, and in all, remains of insects were as numerous as in the stomach of a creeper. when this species migrates in the summer southward, it is replaced by the arrival of another species coming from the north. this second kind (trochilus gigas) is a very large bird for the delicate family to which it belongs: when on the wing its appearance is singular. like others of the genus, it moves from place to place with a rapidity which may be compared to that of syrphus amongst flies, and sphinx among moths; but whilst hovering over a flower, it flaps its wings with a very slow and powerful movement, totally different from that vibratory one common to most of the species, which produces the humming noise. i never saw any other bird where the force of its wings appeared (as in a butterfly) so powerful in proportion to the weight of its body. when hovering by a flower, its tail is constantly expanded and shut like a fan, the body being kept in a nearly vertical position. this action appears to steady and support the bird, between the slow movements of its wings. although flying from flower to flower in search of food, its stomach generally contained abundant remains of insects, which i suspect are much more the object of its search than honey. the note of this species, like that of nearly the whole family, is extremely shrill. [1] caldeleugh, in philosoph. transact. for 1836. [2] annales des sciences naturelles, march, 1833. m. gay, a zealous and able naturalist, was then occupied in studying every branch of natural history throughout the kingdom of chile. [3] burchess's travels, vol. ii. p. 45. [4] it is a remarkable fact, that molina, though describing in detail all the birds and animals of chile, never once mentions this genus, the species of which are so common, and so remarkable in their habits. was he at a loss how to classify them, and did he consequently think that silence was the more prudent course? it is one more instance of the frequency of omissions by authors, on those very subjects where it might have been least expected. chapter xiii chiloe and chonos islands chiloe--general aspect--boat excursion--native indians--castro--tame fox--ascend san pedro--chonos archipelago--peninsula of tres montes--granitic range--boat-wrecked sailors--low's harbour--wild potato--formation of peat--myopotamus, otter and mice--cheucau and barking-bird--opetiorhynchus--singular character of ornithology--petrels. november 10th.--the beagle sailed from valparaiso to the south, for the purpose of surveying the southern part of chile, the island of chiloe, and the broken land called the chonos archipelago, as far south as the peninsula of tres montes. on the 21st we anchored in the bay of s. carlos, the capital of chiloe. this island is about ninety miles long, with a breadth of rather less than thirty. the land is hilly, but not mountainous, and is covered by one great forest, except where a few green patches have been cleared round the thatched cottages. from a distance the view somewhat resembles that of tierra del fuego; but the woods, when seen nearer, are incomparably more beautiful. many kinds of fine evergreen trees, and plants with a tropical character, here take the place of the gloomy beech of the southern shores. in winter the climate is detestable, and in summer it is only a little better. i should think there are few parts of the world, within the temperate regions, where so much rain falls. the winds are very boisterous, and the sky almost always clouded: to have a week of fine weather is something wonderful. it is even difficult to get a single glimpse of the cordillera: during our first visit, once only the volcano of osorno stood out in bold relief, and that was before sunrise; it was curious to watch, as the sun rose, the outline gradually fading away in the glare of the eastern sky. the inhabitants, from their complexion and low stature; appear to have three-fourths of indian blood in their veins. they are an humble, quiet, industrious set of men. although the fertile soil, resulting from the decomposition of the volcanic rocks, supports a rank vegetation, yet the climate is not favourable to any production which requires much sunshine to ripen it. there is very little pasture for the larger quadrupeds; and in consequence, the staple articles of food are pigs, potatoes, and fish. the people all dress in strong woollen garments, which each family makes for itself, and dyes with indigo of a dark blue colour. the arts, however, are in the rudest state;--as may be seen in their strange fashion of ploughing, their method of spinning, grinding corn, and in the construction of their boats. the forests are so impenetrable, that the land is nowhere cultivated except near the coast and on the adjoining islets. even where paths exist, they are scarcely passable from the soft and swampy state of the soil. the inhabitants, like those of tierra del fuego, move about chiefly on the beach or in boats. although with plenty to eat, the people are very poor: there is no demand for labour, and consequently the lower orders cannot scrape together money sufficient to purchase even the smallest luxuries. there is also a great deficiency of a circulating medium. i have seen a man bringing on his back a bag of charcoal, with which to buy some trifle, and another carrying a plank to exchange for a bottle of wine. hence every tradesman must also be a merchant, and again sell the goods which he takes in exchange. november 24th.--the yawl and whale-boat were sent under the command of mr. (now captain) sulivan, to survey the eastern or inland coast of chiloe; and with orders to meet the beagle at the southern extremity of the island; to which point she would proceed by the outside, so as thus to circumnavigate the whole. i accompanied this expedition, but instead of going in the boats the first day, i hired horses to take me to chacao, at the northern extremity of the island. the road followed the coast; every now and then crossing promontories covered by fine forests. in these shaded paths it is absolutely necessary that the whole road should be made of logs of wood, which are squared and placed by the side of each other. from the rays of the sun never penetrating the evergreen foliage, the ground is so damp and soft, that except by this means neither man nor horse would be able to pass along. i arrived at the village of chacao shortly after the tents belonging to the boats were pitched for the night. the land in this neighbourhood has been extensively cleared, and there were many quiet and most picturesque nooks in the forest. chacao was formerly the principal port in the island; but many vessels having been lost, owing to the dangerous currents and rocks in the straits, the spanish government burnt the church, and thus arbitrarily compelled the greater number of inhabitants to migrate to s. carlos. we had not long bivouacked, before the barefooted son of the governor came down to reconnoitre us. seeing the english flag hoisted at the yawl's mast-head, he asked with the utmost indifference, whether it was always to fly at chacao. in several places the inhabitants were much astonished at the appearance of men-of-war's boats, and hoped and believed it was the forerunner of a spanish fleet, coming to recover the island from the patriot government of chile. all the men in power, however, had been informed of our intended visit, and were exceedingly civil. while we were eating our supper, the governor paid us a visit. he had been a lieutenant-colonel in the spanish service, but now was miserably poor. he gave us two sheep, and accepted in return two cotton handkerchiefs, some brass trinkets, and a little tobacco. 25th.--torrents of rain: we managed, however, to run down the coast as far as huapi-lenou. the whole of this eastern side of chiloe has one aspect; it is a plain, broken by valleys and divided into little islands, and the whole thickly covered with one impervious blackish-green forest. on the margins there are some cleared spaces, surrounding the high-roofed cottages. 26th--the day rose splendidly clear. the volcano of orsono was spouting out volumes of smoke. this most beautiful mountain, formed like a perfect cone, and white with snow, stands out in front of the cordillera. another great volcano, with a saddle-shaped summit, also emitted from its immense crater little jets of steam. subsequently we saw the lofty-peaked corcovado--well deserving the name of "el famoso corcovado." thus we beheld, from one point of view, three great active volcanoes, each about seven thousand feet high. in addition to this, far to the south, there were other lofty cones covered with snow, which, although not known to be active, must be in their origin volcanic. the line of the andes is not, in this neighbourhood, nearly so elevated as in chile; neither does it appear to form so perfect a barrier between the regions of the earth. this great range, although running in a straight north and south line, owing to an optical deception, always appeared more or less curved; for the lines drawn from each peak to the beholder's eye, necessarily converged like the radii of a semicircle, and as it was not possible (owing to the clearness of the atmosphere and the absence of all intermediate objects) to judge how far distant the farthest peaks were off, they appeared to stand in a flattish semicircle. landing at midday, we saw a family of pure indian extraction. the father was singularly like york minster; and some of the younger boys, with their ruddy complexions, might have been mistaken for pampas indians. everything i have seen, convinces me of the close connexion of the different american tribes, who nevertheless speak distinct languages. this party could muster but little spanish, and talked to each other in their own tongue. it is a pleasant thing to see the aborigines advanced to the same degree of civilization, however low that may be, which their white conquerors have attained. more to the south we saw many pure indians: indeed, all the inhabitants of some of the islets retain their indian surnames. in the census of 1832, there were in chiloe and its dependencies forty-two thousand souls; the greater number of these appear to be of mixed blood. eleven thousand retain their indian surnames, but it is probable that not nearly all of these are of a pure breed. their manner of life is the same with that of the other poor inhabitants, and they are all christians; but it is said that they yet retain some strange superstitious ceremonies, and that they pretend to hold communication with the devil in certain caves. formerly, every one convicted of this offence was sent to the inquisition at lima. many of the inhabitants who are not included in the eleven thousand with indian surnames, cannot be distinguished by their appearance from indians. gomez, the governor of lemuy, is descended from noblemen of spain on both sides; but by constant intermarriages with the natives the present man is an indian. on the other hand the governor of quinchao boasts much of his purely kept spanish blood. we reached at night a beautiful little cove, north of the island of caucahue. the people here complained of want of land. this is partly owing to their own negligence in not clearing the woods, and partly to restrictions by the government, which makes it necessary, before buying ever so small a piece, to pay two shillings to the surveyor for measuring each quadra (150 yards square), together with whatever price he fixes for the value of the land. after his valuation the land must be put up three times to auction, and if no one bids more, the purchaser can have it at that rate. all these exactions must be a serious check to clearing the ground, where the inhabitants are so extremely poor. in most countries, forests are removed without much difficulty by the aid of fire; but in chiloe, from the damp nature of the climate, and the sort of trees, it is necessary first to cut them down. this is a heavy drawback to the prosperity of chiloe. in the time of the spaniards the indians could not hold land; and a family, after having cleared a piece of ground, might be driven away, and the property seized by the government. the chilian authorities are now performing an act of justice by making retribution to these poor indians, giving to each man, according to his grade of life, a certain portion of land. the value of uncleared ground is very little. the government gave mr. douglas (the present surveyor, who informed me of these circumstances) eight and a half square miles of forest near s. carlos, in lieu of a debt; and this he sold for 350 dollars, or about 70 pounds sterling. the two succeeding days were fine, and at night we reached the island of quinchao. this neighbourhood is the most cultivated part of the archipelago; for a broad strip of land on the coast of the main island, as well as on many of the smaller adjoining ones, is almost completely cleared. some of the farm-houses seemed very comfortable. i was curious to ascertain how rich any of these people might be, but mr. douglas says that no one can be considered as possessing a regular income. one of the richest landowners might possibly accumulate, in a long industrious life, as much as 1000 pounds sterling; but should this happen, it would all be stowed away in some secret corner, for it is the custom of almost every family to have a jar or treasure-chest buried in the ground. november 30th.--early on sunday morning we reached castro, the ancient capital of chiloe, but now a most forlorn and deserted place. the usual quadrangular arrangement of spanish towns could be traced, but the streets and plaza were coated with fine green turf, on which sheep were browsing. the church, which stands in the middle, is entirely built of plank, and has a picturesque and venerable appearance. the poverty of the place may be conceived from the fact, that although containing some hundreds of inhabitants, one of our party was unable anywhere to purchase either a pound of sugar or an ordinary knife. no individual possessed either a watch or a clock; and an old man, who was supposed to have a good idea of time, was employed to strike the church bell by guess. the arrival of our boats was a rare event in this quiet retired corner of the world; and nearly all the inhabitants came down to the beach to see us pitch our tents. they were very civil, and offered us a house; and one man even sent us a cask of cider as a present. in the afternoon we paid our respects to the governor--a quiet old man, who, in his appearance and manner of life, was scarcely superior to an english cottager. at night heavy rain set in, which was hardly sufficient to drive away from our tents the large circle of lookers-on. an indian family, who had come to trade in a canoe from caylen, bivouacked near us. they had no shelter during the rain. in the morning i asked a young indian, who was wet to the skin, how he had passed the night. he seemed perfectly content, and answered, "muy bien, senor." december 1st.--we steered for the island of lemuy. i was anxious to examine a reported coal-mine which turned out to be lignite of little value, in the sandstone (probably of an ancient tertiary epoch) of which these islands are composed. when we reached lemuy we had much difficulty in finding any place to pitch our tents, for it was spring-tide, and the land was wooded down to the water's edge. in a short time we were surrounded by a large group of the nearly pure indian inhabitants. they were much surprised at our arrival, and said one to the other, "this is the reason we have seen so many parrots lately; the cheucau (an odd red-breasted little bird, which inhabits the thick forest, and utters very peculiar noises) has not cried 'beware' for nothing." they were soon anxious for barter. money was scarcely worth anything, but their eagerness for tobacco was something quite extraordinary. after tobacco, indigo came next in value; then capsicum, old clothes, and gunpowder. the latter article was required for a very innocent purpose: each parish has a public musket, and the gunpowder was wanted for making a noise on their saint or feast days. the people here live chiefly on shell-fish and potatoes. at certain seasons they catch also, in "corrales," or hedges under water, many fish which are left on the mud-banks as the tide falls. they occasionally possess fowls, sheep, goats, pigs, horses, and cattle; the order in which they are here mentioned, expressing their respective numbers. i never saw anything more obliging and humble than the manners of these people. they generally began with stating that they were poor natives of the place, and not spaniards and that they were in sad want of tobacco and other comforts. at caylen, the most southern island, the sailors bought with a stick of tobacco, of the value of three-halfpence, two fowls, one of which, the indian stated, had skin between its toes, and turned out to be a fine duck; and with some cotton handkerchiefs, worth three shillings, three sheep and a large bunch of onions were procured. the yawl at this place was anchored some way from the shore, and we had fears for her safety from robbers during the night. our pilot, mr. douglas, accordingly told the constable of the district that we always placed sentinels with loaded arms and not understanding spanish, if we saw any person in the dark, we should assuredly shoot him. the constable, with much humility, agreed to the perfect propriety of this arrangement, and promised us that no one should stir out of his house during that night. during the four succeeding days we continued sailing southward. the general features of the country remained the same, but it was much less thickly inhabited. on the large island of tanqui there was scarcely one cleared spot, the trees on every side extending their branches over the sea-beach. i one day noticed, growing on the sandstone cliffs, some very fine plants of the panke (gunnera scabra), which somewhat resembles the rhubarb on a gigantic scale. the inhabitants eat the stalks, which are subacid, and tan leather with the roots, and prepare a black dye from them. the leaf is nearly circular, but deeply indented on its margin. i measured one which was nearly eight feet in diameter, and therefore no less than twenty-four in circumference! the stalk is rather more than a yard high, and each plant sends out four or five of these enormous leaves, presenting together a very noble appearance. december 6th.--we reached caylen, called "el fin del cristiandad." in the morning we stopped for a few minutes at a house on the northern end of laylec, which was the extreme point of south american christendom, and a miserable hovel it was. the latitude is 43 degs. 10', which is two degrees farther south than the rio negro on the atlantic coast. these extreme christians were very poor, and, under the plea of their situation, begged for some tobacco. as a proof of the poverty of these indians, i may mention that shortly before this, we had met a man, who had travelled three days and a half on foot, and had as many to return, for the sake of recovering the value of a small axe and a few fish. how very difficult it must be to buy the smallest article, when such trouble is taken to recover so small a debt. in the evening we reached the island of san pedro, where we found the beagle at anchor. in doubling the point, two of the officers landed to take a round of angles with the theodolite. a fox (canis fulvipes), of a kind said to be peculiar to the island, and very rare in it, and which is a new species, was sitting on the rocks. he was so intently absorbed in watching the work of the officers, that i was able, by quietly walking up behind, to knock him on the head with my geological hammer. this fox, more curious or more scientific, but less wise, than the generality of his brethren, is now mounted in the museum of the zoological society. we stayed three days in this harbour, on one of which captain fitz roy, with a party, attempted to ascend to the summit of san pedro. the woods here had rather a different appearance from those on the northern part of the island. the rock, also, being micaceous slate, there was no beach, but the steep sides dipped directly beneath the water. the general aspect in consequence was more like that of tierra del fuego than of chiloe. in vain we tried to gain the summit: the forest was so impenetrable, that no one who has not beheld it can imagine so entangled a mass of dying and dead trunks. i am sure that often, for more than ten minutes together, our feet never touched the ground, and we were frequently ten or fifteen feet above it, so that the seamen as a joke called out the soundings. at other times we crept one after another on our hands and knees, under the rotten trunks. in the lower part of the mountain, noble trees of the winter's bark, and a laurel like the sassafras with fragrant leaves, and others, the names of which i do not know, were matted together by a trailing bamboo or cane. here we were more like fishes struggling in a net than any other animal. on the higher parts, brushwood takes the place of larger trees, with here and there a red cedar or an alerce pine. i was also pleased to see, at an elevation of a little less than 1000 feet, our old friend the southern beech. they were, however, poor stunted trees, and i should think that this must be nearly their northern limit. we ultimately gave up the attempt in despair. december 10th.--the yawl and whale-boat, with mr. sulivan, proceeded on their survey, but i remained on board the beagle, which the next day left san pedro for the southward. on the 13th we ran into an opening in the southern part of guayatecas, or the chonos archipelago; and it was fortunate we did so, for on the following day a storm, worthy of tierra del fuego, raged with great fury. white massive clouds were piled up against a dark blue sky, and across them black ragged sheets of vapour were rapidly driven. the successive mountain ranges appeared like dim shadows, and the setting sun cast on the woodland a yellow gleam, much like that produced by the flame of spirits of wine. the water was white with the flying spray, and the wind lulled and roared again through the rigging: it was an ominous, sublime scene. during a few minutes there was a bright rainbow, and it was curious to observe the effect of the spray, which being carried along the surface of the water, changed the ordinary semicircle into a circle--a band of prismatic colours being continued, from both feet of the common arch across the bay, close to the vessel's side: thus forming a distorted, but very nearly entire ring. we stayed here three days. the weather continued bad: but this did not much signify, for the surface of the land in all these islands is all but impassable. the coast is so very rugged that to attempt to walk in that direction requires continued scrambling up and down over the sharp rocks of mica-slate; and as for the woods, our faces, hands, and shin-bones all bore witness to the maltreatment we received, in merely attempting to penetrate their forbidden recesses. december 18th.--we stood out to sea. on the 20th we bade farewell to the south, and with a fair wind turned the ship's head northward. from cape tres montes we sailed pleasantly along the lofty weather-beaten coast, which is remarkable for the bold outline of its hills, and the thick covering of forest even on the almost precipitous flanks. the next day a harbour was discovered, which on this dangerous coast might be of great service to a distressed vessel. it can easily be recognized by a hill 1600 feet high, which is even more perfectly conical than the famous sugar-loaf at rio de janeiro. the next day, after anchoring, i succeeded in reaching the summit of this hill. it was a laborious undertaking, for the sides were so steep that in some parts it was necessary to use the trees as ladders. there were also several extensive brakes of the fuchsia, covered with its beautiful drooping flowers, but very difficult to crawl through. in these wild countries it gives much delight to gain the summit of any mountain. there is an indefinite expectation of seeing something very strange, which, however often it may be balked, never failed with me to recur on each successive attempt. every one must know the feeling of triumph and pride which a grand view from a height communicates to the mind. in these little frequented countries there is also joined to it some vanity, that you perhaps are the first man who ever stood on this pinnacle or admired this view. a strong desire is always felt to ascertain whether any human being has previously visited an unfrequented spot. a bit of wood with a nail in it, is picked up and studied as if it were covered with hieroglyphics. possessed with this feeling, i was much interested by finding, on a wild part of the coast, a bed made of grass beneath a ledge of rock. close by it there had been a fire, and the man had used an axe. the fire, bed, and situation showed the dexterity of an indian; but he could scarcely have been an indian, for the race is in this part extinct, owing to the catholic desire of making at one blow christians and slaves. i had at the time some misgivings that the solitary man who had made his bed on this wild spot, must have been some poor shipwrecked sailor, who, in trying to travel up the coast, had here laid himself down for his dreary night. december 28th.--the weather continued very bad, but it at last permitted us to proceed with the survey. the time hung heavy on our hands, as it always did when we were delayed from day to day by successive gales of wind. in the evening another harbour was discovered, where we anchored. directly afterwards a man was seen waving a shirt, and a boat was sent which brought back two seamen. a party of six had run away from an american whaling vessel, and had landed a little to the southward in a boat, which was shortly afterwards knocked to pieces by the surf. they had now been wandering up and down the coast for fifteen months, without knowing which way to go, or where they were. what a singular piece of good fortune it was that this harbour was now discovered! had it not been for this one chance, they might have wandered till they had grown old men, and at last have perished on this wild coast. their sufferings had been very great, and one of their party had lost his life by falling from the cliffs. they were sometimes obliged to separate in search of food, and this explained the bed of the solitary man. considering what they had undergone, i think they had kept a very good reckoning of time, for they had lost only four days. december 30th.--we anchored in a snug little cove at the foot of some high hills, near the northern extremity of tres montes. after breakfast the next morning, a party ascended one of these mountains, which was 2400 feet high. the scenery was remarkable the chief part of the range was composed of grand, solid, abrupt masses of granite, which appeared as if they had been coeval with the beginning of the world. the granite was capped with mica-slate, and this in the lapse of ages had been worn into strange finger-shaped points. these two formations, thus differing in their outlines, agree in being almost destitute of vegetation. this barrenness had to our eyes a strange appearance, from having been so long accustomed to the sight of an almost universal forest of dark-green trees. i took much delight in examining the structure of these mountains. the complicated and lofty ranges bore a noble aspect of durability--equally profitless, however, to man and to all other animals. granite to the geologist is classic ground: from its widespread limits, and its beautiful and compact texture, few rocks have been more anciently recognised. granite has given rise, perhaps, to more discussion concerning its origin than any other formation. we generally see it constituting the fundamental rock, and, however formed, we know it is the deepest layer in the crust of this globe to which man has penetrated. the limit of man's knowledge in any subject possesses a high interest, which is perhaps increased by its close neighbourhood to the realms of imagination. january 1st 1835.--the new year is ushered in with the ceremonies proper to it in these regions. she lays out no false hopes: a heavy north-western gale, with steady rain, bespeaks the rising year. thank god, we are not destined here to see the end of it, but hope then to be in the pacific ocean, where a blue sky tells one there is a heaven,--a something beyond the clouds above our heads. the north-west winds prevailing for the next four days, we only managed to cross a great bay, and then anchored in another secure harbour. i accompanied the captain in a boat to the head of a deep creek. on the way the number of seals which we saw was quite astonishing: every bit of flat rock, and parts of the beach, were covered with them. there appeared to be of a loving disposition, and lay huddled together, fast asleep, like so many pigs; but even pigs would have been ashamed of their dirt, and of the foul smell which came from them. each herd was watched by the patient but inauspicious eyes of the turkey-buzzard. this disgusting bird, with its bald scarlet head, formed to wallow in putridity, is very common on the west coast, and their attendance on the seals shows on what they rely for their food. we found the water (probably only that of the surface) nearly fresh: this was caused by the number of torrents which, in the form of cascades, came tumbling over the bold granite mountains into the sea. the fresh water attracts the fish, and these bring many terns, gulls, and two kinds of cormorant. we saw also a pair of the beautiful black-necked swans, and several small sea-otters, the fur of which is held in such high estimation. in returning, we were again amused by the impetuous manner in which the heap of seals, old and young, tumbled into the water as the boat passed. they did not remain long under water, but rising, followed us with outstretched necks, expressing great wonder and curiosity. 7th.--having run up the coast, we anchored near the northern end of the chonos archipelago, in low's harbour, where we remained a week. the islands were here, as in chiloe, composed of a stratified, soft, littoral deposit; and the vegetation in consequence was beautifully luxuriant. the woods came down to the sea-beach, just in the manner of an evergreen shrubbery over a gravel walk. we also enjoyed from the anchorage a splendid view of four great snowy cones of the cordillera, including "el famoso corcovado;" the range itself had in this latitude so little height, that few parts of it appeared above the tops of the neighbouring islets. we found here a party of five men from caylen, "el fin del cristiandad," who had most adventurously crossed in their miserable boat-canoe, for the purpose of fishing, the open space of sea which separates chonos from chiloe. these islands will, in all probability, in a short time become peopled like those adjoining the coast of chiloe. the wild potato grows on these islands in great abundance, on the sandy, shelly soil near the sea-beach. the tallest plant was four feet in height. the tubers were generally small, but i found one, of an oval shape, two inches in diameter: they resembled in every respect, and had the same smell as english potatoes; but when boiled they shrunk much, and were watery and insipid, without any bitter taste. they are undoubtedly here indigenous: they grow as far south, according to mr. low, as lat. 50 degs., and are called aquinas by the wild indians of that part: the chilotan indians have a different name for them. professor henslow, who has examined the dried specimens which i brought home, says that they are the same with those described by mr. sabine [1] from valparaiso, but that they form a variety which by some botanists has been considered as specifically distinct. it is remarkable that the same plant should be found on the sterile mountains of central chile, where a drop of rain does not fall for more than six months, and within the damp forests of these southern islands. in the central parts of the chonos archipelago (lat. 45 degs.), the forest has very much the same character with that along the whole west coast, for 600 miles southward to cape horn. the arborescent grass of chiloe is not found here; while the beech of tierra del fuego grows to a good size, and forms a considerable proportion of the wood; not, however, in the same exclusive manner as it does farther southward. cryptogamic plants here find a most congenial climate. in the strait of magellan, as i have before remarked, the country appears too cold and wet to allow of their arriving at perfection; but in these islands, within the forest, the number of species and great abundance of mosses, lichens, and small ferns, is quite extraordinary. [2] in tierra del fuego trees grow only on the hill-sides; every level piece of land being invariably covered by a thick bed of peat; but in chiloe flat land supports the most luxuriant forests. here, within the chonos archipelago, the nature of the climate more closely approaches that of tierra del fuego than that of northern chiloe; for every patch of level ground is covered by two species of plants (astelia pumila and donatia magellanica), which by their joint decay compose a thick bed of elastic peat. in tierra del fuego, above the region of woodland, the former of these eminently sociable plants is the chief agent in the production of peat. fresh leaves are always succeeding one to the other round the central tap-root, the lower ones soon decay, and in tracing a root downwards in the peat, the leaves, yet holding their place, can be observed passing through every stage of decomposition, till the whole becomes blended in one confused mass. the astelia is assisted by a few other plants,--here and there a small creeping myrtus (m. nummularia), with a woody stem like our cranberry and with a sweet berry,--an empetrum (e. rubrum), like our heath,--a rush (juncus grandiflorus), are nearly the only ones that grow on the swampy surface. these plants, though possessing a very close general resemblance to the english species of the same genera, are different. in the more level parts of the country, the surface of the peat is broken up into little pools of water, which stand at different heights, and appear as if artificially excavated. small streams of water, flowing underground, complete the disorganization of the vegetable matter, and consolidate the whole. the climate of the southern part of america appears particularly favourable to the production of peat. in the falkland islands almost every kind of plant, even the coarse grass which covers the whole surface of the land, becomes converted into this substance: scarcely any situation checks its growth; some of the beds are as much as twelve feet thick, and the lower part becomes so solid when dry, that it will hardly burn. although every plant lends its aid, yet in most parts the astelia is the most efficient. it is rather a singular circumstance, as being so very different from what occurs in europe, that i nowhere saw moss forming by its decay any portion of the peat in south america. with respect to the northern limit, at which the climate allows of that peculiar kind of slow decomposition which is necessary for its production, i believe that in chiloe (lat. 41 to 42 degs.), although there is much swampy ground, no well-characterized peat occurs: but in the chonos islands, three degrees farther southward, we have seen that it is abundant. on the eastern coast in la plata (lat. 35 degs.) i was told by a spanish resident who had visited ireland, that he had often sought for this substance, but had never been able to find any. he showed me, as the nearest approach to it which he had discovered, a black peaty soil, so penetrated with roots as to allow of an extremely slow and imperfect combustion. the zoology of these broken islets of the chonos archipelago is, as might have been expected, very poor. of quadrupeds two aquatic kinds are common. the myopotamus coypus (like a beaver, but with a round tail) is well known from its fine fur, which is an object of trade throughout the tributaries of la plata. it here, however, exclusively frequents salt water; which same circumstance has been mentioned as sometimes occurring with the great rodent, the capybara. a small sea-otter is very numerous; this animal does not feed exclusively on fish, but, like the seals, draws a large supply from a small red crab, which swims in shoals near the surface of the water. mr. bynoe saw one in tierra del fuego eating a cuttle-fish; and at low's harbour, another was killed in the act of carrying to its hole a large volute shell. at one place i caught in a trap a singular little mouse (m. brachiotis); it appeared common on several of the islets, but the chilotans at low's harbour said that it was not found in all. what a succession of chances, [3] or what changes of level must have been brought into play, thus to spread these small animals throughout this broken archipelago! in all parts of chiloe and chonos, two very strange birds occur, which are allied to, and replace, the turco and tapacolo of central chile. one is called by the inhabitants "cheucau" (pteroptochos rubecula): it frequents the most gloomy and retired spots within the damp forests. sometimes, although its cry may be heard close at hand, let a person watch ever so attentively he will not see the cheucau; at other times, let him stand motionless and the red-breasted little bird will approach within a few feet in the most familiar manner. it then busily hops about the entangled mass of rotting cones and branches, with its little tail cocked upwards. the cheucau is held in superstitious fear by the chilotans, on account of its strange and varied cries. there are three very distinct cries: one is called "chiduco," and is an omen of good; another, "huitreu," which is extremely unfavourable; and a third, which i have forgotten. these words are given in imitation of the noises; and the natives are in some things absolutely governed by them. the chilotans assuredly have chosen a most comical little creature for their prophet. an allied species, but rather larger, is called by the natives "guid-guid" (pteroptochos tarnii), and by the english the barking-bird. this latter name is well given; for i defy any one at first to feel certain that a small dog is not yelping somewhere in the forest. just as with the cheucau, a person will sometimes hear the bark close by, but in vain many endeavour by watching, and with still less chance by beating the bushes, to see the bird; yet at other times the guid-guid fearlessly comes near. its manner of feeding and its general habits are very similar to those of the cheucau. on the coast, [4] a small dusky-coloured bird (opetiorhynchus patagonicus) is very common. it is remarkable from its quiet habits; it lives entirely on the sea-beach, like a sandpiper. besides these birds only few others inhabit this broken land. in my rough notes i describe the strange noises, which, although frequently heard within these gloomy forests, yet scarcely disturb the general silence. the yelping of the guid-guid, and the sudden whew-whew of the cheucau, sometimes come from afar off, and sometimes from close at hand; the little black wren of tierra del fuego occasionally adds its cry; the creeper (oxyurus) follows the intruder screaming and twittering; the humming-bird may be seen every now and then darting from side to side, and emitting, like an insect, its shrill chirp; lastly, from the top of some lofty tree the indistinct but plaintive note of the white-tufted tyrant-flycatcher (myiobius) may be noticed. from the great preponderance in most countries of certain common genera of birds, such as the finches, one feels at first surprised at meeting with the peculiar forms above enumerated, as the commonest birds in any district. in central chile two of them, namely, the oxyurus and scytalopus, occur, although most rarely. when finding, as in this case, animals which seem to play so insignificant a part in the great scheme of nature, one is apt to wonder why they were created. but it should always be recollected, that in some other country perhaps they are essential members of society, or at some former period may have been so. if america south of 37 degs. were sunk beneath the waters of the ocean, these two birds might continue to exist in central chile for a long period, but it is very improbable that their numbers would increase. we should then see a case which must inevitably have happened with very many animals. these southern seas are frequented by several species of petrels: the largest kind, procellaria gigantea, or nelly (quebrantahuesos, or break-bones, of the spaniards), is a common bird, both in the inland channels and on the open sea. in its habits and manner of flight, there is a very close resemblance with the albatross; and as with the albatross, a person may watch it for hours together without seeing on what it feeds. the "break-bones" is, however, a rapacious bird, for it was observed by some of the officers at port st. antonio chasing a diver, which tried to escape by diving and flying, but was continually struck down, and at last killed by a blow on its head. at port st. julian these great petrels were seen killing and devouring young gulls. a second species (puffinus cinereus), which is common to europe, cape horn, and the coast of peru, is of much smaller size than the p. gigantea, but, like it, of a dirty black colour. it generally frequents the inland sounds in very large flocks: i do not think i ever saw so many birds of any other sort together, as i once saw of these behind the island of chiloe. hundreds of thousands flew in an irregular line for several hours in one direction. when part of the flock settled on the water the surface was blackened, and a noise proceeded from them as of human beings talking in the distance. there are several other species of petrels, but i will only mention one other kind, the pelacanoides berardi which offers an example of those extraordinary cases, of a bird evidently belonging to one well-marked family, yet both in its habits and structure allied to a very distinct tribe. this bird never leaves the quiet inland sounds. when disturbed it dives to a distance, and on coming to the surface, with the same movement takes flight. after flying by a rapid movement of its short wings for a space in a straight line, it drops, as if struck dead, and dives again. the form of its beak and nostrils, length of foot, and even the colouring of its plumage, show that this bird is a petrel: on the other hand, its short wings and consequent little power of flight, its form of body and shape of tail, the absence of a hind toe to its foot, its habit of diving, and its choice of situation, make it at first doubtful whether its relationship is not equally close with the auks. it would undoubtedly be mistaken for an auk, when seen from a distance, either on the wing, or when diving and quietly swimming about the retired channels of tierra del fuego. [1] horticultural transact., vol. v. p. 249. mr. caldeleugh sent home two tubers, which, being well manured, even the first season produced numerous potatoes and an abundance of leaves. see humboldt's interesting discussion on this plant, which it appears was unknown in mexico,--in polit. essay on new spain, book iv. chap. ix. [2] by sweeping with my insect-net, i procured from these situations a considerable number of minute insects, of the family of staphylinidae, and others allied to pselaphus, and minute hymenoptera. but the most characteristic family in number, both of individuals and species, throughout the more open parts of chiloe and chonos is that of telephoridae. [3] it is said that some rapacious birds bring their prey alive to their nests. if so, in the course of centuries, every now and then, one might escape from the young birds. some such agency is necessary, to account for the distribution of the smaller gnawing animals on islands not very near each other. [4] i may mention, as a proof of how great a difference there is between the seasons of the wooded and the open parts of this coast, that on september 20th, in lat. 34 degs., these birds had young ones in the nest, while among the chonos islands, three months later in the summer, they were only laying, the difference in latitude between these two places being about 700 miles. chapter xiv chiloe and concepcion: great earthquake san carlos, chiloe--osorno in eruption, contemporaneously with aconcagua and coseguina--ride to cucao--impenetrable forests--valdivia indians--earthquake--concepcion--great earthquake--rocks fissured--appearance of the former towns--the sea black and boiling--direction of the vibrations--stones twisted round--great wave--permanent elevation of the land--area of volcanic phenomena--the connection between the elevatory and eruptive forces--cause of earthquakes--slow elevation of mountain-chains. on january the 15th we sailed from low's harbour, and three days afterwards anchored a second time in the bay of s. carlos in chiloe. on the night of the 19th the volcano of osorno was in action. at midnight the sentry observed something like a large star, which gradually increased in size till about three o'clock, when it presented a very magnificent spectacle. by the aid of a glass, dark objects, in constant succession, were seen, in the midst of a great glare of red light, to be thrown up and to fall down. the light was sufficient to cast on the water a long bright reflection. large masses of molten matter seem very commonly to be cast out of the craters in this part of the cordillera. i was assured that when the corcovado is in eruption, great masses are projected upwards and are seen to burst in the air, assuming many fantastical forms, such as trees: their size must be immense, for they can be distinguished from the high land behind s. carlos, which is no less than ninety-three miles from the corcovado. in the morning the volcano became tranquil. i was surprised at hearing afterwards that aconcagua in chile, 480 miles northwards, was in action on the same night; and still more surprised to hear that the great eruption of coseguina (2700 miles north of aconcagua), accompanied by an earthquake felt over a 1000 miles, also occurred within six hours of this same time. this coincidence is the more remarkable, as coseguina had been dormant for twenty-six years; and aconcagua most rarely shows any signs of action. it is difficult even to conjecture whether this coincidence was accidental, or shows some subterranean connection. if vesuvius, etna, and hecla in iceland (all three relatively nearer each other than the corresponding points in south america), suddenly burst forth in eruption on the same night, the coincidence would be thought remarkable; but it is far more remarkable in this case, where the three vents fall on the same great mountain-chain, and where the vast plains along the entire eastern coast, and the upraised recent shells along more than 2000 miles on the western coast, show in how equable and connected a manner the elevatory forces have acted. captain fitz roy being anxious that some bearings should be taken on the outer coast of chiloe, it was planned that mr. king and myself should ride to castro, and thence across the island to the capella de cucao, situated on the west coast. having hired horses and a guide, we set out on the morning of the 22nd. we had not proceeded far, before we were joined by a woman and two boys, who were bent on the same journey. every one on this road acts on a "hail fellow well met" fashion; and one may here enjoy the privilege, so rare in south america, of travelling without fire-arms. at first, the country consisted of a succession of hills and valleys: nearer to castro it became very level. the road itself is a curious affair; it consists in its whole length, with the exception of very few parts, of great logs of wood, which are either broad and laid longitudinally, or narrow and placed transversely. in summer the road is not very bad; but in winter, when the wood is rendered slippery from rain, travelling is exceedingly difficult. at that time of the year, the ground on each side becomes a morass, and is often overflowed: hence it is necessary that the longitudinal logs should be fastened down by transverse poles, which are pegged on each side into the earth. these pegs render a fall from a horse dangerous, as the chance of alighting on one of them is not small. it is remarkable, however, how active custom has made the chilotan horses. in crossing bad parts, where the logs had been displaced, they skipped from one to the other, almost with the quickness and certainty of a dog. on both hands the road is bordered by the lofty forest-trees, with their bases matted together by canes. when occasionally a long reach of this avenue could be beheld, it presented a curious scene of uniformity: the white line of logs, narrowing in perspective, became hidden by the gloomy forest, or terminated in a zigzag which ascended some steep hill. although the distance from s. carlos to castro is only twelve leagues in a straight line, the formation of the road must have been a great labour. i was told that several people had formerly lost their lives in attempting to cross the forest. the first who succeeded was an indian, who cut his way through the canes in eight days, and reached s. carlos: he was rewarded by the spanish government with a grant of land. during the summer, many of the indians wander about the forests (but chiefly in the higher parts, where the woods are not quite so thick) in search of the half-wild cattle which live on the leaves of the cane and certain trees. it was one of these huntsmen who by chance discovered, a few years since, an english vessel, which had been wrecked on the outer coast. the crew were beginning to fail in provisions, and it is not probable that, without the aid of this man, they would ever have extricated themselves from these scarcely penetrable woods. as it was, one seaman died on the march, from fatigue. the indians in these excursions steer by the sun; so that if there is a continuance of cloudy weather, they can not travel. the day was beautiful, and the number of trees which were in full flower perfumed the air; yet even this could hardly dissipate the effects of the gloomy dampness of the forest. moreover, the many dead trunks that stand like skeletons, never fail to give to these primeval woods a character of solemnity, absent in those of countries long civilized. shortly after sunset we bivouacked for the night. our female companion, who was rather good-looking, belonged to one of the most respectable families in castro: she rode, however, astride, and without shoes or stockings. i was surprised at the total want of pride shown by her and her brother. they brought food with them, but at all our meals sat watching mr. king and myself whilst eating, till we were fairly shamed into feeding the whole party. the night was cloudless; and while lying in our beds, we enjoyed the sight (and it is a high enjoyment) of the multitude of stars which illumined the darkness of the forest. january 23rd.--we rose early in the morning, and reached the pretty quiet town of castro by two o'clock. the old governor had died since our last visit, and a chileno was acting in his place. we had a letter of introduction to don pedro, whom we found exceedingly hospitable and kind, and more disinterested than is usual on this side of the continent. the next day don pedro procured us fresh horses, and offered to accompany us himself. we proceeded to the south--generally following the coast, and passing through several hamlets, each with its large barn-like chapel built of wood. at vilipilli, don pedro asked the commandant to give us a guide to cucao. the old gentleman offered to come himself; but for a long time nothing would persuade him that two englishmen really wished to go to such an out-of-the-way place as cucao. we were thus accompanied by the two greatest aristocrats in the country, as was plainly to be seen in the manner of all the poorer indians towards them. at chonchi we struck across the island, following intricate winding paths, sometimes passing through magnificent forests, and sometimes through pretty cleared spots, abounding with corn and potato crops. this undulating woody country, partially cultivated, reminded me of the wilder parts of england, and therefore had to my eye a most fascinating aspect. at vilinco, which is situated on the borders of the lake of cucao, only a few fields were cleared; and all the inhabitants appeared to be indians. this lake is twelve miles long, and runs in an east and west direction. from local circumstances, the sea-breeze blows very regularly during the day, and during the night it falls calm: this has given rise to strange exaggerations, for the phenomenon, as described to us at s. carlos, was quite a prodigy. the road to cucao was so very bad that we determined to embark in a _periagua_. the commandant, in the most authoritative manner, ordered six indians to get ready to pull us over, without deigning to tell them whether they would be paid. the periagua is a strange rough boat, but the crew were still stranger: i doubt if six uglier little men ever got into a boat together. they pulled, however, very well and cheerfully. the stroke-oarsman gabbled indian, and uttered strange cries, much after the fashion of a pig-driver driving his pigs. we started with a light breeze against us, but yet reached the capella de cucao before it was late. the country on each side of the lake was one unbroken forest. in the same periagua with us, a cow was embarked. to get so large an animal into a small boat appears at first a difficulty, but the indians managed it in a minute. they brought the cow alongside the boat, which was heeled towards her; then placing two oars under her belly, with their ends resting on the gunwale, by the aid of these levers they fairly tumbled the poor beast heels over head into the bottom of the boat, and then lashed her down with ropes. at cucao we found an uninhabited hovel (which is the residence of the padre when he pays this capella a visit), where, lighting a fire, we cooked our supper, and were very comfortable. the district of cucao is the only inhabited part on the whole west coast of chiloe. it contains about thirty or forty indian families, who are scattered along four or five miles of the shore. they are very much secluded from the rest of chiloe, and have scarcely any sort of commerce, except sometimes in a little oil, which they get from seal-blubber. they are tolerably dressed in clothes of their own manufacture, and they have plenty to eat. they seemed, however, discontented, yet humble to a degree which it was quite painful to witness. these feelings are, i think, chiefly to be attributed to the harsh and authoritative manner in which they are treated by their rulers. our companions, although so very civil to us, behaved to the poor indians as if they had been slaves, rather than free men. they ordered provisions and the use of their horses, without ever condescending to say how much, or indeed whether the owners should be paid at all. in the morning, being left alone with these poor people, we soon ingratiated ourselves by presents of cigars and mate. a lump of white sugar was divided between all present, and tasted with the greatest curiosity. the indians ended all their complaints by saying, "and it is only because we are poor indians, and know nothing; but it was not so when we had a king." the next day after breakfast, we rode a few miles northward to punta huantamo. the road lay along a very broad beach, on which, even after so many fine days, a terrible surf was breaking. i was assured that after a heavy gale, the roar can be heard at night even at castro, a distance of no less than twenty-one sea-miles across a hilly and wooded country. we had some difficulty in reaching the point, owing to the intolerably bad paths; for everywhere in the shade the ground soon becomes a perfect quagmire. the point itself is a bold rocky hill. it is covered by a plant allied, i believe, to bromelia, and called by the inhabitants chepones. in scrambling through the beds, our hands were very much scratched. i was amused by observing the precaution our indian guide took, in turning up his trousers, thinking that they were more delicate than his own hard skin. this plant bears a fruit, in shape like an artichoke, in which a number of seed-vessels are packed: these contain a pleasant sweet pulp, here much esteemed. i saw at low's harbour the chilotans making chichi, or cider, with this fruit: so true is it, as humboldt remarks, that almost everywhere man finds means of preparing some kind of beverage from the vegetable kingdom. the savages, however, of tierra del fuego, and i believe of australia, have not advanced thus far in the arts. the coast to the north of punta huantamo is exceedingly rugged and broken, and is fronted by many breakers, on which the sea is eternally roaring. mr. king and myself were anxious to return, if it had been possible, on foot along this coast; but even the indians said it was quite impracticable. we were told that men have crossed by striking directly through the woods from cucao to s. carlos, but never by the coast. on these expeditions, the indians carry with them only roasted corn, and of this they eat sparingly twice a day. 26th.--re-embarking in the periagua, we returned across the lake, and then mounted our horses. the whole of chiloe took advantage of this week of unusually fine weather, to clear the ground by burning. in every direction volumes of smoke were curling upwards. although the inhabitants were so assiduous in setting fire to every part of the wood, yet i did not see a single fire which they had succeeded in making extensive. we dined with our friend the commandant, and did not reach castro till after dark. the next morning we started very early. after having ridden for some time, we obtained from the brow of a steep hill an extensive view (and it is a rare thing on this road) of the great forest. over the horizon of trees, the volcano of corcovado, and the great flat-topped one to the north, stood out in proud pre-eminence: scarcely another peak in the long range showed its snowy summit. i hope it will be long before i forget this farewell view of the magnificent cordillera fronting chiloe. at night we bivouacked under a cloudless sky, and the next morning reached s. carlos. we arrived on the right day, for before evening heavy rain commenced. february 4th.--sailed from chiloe. during the last week i made several short excursions. one was to examine a great bed of now-existing shells, elevated 350 feet above the level of the sea: from among these shells, large forest-trees were growing. another ride was to p. huechucucuy. i had with me a guide who knew the country far too well; for he would pertinaciously tell me endless indian names for every little point, rivulet, and creek. in the same manner as in tierra del fuego, the indian language appears singularly well adapted for attaching names to the most trivial features of the land. i believe every one was glad to say farewell to chiloe; yet if we could forget the gloom and ceaseless rain of winter, chiloe might pass for a charming island. there is also something very attractive in the simplicity and humble politeness of the poor inhabitants. we steered northward along shore, but owing to thick weather did not reach valdivia till the night of the 8th. the next morning the boat proceeded to the town, which is distant about ten miles. we followed the course of the river, occasionally passing a few hovels, and patches of ground cleared out of the otherwise unbroken forest; and sometimes meeting a canoe with an indian family. the town is situated on the low banks of the stream, and is so completely buried in a wood of apple-trees that the streets are merely paths in an orchard. i have never seen any country, where apple-trees appeared to thrive so well as in this damp part of south america: on the borders of the roads there were many young trees evidently self-grown. in chiloe the inhabitants possess a marvellously short method of making an orchard. at the lower part of almost every branch, small, conical, brown, wrinkled points project: these are always ready to change into roots, as may sometimes be seen, where any mud has been accidentally splashed against the tree. a branch as thick as a man's thigh is chosen in the early spring, and is cut off just beneath a group of these points, all the smaller branches are lopped off, and it is then placed about two feet deep in the ground. during the ensuing summer the stump throws out long shoots, and sometimes even bears fruit: i was shown one which had produced as many as twenty-three apples, but this was thought very unusual. in the third season the stump is changed (as i have myself seen) into a well-wooded tree, loaded with fruit. an old man near valdivia illustrated his motto, "necesidad es la madre del invencion," by giving an account of the several useful things he manufactured from his apples. after making cider, and likewise wine, he extracted from the refuse a white and finely flavoured spirit; by another process he procured a sweet treacle, or, as he called it, honey. his children and pigs seemed almost to live, during this season of the year, in his orchard. february 11th.--i set out with a guide on a short ride, in which, however, i managed to see singularly little, either of the geology of the country or of its inhabitants. there is not much cleared land near valdivia: after crossing a river at the distance of a few miles, we entered the forest, and then passed only one miserable hovel, before reaching our sleeping-place for the night. the short difference in latitude, of 150 miles, has given a new aspect to the forest compared with that of chiloe. this is owing to a slightly different proportion in the kinds of trees. the evergreens do not appear to be quite so numerous, and the forest in consequence has a brighter tint. as in chiloe, the lower parts are matted together by canes: here also another kind (resembling the bamboo of brazil and about twenty feet in height) grows in clusters, and ornaments the banks of some of the streams in a very pretty manner. it is with this plant that the indians make their chuzos, or long tapering spears. our resting-house was so dirty that i preferred sleeping outside: on these journeys the first night is generally very uncomfortable, because one is not accustomed to the tickling and biting of the fleas. i am sure, in the morning, there was not a space on my legs the size of a shilling which had not its little red mark where the flea had feasted. 12th.--we continued to ride through the uncleared forest; only occasionally meeting an indian on horseback, or a troop of fine mules bringing alerce-planks and corn from the southern plains. in the afternoon one of the horses knocked up: we were then on a brow of a hill, which commanded a fine view of the llanos. the view of these open plains was very refreshing, after being hemmed in and buried in the wilderness of trees. the uniformity of a forest soon becomes very wearisome. this west coast makes me remember with pleasure the free, unbounded plains of patagonia; yet, with the true spirit of contradiction, i cannot forget how sublime is the silence of the forest. the llanos are the most fertile and thickly peopled parts of the country, as they possess the immense advantage of being nearly free from trees. before leaving the forest we crossed some flat little lawns, around which single trees stood, as in an english park: i have often noticed with surprise, in wooded undulatory districts, that the quite level parts have been destitute of trees. on account of the tired horse, i determined to stop at the mission of cudico, to the friar of which i had a letter of introduction. cudico is an intermediate district between the forest and the llanos. there are a good many cottages, with patches of corn and potatoes, nearly all belonging to indians. the tribes dependent on valdivia are "reducidos y cristianos." the indians farther northward, about arauco and imperial, are still very wild, and not converted; but they have all much intercourse with the spaniards. the padre said that the christian indians did not much like coming to mass, but that otherwise they showed respect for religion. the greatest difficulty is in making them observe the ceremonies of marriage. the wild indians take as many wives as they can support, and a cacique will sometimes have more than ten: on entering his house, the number may be told by that of the separate fires. each wife lives a week in turn with the cacique; but all are employed in weaving ponchos, etc., for his profit. to be the wife of a cacique, is an honour much sought after by the indian women. the men of all these tribes wear a coarse woolen poncho: those south of valdivia wear short trousers, and those north of it a petticoat, like the chilipa of the gauchos. all have their long hair bound by a scarlet fillet, but with no other covering on their heads. these indians are good-sized men; their cheek-bones are prominent, and in general appearance they resemble the great american family to which they belong; but their physiognomy seemed to me to be slightly different from that of any other tribe which i had before seen. their expression is generally grave, and even austere, and possesses much character: this may pass either for honest bluntness or fierce determination. the long black hair, the grave and much-lined features, and the dark complexion, called to my mind old portraits of james i. on the road we met with none of that humble politeness so universal in chiloe. some gave their "mari-mari" (good morning) with promptness, but the greater number did not seem inclined to offer any salute. this independence of manners is probably a consequence of their long wars, and the repeated victories which they alone, of all the tribes in america, have gained over the spaniards. i spent the evening very pleasantly, talking with the padre. he was exceedingly kind and hospitable; and coming from santiago, had contrived to surround himself with some few comforts. being a man of some little education, he bitterly complained of the total want of society. with no particular zeal for religion, no business or pursuit, how completely must this man's life be wasted! the next day, on our return, we met seven very wild-looking indians, of whom some were caciques that had just received from the chilian government their yearly small stipend for having long remained faithful. they were fine-looking men, and they rode one after the other, with most gloomy faces. an old cacique, who headed them, had been, i suppose, more excessively drunk than the rest, for he seemed extremely grave and very crabbed. shortly before this, two indians joined us, who were travelling from a distant mission to valdivia concerning some lawsuit. one was a good-humoured old man, but from his wrinkled beardless face looked more like an old woman than a man. i frequently presented both of them with cigars; and though ready to receive them, and i dare say grateful, they would hardly condescend to thank me. a chilotan indian would have taken off his hat, and given his "dios le page!" the travelling was very tedious, both from the badness of the roads, and from the number of great fallen trees, which it was necessary either to leap over or to avoid by making long circuits. we slept on the road, and next morning reached valdivia, whence i proceeded on board. a few days afterwards i crossed the bay with a party of officers, and landed near the fort called niebla. the buildings were in a most ruinous state, and the gun-carriages quite rotten. mr. wickham remarked to the commanding officer, that with one discharge they would certainly all fall to pieces. the poor man, trying to put a good face upon it, gravely replied, "no, i am sure, sir, they would stand two!" the spaniards must have intended to have made this place impregnable. there is now lying in the middle of the courtyard a little mountain of mortar, which rivals in hardness the rock on which it is placed. it was brought from chile, and cost 7000 dollars. the revolution having broken out, prevented its being applied to any purpose, and now it remains a monument of the fallen greatness of spain. i wanted to go to a house about a mile and a half distant, but my guide said it was quite impossible to penetrate the wood in a straight line. he offered, however, to lead me, by following obscure cattle-tracks, the shortest way: the walk, nevertheless, took no less than three hours! this man is employed in hunting strayed cattle; yet, well as he must know the woods, he was not long since lost for two whole days, and had nothing to eat. these facts convey a good idea of the impracticability of the forests of these countries. a question often occurred to me--how long does any vestige of a fallen tree remain? this man showed me one which a party of fugitive royalists had cut down fourteen years ago; and taking this as a criterion, i should think a bole a foot and a half in diameter would in thirty years be changed into a heap of mould. february 20th.--this day has been memorable in the annals of valdivia, for the most severe earthquake experienced by the oldest inhabitant. i happened to be on shore, and was lying down in the wood to rest myself. it came on suddenly, and lasted two minutes, but the time appeared much longer. the rocking of the ground was very sensible. the undulations appeared to my companion and myself to come from due east, whilst others thought they proceeded from south-west: this shows how difficult it sometimes is to perceive the directions of the vibrations. there was no difficulty in standing upright, but the motion made me almost giddy: it was something like the movement of a vessel in a little cross-ripple, or still more like that felt by a person skating over thin ice, which bends under the weight of his body. a bad earthquake at once destroys our oldest associations: the earth, the very emblem of solidity, has moved beneath our feet like a thin crust over a fluid;--one second of time has created in the mind a strange idea of insecurity, which hours of reflection would not have produced. in the forest, as a breeze moved the trees, i felt only the earth tremble, but saw no other effect. captain fitz roy and some officers were at the town during the shock, and there the scene was more striking; for although the houses, from being built of wood, did not fall, they were violently shaken, and the boards creaked and rattled together. the people rushed out of doors in the greatest alarm. it is these accompaniments that create that perfect horror of earthquakes, experienced by all who have thus seen, as well as felt, their effects. within the forest it was a deeply interesting, but by no means an awe-exciting phenomenon. the tides were very curiously affected. the great shock took place at the time of low water; and an old woman who was on the beach told me that the water flowed very quickly, but not in great waves, to high-water mark, and then as quickly returned to its proper level; this was also evident by the line of wet sand. the same kind of quick but quiet movement in the tide happened a few years since at chiloe, during a slight earthquake, and created much causeless alarm. in the course of the evening there were many weaker shocks, which seemed to produce in the harbour the most complicated currents, and some of great strength. march 4th.--we entered the harbour of concepcion. while the ship was beating up to the anchorage, i landed on the island of quiriquina. the mayor-domo of the estate quickly rode down to tell me the terrible news of the great earthquake of the 20th:--"that not a house in concepcion or talcahuano (the port) was standing; that seventy villages were destroyed; and that a great wave had almost washed away the ruins of talcahuano." of this latter statement i soon saw abundant proofs--the whole coast being strewed over with timber and furniture as if a thousand ships had been wrecked. besides chairs, tables, book-shelves, etc., in great numbers, there were several roofs of cottages, which had been transported almost whole. the storehouses at talcahuano had been burst open, and great bags of cotton, yerba, and other valuable merchandise were scattered on the shore. during my walk round the island, i observed that numerous fragments of rock, which, from the marine productions adhering to them, must recently have been lying in deep water, had been cast up high on the beach; one of these was six feet long, three broad, and two thick. the island itself as plainly showed the overwhelming power of the earthquake, as the beach did that of the consequent great wave. the ground in many parts was fissured in north and south lines, perhaps caused by the yielding of the parallel and steep sides of this narrow island. some of the fissures near the cliffs were a yard wide. many enormous masses had already fallen on the beach; and the inhabitants thought that when the rains commenced far greater slips would happen. the effect of the vibration on the hard primary slate, which composes the foundation of the island, was still more curious: the superficial parts of some narrow ridges were as completely shivered as if they had been blasted by gunpowder. this effect, which was rendered conspicuous by the fresh fractures and displaced soil, must be confined to near the surface, for otherwise there would not exist a block of solid rock throughout chile; nor is this improbable, as it is known that the surface of a vibrating body is affected differently from the central part. it is, perhaps, owing to this same reason, that earthquakes do not cause quite such terrific havoc within deep mines as would be expected. i believe this convulsion has been more effectual in lessening the size of the island of quiriquina, than the ordinary wear-and-tear of the sea and weather during the course of a whole century. the next day i landed at talcahuano, and afterwards rode to concepcion. both towns presented the most awful yet interesting spectacle i ever beheld. to a person who had formerly known them, it possibly might have been still more impressive; for the ruins were so mingled together, and the whole scene possessed so little the air of a habitable place, that it was scarcely possible to imagine its former condition. the earthquake commenced at half-past eleven o'clock in the forenoon. if it had happened in the middle of the night, the greater number of the inhabitants (which in this one province must amount to many thousands) must have perished, instead of less than a hundred: as it was, the invariable practice of running out of doors at the first trembling of the ground, alone saved them. in concepcion each house, or row of houses, stood by itself, a heap or line of ruins; but in talcahuano, owing to the great wave, little more than one layer of bricks, tiles, and timber with here and there part of a wall left standing, could be distinguished. from this circumstance concepcion, although not so completely desolated, was a more terrible, and if i may so call it, picturesque sight. the first shock was very sudden. the mayor-domo at quiriquina told me, that the first notice he received of it, was finding both the horse he rode and himself, rolling together on the ground. rising up, he was again thrown down. he also told me that some cows which were standing on the steep side of the island were rolled into the sea. the great wave caused the destruction of many cattle; on one low island near the head of the bay, seventy animals were washed off and drowned. it is generally thought that this has been the worst earthquake ever recorded in chile; but as the very severe ones occur only after long intervals, this cannot easily be known; nor indeed would a much worse shock have made any difference, for the ruin was now complete. innumerable small tremblings followed the great earthquake, and within the first twelve days no less than three hundred were counted. after viewing concepcion, i cannot understand how the greater number of inhabitants escaped unhurt. the houses in many parts fell outwards; thus forming in the middle of the streets little hillocks of brickwork and rubbish. mr. rouse, the english consul, told us that he was at breakfast when the first movement warned him to run out. he had scarcely reached the middle of the courtyard, when one side of his house came thundering down. he retained presence of mind to remember, that if he once got on the top of that part which had already fallen, he would be safe. not being able from the motion of the ground to stand, he crawled up on his hands and knees; and no sooner had he ascended this little eminence, than the other side of the house fell in, the great beams sweeping close in front of his head. with his eyes blinded, and his mouth choked with the cloud of dust which darkened the sky, at last he gained the street. as shock succeeded shock, at the interval of a few minutes, no one dared approach the shattered ruins, and no one knew whether his dearest friends and relations were not perishing from the want of help. those who had saved any property were obliged to keep a constant watch, for thieves prowled about, and at each little trembling of the ground, with one hand they beat their breasts and cried "misericordia!" and then with the other filched what they could from the ruins. the thatched roofs fell over the fires, and flames burst forth in all parts. hundreds knew themselves ruined, and few had the means of providing food for the day. earthquakes alone are sufficient to destroy the prosperity of any country. if beneath england the now inert subterranean forces should exert those powers, which most assuredly in former geological ages they have exerted, how completely would the entire condition of the country be changed! what would become of the lofty houses, thickly packed cities, great manufactories, the beautiful public and private edifices? if the new period of disturbance were first to commence by some great earthquake in the dead of the night, how terrific would be the carnage! england would at once be bankrupt; all papers, records, and accounts would from that moment be lost. government being unable to collect the taxes, and failing to maintain its authority, the hand of violence and rapine would remain uncontrolled. in every large town famine would go forth, pestilence and death following in its train. shortly after the shock, a great wave was seen from the distance of three or four miles, approaching in the middle of the bay with a smooth outline; but along the shore it tore up cottages and trees, as it swept onwards with irresistible force. at the head of the bay it broke in a fearful line of white breakers, which rushed up to a height of 23 vertical feet above the highest spring-tides. their force must have been prodigious; for at the fort a cannon with its carriage, estimated at four tons in weight, was moved 15 feet inwards. a schooner was left in the midst of the ruins, 200 yards from the beach. the first wave was followed by two others, which in their retreat carried away a vast wreck of floating objects. in one part of the bay, a ship was pitched high and dry on shore, was carried off, again driven on shore, and again carried off. in another part, two large vessels anchored near together were whirled about, and their cables were thrice wound round each other; though anchored at a depth of 36 feet, they were for some minutes aground. the great wave must have travelled slowly, for the inhabitants of talcahuano had time to run up the hills behind the town; and some sailors pulled out seaward, trusting successfully to their boat riding securely over the swell, if they could reach it before it broke. one old woman with a little boy, four or five years old, ran into a boat, but there was nobody to row it out: the boat was consequently dashed against an anchor and cut in twain; the old woman was drowned, but the child was picked up some hours afterwards clinging to the wreck. pools of salt-water were still standing amidst the ruins of the houses, and children, making boats with old tables and chairs, appeared as happy as their parents were miserable. it was, however, exceedingly interesting to observe, how much more active and cheerful all appeared than could have been expected. it was remarked with much truth, that from the destruction being universal, no one individual was humbled more than another, or could suspect his friends of coldness--that most grievous result of the loss of wealth. mr. rouse, and a large party whom he kindly took under his protection, lived for the first week in a garden beneath some apple-trees. at first they were as merry as if it had been a picnic; but soon afterwards heavy rain caused much discomfort, for they were absolutely without shelter. in captain fitz roy's excellent account of the earthquake, it is said that two explosions, one like a column of smoke and another like the blowing of a great whale, were seen in the bay. the water also appeared everywhere to be boiling; and it "became black, and exhaled a most disagreeable sulphureous smell." these latter circumstances were observed in the bay of valparaiso during the earthquake of 1822; they may, i think, be accounted for, by the disturbance of the mud at the bottom of the sea containing organic matter in decay. in the bay of callao, during a calm day, i noticed, that as the ship dragged her cable over the bottom, its course was marked by a line of bubbles. the lower orders in talcahuano thought that the earthquake was caused by some old indian women, who two years ago, being offended, stopped the volcano of antuco. this silly belief is curious, because it shows that experience has taught them to observe, that there exists a relation between the suppressed action of the volcanos, and the trembling of the ground. it was necessary to apply the witchcraft to the point where their perception of cause and effect failed; and this was the closing of the volcanic vent. this belief is the more singular in this particular instance, because, according to captain fitz roy, there is reason to believe that antuco was noways affected. the town of concepcion was built in the usual spanish fashion, with all the streets running at right angles to each other; one set ranging s.w. by w., and the other set n.w. by n. the walls in the former direction certainly stood better than those in the latter; the greater number of the masses of brickwork were thrown down towards the n.e. both these circumstances perfectly agree with the general idea, of the undulations having come from the s.w., in which quarter subterranean noises were also heard; for it is evident that the walls running s.w. and n.e. which presented their ends to the point whence the undulations came, would be much less likely to fall than those walls which, running n.w. and s.e., must in their whole lengths have been at the same instant thrown out of the perpendicular; for the undulations, coming from the s.w., must have extended in n.w. and s.e. waves, as they passed under the foundations. this may be illustrated by placing books edgeways on a carpet, and then, after the manner suggested by michell, imitating the undulations of an earthquake: it will be found that they fall with more or less readiness, according as their direction more or less nearly coincides with the line of the waves. the fissures in the ground generally, though not uniformly, extended in a s.e. and n.w. direction, and therefore corresponded to the lines of undulation or of principal flexure. bearing in mind all these circumstances, which so clearly point to the s.w. as the chief focus of disturbance, it is a very interesting fact that the island of s. maria, situated in that quarter, was, during the general uplifting of the land, raised to nearly three times the height of any other part of the coast. the different resistance offered by the walls, according to their direction, was well exemplified in the case of the cathedral. the side which fronted the n.e. presented a grand pile of ruins, in the midst of which door-cases and masses of timber stood up, as if floating in a stream. some of the angular blocks of brickwork were of great dimensions; and they were rolled to a distance on the level plaza, like fragments of rock at the base of some high mountain. the side walls (running s.w. and n.e.), though exceedingly fractured, yet remained standing; but the vast buttresses (at right angles to them, and therefore parallel to the walls that fell) were in many cases cut clean off, as if by a chisel, and hurled to the ground. some square ornaments on the coping of these same walls, were moved by the earthquake into a diagonal position. a similar circumstance was observed after an earthquake at valparaiso, calabria, and other places, including some of the ancient greek temples. [1] this twisting displacement, at first appears to indicate a vorticose movement beneath each point thus affected; but this is highly improbable. may it not be caused by a tendency in each stone to arrange itself in some particular position, with respect to the lines of vibration,--in a manner somewhat similar to pins on a sheet of paper when shaken? generally speaking, arched doorways or windows stood much better than any other part of the buildings. nevertheless, a poor lame old man, who had been in the habit, during trifling shocks, of crawling to a certain doorway, was this time crushed to pieces. i have not attempted to give any detailed description of the appearance of concepcion, for i feel that it is quite impossible to convey the mingled feelings which i experienced. several of the officers visited it before me, but their strongest language failed to give a just idea of the scene of desolation. it is a bitter and humiliating thing to see works, which have cost man so much time and labour, overthrown in one minute; yet compassion for the inhabitants was almost instantly banished, by the surprise in seeing a state of things produced in a moment of time, which one was accustomed to attribute to a succession of ages. in my opinion, we have scarcely beheld, since leaving england, any sight so deeply interesting. in almost every severe earthquake, the neighbouring waters of the sea are said to have been greatly agitated. the disturbance seems generally, as in the case of concepcion, to have been of two kinds: first, at the instant of the shock, the water swells high up on the beach with a gentle motion, and then as quietly retreats; secondly, some time afterwards, the whole body of the sea retires from the coast, and then returns in waves of overwhelming force. the first movement seems to be an immediate consequence of the earthquake affecting differently a fluid and a solid, so that their respective levels are slightly deranged: but the second case is a far more important phenomenon. during most earthquakes, and especially during those on the west coast of america, it is certain that the first great movement of the waters has been a retirement. some authors have attempted to explain this, by supposing that the water retains its level, whilst the land oscillates upwards; but surely the water close to the land, even on a rather steep coast, would partake of the motion of the bottom: moreover, as urged by mr. lyell, similar movements of the sea have occurred at islands far distant from the chief line of disturbance, as was the case with juan fernandez during this earthquake, and with madeira during the famous lisbon shock. i suspect (but the subject is a very obscure one) that a wave, however produced, first draws the water from the shore, on which it is advancing to break: i have observed that this happens with the little waves from the paddles of a steam-boat. it is remarkable that whilst talcahuano and callao (near lima), both situated at the head of large shallow bays, have suffered during every severe earthquake from great waves, valparaiso, seated close to the edge of profoundly deep water, has never been overwhelmed, though so often shaken by the severest shocks. from the great wave not immediately following the earthquake, but sometimes after the interval of even half an hour, and from distant islands being affected similarly with the coasts near the focus of the disturbance, it appears that the wave first rises in the offing; and as this is of general occurrence, the cause must be general: i suspect we must look to the line, where the less disturbed waters of the deep ocean join the water nearer the coast, which has partaken of the movements of the land, as the place where the great wave is first generated; it would also appear that the wave is larger or smaller, according to the extent of shoal water which has been agitated together with the bottom on which it rested. the most remarkable effect of this earthquake was the permanent elevation of the land, it would probably be far more correct to speak of it as the cause. there can be no doubt that the land round the bay of concepcion was upraised two or three feet; but it deserves notice, that owing to the wave having obliterated the old lines of tidal action on the sloping sandy shores, i could discover no evidence of this fact, except in the united testimony of the inhabitants, that one little rocky shoal, now exposed, was formerly covered with water. at the island of s. maria (about thirty miles distant) the elevation was greater; on one part, captain fitz roy founds beds of putrid mussel-shells _still adhering to the rocks_, ten feet above high-water mark: the inhabitants had formerly dived at lower-water spring-tides for these shells. the elevation of this province is particularly interesting, from its having been the theatre of several other violent earthquakes, and from the vast numbers of sea-shells scattered over the land, up to a height of certainly 600, and i believe, of 1000 feet. at valparaiso, as i have remarked, similar shells are found at the height of 1300 feet: it is hardly possible to doubt that this great elevation has been effected by successive small uprisings, such as that which accompanied or caused the earthquake of this year, and likewise by an insensibly slow rise, which is certainly in progress on some parts of this coast. the island of juan fernandez, 360 miles to the n.e., was, at the time of the great shock of the 20th, violently shaken, so that the trees beat against each other, and a volcano burst forth under water close to the shore: these facts are remarkable because this island, during the earthquake of 1751, was then also affected more violently than other places at an equal distance from concepcion, and this seems to show some subterranean connection between these two points. chiloe, about 340 miles southward of concepcion, appears to have been shaken more strongly than the intermediate district of valdivia, where the volcano of villarica was noways affected, whilst in the cordillera in front of chiloe, two of the volcanos burst-forth at the same instant in violent action. these two volcanos, and some neighbouring ones, continued for a long time in eruption, and ten months afterwards were again influenced by an earthquake at concepcion. some men, cutting wood near the base of one of these volcanos, did not perceive the shock of the 20th, although the whole surrounding province was then trembling; here we have an eruption relieving and taking the place of an earthquake, as would have happened at concepcion, according to the belief of the lower orders, if the volcano at antuco had not been closed by witchcraft. two years and three-quarters afterwards, valdivia and chiloe were again shaken, more violently than on the 20th, and an island in the chonos archipelago was permanently elevated more than eight feet. it will give a better idea of the scale of these phenomena, if (as in the case of the glaciers) we suppose them to have taken place at corresponding distances in europe:--then would the land from the north sea to the mediterranean have been violently shaken, and at the same instant of time a large tract of the eastern coast of england would have been permanently elevated, together with some outlying islands,--a train of volcanos on the coast of holland would have burst forth in action, and an eruption taken place at the bottom of the sea, near the northern extremity of ireland--and lastly, the ancient vents of auvergne, cantal, and mont d'or would each have sent up to the sky a dark column of smoke, and have long remained in fierce action. two years and three-quarters afterwards, france, from its centre to the english channel, would have been again desolated by an earthquake and an island permanently upraised in the mediterranean. the space, from under which volcanic matter on the 20th was actually erupted, is 720 miles in one line, and 400 miles in another line at right angles to the first: hence, in all probability, a subterranean lake of lava is here stretched out, of nearly double the area of the black sea. from the intimate and complicated manner in which the elevatory and eruptive forces were shown to be connected during this train of phenomena, we may confidently come to the conclusion, that the forces which slowly and by little starts uplift continents, and those which at successive periods pour forth volcanic matter from open orifices, are identical. from many reasons, i believe that the frequent quakings of the earth on this line of coast are caused by the rending of the strata, necessarily consequent on the tension of the land when upraised, and their injection by fluidified rock. this rending and injection would, if repeated often enough (and we know that earthquakes repeatedly affect the same areas in the same manner), form a chain of hills;--and the linear island of s. mary, which was upraised thrice the height of the neighbouring country, seems to be undergoing this process. i believe that the solid axis of a mountain, differs in its manner of formation from a volcanic hill, only in the molten stone having been repeatedly injected, instead of having been repeatedly ejected. moreover, i believe that it is impossible to explain the structure of great mountain-chains, such as that of the cordillera, were the strata, capping the injected axis of plutonic rock, have been thrown on their edges along several parallel and neighbouring lines of elevation, except on this view of the rock of the axis having been repeatedly injected, after intervals sufficiently long to allow the upper parts or wedges to cool and become solid;--for if the strata had been thrown into their present highly inclined, vertical, and even inverted positions, by a single blow, the very bowels of the earth would have gushed out; and instead of beholding abrupt mountain-axes of rock solidified under great pressure, deluges of lava would have flowed out at innumerable points on every line of elevation. [2] [1] m. arago in l'institut, 1839, p. 337. see also miers's chile, vol. i. p. 392; also lyell's principles of geology, chap. xv., book ii. [2] for a full account of the volcanic phenomena which accompanied the earthquake of the 20th, and for the conclusions deducible from them, i must refer to volume v. of the geological transactions. chapter xv passage of the cordillera valparaiso--portillo pass--sagacity of mules--mountain-torrents--mines, how discovered--proofs of the gradual elevation of the cordillera--effect of snow on rocks--geological structure of the two main ranges, their distinct origin and upheaval--great subsidence--red snow--winds--pinnacles of snow--dry and clear atmosphere--electricity--pampas--zoology of the opposite side of the andes--locusts--great bugs--mendoza--uspallata pass--silicified trees buried as they grew--incas bridge--badness of the passes exaggerated--cumbre--casuchas--valparaiso. march 7th, 1835.--we stayed three days at concepcion, and then sailed for valparaiso. the wind being northerly, we only reached the mouth of the harbour of concepcion before it was dark. being very near the land, and a fog coming on, the anchor was dropped. presently a large american whaler appeared alongside of us; and we heard the yankee swearing at his men to keep quiet, whilst he listened for the breakers. captain fitz roy hailed him, in a loud clear voice, to anchor where he then was. the poor man must have thought the voice came from the shore: such a babel of cries issued at once from the ship--every one hallooing out, "let go the anchor! veer cable! shorten sail!" it was the most laughable thing i ever heard. if the ship's crew had been all captains, and no men, there could not have been a greater uproar of orders. we afterwards found that the mate stuttered: i suppose all hands were assisting him in giving his orders. on the 11th we anchored at valparaiso, and two days afterwards i set out to cross the cordillera. i proceeded to santiago, where mr. caldcleugh most kindly assisted me in every possible way in making the little preparations which were necessary. in this part of chile there are two passes across the andes to mendoza: the one most commonly used, namely, that of aconcagua or uspallata--is situated some way to the north; the other, called the portillo, is to the south, and nearer, but more lofty and dangerous. march 18th.--we set out for the portillo pass. leaving santiago we crossed the wide burnt-up plain on which that city stands, and in the afternoon arrived at the maypu, one of the principal rivers in chile. the valley, at the point where it enters the first cordillera, is bounded on each side by lofty barren mountains; and although not broad, it is very fertile. numerous cottages were surrounded by vines, and by orchards of apple, nectarine, and peach-trees--their boughs breaking with the weight of the beautiful ripe fruit. in the evening we passed the custom-house, where our luggage was examined. the frontier of chile is better guarded by the cordillera, than by the waters of the sea. there are very few valleys which lead to the central ranges, and the mountains are quite impassable in other parts by beasts of burden. the custom-house officers were very civil, which was perhaps partly owing to the passport which the president of the republic had given me; but i must express my admiration at the natural politeness of almost every chileno. in this instance, the contrast with the same class of men in most other countries was strongly marked. i may mention an anecdote with which i was at the time much pleased: we met near mendoza a little and very fat negress, riding astride on a mule. she had a _goitre_ so enormous that it was scarcely possible to avoid gazing at her for a moment; but my two companions almost instantly, by way of apology, made the common salute of the country by taking off their hats. where would one of the lower or higher classes in europe, have shown such feeling politeness to a poor and miserable object of a degraded race? at night we slept at a cottage. our manner of travelling was delightfully independent. in the inhabited parts we bought a little firewood, hired pasture for the animals, and bivouacked in the corner of the same field with them. carrying an iron pot, we cooked and ate our supper under a cloudless sky, and knew no trouble. my companions were mariano gonzales, who had formerly accompanied me in chile, and an "arriero," with his ten mules and a "madrina." the madrina (or godmother) is a most important personage: she is an old steady mare, with a little bell round her neck; and wherever she goes, the mules, like good children, follow her. the affection of these animals for their madrinas saves infinite trouble. if several large troops are turned into one field to graze, in the morning the muleteers have only to lead the madrinas a little apart, and tinkle their bells; although there may be two or three hundred together, each mule immediately knows the bell of its own madrina, and comes to her. it is nearly impossible to lose an old mule; for if detained for several hours by force, she will, by the power of smell, like a dog, track out her companions, or rather the madrina, for, according to the muleteer, she is the chief object of affection. the feeling, however, is not of an individual nature; for i believe i am right in saying that any animal with a bell will serve as a madrina. in a troop each animal carries on a level road, a cargo weighing 416 pounds (more than 29 stone), but in a mountainous country 100 pounds less; yet with what delicate slim limbs, without any proportional bulk of muscle, these animals support so great a burden! the mule always appears to me a most surprising animal. that a hybrid should possess more reason, memory, obstinacy, social affection, powers of muscular endurance, and length of life, than either of its parents, seems to indicate that art has here outdone nature. of our ten animals, six were intended for riding, and four for carrying cargoes, each taking turn about. we carried a good deal of food in case we should be snowed up, as the season was rather late for passing the portillo. march 19th.--we rode during this day to the last, and therefore most elevated, house in the valley. the number of inhabitants became scanty; but wherever water could be brought on the land, it was very fertile. all the main valleys in the cordillera are characterized by having, on both sides, a fringe or terrace of shingle and sand, rudely stratified, and generally of considerable thickness. these fringes evidently once extended across the valleys and were united; and the bottoms of the valleys in northern chile, where there are no streams, are thus smoothly filled up. on these fringes the roads are generally carried, for their surfaces are even, and they rise, with a very gentle slope up the valleys: hence, also, they are easily cultivated by irrigation. they may be traced up to a height of between 7000 and 9000 feet, where they become hidden by the irregular piles of debris. at the lower end or mouths of the valleys, they are continuously united to those land-locked plains (also formed of shingle) at the foot of the main cordillera, which i have described in a former chapter as characteristic of the scenery of chile, and which were undoubtedly deposited when the sea penetrated chile, as it now does the more southern coasts. no one fact in the geology of south america, interested me more than these terraces of rudely-stratified shingle. they precisely resemble in composition the matter which the torrents in each valley would deposit, if they were checked in their course by any cause, such as entering a lake or arm of the sea; but the torrents, instead of depositing matter, are now steadily at work wearing away both the solid rock and these alluvial deposits, along the whole line of every main valley and side valley. it is impossible here to give the reasons, but i am convinced that the shingle terraces were accumulated, during the gradual elevation of the cordillera, by the torrents delivering, at successive levels, their detritus on the beachheads of long narrow arms of the sea, first high up the valleys, then lower and lower down as the land slowly rose. if this be so, and i cannot doubt it, the grand and broken chain of the cordillera, instead of having been suddenly thrown up, as was till lately the universal, and still is the common opinion of geologists, has been slowly upheaved in mass, in the same gradual manner as the coasts of the atlantic and pacific have risen within the recent period. a multitude of facts in the structure of the cordillera, on this view receive a simple explanation. the rivers which flow in these valleys ought rather to be called mountain-torrents. their inclination is very great, and their water the colour of mud. the roar which the maypu made, as it rushed over the great rounded fragments, was like that of the sea. amidst the din of rushing waters, the noise from the stones, as they rattled one over another, was most distinctly audible even from a distance. this rattling noise, night and day, may be heard along the whole course of the torrent. the sound spoke eloquently to the geologist; the thousands and thousands of stones, which, striking against each other, made the one dull uniform sound, were all hurrying in one direction. it was like thinking on time, where the minute that now glides past is irrevocable. so was it with these stones; the ocean is their eternity, and each note of that wild music told of one more step towards their destiny. it is not possible for the mind to comprehend, except by a slow process, any effect which is produced by a cause repeated so often, that the multiplier itself conveys an idea, not more definite than the savage implies when he points to the hairs of his head. as often as i have seen beds of mud, sand, and shingle, accumulated to the thickness of many thousand feet, i have felt inclined to exclaim that causes, such as the present rivers and the present beaches, could never have ground down and produced such masses. but, on the other hand, when listening to the rattling noise of these torrents, and calling to mind that whole races of animals have passed away from the face of the earth, and that during this whole period, night and day, these stones have gone rattling onwards in their course, i have thought to myself, can any mountains, any continent, withstand such waste? in this part of the valley, the mountains on each side were from 3000 to 6000 or 8000 feet high, with rounded outlines and steep bare flanks. the general colour of the rock was dullish purple, and the stratification very distinct. if the scenery was not beautiful, it was remarkable and grand. we met during the day several herds of cattle, which men were driving down from the higher valleys in the cordillera. this sign of the approaching winter hurried our steps, more than was convenient for geologizing. the house where we slept was situated at the foot of a mountain, on the summit of which are the mines of s. pedro de nolasko. sir f. head marvels how mines have been discovered in such extraordinary situations, as the bleak summit of the mountain of s. pedro de nolasko. in the first place, metallic veins in this country are generally harder than the surrounding strata: hence, during the gradual wear of the hills, they project above the surface of the ground. secondly, almost every labourer, especially in the northern parts of chile, understands something about the appearance of ores. in the great mining provinces of coquimbo and copiapo, firewood is very scarce, and men search for it over every hill and dale; and by this means nearly all the richest mines have there been discovered. chanuncillo, from which silver to the value of many hundred thousand pounds has been raised in the course of a few years, was discovered by a man who threw a stone at his loaded donkey, and thinking that it was very heavy, he picked it up, and found it full of pure silver: the vein occurred at no great distance, standing up like a wedge of metal. the miners, also, taking a crowbar with them, often wander on sundays over the mountains. in this south part of chile, the men who drive cattle into the cordillera, and who frequent every ravine where there is a little pasture, are the usual discoverers. 20th.--as we ascended the valley, the vegetation, with the exception of a few pretty alpine flowers, became exceedingly scanty, and of quadrupeds, birds, or insects, scarcely one could be seen. the lofty mountains, their summits marked with a few patches of snow, stood well separated from each other, the valleys being filled up with an immense thickness of stratified alluvium. the features in the scenery of the andes which struck me most, as contrasted with the other mountain chains with which i am acquainted, were,--the flat fringes sometimes expanding into narrow plains on each side of the valleys,--the bright colours, chiefly red and purple, of the utterly bare and precipitous hills of porphyry, the grand and continuous wall-like dykes,--the plainly-divided strata which, where nearly vertical, formed the picturesque and wild central pinnacles, but where less inclined, composed the great massive mountains on the outskirts of the range,--and lastly, the smooth conical piles of fine and brightly coloured detritus, which sloped up at a high angle from the base of the mountains, sometimes to a height of more than 2000 feet. i frequently observed, both in tierra del fuego and within the andes, that where the rock was covered during the greater part of the year with snow, it was shivered in a very extraordinary manner into small angular fragments. scoresby [1] has observed the same fact in spitzbergen. the case appears to me rather obscure: for that part of the mountain which is protected by a mantle of snow, must be less subject to repeated and great changes of temperature than any other part. i have sometimes thought, that the earth and fragments of stone on the surface, were perhaps less effectually removed by slowly percolating snow-water [2] than by rain, and therefore that the appearance of a quicker disintegration of the solid rock under the snow, was deceptive. whatever the cause may be, the quantity of crumbling stone on the cordillera is very great. occasionally in the spring, great masses of this detritus slide down the mountains, and cover the snow-drifts in the valleys, thus forming natural ice-houses. we rode over one, the height of which was far below the limit of perpetual snow. as the evening drew to a close, we reached a singular basin-like plain, called the valle del yeso. it was covered by a little dry pasture, and we had the pleasant sight of a herd of cattle amidst the surrounding rocky deserts. the valley takes its name of yeso from a great bed, i should think at least 2000 feet thick, of white, and in some parts quite pure, gypsum. we slept with a party of men, who were employed in loading mules with this substance, which is used in the manufacture of wine. we set out early in the morning (21st), and continued to follow the course of the river, which had become very small, till we arrived at the foot of the ridge, that separates the waters flowing into the pacific and atlantic oceans. the road, which as yet had been good with a steady but very gradual ascent, now changed into a steep zigzag track up the great range, dividing the republics of chile and mendoza. i will here give a very brief sketch of the geology of the several parallel lines forming the cordillera. of these lines, there are two considerably higher than the others; namely, on the chilian side, the peuquenes ridge, which, where the road crosses it, is 13,210 feet above the sea; and the portillo ridge, on the mendoza side, which is 14,305 feet. the lower beds of the peuquenes ridge, and of the several great lines to the westward of it, are composed of a vast pile, many thousand feet in thickness, of porphyries which have flowed as submarine lavas, alternating with angular and rounded fragments of the same rocks, thrown out of the submarine craters. these alternating masses are covered in the central parts, by a great thickness of red sandstone, conglomerate, and calcareous clay-slate, associated with, and passing into, prodigious beds of gypsum. in these upper beds shells are tolerably frequent; and they belong to about the period of the lower chalk of europe. it is an old story, but not the less wonderful, to hear of shells which were once crawling on the bottom of the sea, now standing nearly 14,000 feet above its level. the lower beds in this great pile of strata, have been dislocated, baked, crystallized and almost blended together, through the agency of mountain masses of a peculiar white soda-granitic rock. the other main line, namely, that of the portillo, is of a totally different formation: it consists chiefly of grand bare pinnacles of a red potash-granite, which low down on the western flank are covered by a sandstone, converted by the former heat into a quartz-rock. on the quartz, there rest beds of a conglomerate several thousand feet in thickness, which have been upheaved by the red granite, and dip at an angle of 45 degs. towards the peuquenes line. i was astonished to find that this conglomerate was partly composed of pebbles, derived from the rocks, with their fossil shells, of the peuquenes range; and partly of red potash-granite, like that of the portillo. hence we must conclude, that both the peuquenes and portillo ranges were partially upheaved and exposed to wear and tear, when the conglomerate was forming; but as the beds of the conglomerate have been thrown off at an angle of 45 degs. by the red portillo granite (with the underlying sandstone baked by it), we may feel sure, that the greater part of the injection and upheaval of the already partially formed portillo line, took place after the accumulation of the conglomerate, and long after the elevation of the peuquenes ridge. so that the portillo, the loftiest line in this part of the cordillera, is not so old as the less lofty line of the peuquenes. evidence derived from an inclined stream of lava at the eastern base of the portillo, might be adduced to show, that it owes part of its great height to elevations of a still later date. looking to its earliest origin, the red granite seems to have been injected on an ancient pre-existing line of white granite and mica-slate. in most parts, perhaps in all parts, of the cordillera, it may be concluded that each line has been formed by repeated upheavals and injections; and that the several parallel lines are of different ages. only thus can we gain time, at all sufficient to explain the truly astonishing amount of denudation, which these great, though comparatively with most other ranges recent, mountains have suffered. finally, the shells in the peuquenes or oldest ridge, prove, as before remarked, that it has been upraised 14,000 feet since a secondary period, which in europe we are accustomed to consider as far from ancient; but since these shells lived in a moderately deep sea, it can be shown that the area now occupied by the cordillera, must have subsided several thousand feet--in northern chile as much as 6000 feet--so as to have allowed that amount of submarine strata to have been heaped on the bed on which the shells lived. the proof is the same with that by which it was shown, that at a much later period, since the tertiary shells of patagonia lived, there must have been there a subsidence of several hundred feet, as well as an ensuing elevation. daily it is forced home on the mind of the geologist, that nothing, not even the wind that blows, is so unstable as the level of the crust of this earth. i will make only one other geological remark: although the portillo chain is here higher than the peuquenes, the waters draining the intermediate valleys, have burst through it. the same fact, on a grander scale, has been remarked in the eastern and loftiest line of the bolivian cordillera, through which the rivers pass: analogous facts have also been observed in other quarters of the world. on the supposition of the subsequent and gradual elevation of the portillo line, this can be understood; for a chain of islets would at first appear, and, as these were lifted up, the tides would be always wearing deeper and broader channels between them. at the present day, even in the most retired sounds on the coast of tierra del fuego, the currents in the transverse breaks which connect the longitudinal channels, are very strong, so that in one transverse channel even a small vessel under sail was whirled round and round. about noon we began the tedious ascent of the peuquenes ridge, and then for the first time experienced some little difficulty in our respiration. the mules would halt every fifty yards, and after resting for a few seconds the poor willing animals started of their own accord again. the short breathing from the rarefied atmosphere is called by the chilenos "puna;" and they have most ridiculous notions concerning its origin. some say "all the waters here have puna;" others that "where there is snow there is puna;"--and this no doubt is true. the only sensation i experienced was a slight tightness across the head and chest, like that felt on leaving a warm room and running quickly in frosty weather. there was some imagination even in this; for upon finding fossil shells on the highest ridge, i entirely forgot the puna in my delight. certainly the exertion of walking was extremely great, and the respiration became deep and laborious: i am told that in potosi (about 13,000 feet above the sea) strangers do not become thoroughly accustomed to the atmosphere for an entire year. the inhabitants all recommend onions for the puna; as this vegetable has sometimes been given in europe for pectoral complaints, it may possibly be of real service:--for my part i found nothing so good as the fossil shells! when about half-way up we met a large party with seventy loaded mules. it was interesting to hear the wild cries of the muleteers, and to watch the long descending string of the animals; they appeared so diminutive, there being nothing but the black mountains with which they could be compared. when near the summit, the wind, as generally happens, was impetuous and extremely cold. on each side of the ridge, we had to pass over broad bands of perpetual snow, which were now soon to be covered by a fresh layer. when we reached the crest and looked backwards, a glorious view was presented. the atmosphere resplendently clear; the sky an intense blue; the profound valleys; the wild broken forms: the heaps of ruins, piled up during the lapse of ages; the bright-coloured rocks, contrasted with the quiet mountains of snow, all these together produced a scene no one could have imagined. neither plant nor bird, excepting a few condors wheeling around the higher pinnacles, distracted my attention from the inanimate mass. i felt glad that i was alone: it was like watching a thunderstorm, or hearing in full orchestra a chorus of the messiah. on several patches of the snow i found the protococcus nivalis, or red snow, so well known from the accounts of arctic navigators. my attention was called to it, by observing the footsteps of the mules stained a pale red, as if their hoofs had been slightly bloody. i at first thought that it was owing to dust blown from the surrounding mountains of red porphyry; for from the magnifying power of the crystals of snow, the groups of these microscopical plants appeared like coarse particles. the snow was coloured only where it had thawed very rapidly, or had been accidentally crushed. a little rubbed on paper gave it a faint rose tinge mingled with a little brick-red. i afterwards scraped some off the paper, and found that it consisted of groups of little spheres in colourless cases, each of the thousandth part of an inch in diameter. the wind on the crest of the peuquenes, as just remarked, is generally impetuous and very cold: it is said [3] to blow steadily from the westward or pacific side. as the observations have been chiefly made in summer, this wind must be an upper and return current. the peak of teneriffe, with a less elevation, and situated in lat. 28 degs., in like manner falls within an upper return stream. at first it appears rather surprising, that the trade-wind along the northern parts of chile and on the coast of peru, should blow in so very southerly a direction as it does; but when we reflect that the cordillera, running in a north and south line, intercepts, like a great wall, the entire depth of the lower atmospheric current, we can easily see that the trade-wind must be drawn northward, following the line of mountains, towards the equatorial regions, and thus lose part of that easterly movement which it otherwise would have gained from the earth's rotation. at mendoza, on the eastern foot of the andes, the climate is said to be subject to long calms, and to frequent though false appearances of gathering rain-storms: we may imagine that the wind, which coming from the eastward is thus banked up by the line of mountains, would become stagnant and irregular in its movements. having crossed the peuquenes, we descended into a mountainous country, intermediate between the two main ranges, and then took up our quarters for the night. we were now in the republic of mendoza. the elevation was probably not under 11,000 feet, and the vegetation in consequence exceedingly scanty. the root of a small scrubby plant served as fuel, but it made a miserable fire, and the wind was piercingly cold. being quite tired with my days work, i made up my bed as quickly as i could, and went to sleep. about midnight i observed the sky became suddenly clouded: i awakened the arriero to know if there was any danger of bad weather; but he said that without thunder and lightning there was no risk of a heavy snow-storm. the peril is imminent, and the difficulty of subsequent escape great, to any one overtaken by bad weather between the two ranges. a certain cave offers the only place of refuge: mr. caldcleugh, who crossed on this same day of the month, was detained there for some time by a heavy fall of snow. casuchas, or houses of refuge, have not been built in this pass as in that of uspallata, and, therefore, during the autumn, the portillo is little frequented. i may here remark that within the main cordillera rain never falls, for during the summer the sky is cloudless, and in winter snow-storms alone occur. at the place where we slept water necessarily boiled, from the diminished pressure of the atmosphere, at a lower temperature than it does in a less lofty country; the case being the converse of that of a papin's digester. hence the potatoes, after remaining for some hours in the boiling water, were nearly as hard as ever. the pot was left on the fire all night, and next morning it was boiled again, but yet the potatoes were not cooked. i found out this, by overhearing my two companions discussing the cause, they had come to the simple conclusion, "that the cursed pot [which was a new one] did not choose to boil potatoes." march 22nd.--after eating our potatoless breakfast, we travelled across the intermediate tract to the foot of the portillo range. in the middle of summer cattle are brought up here to graze; but they had now all been removed: even the greater number of the guanacos had decamped, knowing well that if overtaken here by a snow-storm, they would be caught in a trap. we had a fine view of a mass of mountains called tupungato, the whole clothed with unbroken snow, in the midst of which there was a blue patch, no doubt a glacier;--a circumstance of rare occurrence in these mountains. now commenced a heavy and long climb, similar to that of the peuquenes. bold conical hills of red granite rose on each hand; in the valleys there were several broad fields of perpetual snow. these frozen masses, during the process of thawing, had in some parts been converted into pinnacles or columns, [4] which, as they were high and close together, made it difficult for the cargo mules to pass. on one of these columns of ice, a frozen horse was sticking as on a pedestal, but with its hind legs straight up in the air. the animal, i suppose, must have fallen with its head downward into a hole, when the snow was continuous, and afterwards the surrounding parts must have been removed by the thaw. when nearly on the crest of the portillo, we were enveloped in a falling cloud of minute frozen spicula. this was very unfortunate, as it continued the whole day, and quite intercepted our view. the pass takes its name of portillo, from a narrow cleft or doorway on the highest ridge, through which the road passes. from this point, on a clear day, those vast plains which uninterruptedly extend to the atlantic ocean can be seen. we descended to the upper limit of vegetation, and found good quarters for the night under the shelter of some large fragments of rock. we met here some passengers, who made anxious inquiries about the state of the road. shortly after it was dark the clouds suddenly cleared away, and the effect was quite magical. the great mountains, bright with the full moon, seemed impending over us on all sides, as over a deep crevice: one morning, very early, i witnessed the same striking effect. as soon as the clouds were dispersed it froze severely; but as there was no wind, we slept very comfortably. the increased brilliancy of the moon and stars at this elevation, owing to the perfect transparency of the atmosphere, was very remarkable. travelers having observed the difficulty of judging heights and distances amidst lofty mountains, have generally attributed it to the absence of objects of comparison. it appears to me, that it is fully as much owing to the transparency of the air confounding objects at different distances, and likewise partly to the novelty of an unusual degree of fatigue arising from a little exertion,--habit being thus opposed to the evidence of the senses. i am sure that this extreme clearness of the air gives a peculiar character to the landscape, all objects appearing to be brought nearly into one plane, as in a drawing or panorama. the transparency is, i presume, owing to the equable and high state of atmospheric dryness. this dryness was shown by the manner in which woodwork shrank (as i soon found by the trouble my geological hammer gave me); by articles of food, such as bread and sugar, becoming extremely hard; and by the preservation of the skin and parts of the flesh of the beasts, which had perished on the road. to the same cause we must attribute the singular facility with which electricity is excited. my flannel waistcoat, when rubbed in the dark, appeared as if it had been washed with phosphorus,--every hair on a dog's back crackled;--even the linen sheets, and leathern straps of the saddle, when handled, emitted sparks. march 23rd.--the descent on the eastern side of the cordillera is much shorter or steeper than on the pacific side; in other words, the mountains rise more abruptly from the plains than from the alpine country of chile. a level and brilliantly white sea of clouds was stretched out beneath our feet, shutting out the view of the equally level pampas. we soon entered the band of clouds, and did not again emerge from it that day. about noon, finding pasture for the animals and bushes for firewood at los arenales, we stopped for the night. this was near the uppermost limit of bushes, and the elevation, i suppose, was between seven and eight thousand feet. i was much struck with the marked difference between the vegetation of these eastern valleys and those on the chilian side: yet the climate, as well as the kind of soil, is nearly the same, and the difference of longitude very trifling. the same remark holds good with the quadrupeds, and in a lesser degree with the birds and insects. i may instance the mice, of which i obtained thirteen species on the shores of the atlantic, and five on the pacific, and not one of them is identical. we must except all those species, which habitually or occasionally frequent elevated mountains; and certain birds, which range as far south as the strait of magellan. this fact is in perfect accordance with the geological history of the andes; for these mountains have existed as a great barrier since the present races of animals have appeared; and therefore, unless we suppose the same species to have been created in two different places, we ought not to expect any closer similarity between the organic beings on the opposite sides of the andes than on the opposite shores of the ocean. in both cases, we must leave out of the question those kinds which have been able to cross the barrier, whether of solid rock or salt-water. [5] a great number of the plants and animals were absolutely the same as, or most closely allied to, those of patagonia. we here have the agouti, bizcacha, three species of armadillo, the ostrich, certain kinds of partridges and other birds, none of which are ever seen in chile, but are the characteristic animals of the desert plains of patagonia. we have likewise many of the same (to the eyes of a person who is not a botanist) thorny stunted bushes, withered grass, and dwarf plants. even the black slowly crawling beetles are closely similar, and some, i believe, on rigorous examination, absolutely identical. it had always been to me a subject of regret, that we were unavoidably compelled to give up the ascent of the s. cruz river before reaching the mountains: i always had a latent hope of meeting with some great change in the features of the country; but i now feel sure, that it would only have been following the plains of patagonia up a mountainous ascent. march 24th.--early in the morning i climbed up a mountain on one side of the valley, and enjoyed a far extended view over the pampas. this was a spectacle to which i had always looked forward with interest, but i was disappointed: at the first glance it much resembled a distant view of the ocean, but in the northern parts many irregularities were soon distinguishable. the most striking feature consisted in the rivers, which, facing the rising sun, glittered like silver threads, till lost in the immensity of the distance. at midday we descended the valley, and reached a hovel, where an officer and three soldiers were posted to examine passports. one of these men was a thoroughbred pampas indian: he was kept much for the same purpose as a bloodhound, to track out any person who might pass by secretly, either on foot or horseback. some years ago, a passenger endeavoured to escape detection, by making a long circuit over a neighbouring mountain; but this indian, having by chance crossed his track, followed it for the whole day over dry and very stony hills, till at last he came on his prey hidden in a gully. we here heard that the silvery clouds, which we had admired from the bright region above, had poured down torrents of rain. the valley from this point gradually opened, and the hills became mere water-worn hillocks compared to the giants behind: it then expanded into a gently sloping plain of shingle, covered with low trees and bushes. this talus, although appearing narrow, must be nearly ten miles wide before it blends into the apparently dead level pampas. we passed the only house in this neighbourhood, the estancia of chaquaio: and at sunset we pulled up in the first snug corner, and there bivouacked. march 25th.--i was reminded of the pampas of buenos ayres, by seeing the disk of the rising sun, intersected by an horizon level as that of the ocean. during the night a heavy dew fell, a circumstance which we did not experience within the cordillera. the road proceeded for some distance due east across a low swamp; then meeting the dry plain, it turned to the north towards mendoza. the distance is two very long days' journey. our first day's journey was called fourteen leagues to estacado, and the second seventeen to luxan, near mendoza. the whole distance is over a level desert plain, with not more than two or three houses. the sun was exceedingly powerful, and the ride devoid of all interest. there is very little water in this "traversia," and in our second day's journey we found only one little pool. little water flows from the mountains, and it soon becomes absorbed by the dry and porous soil; so that, although we travelled at the distance of only ten or fifteen miles from the outer range of the cordillera, we did not cross a single stream. in many parts the ground was incrusted with a saline efflorescence; hence we had the same salt-loving plants which are common near bahia blanca. the landscape has a uniform character from the strait of magellan, along the whole eastern coast of patagonia, to the rio colorado; and it appears that the same kind of country extends inland from this river, in a sweeping line as far as san luis and perhaps even further north. to the eastward of this curved line lies the basin of the comparatively damp and green plains of buenos ayres. the sterile plains of mendoza and patagonia consist of a bed of shingle, worn smooth and accumulated by the waves of the sea while the pampas, covered by thistles, clover, and grass, have been formed by the ancient estuary mud of the plata. after our two days' tedious journey, it was refreshing to see in the distance the rows of poplars and willows growing round the village and river of luxan. shortly before we arrived at this place, we observed to the south a ragged cloud of dark reddish-brown colour. at first we thought that it was smoke from some great fire on the plains; but we soon found that it was a swarm of locusts. they were flying northward; and with the aid of a light breeze, they overtook us at a rate of ten or fifteen miles an hour. the main body filled the air from a height of twenty feet, to that, as it appeared, of two or three thousand above the ground; "and the sound of their wings was as the sound of chariots of many horses running to battle:" or rather, i should say, like a strong breeze passing through the rigging of a ship. the sky, seen through the advanced guard, appeared like a mezzotinto engraving, but the main body was impervious to sight; they were not, however, so thick together, but that they could escape a stick waved backwards and forwards. when they alighted, they were more numerous than the leaves in the field, and the surface became reddish instead of being green: the swarm having once alighted, the individuals flew from side to side in all directions. locusts are not an uncommon pest in this country: already during the season, several smaller swarms had come up from the south, where, as apparently in all other parts of the world, they are bred in the deserts. the poor cottagers in vain attempted by lighting fires, by shouts, and by waving branches to avert the attack. this species of locust closely resembles, and perhaps is identical with, the famous gryllus migratorius of the east. we crossed the luxan, which is a river of considerable size, though its course towards the sea-coast is very imperfectly known: it is even doubtful whether, in passing over the plains, it is not evaporated and lost. we slept in the village of luxan, which is a small place surrounded by gardens, and forms the most southern cultivated district in the province of mendoza; it is five leagues south of the capital. at night i experienced an attack (for it deserves no less a name) of the _benchuca_, a species of reduvius, the great black bug of the pampas. it is most disgusting to feel soft wingless insects, about an inch long, crawling over one's body. before sucking they are quite thin, but afterwards they become round and bloated with blood, and in this state are easily crushed. one which i caught at iquique, (for they are found in chile and peru,) was very empty. when placed on a table, and though surrounded by people, if a finger was presented, the bold insect would immediately protrude its sucker, make a charge, and if allowed, draw blood. no pain was caused by the wound. it was curious to watch its body during the act of sucking, as in less than ten minutes it changed from being as flat as a wafer to a globular form. this one feast, for which the benchuca was indebted to one of the officers, kept it fat during four whole months; but, after the first fortnight, it was quite ready to have another suck. march 27th.--we rode on to mendoza. the country was beautifully cultivated, and resembled chile. this neighbourhood is celebrated for its fruit; and certainly nothing could appear more flourishing than the vineyards and the orchards of figs, peaches, and olives. we bought water-melons nearly twice as large as a man's head, most deliciously cool and well-flavoured, for a halfpenny apiece; and for the value of threepence, half a wheelbarrowful of peaches. the cultivated and enclosed part of this province is very small; there is little more than that which we passed through between luxan and the capital. the land, as in chile, owes its fertility entirely to artificial irrigation; and it is really wonderful to observe how extraordinarily productive a barren traversia is thus rendered. we stayed the ensuing day in mendoza. the prosperity of the place has much declined of late years. the inhabitants say "it is good to live in, but very bad to grow rich in." the lower orders have the lounging, reckless manners of the gauchos of the pampas; and their dress, riding-gear, and habits of life, are nearly the same. to my mind the town had a stupid, forlorn aspect. neither the boasted alameda, nor the scenery, is at all comparable with that of santiago; but to those who, coming from buenos ayres, have just crossed the unvaried pampas, the gardens and orchards must appear delightful. sir f. head, speaking of the inhabitants, says, "they eat their dinners, and it is so very hot, they go to sleep--and could they do better?" i quite agree with sir f. head: the happy doom of the mendozinos is to eat, sleep and be idle. march 29th.--we set out on our return to chile, by the uspallata pass situated north of mendoza. we had to cross a long and most sterile traversia of fifteen leagues. the soil in parts was absolutely bare, in others covered by numberless dwarf cacti, armed with formidable spines, and called by the inhabitants "little lions." there were, also, a few low bushes. although the plain is nearly three thousand feet above the sea, the sun was very powerful; and the heat as well as the clouds of impalpable dust, rendered the travelling extremely irksome. our course during the day lay nearly parallel to the cordillera, but gradually approaching them. before sunset we entered one of the wide valleys, or rather bays, which open on the plain: this soon narrowed into a ravine, where a little higher up the house of villa vicencio is situated. as we had ridden all day without a drop of water, both our mules and selves were very thirsty, and we looked out anxiously for the stream which flows down this valley. it was curious to observe how gradually the water made its appearance: on the plain the course was quite dry; by degrees it became a little damper; then puddles of water appeared; these soon became connected; and at villa vicencio there was a nice little rivulet. 30th.--the solitary hovel which bears the imposing name of villa vicencio, has been mentioned by every traveller who has crossed the andes. i stayed here and at some neighbouring mines during the two succeeding days. the geology of the surrounding country is very curious. the uspallata range is separated from the main cordillera by a long narrow plain or basin, like those so often mentioned in chile, but higher, being six thousand feet above the sea. this range has nearly the same geographical position with respect to the cordillera, which the gigantic portillo line has, but it is of a totally different origin: it consists of various kinds of submarine lava, alternating with volcanic sandstones and other remarkable sedimentary deposits; the whole having a very close resemblance to some of the tertiary beds on the shores of the pacific. from this resemblance i expected to find silicified wood, which is generally characteristic of those formations. i was gratified in a very extraordinary manner. in the central part of the range, at an elevation of about seven thousand feet, i observed on a bare slope some snow-white projecting columns. these were petrified trees, eleven being silicified, and from thirty to forty converted into coarsely-crystallized white calcareous spar. they were abruptly broken off, the upright stumps projecting a few feet above the ground. the trunks measured from three to five feet each in circumference. they stood a little way apart from each other, but the whole formed one group. mr. robert brown has been kind enough to examine the wood: he says it belongs to the fir tribe, partaking of the character of the araucarian family, but with some curious points of affinity with the yew. the volcanic sandstone in which the trees were embedded, and from the lower part of which they must have sprung, had accumulated in successive thin layers around their trunks; and the stone yet retained the impression of the bark. it required little geological practice to interpret the marvellous story which this scene at once unfolded; though i confess i was at first so much astonished that i could scarcely believe the plainest evidence. i saw the spot where a cluster of fine trees once waved their branches on the shores of the atlantic, when that ocean (now driven back 700 miles) came to the foot of the andes. i saw that they had sprung from a volcanic soil which had been raised above the level of the sea, and that subsequently this dry land, with its upright trees, had been let down into the depths of the ocean. in these depths, the formerly dry land was covered by sedimentary beds, and these again by enormous streams of submarine lava--one such mass attaining the thickness of a thousand feet; and these deluges of molten stone and aqueous deposits five times alternately had been spread out. the ocean which received such thick masses, must have been profoundly deep; but again the subterranean forces exerted themselves, and i now beheld the bed of that ocean, forming a chain of mountains more than seven thousand feet in height. nor had those antagonistic forces been dormant, which are always at work wearing down the surface of the land; the great piles of strata had been intersected by many wide valleys, and the trees now changed into silex, were exposed projecting from the volcanic soil, now changed into rock, whence formerly, in a green and budding state, they had raised their lofty heads. now, all is utterly irreclaimable and desert; even the lichen cannot adhere to the stony casts of former trees. vast, and scarcely comprehensible as such changes must ever appear, yet they have all occurred within a period, recent when compared with the history of the cordillera; and the cordillera itself is absolutely modern as compared with many of the fossiliferous strata of europe and america. april 1st.--we crossed the upsallata range, and at night slept at the custom-house--the only inhabited spot on the plain. shortly before leaving the mountains, there was a very extraordinary view; red, purple, green, and quite white sedimentary rocks, alternating with black lavas, were broken up and thrown into all kinds of disorder by masses of porphyry of every shade of colour, from dark brown to the brightest lilac. it was the first view i ever saw, which really resembled those pretty sections which geologists make of the inside of the earth. the next day we crossed the plain, and followed the course of the same great mountain stream which flows by luxan. here it was a furious torrent, quite impassable, and appeared larger than in the low country, as was the case with the rivulet of villa vicencio. on the evening of the succeeding day, we reached the rio de las vacas, which is considered the worst stream in the cordillera to cross. as all these rivers have a rapid and short course, and are formed by the melting of the snow, the hour of the day makes a considerable difference in their volume. in the evening the stream is muddy and full, but about daybreak it becomes clearer, and much less impetuous. this we found to be the case with the rio vacas, and in the morning we crossed it with little difficulty. the scenery thus far was very uninteresting, compared with that of the portillo pass. little can be seen beyond the bare walls of the one grand flat-bottomed valley, which the road follows up to the highest crest. the valley and the huge rocky mountains are extremely barren: during the two previous nights the poor mules had absolutely nothing to eat, for excepting a few low resinous bushes, scarcely a plant can be seen. in the course of this day we crossed some of the worst passes in the cordillera, but their danger has been much exaggerated. i was told that if i attempted to pass on foot, my head would turn giddy, and that there was no room to dismount; but i did not see a place where any one might not have walked over backwards, or got off his mule on either side. one of the bad passes, called _las animas_ (the souls), i had crossed, and did not find out till a day afterwards, that it was one of the awful dangers. no doubt there are many parts in which, if the mule should stumble, the rider would be hurled down a great precipice; but of this there is little chance. i dare say, in the spring, the "laderas," or roads, which each year are formed anew across the piles of fallen detritus, are very bad; but from what i saw, i suspect the real danger is nothing. with cargo-mules the case is rather different, for the loads project so far, that the animals, occasionally running against each other, or against a point of rock, lose their balance, and are thrown down the precipices. in crossing the rivers i can well believe that the difficulty may be very great: at this season there was little trouble, but in the summer they must be very hazardous. i can quite imagine, as sir f. head describes, the different expressions of those who _have_ passed the gulf, and those who _are_ passing. i never heard of any man being drowned, but with loaded mules it frequently happens. the arriero tells you to show your mule the best line, and then allow her to cross as she likes: the cargo-mule takes a bad line, and is often lost. april 4th.--from the rio de las vacas to the puente del incas, half a day's journey. as there was pasture for the mules, and geology for me, we bivouacked here for the night. when one hears of a natural bridge, one pictures to one's self some deep and narrow ravine, across which a bold mass of rock has fallen; or a great arch hollowed out like the vault of a cavern. instead of this, the incas bridge consists of a crust of stratified shingle cemented together by the deposits of the neighbouring hot springs. it appears, as if the stream had scooped out a channel on one side, leaving an overhanging ledge, which was met by earth and stones falling down from the opposite cliff. certainly an oblique junction, as would happen in such a case, was very distinct on one side. the bridge of the incas is by no means worthy of the great monarchs whose name it bears. 5th.--we had a long day's ride across the central ridge, from the incas bridge to the ojos del agua, which are situated near the lowest _casucha_ on the chilian side. these casuchas are round little towers, with steps outside to reach the floor, which is raised some feet above the ground on account of the snow-drifts. they are eight in number, and under the spanish government were kept during the winter well stored with food and charcoal, and each courier had a master-key. now they only answer the purpose of caves, or rather dungeons. seated on some little eminence, they are not, however, ill suited to the surrounding scene of desolation. the zigzag ascent of the cumbre, or the partition of the waters, was very steep and tedious; its height, according to mr. pentland, is 12,454 feet. the road did not pass over any perpetual snow, although there were patches of it on both hands. the wind on the summit was exceedingly cold, but it was impossible not to stop for a few minutes to admire, again and again, the colour of the heavens, and the brilliant transparency of the atmosphere. the scenery was grand: to the westward there was a fine chaos of mountains, divided by profound ravines. some snow generally falls before this period of the season, and it has even happened that the cordillera have been finally closed by this time. but we were most fortunate. the sky, by night and by day, was cloudless, excepting a few round little masses of vapour, that floated over the highest pinnacles. i have often seen these islets in the sky, marking the position of the cordillera, when the far-distant mountains have been hidden beneath the horizon. april 6th.--in the morning we found some thief had stolen one of our mules, and the bell of the madrina. we therefore rode only two or three miles down the valley, and stayed there the ensuing day in hopes of recovering the mule, which the arriero thought had been hidden in some ravine. the scenery in this part had assumed a chilian character: the lower sides of the mountains, dotted over with the pale evergreen quillay tree, and with the great chandelier-like cactus, are certainly more to be admired than the bare eastern valleys; but i cannot quite agree with the admiration expressed by some travellers. the extreme pleasure, i suspect, is chiefly owing to the prospect of a good fire and of a good supper, after escaping from the cold regions above: and i am sure i most heartily participated in these feelings. 8th.--we left the valley of the aconcagua, by which we had descended, and reached in the evening a cottage near the villa del st. rosa. the fertility of the plain was delightful: the autumn being advanced, the leaves of many of the fruit-trees were falling; and of the labourers,--some were busy in drying figs and peaches on the roofs of their cottages, while others were gathering the grapes from the vineyards. it was a pretty scene; but i missed that pensive stillness which makes the autumn in england indeed the evening of the year. on the 10th we reached santiago, where i received a very kind and hospitable reception from mr. caldcleugh. my excursion only cost me twenty-four days, and never did i more deeply enjoy an equal space of time. a few days afterwards i returned to mr. corfield's house at valparaiso. [1] scoresby's arctic regions, vol. i. p. 122. [2] i have heard it remarked in shropshire that the water, when the severn is flooded from long-continued rain, is much more turbid than when it proceeds from the snow melting in the welsh mountains. d'orbigny (tom. i. p. 184), in explaining the cause of the various colours of the rivers in south america, remarks that those with blue or clear water have there source in the cordillera, where the snow melts. [3] dr. gillies in journ. of nat. and geograph. science, aug., 1830. this author gives the heights of the passes. [4] this structure in frozen snow was long since observed by scoresby in the icebergs near spitzbergen, and, lately, with more care, by colonel jackson (journ. of geograph. soc., vol. v. p. 12) on the neva. mr. lyell (principles, vol. iv. p. 360) has compared the fissures by which the columnar structure seems to be determined, to the joints that traverse nearly all rocks, but which are best seen in the non-stratified masses. i may observe, that in the case of the frozen snow, the columnar structure must be owing to a "metamorphic" action, and not to a process during deposition. [5] this is merely an illustration of the admirable laws, first laid down by mr. lyell, on the geographical distribution of animals, as influenced by geological changes. the whole reasoning, of course, is founded on the assumption of the immutability of species; otherwise the difference in the species in the two regions might be considered as superinduced during a length of time. chapter xvi northern chile and peru coast-road to coquimbo--great loads carried by the miners--coquimbo--earthquake--step-formed terrace--absence of recent deposits--contemporaneousness of the tertiary formations--excursion up the valley--road to guasco--deserts--valley of copiapo--rain and earthquakes--hydrophobia--the despoblado--indian ruins--probable change of climate--river-bed arched by an earthquake--cold gales of wind--noises from a hill--iquique--salt alluvium--nitrate of soda--lima--unhealthy country--ruins of callao, overthrown by an earthquake--recent subsidence--elevated shells on san lorenzo, their decomposition--plain with embedded shells and fragments of pottery--antiquity of the indian race. april 27th.--i set out on a journey to coquimbo, and thence through guasco to copiapo, where captain fitz roy kindly offered to pick me up in the beagle. the distance in a straight line along the shore northward is only 420 miles; but my mode of travelling made it a very long journey. i bought four horses and two mules, the latter carrying the luggage on alternate days. the six animals together only cost the value of twenty-five pounds sterling, and at copiapo i sold them again for twenty-three. we travelled in the same independent manner as before, cooking our own meals, and sleeping in the open air. as we rode towards the vino del mar, i took a farewell view of valparaiso, and admired its picturesque appearance. for geological purposes i made a detour from the high road to the foot of the bell of quillota. we passed through an alluvial district rich in gold, to the neighbourhood of limache, where we slept. washing for gold supports the inhabitants of numerous hovels, scattered along the sides of each little rivulet; but, like all those whose gains are uncertain, they are unthrifty in all their habits, and consequently poor. 28th.--in the afternoon we arrived at a cottage at the foot of the bell mountain. the inhabitants were freeholders, which is not very usual in chile. they supported themselves on the produce of a garden and a little field, but were very poor. capital is here so deficient, that the people are obliged to sell their green corn while standing in the field, in order to buy necessaries for the ensuing year. wheat in consequence was dearer in the very district of its production than at valparaiso, where the contractors live. the next day we joined the main road to coquimbo. at night there was a very light shower of rain: this was the first drop that had fallen since the heavy rain of september 11th and 12th, which detained me a prisoner at the baths of cauquenes. the interval was seven and a half months; but the rain this year in chile was rather later than usual. the distant andes were now covered by a thick mass of snow, and were a glorious sight. may 2nd.--the road continued to follow the coast, at no great distance from the sea. the few trees and bushes which are common in central chile decreased rapidly in numbers, and were replaced by a tall plant, something like a yucca in appearance. the surface of the country, on a small scale, was singularly broken and irregular; abrupt little peaks of rock rising out of small plains or basins. the indented coast and the bottom of the neighbouring sea, studded with breakers, would, if converted into dry land, present similar forms; and such a conversion without doubt has taken place in the part over which we rode. 3rd.--quilimari to conchalee. the country became more and more barren. in the valleys there was scarcely sufficient water for any irrigation; and the intermediate land was quite bare, not supporting even goats. in the spring, after the winter showers, a thin pasture rapidly springs up, and cattle are then driven down from the cordillera to graze for a short time. it is curious to observe how the seeds of the grass and other plants seem to accommodate themselves, as if by an acquired habit, to the quantity of rain which falls upon different parts of this coast. one shower far northward at copiapo produces as great an effect on the vegetation, as two at guasco, and three or four in this district. at valparaiso a winter so dry as greatly to injure the pasture, would at guasco produce the most unusual abundance. proceeding northward, the quantity of rain does not appear to decrease in strict proportion to the latitude. at conchalee, which is only 67 miles north of valparaiso, rain is not expected till the end of may; whereas at valparaiso some generally falls early in april: the annual quantity is likewise small in proportion to the lateness of the season at which it commences. 4th.--finding the coast-road devoid of interest of any kind, we turned inland towards the mining district and valley of illapel. this valley, like every other in chile, is level, broad, and very fertile: it is bordered on each side, either by cliffs of stratified shingle, or by bare rocky mountains. above the straight line of the uppermost irrigating ditch, all is brown as on a high road; while all below is of as bright a green as verdigris, from the beds of alfalfa, a kind of clover. we proceeded to los hornos, another mining district, where the principal hill was drilled with holes, like a great ants'-nest. the chilian miners are a peculiar race of men in their habits. living for weeks together in the most desolate spots, when they descend to the villages on feast-days, there is no excess of extravagance into which they do not run. they sometimes gain a considerable sum, and then, like sailors with prize-money, they try how soon they can contrive to squander it. they drink excessively, buy quantities of clothes, and in a few days return penniless to their miserable abodes, there to work harder than beasts of burden. this thoughtlessness, as with sailors, is evidently the result of a similar manner of life. their daily food is found them, and they acquire no habits of carefulness: moreover, temptation and the means of yielding to it are placed in their power at the same time. on the other hand, in cornwall, and some other parts of england, where the system of selling part of the vein is followed, the miners, from being obliged to act and think for themselves, are a singularly intelligent and well-conducted set of men. the dress of the chilian miner is peculiar and rather picturesque he wears a very long shirt of some dark-coloured baize, with a leathern apron; the whole being fastened round his waist by a bright-coloured sash. his trousers are very broad, and his small cap of scarlet cloth is made to fit the head closely. we met a party of these miners in full costume, carrying the body of one of their companions to be buried. they marched at a very quick trot, four men supporting the corpse. one set having run as hard as they could for about two hundred yards, were relieved by four others, who had previously dashed on ahead on horseback. thus they proceeded, encouraging each other by wild cries: altogether the scene formed a most strange funeral. we continued travelling northward, in a zigzag line; sometimes stopping a day to geologize. the country was so thinly inhabited, and the track so obscure, that we often had difficulty in finding our way. on the 12th i stayed at some mines. the ore in this case was not considered particularly good, but from being abundant it was supposed the mine would sell for about thirty or forty thousand dollars (that is, 6000 or 8000 pounds sterling); yet it had been bought by one of the english associations for an ounce of gold (3l. 8s.). the ore is yellow pyrites, which, as i have already remarked, before the arrival of the english, was not supposed to contain a particle of copper. on a scale of profits nearly as great as in the above instance, piles of cinders, abounding with minute globules of metallic copper, were purchased; yet with these advantages, the mining associations, as is well known, contrived to lose immense sums of money. the folly of the greater number of the commissioners and shareholders amounted to infatuation;--a thousand pounds per annum given in some cases to entertain the chilian authorities; libraries of well-bound geological books; miners brought out for particular metals, as tin, which are not found in chile; contracts to supply the miners with milk, in parts where there are no cows; machinery, where it could not possibly be used; and a hundred similar arrangements, bore witness to our absurdity, and to this day afford amusement to the natives. yet there can be no doubt, that the same capital well employed in these mines would have yielded an immense return, a confidential man of business, a practical miner and assayer, would have been all that was required. captain head has described the wonderful load which the "apires," truly beasts of burden, carry up from the deepest mines. i confess i thought the account exaggerated: so that i was glad to take an opportunity of weighing one of the loads, which i picked out by hazard. it required considerable exertion on my part, when standing directly over it, to lift it from the ground. the load was considered under weight when found to be 197 pounds. the apire had carried this up eighty perpendicular yards,--part of the way by a steep passage, but the greater part up notched poles, placed in a zigzag line up the shaft. according to the general regulation, the apire is not allowed to halt for breath, except the mine is six hundred feet deep. the average load is considered as rather more than 200 pounds, and i have been assured that one of 300 pounds (twenty-two stone and a half) by way of a trial has been brought up from the deepest mine! at this time the apires were bringing up the usual load twelve times in the day; that is 2400 pounds from eighty yards deep; and they were employed in the intervals in breaking and picking ore. these men, excepting from accidents, are healthy, and appear cheerful. their bodies are not very muscular. they rarely eat meat once a week, and never oftener, and then only the hard dry charqui. although with a knowledge that the labour was voluntary, it was nevertheless quite revolting to see the state in which they reached the mouth of the mine; their bodies bent forward, leaning with their arms on the steps, their legs bowed, their muscles quivering, the perspiration streaming from their faces over their breasts, their nostrils distended, the corners of their mouth forcibly drawn back, and the expulsion of their breath most laborious. each time they draw their breath, they utter an articulate cry of "ay-ay," which ends in a sound rising from deep in the chest, but shrill like the note of a fife. after staggering to the pile of ore, they emptied the "carpacho;" in two or three seconds recovering their breath, they wiped the sweat from their brows, and apparently quite fresh descended the mine again at a quick pace. this appears to me a wonderful instance of the amount of labour which habit, for it can be nothing else, will enable a man to endure. in the evening, talking with the _mayor-domo_ of these mines about the number of foreigners now scattered over the whole country, he told me that, though quite a young man, he remembers when he was a boy at school at coquimbo, a holiday being given to see the captain of an english ship, who was brought to the city to speak to the governor. he believes that nothing would have induced any boy in the school, himself included, to have gone close to the englishman; so deeply had they been impressed with an idea of the heresy, contamination, and evil to be derived from contact with such a person. to this day they relate the atrocious actions of the bucaniers; and especially of one man, who took away the figure of the virgin mary, and returned the year after for that of st. joseph, saying it was a pity the lady should not have a husband. i heard also of an old lady who, at a dinner at coquimbo, remarked how wonderfully strange it was that she should have lived to dine in the same room with an englishman; for she remembered as a girl, that twice, at the mere cry of "los ingleses," every soul, carrying what valuables they could, had taken to the mountains. 14th.--we reached coquimbo, where we stayed a few days. the town is remarkable for nothing but its extreme quietness. it is said to contain from 6000 to 8000 inhabitants. on the morning of the 17th it rained lightly, the first time this year, for about five hours. the farmers, who plant corn near the sea-coast where the atmosphere is most humid, taking advantage of this shower, would break up the ground; after a second they would put the seed in; and if a third shower should fall, they would reap a good harvest in the spring. it was interesting to watch the effect of this trifling amount of moisture. twelve hours afterwards the ground appeared as dry as ever; yet after an interval of ten days, all the hills were faintly tinged with green patches; the grass being sparingly scattered in hair-like fibres a full inch in length. before this shower every part of the surface was bare as on a high road. in the evening, captain fitz roy and myself were dining with mr. edwards, an english resident well known for his hospitality by all who have visited coquimbo, when a sharp earthquake happened. i heard the forecoming rumble, but from the screams of the ladies, the running of the servants, and the rush of several of the gentlemen to the doorway, i could not distinguish the motion. some of the women afterwards were crying with terror, and one gentleman said he should not be able to sleep all night, or if he did, it would only be to dream of falling houses. the father of this person had lately lost all his property at talcahuano, and he himself had only just escaped a falling roof at valparaiso, in 1822. he mentioned a curious coincidence which then happened: he was playing at cards, when a german, one of the party, got up, and said he would never sit in a room in these countries with the door shut, as owing to his having done so, he had nearly lost his life at copiapo. accordingly he opened the door; and no sooner had he done this, than he cried out, "here it comes again!" and the famous shock commenced. the whole party escaped. the danger in an earthquake is not from the time lost in opening the door, but from the chance of its becoming jammed by the movement of the walls. it is impossible to be much surprised at the fear which natives and old residents, though some of them known to be men of great command of mind, so generally experience during earthquakes. i think, however, this excess of panic may be partly attributed to a want of habit in governing their fear, as it is not a feeling they are ashamed of. indeed, the natives do not like to see a person indifferent. i heard of two englishmen who, sleeping in the open air during a smart shock, knowing that there was no danger, did not rise. the natives cried out indignantly, "look at those heretics, they do not even get out of their beds!" i spent some days in examining the step-formed terraces of shingle, first noticed by captain b. hall, and believed by mr. lyell to have been formed by the sea, during the gradual rising of the land. this certainly is the true explanation, for i found numerous shells of existing species on these terraces. five narrow, gently sloping, fringe-like terraces rise one behind the other, and where best developed are formed of shingle: they front the bay, and sweep up both sides of the valley. at guasco, north of coquimbo, the phenomenon is displayed on a much grander scale, so as to strike with surprise even some of the inhabitants. the terraces are there much broader, and may be called plains, in some parts there are six of them, but generally only five; they run up the valley for thirty-seven miles from the coast. these step-formed terraces or fringes closely resemble those in the valley of s. cruz, and, except in being on a smaller scale, those great ones along the whole coast-line of patagonia. they have undoubtedly been formed by the denuding power of the sea, during long periods of rest in the gradual elevation of the continent. shells of many existing species not only lie on the surface of the terraces at coquimbo (to a height of 250 feet), but are embedded in a friable calcareous rock, which in some places is as much as between twenty and thirty feet in thickness, but is of little extent. these modern beds rest on an ancient tertiary formation containing shells, apparently all extinct. although i examined so many hundred miles of coast on the pacific, as well as atlantic side of the continent, i found no regular strata containing sea-shells of recent species, excepting at this place, and at a few points northward on the road to guasco. this fact appears to me highly remarkable; for the explanation generally given by geologists, of the absence in any district of stratified fossiliferous deposits of a given period, namely, that the surface then existed as dry land, is not here applicable; for we know from the shells strewed on the surface and embedded in loose sand or mould that the land for thousands of miles along both coasts has lately been submerged. the explanation, no doubt, must be sought in the fact, that the whole southern part of the continent has been for a long time slowly rising; and therefore that all matter deposited along shore in shallow water, must have been soon brought up and slowly exposed to the wearing action of the sea-beach; and it is only in comparatively shallow water that the greater number of marine organic beings can flourish, and in such water it is obviously impossible that strata of any great thickness can accumulate. to show the vast power of the wearing action of sea-beaches, we need only appeal to the great cliffs along the present coast of patagonia, and to the escarpments or ancient sea-cliffs at different levels, one above another, on that same line of coast. the old underlying tertiary formation at coquimbo, appears to be of about the same age with several deposits on the coast of chile (of which that of navedad is the principal one), and with the great formation of patagonia. both at navedad and in patagonia there is evidence, that since the shells (a list of which has been seen by professor e. forbes) there entombed were living, there has been a subsidence of several hundred feet, as well as an ensuing elevation. it may naturally be asked, how it comes that, although no extensive fossiliferous deposits of the recent period, nor of any period intermediate between it and the ancient tertiary epoch, have been preserved on either side of the continent, yet that at this ancient tertiary epoch, sedimentary matter containing fossil remains, should have been deposited and preserved at different points in north and south lines, over a space of 1100 miles on the shores of the pacific, and of at least 1350 miles on the shores of the atlantic, and in an east and west line of 700 miles across the widest part of the continent? i believe the explanation is not difficult, and that it is perhaps applicable to nearly analogous facts observed in other quarters of the world. considering the enormous power of denudation which the sea possesses, as shown by numberless facts, it is not probable that a sedimentary deposit, when being upraised, could pass through the ordeal of the beach, so as to be preserved in sufficient masses to last to a distant period, without it were originally of wide extent and of considerable thickness: now it is impossible on a moderately shallow bottom, which alone is favourable to most living creatures, that a thick and widely extended covering of sediment could be spread out, without the bottom sank down to receive the successive layers. this seems to have actually taken place at about the same period in southern patagonia and chile, though these places are a thousand miles apart. hence, if prolonged movements of approximately contemporaneous subsidence are generally widely extensive, as i am strongly inclined to believe from my examination of the coral reefs of the great oceans--or if, confining our view to south america, the subsiding movements have been co-extensive with those of elevation, by which, within the same period of existing shells, the shores of peru, chile, tierra del fuego, patagonia, and la plata have been upraised--then we can see that at the same time, at far distant points, circumstances would have been favourable to the formation of fossiliferous deposits of wide extent and of considerable thickness; and such deposits, consequently, would have a good chance of resisting the wear and tear of successive beach-lines, and of lasting to a future epoch. may 21st.--i set out in company with don jose edwards to the silver-mine of arqueros, and thence up the valley of coquimbo. passing through a mountainous country, we reached by nightfall the mines belonging to mr. edwards. i enjoyed my night's rest here from a reason which will not be fully appreciated in england, namely, the absence of fleas! the rooms in coquimbo swarm with them; but they will not live here at the height of only three or four thousand feet: it can scarcely be the trifling diminution of temperature, but some other cause which destroys these troublesome insects at this place. the mines are now in a bad state, though they formerly yielded about 2000 pounds in weight of silver a year. it has been said that "a person with a copper-mine will gain; with silver he may gain; but with gold he is sure to lose." this is not true: all the large chilian fortunes have been made by mines of the more precious metals. a short time since an english physician returned to england from copiapo, taking with him the profits of one share of a silver-mine, which amounted to about 24,000 pounds sterling. no doubt a copper-mine with care is a sure game, whereas the other is gambling, or rather taking a ticket in a lottery. the owners lose great quantities of rich ores; for no precautions can prevent robberies. i heard of a gentleman laying a bet with another, that one of his men should rob him before his face. the ore when brought out of the mine is broken into pieces, and the useless stone thrown on one side. a couple of the miners who were thus employed, pitched, as if by accident, two fragments away at the same moment, and then cried out for a joke "let us see which rolls furthest." the owner, who was standing by, bet a cigar with his friend on the race. the miner by this means watched the very point amongst the rubbish where the stone lay. in the evening he picked it up and carried it to his master, showing him a rich mass of silver-ore, and saying, "this was the stone on which you won a cigar by its rolling so far." may 23rd.--we descended into the fertile valley of coquimbo, and followed it till we reached an hacienda belonging to a relation of don jose, where we stayed the next day. i then rode one day's journey further, to see what were declared to be some petrified shells and beans, which latter turned out to be small quartz pebbles. we passed through several small villages; and the valley was beautifully cultivated, and the whole scenery very grand. we were here near the main cordillera, and the surrounding hills were lofty. in all parts of northern chile, fruit trees produce much more abundantly at a considerable height near the andes than in the lower country. the figs and grapes of this district are famous for their excellence, and are cultivated to a great extent. this valley is, perhaps, the most productive one north of quillota. i believe it contains, including coquimbo, 25,000 inhabitants. the next day i returned to the hacienda, and thence, together with don jose, to coquimbo. june 2nd.--we set out for the valley of guasco, following the coast-road, which was considered rather less desert than the other. our first day's ride was to a solitary house, called yerba buena, where there was pasture for our horses. the shower mentioned as having fallen, a fortnight ago, only reached about half-way to guasco; we had, therefore, in the first part of our journey a most faint tinge of green, which soon faded quite away. even where brightest, it was scarcely sufficient to remind one of the fresh turf and budding flowers of the spring of other countries. while travelling through these deserts one feels like a prisoner shut up in a gloomy court, who longs to see something green and to smell a moist atmosphere. june 3rd.--yerba buena to carizal. during the first part of the day we crossed a mountainous rocky desert, and afterwards a long deep sandy plain, strewed with broken sea-shells. there was very little water, and that little saline: the whole country, from the coast to the cordillera, is an uninhabited desert. i saw traces only of one living animal in abundance, namely, the shells of a bulimus, which were collected together in extraordinary numbers on the driest spots. in the spring one humble little plant sends out a few leaves, and on these the snails feed. as they are seen only very early in the morning, when the ground is slightly damp with dew, the guascos believe that they are bred from it. i have observed in other places that extremely dry and sterile districts, where the soil is calcareous, are extraordinarily favourable to land-shells. at carizal there were a few cottages, some brackish water, and a trace of cultivation: but it was with difficulty that we purchased a little corn and straw for our horses. 4th.--carizal to sauce. we continued to ride over desert plains, tenanted by large herds of guanaco. we crossed also the valley of chaneral; which, although the most fertile one between guasco and coquimbo, is very narrow, and produces so little pasture, that we could not purchase any for our horses. at sauce we found a very civil old gentleman, superintendent of a copper-smelting furnace. as an especial favour, he allowed me to purchase at a high price an armful of dirty straw, which was all the poor horses had for supper after their long day's journey. few smelting-furnaces are now at work in any part of chile; it is found more profitable, on account of the extreme scarcity of firewood, and from the chilian method of reduction being so unskilful, to ship the ore for swansea. the next day we crossed some mountains to freyrina, in the valley of guasco. during each day's ride further northward, the vegetation became more and more scanty; even the great chandelier-like cactus was here replaced by a different and much smaller species. during the winter months, both in northern chile and in peru, a uniform bank of clouds hangs, at no great height, over the pacific. from the mountains we had a very striking view of this white and brilliant aerial-field, which sent arms up the valleys, leaving islands and promontories in the same manner, as the sea does in the chonos archipelago and in tierra del fuego. we stayed two days at freyrina. in the valley of guasco there are four small towns. at the mouth there is the port, a spot entirely desert, and without any water in the immediate neighbourhood. five leagues higher up stands freyrina, a long straggling village, with decent whitewashed houses. again, ten leagues further up ballenar is situated, and above this guasco alto, a horticultural village, famous for its dried fruit. on a clear day the view up the valley is very fine; the straight opening terminates in the far-distant snowy cordillera; on each side an infinity of crossing-lines are blended together in a beautiful haze. the foreground is singular from the number of parallel and step-formed terraces; and the included strip of green valley, with its willow-bushes, is contrasted on both hands with the naked hills. that the surrounding country was most barren will be readily believed, when it is known that a shower of rain had not fallen during the last thirteen months. the inhabitants heard with the greatest envy of the rain at coquimbo; from the appearance of the sky they had hopes of equally good fortune, which, a fortnight afterwards, were realized. i was at copiapo at the time; and there the people, with equal envy, talked of the abundant rain at guasco. after two or three very dry years, perhaps with not more than one shower during the whole time, a rainy year generally follows; and this does more harm than even the drought. the rivers swell, and cover with gravel and sand the narrow strips of ground, which alone are fit for cultivation. the floods also injure the irrigating ditches. great devastation had thus been caused three years ago. june 8th.--we rode on to ballenar, which takes its name from ballenagh in ireland, the birthplace of the family of o'higgins, who, under the spanish government, were presidents and generals in chile. as the rocky mountains on each hand were concealed by clouds, the terrace-like plains gave to the valley an appearance like that of santa cruz in patagonia. after spending one day at ballenar i set out, on the 10th, for the upper part of the valley of copiapo. we rode all day over an uninteresting country. i am tired of repeating the epithets barren and sterile. these words, however, as commonly used, are comparative; i have always applied them to the plains of patagonia, which can boast of spiny bushes and some tufts of grass; and this is absolute fertility, as compared with northern chile. here again, there are not many spaces of two hundred yards square, where some little bush, cactus or lichen, may not be discovered by careful examination; and in the soil seeds lie dormant ready to spring up during the first rainy winter. in peru real deserts occur over wide tracts of country. in the evening we arrived at a valley, in which the bed of the streamlet was damp: following it up, we came to tolerably good water. during the night, the stream, from not being evaporated and absorbed so quickly, flows a league lower down than during the day. sticks were plentiful for firewood, so that it was a good place to bivouac for us; but for the poor animals there was not a mouthful to eat. june 11th.--we rode without stopping for twelve hours till we reached an old smelting-furnace, where there was water and firewood; but our horses again had nothing to eat, being shut up in an old courtyard. the line of road was hilly, and the distant views interesting, from the varied colours of the bare mountains. it was almost a pity to see the sun shining constantly over so useless a country; such splendid weather ought to have brightened fields and pretty gardens. the next day we reached the valley of copiapo. i was heartily glad of it; for the whole journey was a continued source of anxiety; it was most disagreeable to hear, whilst eating our own suppers, our horses gnawing the posts to which they were tied, and to have no means of relieving their hunger. to all appearance, however, the animals were quite fresh; and no one could have told that they had eaten nothing for the last fifty-five hours. i had a letter of introduction to mr. bingley, who received me very kindly at the hacienda of potrero seco. this estate is between twenty and thirty miles long, but very narrow, being generally only two fields wide, one on each side the river. in some parts the estate is of no width, that is to say, the land cannot be irrigated, and therefore is valueless, like the surrounding rocky desert. the small quantity of cultivated land in the whole line of valley, does not so much depend on inequalities of level, and consequent unfitness for irrigation, as on the small supply of water. the river this year was remarkably full: here, high up the valley, it reached to the horse's belly, and was about fifteen yards wide, and rapid; lower down it becomes smaller and smaller, and is generally quite lost, as happened during one period of thirty years, so that not a drop entered the sea. the inhabitants watch a storm over the cordillera with great interest; as one good fall of snow provides them with water for the ensuing year. this is of infinitely more consequence than rain in the lower country. rain, as often as it falls, which is about once in every two or three years, is a great advantage, because the cattle and mules can for some time afterwards find a little pasture in the mountains. but without snow on the andes, desolation extends throughout the valley. it is on record that three times nearly all the inhabitants have been obliged to emigrate to the south. this year there was plenty of water, and every man irrigated his ground as much as he chose; but it has frequently been necessary to post soldiers at the sluices, to see that each estate took only its proper allowance during so many hours in the week. the valley is said to contain 12,000 souls, but its produce is sufficient only for three months in the year; the rest of the supply being drawn from valparaiso and the south. before the discovery of the famous silver-mines of chanuncillo, copiapo was in a rapid state of decay; but now it is in a very thriving condition; and the town, which was completely overthrown by an earthquake, has been rebuilt. the valley of copiapo, forming a mere ribbon of green in a desert, runs in a very southerly direction; so that it is of considerable length to its source in the cordillera. the valleys of guasco and copiapo may both be considered as long narrow islands, separated from the rest of chile by deserts of rock instead of by salt water. northward of these, there is one other very miserable valley, called paposo, which contains about two hundred souls; and then there extends the real desert of atacama--a barrier far worse than the most turbulent ocean. after staying a few days at potrero seco, i proceeded up the valley to the house of don benito cruz, to whom i had a letter of introduction. i found him most hospitable; indeed it is impossible to bear too strong testimony to the kindness with which travellers are received in almost every part of south america. the next day i hired some mules to take me by the ravine of jolquera into the central cordillera. on the second night the weather seemed to foretell a storm of snow or rain, and whilst lying in our beds we felt a trifling shock of an earthquake. the connection between earthquakes and the weather has been often disputed: it appears to me to be a point of great interest, which is little understood. humboldt has remarked in one part of the personal narrative, [1] that it would be difficult for any person who had long resided in new andalusia, or in lower peru, to deny that there exists some connection between these phenomena: in another part, however he seems to think the connection fanciful. at guayaquil it is said that a heavy shower in the dry season is invariably followed by an earthquake. in northern chile, from the extreme infrequency of rain, or even of weather foreboding rain, the probability of accidental coincidences becomes very small; yet the inhabitants are here most firmly convinced of some connection between the state of the atmosphere and of the trembling of the ground: i was much struck by this when mentioning to some people at copiapo that there had been a sharp shock at coquimbo: they immediately cried out, "how fortunate! there will be plenty of pasture there this year." to their minds an earthquake foretold rain as surely as rain foretold abundant pasture. certainly it did so happen that on the very day of the earthquake, that shower of rain fell, which i have described as in ten days' time producing a thin sprinkling of grass. at other times rain has followed earthquakes at a period of the year when it is a far greater prodigy than the earthquake itself: this happened after the shock of november, 1822, and again in 1829, at valparaiso; also after that of september, 1833, at tacna. a person must be somewhat habituated to the climate of these countries to perceive the extreme improbability of rain falling at such seasons, except as a consequence of some law quite unconnected with the ordinary course of the weather. in the cases of great volcanic eruptions, as that of coseguina, where torrents of rain fell at a time of the year most unusual for it, and "almost unprecedented in central america," it is not difficult to understand that the volumes of vapour and clouds of ashes might have disturbed the atmospheric equilibrium. humboldt extends this view to the case of earthquakes unaccompanied by eruptions; but i can hardly conceive it possible, that the small quantity of aeriform fluids which then escape from the fissured ground, can produce such remarkable effects. there appears much probability in the view first proposed by mr. p. scrope, that when the barometer is low, and when rain might naturally be expected to fall, the diminished pressure of the atmosphere over a wide extent of country, might well determine the precise day on which the earth, already stretched to the utmost by the subterranean forces, should yield, crack, and consequently tremble. it is, however, doubtful how far this idea will explain the circumstances of torrents of rain falling in the dry season during several days, after an earthquake unaccompanied by an eruption; such cases seem to bespeak some more intimate connection between the atmospheric and subterranean regions. finding little of interest in this part of the ravine, we retraced our steps to the house of don benito, where i stayed two days collecting fossil shells and wood. great prostrate silicified trunks of trees, embedded in a conglomerate, were extraordinarily numerous. i measured one, which was fifteen feet in circumference: how surprising it is that every atom of the woody matter in this great cylinder should have been removed and replaced by silex so perfectly, that each vessel and pore is preserved! these trees flourished at about the period of our lower chalk; they all belonged to the fir-tribe. it was amusing to hear the inhabitants discussing the nature of the fossil shells which i collected, almost in the same terms as were used a century ago in europe,--namely, whether or not they had been thus "born by nature." my geological examination of the country generally created a good deal of surprise amongst the chilenos: it was long before they could be convinced that i was not hunting for mines. this was sometimes troublesome: i found the most ready way of explaining my employment, was to ask them how it was that they themselves were not curious concerning earthquakes and volcanos?--why some springs were hot and others cold?--why there were mountains in chile, and not a hill in la plata? these bare questions at once satisfied and silenced the greater number; some, however (like a few in england who are a century behindhand), thought that all such inquiries were useless and impious; and that it was quite sufficient that god had thus made the mountains. an order had recently been issued that all stray dogs should be killed, and we saw many lying dead on the road. a great number had lately gone mad, and several men had been bitten and had died in consequence. on several occasions hydrophobia has prevailed in this valley. it is remarkable thus to find so strange and dreadful a disease, appearing time after time in the same isolated spot. it has been remarked that certain villages in england are in like manner much more subject to this visitation than others. dr. unanue states that hydrophobia was first known in south america in 1803: this statement is corroborated by azara and ulloa having never heard of it in their time. dr. unanue says that it broke out in central america, and slowly travelled southward. it reached arequipa in 1807; and it is said that some men there, who had not been bitten, were affected, as were some negroes, who had eaten a bullock which had died of hydrophobia. at ica forty-two people thus miserably perished. the disease came on between twelve and ninety days after the bite; and in those cases where it did come on, death ensued invariably within five days. after 1808, a long interval ensued without any cases. on inquiry, i did not hear of hydrophobia in van diemen's land, or in australia; and burchell says, that during the five years he was at the cape of good hope, he never heard of an instance of it. webster asserts that at the azores hydrophobia has never occurred; and the same assertion has been made with respect to mauritius and st. helena. [2] in so strange a disease some information might possibly be gained by considering the circumstances under which it originates in distant climates; for it is improbable that a dog already bitten, should have been brought to these distant countries. at night, a stranger arrived at the house of don benito, and asked permission to sleep there. he said he had been wandering about the mountains for seventeen days, having lost his way. he started from guasco, and being accustomed to travelling in the cordillera, did not expect any difficulty in following the track to copiapo; but he soon became involved in a labyrinth of mountains, whence he could not escape. some of his mules had fallen over precipices, and he had been in great distress. his chief difficulty arose from not knowing where to find water in the lower country, so that he was obliged to keep bordering the central ranges. we returned down the valley, and on the 22nd reached the town of copiapo. the lower part of the valley is broad, forming a fine plain like that of quillota. the town covers a considerable space of ground, each house possessing a garden: but it is an uncomfortable place, and the dwellings are poorly furnished. every one seems bent on the one object of making money, and then migrating as quickly as possible. all the inhabitants are more or less directly concerned with mines; and mines and ores are the sole subjects of conversation. necessaries of all sorts are extremely dear; as the distance from the town to the port is eighteen leagues, and the land carriage very expensive. a fowl costs five or six shillings; meat is nearly as dear as in england; firewood, or rather sticks, are brought on donkeys from a distance of two and three days' journey within the cordillera; and pasturage for animals is a shilling a day: all this for south america is wonderfully exorbitant. june 26th.--i hired a guide and eight mules to take me into the cordillera by a different line from my last excursion. as the country was utterly desert, we took a cargo and a half of barley mixed with chopped straw. about two leagues above the town a broad valley called the "despoblado," or uninhabited, branches off from that one by which we had arrived. although a valley of the grandest dimensions, and leading to a pass across the cordillera, yet it is completely dry, excepting perhaps for a few days during some very rainy winter. the sides of the crumbling mountains were furrowed by scarcely any ravines; and the bottom of the main valley, filled with shingle, was smooth and nearly level. no considerable torrent could ever have flowed down this bed of shingle; for if it had, a great cliff-bounded channel, as in all the southern valleys, would assuredly have been formed. i feel little doubt that this valley, as well as those mentioned by travellers in peru, were left in the state we now see them by the waves of the sea, as the land slowly rose. i observed in one place, where the despoblado was joined by a ravine (which in almost any other chain would have been called a grand valley), that its bed, though composed merely of sand and gravel, was higher than that of its tributary. a mere rivulet of water, in the course of an hour, would have cut a channel for itself; but it was evident that ages had passed away, and no such rivulet had drained this great tributary. it was curious to behold the machinery, if such a term may be used, for the drainage, all, with the last trifling exception, perfect, yet without any signs of action. every one must have remarked how mud-banks, left by the retiring tide, imitate in miniature a country with hill and dale; and here we have the original model in rock, formed as the continent rose during the secular retirement of the ocean, instead of during the ebbing and flowing of the tides. if a shower of rain falls on the mud-bank, when left dry, it deepens the already-formed shallow lines of excavation; and so it is with the rain of successive centuries on the bank of rock and soil, which we call a continent. we rode on after it was dark, till we reached a side ravine with a small well, called "agua amarga." the water deserved its name, for besides being saline it was most offensively putrid and bitter; so that we could not force ourselves to drink either tea or mate. i suppose the distance from the river of copiapo to this spot was at least twenty-five or thirty english miles; in the whole space there was not a single drop of water, the country deserving the name of desert in the strictest sense. yet about half way we passed some old indian ruins near punta gorda: i noticed also in front of some of the valleys, which branch off from the despoblado, two piles of stones placed a little way apart, and directed so as to point up the mouths of these small valleys. my companions knew nothing about them, and only answered my queries by their imperturbable "quien sabe?" i observed indian ruins in several parts of the cordillera: the most perfect which i saw, were the ruinas de tambillos, in the uspallata pass. small square rooms were there huddled together in separate groups: some of the doorways were yet standing; they were formed by a cross slab of stone only about three feet high. ulloa has remarked on the lowness of the doors in the ancient peruvian dwellings. these houses, when perfect, must have been capable of containing a considerable number of persons. tradition says, that they were used as halting-places for the incas, when they crossed the mountains. traces of indian habitations have been discovered in many other parts, where it does not appear probable that they were used as mere resting-places, but yet where the land is as utterly unfit for any kind of cultivation, as it is near the tambillos or at the incas bridge, or in the portillo pass, at all which places i saw ruins. in the ravine of jajuel, near aconcagua, where there is no pass, i heard of remains of houses situated at a great height, where it is extremely cold and sterile. at first i imagined that these buildings had been places of refuge, built by the indians on the first arrival of the spaniards; but i have since been inclined to speculate on the probability of a small change of climate. in this northern part of chile, within the cordillera, old indian houses are said to be especially numerous: by digging amongst the ruins, bits of woollen articles, instruments of precious metals, and heads of indian corn, are not unfrequently discovered: an arrow-head made of agate, and of precisely the same form with those now used in tierra del fuego, was given me. i am aware that the peruvian indians now frequently inhabit most lofty and bleak situations; but at copiapo i was assured by men who had spent their lives in travelling through the andes, that there were very many (muchisimas) buildings at heights so great as almost to border upon the perpetual snow, and in parts where there exist no passes, and where the land produces absolutely nothing, and what is still more extraordinary, where there is no water. nevertheless it is the opinion of the people of the country (although they are much puzzled by the circumstance), that, from the appearance of the houses, the indians must have used them as places of residence. in this valley, at punta gorda, the remains consisted of seven or eight square little rooms, which were of a similar form with those at tambillos, but built chiefly of mud, which the present inhabitants cannot, either here or, according to ulloa, in peru, imitate in durability. they were situated in the most conspicuous and defenceless position, at the bottom of the flat broad valley. there was no water nearer than three or four leagues, and that only in very small quantity, and bad: the soil was absolutely sterile; i looked in vain even for a lichen adhering to the rocks. at the present day, with the advantage of beasts of burden, a mine, unless it were very rich, could scarcely be worked here with profit. yet the indians formerly chose it as a place of residence! if at the present time two or three showers of rain were to fall annually, instead of one, as now is the case during as many years, a small rill of water would probably be formed in this great valley; and then, by irrigation (which was formerly so well understood by the indians), the soil would easily be rendered sufficiently productive to support a few families. i have convincing proofs that this part of the continent of south america has been elevated near the coast at least from 400 to 500, and in some parts from 1000 to 1300 feet, since the epoch of existing shells; and further inland the rise possibly may have been greater. as the peculiarly arid character of the climate is evidently a consequence of the height of the cordillera, we may feel almost sure that before the later elevations, the atmosphere could not have been so completely drained of its moisture as it now is; and as the rise has been gradual, so would have been the change in climate. on this notion of a change of climate since the buildings were inhabited, the ruins must be of extreme antiquity, but i do not think their preservation under the chilian climate any great difficulty. we must also admit on this notion (and this perhaps is a greater difficulty) that man has inhabited south america for an immensely long period, inasmuch as any change of climate effected by the elevation of the land must have been extremely gradual. at valparaiso, within the last 220 years, the rise has been somewhat less than 19 feet: at lima a sea-beach has certainly been upheaved from 80 to 90 feet, within the indo-human period: but such small elevations could have had little power in deflecting the moisture-bringing atmospheric currents. dr. lund, however, found human skeletons in the caves of brazil, the appearance of which induced him to believe that the indian race has existed during a vast lapse of time in south america. when at lima, i conversed on these subjects [3] with mr. gill, a civil engineer, who had seen much of the interior country. he told me that a conjecture of a change of climate had sometimes crossed his mind; but that he thought that the greater portion of land, now incapable of cultivation, but covered with indian ruins, had been reduced to this state by the water-conduits, which the indians formerly constructed on so wonderful a scale, having been injured by neglect and by subterranean movements. i may here mention, that the peruvians actually carried their irrigating streams in tunnels through hills of solid rock. mr. gill told me, he had been employed professionally to examine one: he found the passage low, narrow, crooked, and not of uniform breadth, but of very considerable length. is it not most wonderful that men should have attempted such operations, without the use of iron or gunpowder? mr. gill also mentioned to me a most interesting, and, as far as i am aware, quite unparalleled case, of a subterranean disturbance having changed the drainage of a country. travelling from casma to huaraz (not very far distant from lima), he found a plain covered with ruins and marks of ancient cultivation but now quite barren. near it was the dry course of a considerable river, whence the water for irrigation had formerly been conducted. there was nothing in the appearance of the water-course to indicate that the river had not flowed there a few years previously; in some parts, beds of sand and gravel were spread out; in others, the solid rock had been worn into a broad channel, which in one spot was about 40 yards in breadth and 8 feet deep. it is self-evident that a person following up the course of a stream, will always ascend at a greater or less inclination: mr. gill, therefore, was much astonished, when walking up the bed of this ancient river, to find himself suddenly going down hill. he imagined that the downward slope had a fall of about 40 or 50 feet perpendicular. we here have unequivocal evidence that a ridge had been uplifted right across the old bed of a stream. from the moment the river-course was thus arched, the water must necessarily have been thrown back, and a new channel formed. from that moment, also, the neighbouring plain must have lost its fertilizing stream, and become a desert. june 27th.--we set out early in the morning, and by midday reached the ravine of paypote, where there is a tiny rill of water, with a little vegetation, and even a few algarroba trees, a kind of mimosa. from having firewood, a smelting-furnace had formerly been built here: we found a solitary man in charge of it, whose sole employment was hunting guanacos. at night it froze sharply; but having plenty of wood for our fire, we kept ourselves warm. 28th.--we continued gradually ascending, and the valley now changed into a ravine. during the day we saw several guanacos, and the track of the closely-allied species, the vicuna: this latter animal is pre-eminently alpine in its habits; it seldom descends much below the limit of perpetual snow, and therefore haunts even a more lofty and sterile situation than the guanaco. the only other animal which we saw in any number was a small fox: i suppose this animal preys on the mice and other small rodents, which, as long as there is the least vegetation, subsist in considerable numbers in very desert places. in patagonia, even on the borders of the salinas, where a drop of fresh water can never be found, excepting dew, these little animals swarm. next to lizards, mice appear to be able to support existence on the smallest and driest portions of the earth--even on islets in the midst of great oceans. the scene on all sides showed desolation, brightened and made palpable by a clear, unclouded sky. for a time such scenery is sublime, but this feeling cannot last, and then it becomes uninteresting. we bivouacked at the foot of the "primera linea," or the first line of the partition of waters. the streams, however, on the east side do not flow to the atlantic, but into an elevated district, in the middle of which there is a large saline, or salt lake; thus forming a little caspian sea at the height, perhaps, of ten thousand feet. where we slept, there were some considerable patches of snow, but they do not remain throughout the year. the winds in these lofty regions obey very regular laws. every day a fresh breeze blows up the valley, and at night, an hour or two after sunset, the air from the cold regions above descends as through a funnel. this night it blew a gale of wind, and the temperature must have been considerably below the freezing-point, for water in a vessel soon became a block of ice. no clothes seemed to pose any obstacle to the air; i suffered very much from the cold, so that i could not sleep, and in the morning rose with my body quite dull and benumbed. in the cordillera further southward, people lose their lives from snow-storms; here, it sometimes happens from another cause. my guide, when a boy of fourteen years old, was passing the cordillera with a party in the month of may; and while in the central parts, a furious gale of wind arose, so that the men could hardly cling on their mules, and stones were flying along the ground. the day was cloudless, and not a speck of snow fell, but the temperature was low. it is probable that the thermometer could not have stood very many degrees below the freezing-point, but the effect on their bodies, ill protected by clothing, must have been in proportion to the rapidity of the current of cold air. the gale lasted for more than a day; the men began to lose their strength, and the mules would not move onwards. my guide's brother tried to return, but he perished, and his body was found two years afterwards. lying by the side of his mule near the road, with the bridle still in his hand. two other men in the party lost their fingers and toes; and out of two hundred mules and thirty cows, only fourteen mules escaped alive. many years ago the whole of a large party are supposed to have perished from a similar cause, but their bodies to this day have never been discovered. the union of a cloudless sky, low temperature, and a furious gale of wind, must be, i should think, in all parts of the world an unusual occurrence. june 29th--we gladly travelled down the valley to our former night's lodging, and thence to near the agua amarga. on july 1st we reached the valley of copiapo. the smell of the fresh clover was quite delightful, after the scentless air of the dry, sterile despoblado. whilst staying in the town i heard an account from several of the inhabitants, of a hill in the neighbourhood which they called "el bramador,"--the roarer or bellower. i did not at the time pay sufficient attention to the account; but, as far as i understood, the hill was covered by sand, and the noise was produced only when people, by ascending it, put the sand in motion. the same circumstances are described in detail on the authority of seetzen and ehrenberg, [4] as the cause of the sounds which have been heard by many travellers on mount sinai near the red sea. one person with whom i conversed had himself heard the noise: he described it as very surprising; and he distinctly stated that, although he could not understand how it was caused, yet it was necessary to set the sand rolling down the acclivity. a horse walking over dry coarse sand, causes a peculiar chirping noise from the friction of the particles; a circumstance which i several times noticed on the coast of brazil. three days afterwards i heard of the beagle's arrival at the port, distant eighteen leagues from the town. there is very little land cultivated down the valley; its wide expanse supports a wretched wiry grass, which even the donkeys can hardly eat. this poorness of the vegetation is owing to the quantity of saline matter with which the soil is impregnated. the port consists of an assemblage of miserable little hovels, situated at the foot of a sterile plain. at present, as the river contains water enough to reach the sea, the inhabitants enjoy the advantage of having fresh water within a mile and a half. on the beach there were large piles of merchandise, and the little place had an air of activity. in the evening i gave my adios, with a hearty good-will, to my companion mariano gonzales, with whom i had ridden so many leagues in chile. the next morning the beagle sailed for iquique. july 12th.--we anchored in the port of iquique, in lat. 20 degs. 12', on the coast of peru. the town contains about a thousand inhabitants, and stands on a little plain of sand at the foot of a great wall of rock, 2000 feet in height, here forming the coast. the whole is utterly desert. a light shower of rain falls only once in very many years; and the ravines consequently are filled with detritus, and the mountain-sides covered by piles of fine white sand, even to a height of a thousand feet. during this season of the year a heavy bank of clouds, stretched over the ocean, seldom rises above the wall of rocks on the coast. the aspect of the place was most gloomy; the little port, with its few vessels, and small group of wretched houses, seemed overwhelmed and out of all proportion with the rest of the scene. the inhabitants live like persons on board a ship: every necessary comes from a distance: water is brought in boats from pisagua, about forty miles northward, and is sold at the rate of nine reals (4s. 6d.) an eighteen-gallon cask: i bought a wine-bottle full for threepence. in like manner firewood, and of course every article of food, is imported. very few animals can be maintained in such a place: on the ensuing morning i hired with difficulty, at the price of four pounds sterling, two mules and a guide to take me to the nitrate of soda works. these are at present the support of iquique. this salt was first exported in 1830: in one year an amount in value of one hundred thousand pounds sterling, was sent to france and england. it is principally used as a manure and in the manufacture of nitric acid: owing to its deliquescent property it will not serve for gunpowder. formerly there were two exceedingly rich silver-mines in this neighbourhood, but their produce is now very small. our arrival in the offing caused some little apprehension. peru was in a state of anarchy; and each party having demanded a contribution, the poor town of iquique was in tribulation, thinking the evil hour was come. the people had also their domestic troubles; a short time before, three french carpenters had broken open, during the same night, the two churches, and stolen all the plate: one of the robbers, however, subsequently confessed, and the plate was recovered. the convicts were sent to arequipa, which though the capital of this province, is two hundred leagues distant, the government there thought it a pity to punish such useful workmen, who could make all sorts of furniture; and accordingly liberated them. things being in this state, the churches were again broken open, but this time the plate was not recovered. the inhabitants became dreadfully enraged, and declaring that none but heretics would thus "eat god almighty," proceeded to torture some englishmen, with the intention of afterwards shooting them. at last the authorities interfered, and peace was established. 13th.--in the morning i started for the saltpetre-works, a distance of fourteen leagues. having ascended the steep coast-mountains by a zigzag sandy track, we soon came in view of the mines of guantajaya and st. rosa. these two small villages are placed at the very mouths of the mines; and being perched up on hills, they had a still more unnatural and desolate appearance than the town of iquique. we did not reach the saltpetre-works till after sunset, having ridden all day across an undulating country, a complete and utter desert. the road was strewed with the bones and dried skins of many beasts of burden which had perished on it from fatigue. excepting the vultur aura, which preys on the carcasses, i saw neither bird, quadruped, reptile, nor insect. on the coast-mountains, at the height of about 2000 feet where during this season the clouds generally hang, a very few cacti were growing in the clefts of rock; and the loose sand was strewed over with a lichen, which lies on the surface quite unattached. this plant belongs to the genus cladonia, and somewhat resembles the reindeer lichen. in some parts it was in sufficient quantity to tinge the sand, as seen from a distance, of a pale yellowish colour. further inland, during the whole ride of fourteen leagues, i saw only one other vegetable production, and that was a most minute yellow lichen, growing on the bones of the dead mules. this was the first true desert which i had seen: the effect on me was not impressive; but i believe this was owing to my having become gradually accustomed to such scenes, as i rode northward from valparaiso, through coquimbo, to copiapo. the appearance of the country was remarkable, from being covered by a thick crust of common salt, and of a stratified saliferous alluvium, which seems to have been deposited as the land slowly rose above the level of the sea. the salt is white, very hard, and compact: it occurs in water worn nodules projecting from the agglutinated sand, and is associated with much gypsum. the appearance of this superficial mass very closely resembled that of a country after snow, before the last dirty patches are thawed. the existence of this crust of a soluble substance over the whole face of the country, shows how extraordinarily dry the climate must have been for a long period. at night i slept at the house of the owner of one of the saltpetre mines. the country is here as unproductive as near the coast; but water, having rather a bitter and brackish taste, can be procured by digging wells. the well at this house was thirty-six yards deep: as scarcely any rain falls, it is evident the water is not thus derived; indeed if it were, it could not fail to be as salt as brine, for the whole surrounding country is incrusted with various saline substances. we must therefore conclude that it percolates under ground from the cordillera, though distant many leagues. in that direction there are a few small villages, where the inhabitants, having more water, are enabled to irrigate a little land, and raise hay, on which the mules and asses, employed in carrying the saltpetre, are fed. the nitrate of soda was now selling at the ship's side at fourteen shillings per hundred pounds: the chief expense is its transport to the sea-coast. the mine consists of a hard stratum, between two and three feet thick, of the nitrate mingled with a little of the sulphate of soda and a good deal of common salt. it lies close beneath the surface, and follows for a length of one hundred and fifty miles the margin of a grand basin or plain; this, from its outline, manifestly must once have been a lake, or more probably an inland arm of the sea, as may be inferred from the presence of iodic salts in the saline stratum. the surface of the plain is 3300 feet above the pacific. 19th.--we anchored in the bay of callao, the seaport of lima, the capital of peru. we stayed here six weeks but from the troubled state of public affairs, i saw very little of the country. during our whole visit the climate was far from being so delightful, as it is generally represented. a dull heavy bank of clouds constantly hung over the land, so that during the first sixteen days i had only one view of the cordillera behind lima. these mountains, seen in stages, one above the other, through openings in the clouds, had a very grand appearance. it is almost become a proverb, that rain never falls in the lower part of peru. yet this can hardly be considered correct; for during almost every day of our visit there was a thick drizzling mist, which was sufficient to make the streets muddy and one's clothes damp: this the people are pleased to call peruvian dew. that much rain does not fall is very certain, for the houses are covered only with flat roofs made of hardened mud; and on the mole shiploads of wheat were piled up, being thus left for weeks together without any shelter. i cannot say i liked the very little i saw of peru: in summer, however, it is said that the climate is much pleasanter. in all seasons, both inhabitants and foreigners suffer from severe attacks of ague. this disease is common on the whole coast of peru, but is unknown in the interior. the attacks of illness which arise from miasma never fail to appear most mysterious. so difficult is it to judge from the aspect of a country, whether or not it is healthy, that if a person had been told to choose within the tropics a situation appearing favourable for health, very probably he would have named this coast. the plain round the outskirts of callao is sparingly covered with a coarse grass, and in some parts there are a few stagnant, though very small, pools of water. the miasma, in all probability, arises from these: for the town of arica was similarly circumstanced, and its healthiness was much improved by the drainage of some little pools. miasma is not always produced by a luxuriant vegetation with an ardent climate; for many parts of brazil, even where there are marshes and a rank vegetation, are much more healthy than this sterile coast of peru. the densest forests in a temperate climate, as in chiloe, do not seem in the slightest degree to affect the healthy condition of the atmosphere. the island of st. jago, at the cape de verds, offers another strongly marked instance of a country, which any one would have expected to find most healthy, being very much the contrary. i have described the bare and open plains as supporting, during a few weeks after the rainy season, a thin vegetation, which directly withers away and dries up: at this period the air appears to become quite poisonous; both natives and foreigners often being affected with violent fevers. on the other hand, the galapagos archipelago, in the pacific, with a similar soil, and periodically subject to the same process of vegetation, is perfectly healthy. humboldt has observed, that, "under the torrid zone, the smallest marshes are the most dangerous, being surrounded, as at vera cruz and carthagena, with an arid and sandy soil, which raises the temperature of the ambient air." [5] on the coast of peru, however, the temperature is not hot to any excessive degree; and perhaps in consequence, the intermittent fevers are not of the most malignant order. in all unhealthy countries the greatest risk is run by sleeping on shore. is this owing to the state of the body during sleep, or to a greater abundance of miasma at such times? it appears certain that those who stay on board a vessel, though anchored at only a short distance from the coast, generally suffer less than those actually on shore. on the other hand, i have heard of one remarkable case where a fever broke out among the crew of a man-of-war some hundred miles off the coast of africa, and at the same time one of those fearful periods [6] of death commenced at sierra leone. no state in south america, since the declaration of independence, has suffered more from anarchy than peru. at the time of our visit, there were four chiefs in arms contending for supremacy in the government: if one succeeded in becoming for a time very powerful, the others coalesced against him; but no sooner were they victorious, than they were again hostile to each other. the other day, at the anniversary of the independence, high mass was performed, the president partaking of the sacrament: during the _te deum laudamus_, instead of each regiment displaying the peruvian flag, a black one with death's head was unfurled. imagine a government under which such a scene could be ordered, on such an occasion, to be typical of their determination of fighting to death! this state of affairs happened at a time very unfortunately for me, as i was precluded from taking any excursions much beyond the limits of the town. the barren island of st. lorenzo, which forms the harbour, was nearly the only place where one could walk securely. the upper part, which is upwards of 1000 feet in height, during this season of the year (winter), comes within the lower limit of the clouds; and in consequence, an abundant cryptogamic vegetation, and a few flowers cover the summit. on the hills near lima, at a height but little greater, the ground is carpeted with moss, and beds of beautiful yellow lilies, called amancaes. this indicates a very much greater degree of humidity, than at a corresponding height at iquique. proceeding northward of lima, the climate becomes damper, till on the banks of the guayaquil, nearly under the equator, we find the most luxuriant forests. the change, however, from the sterile coast of peru to that fertile land is described as taking place rather abruptly in the latitude of cape blanco, two degrees south of guayaquil. callao is a filthy, ill-built, small seaport. the inhabitants, both here and at lima, present every imaginable shade of mixture, between european, negro, and indian blood. they appear a depraved, drunken set of people. the atmosphere is loaded with foul smells, and that peculiar one, which may be perceived in almost every town within the tropics, was here very strong. the fortress, which withstood lord cochrane's long siege, has an imposing appearance. but the president, during our stay, sold the brass guns, and proceeded to dismantle parts of it. the reason assigned was, that he had not an officer to whom he could trust so important a charge. he himself had good reason for thinking so, as he had obtained the presidentship by rebelling while in charge of this same fortress. after we left south america, he paid the penalty in the usual manner, by being conquered, taken prisoner, and shot. lima stands on a plain in a valley, formed during the gradual retreat of the sea. it is seven miles from callao, and is elevated 500 feet above it; but from the slope being very gradual, the road appears absolutely level; so that when at lima it is difficult to believe one has ascended even one hundred feet: humboldt has remarked on this singularly deceptive case. steep barren hills rise like islands from the plain, which is divided, by straight mud-walls, into large green fields. in these scarcely a tree grows excepting a few willows, and an occasional clump of bananas and of oranges. the city of lima is now in a wretched state of decay: the streets are nearly unpaved; and heaps of filth are piled up in all directions, where the black gallinazos, tame as poultry, pick up bits of carrion. the houses have generally an upper story, built on account of the earthquakes, of plastered woodwork but some of the old ones, which are now used by several families, are immensely large, and would rival in suites of apartments the most magnificent in any place. lima, the city of the kings, must formerly have been a splendid town. the extraordinary number of churches gives it, even at the present day, a peculiar and striking character, especially when viewed from a short distance. one day i went out with some merchants to hunt in the immediate vicinity of the city. our sport was very poor; but i had an opportunity of seeing the ruins of one of the ancient indian villages, with its mound like a natural hill in the centre. the remains of houses, enclosures, irrigating streams, and burial mounds, scattered over this plain, cannot fail to give one a high idea of the condition and number of the ancient population. when their earthenware, woollen clothes, utensils of elegant forms cut out of the hardest rocks, tools of copper, ornaments of precious stones, palaces, and hydraulic works, are considered, it is impossible not to respect the considerable advance made by them in the arts of civilization. the burial mounds, called huacas, are really stupendous; although in some places they appear to be natural hills incased and modelled. there is also another and very different class of ruins, which possesses some interest, namely, those of old callao, overwhelmed by the great earthquake of 1746, and its accompanying wave. the destruction must have been more complete even than at talcahuano. quantities of shingle almost conceal the foundations of the walls, and vast masses of brickwork appear to have been whirled about like pebbles by the retiring waves. it has been stated that the land subsided during this memorable shock: i could not discover any proof of this; yet it seems far from improbable, for the form of the coast must certainly have undergone some change since the foundation of the old town; as no people in their senses would willingly have chosen for their building place, the narrow spit of shingle on which the ruins now stand. since our voyage, m. tschudi has come to the conclusion, by the comparison of old and modern maps, that the coast both north and south of lima has certainly subsided. on the island of san lorenzo, there are very satisfactory proofs of elevation within the recent period; this of course is not opposed to the belief, of a small sinking of the ground having subsequently taken place. the side of this island fronting the bay of callao, is worn into three obscure terraces, the lower one of which is covered by a bed a mile in length, almost wholly composed of shells of eighteen species, now living in the adjoining sea. the height of this bed is eighty-five feet. many of the shells are deeply corroded, and have a much older and more decayed appearance than those at the height of 500 or 600 feet on the coast of chile. these shells are associated with much common salt, a little sulphate of lime (both probably left by the evaporation of the spray, as the land slowly rose), together with sulphate of soda and muriate of lime. they rest on fragments of the underlying sandstone, and are covered by a few inches thick of detritus. the shells, higher up on this terrace could be traced scaling off in flakes, and falling into an impalpable powder; and on an upper terrace, at the height of 170 feet, and likewise at some considerably higher points, i found a layer of saline powder of exactly similar appearance, and lying in the same relative position. i have no doubt that this upper layer originally existed as a bed of shells, like that on the eighty-five-feet ledge; but it does not now contain even a trace of organic structure. the powder has been analyzed for me by mr. t. reeks; it consists of sulphates and muriates both of lime and soda, with very little carbonate of lime. it is known that common salt and carbonate of lime left in a mass for some time together, partly decompose each other; though this does not happen with small quantities in solution. as the half-decomposed shells in the lower parts are associated with much common salt, together with some of the saline substances composing the upper saline layer, and as these shells are corroded and decayed in a remarkable manner, i strongly suspect that this double decomposition has here taken place. the resultant salts, however, ought to be carbonate of soda and muriate of lime, the latter is present, but not the carbonate of soda. hence i am led to imagine that by some unexplained means, the carbonate of soda becomes changed into the sulphate. it is obvious that the saline layer could not have been preserved in any country in which abundant rain occasionally fell: on the other hand, this very circumstance, which at first sight appears so highly favourable to the long preservation of exposed shells, has probably been the indirect means, through the common salt not having been washed away, of their decomposition and early decay. i was much interested by finding on the terrace, at the height of eighty-five feet, _embedded_ amidst the shells and much sea-drifted rubbish, some bits of cotton thread, plaited rush, and the head of a stalk of indian corn: i compared these relics with similar ones taken out of the huacas, or old peruvian tombs, and found them identical in appearance. on the mainland in front of san lorenzo, near bellavista, there is an extensive and level plain about a hundred feet high, of which the lower part is formed of alternating layers of sand and impure clay, together with some gravel, and the surface, to the depth of from three to six feet, of a reddish loam, containing a few scattered sea-shells and numerous small fragments of coarse red earthenware, more abundant at certain spots than at others. at first i was inclined to believe that this superficial bed, from its wide extent and smoothness, must have been deposited beneath the sea; but i afterwards found in one spot, that it lay on an artificial floor of round stones. it seems, therefore, most probable that at a period when the land stood at a lower level there was a plain very similar to that now surrounding callao, which being protected by a shingle beach, is raised but very little above the level of the sea. on this plain, with its underlying red-clay beds, i imagine that the indians manufactured their earthen vessels; and that, during some violent earthquake, the sea broke over the beach, and converted the plain into a temporary lake, as happened round callao in 1713 and 1746. the water would then have deposited mud, containing fragments of pottery from the kilns, more abundant at some spots than at others, and shells from the sea. this bed, with fossil earthenware, stands at about the same height with the shells on the lower terrace of san lorenzo, in which the cotton-thread and other relics were embedded. hence we may safely conclude, that within the indo-human period there has been an elevation, as before alluded to, of more than eighty-five feet; for some little elevation must have been lost by the coast having subsided since the old maps were engraved. at valparaiso, although in the 220 years before our visit, the elevation cannot have exceeded nineteen feet, yet subsequently to 1817, there has been a rise, partly insensible and partly by a start during the shock of 1822, of ten or eleven feet. the antiquity of the indo-human race here, judging by the eighty-five feet rise of the land since the relics were embedded, is the more remarkable, as on the coast of patagonia, when the land stood about the same number of feet lower, the macrauchenia was a living beast; but as the patagonian coast is some way distant from the cordillera, the rising there may have been slower than here. at bahia blanca, the elevation has been only a few feet since the numerous gigantic quadrupeds were there entombed; and, according to the generally received opinion, when these extinct animals were living, man did not exist. but the rising of that part of the coast of patagonia, is perhaps no way connected with the cordillera, but rather with a line of old volcanic rocks in banda oriental, so that it may have been infinitely slower than on the shores of peru. all these speculations, however, must be vague; for who will pretend to say that there may not have been several periods of subsidence, intercalated between the movements of elevation; for we know that along the whole coast of patagonia, there have certainly been many and long pauses in the upward action of the elevatory forces. [1] vol. iv. p. 11, and vol. ii. p. 217. for the remarks on guayaquil, see silliman's journ., vol. xxiv. p. 384. for those on tacna by mr. hamilton, see trans. of british association, 1840. for those on coseguina see mr. caldcleugh in phil. trans., 1835. in the former edition i collected several references on the coincidences between sudden falls in the barometer and earthquakes; and between earthquakes and meteors. [2] observa. sobre el clima de lima, p. 67.--azara's travels, vol. i. p. 381.--ulloa's voyage, vol. ii. p. 28.--burchell's travels, vol. ii. p. 524.--webster's description of the azores, p. 124.--voyage a l'isle de france par un officer du roi, tom. i. p. 248.--description of st. helena, p. 123. [3] temple, in his travels through upper peru, or bolivia, in going from potosi to oruro, says, "i saw many indian villages or dwellings in ruins, up even to the very tops of the mountains, attesting a former population where now all is desolate." he makes similar remarks in another place; but i cannot tell whether this desolation has been caused by a want of population, or by an altered condition of the land. [4] edinburgh, phil. journ., jan., 1830, p. 74; and april, 1830, p. 258--also daubeny on volcanoes, p. 438; and bengal journ., vol. vii. p. 324. [5] political essay on the kingdom of new spain, vol. iv. p. 199. [6] a similar interesting case is recorded in the madras medical quart. journ., 1839, p. 340. dr. ferguson, in his admirable paper (see 9th vol. of edinburgh royal trans.), shows clearly that the poison is generated in the drying process; and hence that dry hot countries are often the most unhealthy. chapter xvii galapagos archipelago the whole group volcanic--numbers of craters--leafless bushes colony at charles island--james island--salt-lake in crater--natural history of the group--ornithology, curious finches--reptiles--great tortoises, habits of--marine lizard, feeds on sea-weed--terrestrial lizard, burrowing habits, herbivorous--importance of reptiles in the archipelago--fish, shells, insects--botany--american type of organization--differences in the species or races on different islands--tameness of the birds--fear of man, an acquired instinct. september 15th.--this archipelago consists of ten principal islands, of which five exceed the others in size. they are situated under the equator, and between five and six hundred miles westward of the coast of america. they are all formed of volcanic rocks; a few fragments of granite curiously glazed and altered by the heat, can hardly be considered as an exception. some of the craters, surmounting the larger islands, are of immense size, and they rise to a height of between three and four thousand feet. their flanks are studded by innumerable smaller orifices. i scarcely hesitate to affirm, that there must be in the whole archipelago at least two thousand craters. these consist either of lava or scoriae, or of finely-stratified, sandstone-like tuff. most of the latter are beautifully symmetrical; they owe their origin to eruptions of volcanic mud without any lava: it is a remarkable circumstance that every one of the twenty-eight tuff-craters which were examined, had their southern sides either much lower than the other sides, or quite broken down and removed. as all these craters apparently have been formed when standing in the sea, and as the waves from the trade wind and the swell from the open pacific here unite their forces on the southern coasts of all the islands, this singular uniformity in the broken state of the craters, composed of the soft and yielding tuff, is easily explained. considering that these islands are placed directly under the equator, the climate is far from being excessively hot; this seems chiefly caused by the singularly low temperature of the surrounding water, brought here by the great southern [map] polar current. excepting during one short season, very little rain falls, and even then it is irregular; but the clouds generally hang low. hence, whilst the lower parts of the islands are very sterile, the upper parts, at a height of a thousand feet and upwards, possess a damp climate and a tolerably luxuriant vegetation. this is especially the case on the windward sides of the islands, which first receive and condense the moisture from the atmosphere. in the morning (17th) we landed on chatham island, which, like the others, rises with a tame and rounded outline, broken here and there by scattered hillocks, the remains of former craters. nothing could be less inviting than the first appearance. a broken field of black basaltic lava, thrown into the most rugged waves, and crossed by great fissures, is everywhere covered by stunted, sun-burnt brushwood, which shows little signs of life. the dry and parched surface, being heated by the noon-day sun, gave to the air a close and sultry feeling, like that from a stove: we fancied even that the bushes smelt unpleasantly. although i diligently tried to collect as many plants as possible, i succeeded in getting very few; and such wretched-looking little weeds would have better become an arctic than an equatorial flora. the brushwood appears, from a short distance, as leafless as our trees during winter; and it was some time before i discovered that not only almost every plant was now in full leaf, but that the greater number were in flower. the commonest bush is one of the euphorbiaceae: an acacia and a great odd-looking cactus are the only trees which afford any shade. after the season of heavy rains, the islands are said to appear for a short time partially green. the volcanic island of fernando noronha, placed in many respects under nearly similar conditions, is the only other country where i have seen a vegetation at all like this of the galapagos islands. the beagle sailed round chatham island, and anchored in several bays. one night i slept on shore on a part of the island, where black truncated cones were extraordinarily numerous: from one small eminence i counted sixty of them, all surmounted by craters more or less perfect. the greater number consisted merely of a ring of red scoriae or slags, cemented together: and their height above the plain of lava was not more than from fifty to a hundred feet; none had been very lately active. the entire surface of this part of the island seems to have been permeated, like a sieve, by the subterranean vapours: here and there the lava, whilst soft, has been blown into great bubbles; and in other parts, the tops of caverns similarly formed have fallen in, leaving circular pits with steep sides. from the regular form of the many craters, they gave to the country an artificial appearance, which vividly reminded me of those parts of staffordshire, where the great iron-foundries are most numerous. the day was glowing hot, and the scrambling over the rough surface and through the intricate thickets, was very fatiguing; but i was well repaid by the strange cyclopean scene. as i was walking along i met two large tortoises, each of which must have weighed at least two hundred pounds: one was eating a piece of cactus, and as i approached, it stared at me and slowly walked away; the other gave a deep hiss, and drew in its head. these huge reptiles, surrounded by the black lava, the leafless shrubs, and large cacti, seemed to my fancy like some antediluvian animals. the few dull-coloured birds cared no more for me than they did for the great tortoises. 23rd.--the beagle proceeded to charles island. this archipelago has long been frequented, first by the bucaniers, and latterly by whalers, but it is only within the last six years, that a small colony has been established here. the inhabitants are between two and three hundred in number; they are nearly all people of colour, who have been banished for political crimes from the republic of the equator, of which quito is the capital. the settlement is placed about four and a half miles inland, and at a height probably of a thousand feet. in the first part of the road we passed through leafless thickets, as in chatham island. higher up, the woods gradually became greener; and as soon as we crossed the ridge of the island, we were cooled by a fine southerly breeze, and our sight refreshed by a green and thriving vegetation. in this upper region coarse grasses and ferns abound; but there are no tree-ferns: i saw nowhere any member of the palm family, which is the more singular, as 360 miles northward, cocos island takes its name from the number of cocoa-nuts. the houses are irregularly scattered over a flat space of ground, which is cultivated with sweet potatoes and bananas. it will not easily be imagined how pleasant the sight of black mud was to us, after having been so long, accustomed to the parched soil of peru and northern chile. the inhabitants, although complaining of poverty, obtain, without much trouble, the means of subsistence. in the woods there are many wild pigs and goats; but the staple article of animal food is supplied by the tortoises. their numbers have of course been greatly reduced in this island, but the people yet count on two days' hunting giving them food for the rest of the week. it is said that formerly single vessels have taken away as many as seven hundred, and that the ship's company of a frigate some years since brought down in one day two hundred tortoises to the beach. september 29th.--we doubled the south-west extremity of albemarle island, and the next day were nearly becalmed between it and narborough island. both are covered with immense deluges of black naked lava, which have flowed either over the rims of the great caldrons, like pitch over the rim of a pot in which it has been boiled, or have burst forth from smaller orifices on the flanks; in their descent they have spread over miles of the sea-coast. on both of these islands, eruptions are known to have taken place; and in albemarle, we saw a small jet of smoke curling from the summit of one of the great craters. in the evening we anchored in bank's cove, in albemarle island. the next morning i went out walking. to the south of the broken tuff-crater, in which the beagle was anchored, there was another beautifully symmetrical one of an elliptic form; its longer axis was a little less than a mile, and its depth about 500 feet. at its bottom there was a shallow lake, in the middle of which a tiny crater formed an islet. the day was overpoweringly hot, and the lake looked clear and blue: i hurried down the cindery slope, and, choked with dust, eagerly tasted the water--but, to my sorrow, i found it salt as brine. the rocks on the coast abounded with great black lizards, between three and four feet long; and on the hills, an ugly yellowish-brown species was equally common. we saw many of this latter kind, some clumsily running out of the way, and others shuffling into their burrows. i shall presently describe in more detail the habits of both these reptiles. the whole of this northern part of albemarle island is miserably sterile. october 8th.--we arrived at james island: this island, as well as charles island, were long since thus named after our kings of the stuart line. mr. bynoe, myself, and our servants were left here for a week, with provisions and a tent, whilst the beagle went for water. we found here a party of spaniards, who had been sent from charles island to dry fish, and to salt tortoise-meat. about six miles inland, and at the height of nearly 2000 feet, a hovel had been built in which two men lived, who were employed in catching tortoises, whilst the others were fishing on the coast. i paid this party two visits, and slept there one night. as in the other islands, the lower region was covered by nearly leafless bushes, but the trees were here of a larger growth than elsewhere, several being two feet and some even two feet nine inches in diameter. the upper region being kept damp by the clouds, supports a green and flourishing vegetation. so damp was the ground, that there were large beds of a coarse cyperus, in which great numbers of a very small water-rail lived and bred. while staying in this upper region, we lived entirely upon tortoise-meat: the breast-plate roasted (as the gauchos do _carne con cuero_), with the flesh on it, is very good; and the young tortoises make excellent soup; but otherwise the meat to my taste is indifferent. one day we accompanied a party of the spaniards in their whale-boat to a salina, or lake from which salt is procured. after landing, we had a very rough walk over a rugged field of recent lava, which has almost surrounded a tuff-crater, at the bottom of which the salt-lake lies. the water is only three or four inches deep, and rests on a layer of beautifully crystallized, white salt. the lake is quite circular, and is fringed with a border of bright green succulent plants; the almost precipitous walls of the crater are clothed with wood, so that the scene was altogether both picturesque and curious. a few years since, the sailors belonging to a sealing-vessel murdered their captain in this quiet spot; and we saw his skull lying among the bushes. during the greater part of our stay of a week, the sky was cloudless, and if the trade-wind failed for an hour, the heat became very oppressive. on two days, the thermometer within the tent stood for some hours at 93 degs.; but in the open air, in the wind and sun, at only 85 degs. the sand was extremely hot; the thermometer placed in some of a brown colour immediately rose to 137 degs., and how much above that it would have risen, i do not know, for it was not graduated any higher. the black sand felt much hotter, so that even in thick boots it was quite disagreeable to walk over it. the natural history of these islands is eminently curious, and well deserves attention. most of the organic productions are aboriginal creations, found nowhere else; there is even a difference between the inhabitants of the different islands; yet all show a marked relationship with those of america, though separated from that continent by an open space of ocean, between 500 and 600 miles in width. the archipelago is a little world within itself, or rather a satellite attached to america, whence it has derived a few stray colonists, and has received the general character of its indigenous productions. considering the small size of the islands, we feel the more astonished at the number of their aboriginal beings, and at their confined range. seeing every height crowned with its crater, and the boundaries of most of the lava-streams still distinct, we are led to believe that within a period geologically recent the unbroken ocean was here spread out. hence, both in space and time, we seem to be brought somewhat near to that great fact--that mystery of mysteries--the first appearance of new beings on this earth. of terrestrial mammals, there is only one which must be considered as indigenous, namely, a mouse (mus galapagoensis), and this is confined, as far as i could ascertain, to chatham island, the most easterly island of the group. it belongs, as i am informed by mr. waterhouse, to a division of the family of mice characteristic of america. at james island, there is a rat sufficiently distinct from the common kind to have been named and described by mr. waterhouse; but as it belongs to the old-world division of the family, and as this island has been frequented by ships for the last hundred and fifty years, i can hardly doubt that this rat is merely a variety produced by the new and peculiar climate, food, and soil, to which it has been subjected. although no one has a right to speculate without distinct facts, yet even with respect to the chatham island mouse, it should be borne in mind, that it may possibly be an american species imported here; for i have seen, in a most unfrequented part of the pampas, a native mouse living in the roof of a newly built hovel, and therefore its transportation in a vessel is not improbable: analogous facts have been observed by dr. richardson in north america. of land-birds i obtained twenty-six kinds, all peculiar to the group and found nowhere else, with the exception of one lark-like finch from north america (dolichonyx oryzivorus), which ranges on that continent as far north as 54 degs., and generally frequents marshes. the other twenty-five birds consist, firstly, of a hawk, curiously intermediate in structure between a buzzard and the american group of carrion-feeding polybori; and with these latter birds it agrees most closely in every habit and even tone of voice. secondly, there are two owls, representing the short-eared and white barn-owls of europe. thirdly, a wren, three tyrant-flycatchers (two of them species of pyrocephalus, one or both of which would be ranked by some ornithologists as only varieties), and a dove--all analogous to, but distinct from, american species. fourthly, a swallow, which though differing from the progne purpurea of both americas, only in being rather duller colored, smaller, and slenderer, is considered by mr. gould as specifically distinct. fifthly, there are three species of mocking thrush--a form highly characteristic of america. the remaining land-birds form a most singular group of finches, related to each other in the structure of their beaks, short tails, form of body and plumage: there are thirteen species, which mr. gould has divided into four sub-groups. all these species are peculiar to this archipelago; and so is the whole group, with the exception of one species of the sub-group cactornis, lately brought from bow island, in the low archipelago. of cactornis, the two species may be often seen climbing about the flowers of the great cactus-trees; but all the other species of this group of finches, mingled together in flocks, feed on the dry and sterile ground of the lower districts. the males of all, or certainly of the greater number, are jet black; and the females (with perhaps one or two exceptions) are brown. the most curious fact is the perfect gradation in the size of the beaks in the different species of geospiza, from one as large as that of a hawfinch to that of a chaffinch, and (if mr. gould is right in including his sub-group, certhidea, in the main group) even to that of a warbler. the largest beak in the genus geospiza is shown in fig. 1, and the smallest in fig. 3; but instead of there being only one intermediate species, with a beak of the size shown in fig. 2, there are no less than six species with insensibly graduated beaks. the beak of the sub-group certhidea, is shown in fig. 4. the beak of cactornis is [picture] 1. geospiza magnirostris. 2. geospiza fortis. 3. geospiza parvula. 4. certhidea olivasea. somewhat like that of a starling, and that of the fourth sub-group, camarhynchus, is slightly parrot-shaped. seeing this gradation and diversity of structure in one small, intimately related group of birds, one might really fancy that from an original paucity of birds in this archipelago, one species had been taken and modified for different ends. in a like manner it might be fancied that a bird originally a buzzard, had been induced here to undertake the office of the carrion-feeding polybori of the american continent. of waders and water-birds i was able to get only eleven kinds, and of these only three (including a rail confined to the damp summits of the islands) are new species. considering the wandering habits of the gulls, i was surprised to find that the species inhabiting these islands is peculiar, but allied to one from the southern parts of south america. the far greater peculiarity of the land-birds, namely, twenty-five out of twenty-six, being new species, or at least new races, compared with the waders and web-footed birds, is in accordance with the greater range which these latter orders have in all parts of the world. we shall hereafter see this law of aquatic forms, whether marine or fresh-water, being less peculiar at any given point of the earth's surface than the terrestrial forms of the same classes, strikingly illustrated in the shells, and in a lesser degree in the insects of this archipelago. two of the waders are rather smaller than the same species brought from other places: the swallow is also smaller, though it is doubtful whether or not it is distinct from its analogue. the two owls, the two tyrant-catchers (pyrocephalus) and the dove, are also smaller than the analogous but distinct species, to which they are most nearly related; on the other hand, the gull is rather larger. the two owls, the swallow, all three species of mocking-thrush, the dove in its separate colours though not in its whole plumage, the totanus, and the gull, are likewise duskier coloured than their analogous species; and in the case of the mocking-thrush and totanus, than any other species of the two genera. with the exception of a wren with a fine yellow breast, and of a tyrant-flycatcher with a scarlet tuft and breast, none of the birds are brilliantly coloured, as might have been expected in an equatorial district. hence it would appear probable, that the same causes which here make the immigrants of some peculiar species smaller, make most of the peculiar galapageian species also smaller, as well as very generally more dusky coloured. all the plants have a wretched, weedy appearance, and i did not see one beautiful flower. the insects, again, are small-sized and dull-coloured, and, as mr. waterhouse informs me, there is nothing in their general appearance which would have led him to imagine that they had come from under the equator. [1] the birds, plants, and insects have a desert character, and are not more brilliantly coloured than those from southern patagonia; we may, therefore, conclude that the usual gaudy colouring of the intertropical productions, is not related either to the heat or light of those zones, but to some other cause, perhaps to the conditions of existence being generally favourable to life. we will now turn to the order of reptiles, which gives the most striking character to the zoology of these islands. the species are not numerous, but the numbers of individuals of each species are extraordinarily great. there is one small lizard belonging to a south american genus, and two species (and probably more) of the amblyrhynchus--a genus confined to the galapagos islands. there is one snake which is numerous; it is identical, as i am informed by m. bibron, with the psammophis temminckii from chile. [2] of sea-turtle i believe there are more than one species, and of tortoises there are, as we shall presently show, two or three species or races. of toads and frogs there are none: i was surprised at this, considering how well suited for them the temperate and damp upper woods appeared to be. it recalled to my mind the remark made by bory st. vincent, [3] namely, that none of this family are found on any of the volcanic islands in the great oceans. as far as i can ascertain from various works, this seems to hold good throughout the pacific, and even in the large islands of the sandwich archipelago. mauritius offers an apparent exception, where i saw the rana mascariensis in abundance: this frog is said now to inhabit the seychelles, madagascar, and bourbon; but on the other hand, du bois, in his voyage in 1669, states that there were no reptiles in bourbon except tortoises; and the officier du roi asserts that before 1768 it had been attempted, without success, to introduce frogs into mauritius--i presume for the purpose of eating: hence it may be well doubted whether this frog is an aboriginal of these islands. the absence of the frog family in the oceanic islands is the more remarkable, when contrasted with the case of lizards, which swarm on most of the smallest islands. may this difference not be caused, by the greater facility with which the eggs of lizards, protected by calcareous shells might be transported through salt-water, than could the slimy spawn of frogs? i will first describe the habits of the tortoise (testudo nigra, formerly called indica), which has been so frequently alluded to. these animals are found, i believe, on all the islands of the archipelago; certainly on the greater number. they frequent in preference the high damp parts, but they likewise live in the lower and arid districts. i have already shown, from the numbers which have been caught in a single day, how very numerous they must be. some grow to an immense size: mr. lawson, an englishman, and vice-governor of the colony, told us that he had seen several so large, that it required six or eight men to lift them from the ground; and that some had afforded as much as two hundred pounds of meat. the old males are the largest, the females rarely growing to so great a size: the male can readily be distinguished from the female by the greater length of its tail. the tortoises which live on those islands where there is no water, or in the lower and arid parts of the others, feed chiefly on the succulent cactus. those which frequent the higher and damp regions, eat the leaves of various trees, a kind of berry (called guayavita) which is acid and austere, and likewise a pale green filamentous lichen (usnera plicata), that hangs from the boughs of the trees. the tortoise is very fond of water, drinking large quantities, and wallowing in the mud. the larger islands alone possess springs, and these are always situated towards the central parts, and at a considerable height. the tortoises, therefore, which frequent the lower districts, when thirsty, are obliged to travel from a long distance. hence broad and well-beaten paths branch off in every direction from the wells down to the sea-coast; and the spaniards by following them up, first discovered the watering-places. when i landed at chatham island, i could not imagine what animal travelled so methodically along well-chosen tracks. near the springs it was a curious spectacle to behold many of these huge creatures, one set eagerly travelling onwards with outstretched necks, and another set returning, after having drunk their fill. when the tortoise arrives at the spring, quite regardless of any spectator, he buries his head in the water above his eyes, and greedily swallows great mouthfuls, at the rate of about ten in a minute. the inhabitants say each animal stays three or four days in the neighbourhood of the water, and then returns to the lower country; but they differed respecting the frequency of these visits. the animal probably regulates them according to the nature of the food on which it has lived. it is, however, certain, that tortoises can subsist even on these islands where there is no other water than what falls during a few rainy days in the year. i believe it is well ascertained, that the bladder of the frog acts as a reservoir for the moisture necessary to its existence: such seems to be the case with the tortoise. for some time after a visit to the springs, their urinary bladders are distended with fluid, which is said gradually to decrease in volume, and to become less pure. the inhabitants, when walking in the lower district, and overcome with thirst, often take advantage of this circumstance, and drink the contents of the bladder if full: in one i saw killed, the fluid was quite limpid, and had only a very slightly bitter taste. the inhabitants, however, always first drink the water in the pericardium, which is described as being best. the tortoises, when purposely moving towards any point, travel by night and day, and arrive at their journey's end much sooner than would be expected. the inhabitants, from observing marked individuals, consider that they travel a distance of about eight miles in two or three days. one large tortoise, which i watched, walked at the rate of sixty yards in ten minutes, that is 360 yards in the hour, or four miles a day,--allowing a little time for it to eat on the road. during the breeding season, when the male and female are together, the male utters a hoarse roar or bellowing, which, it is said, can be heard at the distance of more than a hundred yards. the female never uses her voice, and the male only at these times; so that when the people hear this noise, they know that the two are together. they were at this time (october) laying their eggs. the female, where the soil is sandy, deposits them together, and covers them up with sand; but where the ground is rocky she drops them indiscriminately in any hole: mr. bynoe found seven placed in a fissure. the egg is white and spherical; one which i measured was seven inches and three-eighths in circumference, and therefore larger than a hen's egg. the young tortoises, as soon as they are hatched, fall a prey in great numbers to the carrion-feeding buzzard. the old ones seem generally to die from accidents, as from falling down precipices: at least, several of the inhabitants told me, that they never found one dead without some evident cause. the inhabitants believe that these animals are absolutely deaf; certainly they do not overhear a person walking close behind them. i was always amused when overtaking one of these great monsters, as it was quietly pacing along, to see how suddenly, the instant i passed, it would draw in its head and legs, and uttering a deep hiss fall to the ground with a heavy sound, as if struck dead. i frequently got on their backs, and then giving a few raps on the hinder part of their shells, they would rise up and walk away;--but i found it very difficult to keep my balance. the flesh of this animal is largely employed, both fresh and salted; and a beautifully clear oil is prepared from the fat. when a tortoise is caught, the man makes a slit in the skin near its tail, so as to see inside its body, whether the fat under the dorsal plate is thick. if it is not, the animal is liberated and it is said to recover soon from this strange operation. in order to secure the tortoise, it is not sufficient to turn them like turtle, for they are often able to get on their legs again. there can be little doubt that this tortoise is an aboriginal inhabitant of the galapagos; for it is found on all, or nearly all, the islands, even on some of the smaller ones where there is no water; had it been an imported species, this would hardly have been the case in a group which has been so little frequented. moreover, the old bucaniers found this tortoise in greater numbers even than at present: wood and rogers also, in 1708, say that it is the opinion of the spaniards, that it is found nowhere else in this quarter of the world. it is now widely distributed; but it may be questioned whether it is in any other place an aboriginal. the bones of a tortoise at mauritius, associated with those of the extinct dodo, have generally been considered as belonging to this tortoise; if this had been so, undoubtedly it must have been there indigenous; but m. bibron informs me that he believes that it was distinct, as the species now living there certainly is. the amblyrhynchus, a remarkable genus of lizards, is confined to this archipelago; there are two species, resembling [picture] each other in general form, one being terrestrial and the other aquatic. this latter species (a. cristatus) was first characterized by mr. bell, who well foresaw, from its short, broad head, and strong claws of equal length, that its habits of life would turn out very peculiar, and different from those of its nearest ally, the iguana. it is extremely common on all the islands throughout the group, and lives exclusively on the rocky sea-beaches, being never found, at least i never saw one, even ten yards in-shore. it is a hideous-looking creature, of a dirty black colour, stupid, and sluggish in its movements. the usual length of a full-grown one is about a yard, but there are some even four feet long; a large one weighed twenty pounds: on the island of albemarle they seem to grow to a greater size than elsewhere. their tails are flattened sideways, and all four feet partially webbed. they are occasionally seen some hundred yards from the shore, swimming about; and captain collnett, in his voyage says, "they go to sea in herds a-fishing, and sun themselves on the rocks; and may be called alligators in miniature." it must not, however, be supposed that they live on fish. when in the water this lizard swims with perfect ease and quickness, by a serpentine movement of its body and flattened tail--the legs being motionless and closely collapsed on its sides. a seaman on board sank one, with a heavy weight attached to it, thinking thus to kill it directly; but when, an hour afterwards, he drew up the line, it was quite active. their limbs and strong claws are admirably adapted for crawling over the rugged and fissured masses of lava, which everywhere form the coast. in such situations, a group of six or seven of these hideous reptiles may oftentimes be seen on the black rocks, a few feet above the surf, basking in the sun with outstretched legs. i opened the stomachs of several, and found them largely distended with minced sea-weed (ulvae), which grows in thin foliaceous expansions of a bright green or a dull red colour. i do not recollect having observed this sea-weed in any quantity on the tidal rocks; and i have reason to believe it grows at the bottom of the sea, at some little distance from the coast. if such be the case, the object of these animals occasionally going out to sea is explained. the stomach contained nothing but the sea-weed. mr. baynoe, however, found a piece of crab in one; but this might have got in accidentally, in the same manner as i have seen a caterpillar, in the midst of some lichen, in the paunch of a tortoise. the intestines were large, as in other herbivorous animals. the nature of this lizard's food, as well as the structure of its tail and feet, and the fact of its having been seen voluntarily swimming out at sea, absolutely prove its aquatic habits; yet there is in this respect one strange anomaly, namely, that when frightened it will not enter the water. hence it is easy to drive these lizards down to any little point overhanging the sea, where they will sooner allow a person to catch hold of their tails than jump into the water. they do not seem to have any notion of biting; but when much frightened they squirt a drop of fluid from each nostril. i threw one several times as far as i could, into a deep pool left by the retiring tide; but it invariably returned in a direct line to the spot where i stood. it swam near the bottom, with a very graceful and rapid movement, and occasionally aided itself over the uneven ground with its feet. as soon as it arrived near the edge, but still being under water, it tried to conceal itself in the tufts of sea-weed, or it entered some crevice. as soon as it thought the danger was past, it crawled out on the dry rocks, and shuffled away as quickly as it could. i several times caught this same lizard, by driving it down to a point, and though possessed of such perfect powers of diving and swimming, nothing would induce it to enter the water; and as often as i threw it in, it returned in the manner above described. perhaps this singular piece of apparent stupidity may be accounted for by the circumstance, that this reptile has no enemy whatever on shore, whereas at sea it must often fall a prey to the numerous sharks. hence, probably, urged by a fixed and hereditary instinct that the shore is its place of safety, whatever the emergency may be, it there takes refuge. during our visit (in october), i saw extremely few small individuals of this species, and none i should think under a year old. from this circumstance it seems probable that the breeding season had not then commenced. i asked several of the inhabitants if they knew where it laid its eggs: they said that they knew nothing of its propagation, although well acquainted with the eggs of the land kind--a fact, considering how very common this lizard is, not a little extraordinary. we will now turn to the terrestrial species (a. demarlii), with a round tail, and toes without webs. this lizard, instead of being found like the other on all the islands, is confined to the central part of the archipelago, namely to albemarle, james, barrington, and indefatigable islands. to the southward, in charles, hood, and chatham islands, and to the northward, in towers, bindloes, and abingdon, i neither saw nor heard of any. it would appear as if it had been created in the centre of the archipelago, and thence had been dispersed only to a certain distance. some of these lizards inhabit the high and damp parts of the islands, but they are much more numerous in the lower and sterile districts near the coast. i cannot give a more forcible proof of their numbers, than by stating that when we were left at james island, we could not for some time find a spot free from their burrows on which to pitch our single tent. like their brothers the sea-kind, they are ugly animals, of a yellowish orange beneath, and of a brownish red colour above: from their low facial angle they have a singularly stupid appearance. they are, perhaps, of a rather less size than the marine species; but several of them weighed between ten and fifteen pounds. in their movements they are lazy and half torpid. when not frightened, they slowly crawl along with their tails and bellies dragging on the ground. they often stop, and doze for a minute or two, with closed eyes and hind legs spread out on the parched soil. they inhabit burrows, which they sometimes make between fragments of lava, but more generally on level patches of the soft sandstone-like tuff. the holes do not appear to be very deep, and they enter the ground at a small angle; so that when walking over these lizard-warrens, the soil is constantly giving way, much to the annoyance of the tired walker. this animal, when making its burrow, works alternately the opposite sides of its body. one front leg for a short time scratches up the soil, and throws it towards the hind foot, which is well placed so as to heave it beyond the mouth of the hole. that side of the body being tired, the other takes up the task, and so on alternately. i watched one for a long time, till half its body was buried; i then walked up and pulled it by the tail, at this it was greatly astonished, and soon shuffled up to see what was the matter; and then stared me in the face, as much as to say, "what made you pull my tail?" they feed by day, and do not wander far from their burrows; if frightened, they rush to them with a most awkward gait. except when running down hill, they cannot move very fast, apparently from the lateral position of their legs. they are not at all timorous: when attentively watching any one, they curl their tails, and, raising themselves on their front legs, nod their heads vertically, with a quick movement, and try to look very fierce; but in reality they are not at all so: if one just stamps on the ground, down go their tails, and off they shuffle as quickly as they can. i have frequently observed small fly-eating lizards, when watching anything, nod their heads in precisely the same manner; but i do not at all know for what purpose. if this amblyrhynchus is held and plagued with a stick, it will bite it very severely; but i caught many by the tail, and they never tried to bite me. if two are placed on the ground and held together, they will fight, and bite each other till blood is drawn. the individuals, and they are the greater number, which inhabit the lower country, can scarcely taste a drop of water throughout the year; but they consume much of the succulent cactus, the branches of which are occasionally broken off by the wind. i several times threw a piece to two or three of them when together; and it was amusing enough to see them trying to seize and carry it away in their mouths, like so many hungry dogs with a bone. they eat very deliberately, but do not chew their food. the little birds are aware how harmless these creatures are: i have seen one of the thick-billed finches picking at one end of a piece of cactus (which is much relished by all the animals of the lower region), whilst a lizard was eating at the other end; and afterwards the little bird with the utmost indifference hopped on the back of the reptile. i opened the stomachs of several, and found them full of vegetable fibres and leaves of different trees, especially of an acacia. in the upper region they live chiefly on the acid and astringent berries of the guayavita, under which trees i have seen these lizards and the huge tortoises feeding together. to obtain the acacia-leaves they crawl up the low stunted trees; and it is not uncommon to see a pair quietly browsing, whilst seated on a branch several feet above the ground. these lizards, when cooked, yield a white meat, which is liked by those whose stomachs soar above all prejudices. humboldt has remarked that in intertropical south america, all lizards which inhabit dry regions are esteemed delicacies for the table. the inhabitants state that those which inhabit the upper damp parts drink water, but that the others do not, like the tortoises, travel up for it from the lower sterile country. at the time of our visit, the females had within their bodies numerous, large, elongated eggs, which they lay in their burrows: the inhabitants seek them for food. these two species of amblyrhynchus agree, as i have already stated, in their general structure, and in many of their habits. neither have that rapid movement, so characteristic of the genera lacerta and iguana. they are both herbivorous, although the kind of vegetation on which they feed is so very different. mr. bell has given the name to the genus from the shortness of the snout: indeed, the form of the mouth may almost be compared to that of the tortoise: one is led to suppose that this is an adaptation to their herbivorous appetites. it is very interesting thus to find a well-characterized genus, having its marine and terrestrial species, belonging to so confined a portion of the world. the aquatic species is by far the most remarkable, because it is the only existing lizard which lives on marine vegetable productions. as i at first observed, these islands are not so remarkable for the number of the species of reptiles, as for that of the individuals, when we remember the well-beaten paths made by the thousands of huge tortoises--the many turtles--the great warrens of the terrestrial amblyrhynchus--and the groups of the marine species basking on the coast-rocks of every island--we must admit that there is no other quarter of the world where this order replaces the herbivorous mammalia in so extraordinary a manner. the geologist on hearing this will probably refer back in his mind to the secondary epochs, when lizards, some herbivorous, some carnivorous, and of dimensions comparable only with our existing whales, swarmed on the land and in the sea. it is, therefore, worthy of his observation, that this archipelago, instead of possessing a humid climate and rank vegetation, cannot be considered otherwise than extremely arid, and, for an equatorial region, remarkably temperate. to finish with the zoology: the fifteen kinds of sea-fish which i procured here are all new species; they belong to twelve genera, all widely distributed, with the exception of prionotus, of which the four previously known species live on the eastern side of america. of land-shells i collected sixteen kinds (and two marked varieties), of which, with the exception of one helix found at tahiti, all are peculiar to this archipelago: a single fresh-water shell (paludina) is common to tahiti and van diemen's land. mr. cuming, before our voyage procured here ninety species of sea-shells, and this does not include several species not yet specifically examined, of trochus, turbo, monodonta, and nassa. he has been kind enough to give me the following interesting results: of the ninety shells, no less than forty-seven are unknown elsewhere--a wonderful fact, considering how widely distributed sea-shells generally are. of the forty-three shells found in other parts of the world, twenty-five inhabit the western coast of america, and of these eight are distinguishable as varieties; the remaining eighteen (including one variety) were found by mr. cuming in the low archipelago, and some of them also at the philippines. this fact of shells from islands in the central parts of the pacific occurring here, deserves notice, for not one single sea-shell is known to be common to the islands of that ocean and to the west coast of america. the space of open sea running north and south off the west coast, separates two quite distinct conchological provinces; but at the galapagos archipelago we have a halting-place, where many new forms have been created, and whither these two great conchological provinces have each sent up several colonists. the american province has also sent here representative species; for there is a galapageian species of monoceros, a genus only found on the west coast of america; and there are galapageian species of fissurella and cancellaria, genera common on the west coast, but not found (as i am informed by mr. cuming) in the central islands of the pacific. on the other hand, there are galapageian species of oniscia and stylifer, genera common to the west indies and to the chinese and indian seas, but not found either on the west coast of america or in the central pacific. i may here add, that after the comparison by messrs. cuming and hinds of about 2000 shells from the eastern and western coasts of america, only one single shell was found in common, namely, the purpura patula, which inhabits the west indies, the coast of panama, and the galapagos. we have, therefore, in this quarter of the world, three great conchological sea-provinces, quite distinct, though surprisingly near each other, being separated by long north and south spaces either of land or of open sea. i took great pains in collecting the insects, but excepting tierra del fuego, i never saw in this respect so poor a country. even in the upper and damp region i procured very few, excepting some minute diptera and hymenoptera, mostly of common mundane forms. as before remarked, the insects, for a tropical region, are of very small size and dull colours. of beetles i collected twenty-five species (excluding a dermestes and corynetes imported, wherever a ship touches); of these, two belong to the harpalidae, two to the hydrophilidae, nine to three families of the heteromera, and the remaining twelve to as many different families. this circumstance of insects (and i may add plants), where few in number, belonging to many different families, is, i believe, very general. mr. waterhouse, who has published [4] an account of the insects of this archipelago, and to whom i am indebted for the above details, informs me that there are several new genera: and that of the genera not new, one or two are american, and the rest of mundane distribution. with the exception of a wood-feeding apate, and of one or probably two water-beetles from the american continent, all the species appear to be new. the botany of this group is fully as interesting as the zoology. dr. j. hooker will soon publish in the "linnean transactions" a full account of the flora, and i am much indebted to him for the following details. of flowering plants there are, as far as at present is known, 185 species, and 40 cryptogamic species, making altogether 225; of this number i was fortunate enough to bring home 193. of the flowering plants, 100 are new species, and are probably confined to this archipelago. dr. hooker conceives that, of the plants not so confined, at least 10 species found near the cultivated ground at charles island, have been imported. it is, i think, surprising that more american species have not been introduced naturally, considering that the distance is only between 500 and 600 miles from the continent, and that (according to collnet, p. 58) drift-wood, bamboos, canes, and the nuts of a palm, are often washed on the south-eastern shores. the proportion of 100 flowering plants out of 183 (or 175 excluding the imported weeds) being new, is sufficient, i conceive, to make the galapagos archipelago a distinct botanical province; but this flora is not nearly so peculiar as that of st. helena, nor, as i am informed by dr. hooker, of juan fernandez. the peculiarity of the galapageian flora is best shown in certain families;--thus there are 21 species of compositae, of which 20 are peculiar to this archipelago; these belong to twelve genera, and of these genera no less than ten are confined to the archipelago! dr. hooker informs me that the flora has an undoubtedly western american character; nor can he detect in it any affinity with that of the pacific. if, therefore, we except the eighteen marine, the one fresh-water, and one land-shell, which have apparently come here as colonists from the central islands of the pacific, and likewise the one distinct pacific species of the galapageian group of finches, we see that this archipelago, though standing in the pacific ocean, is zoologically part of america. if this character were owing merely to immigrants from america, there would be little remarkable in it; but we see that a vast majority of all the land animals, and that more than half of the flowering plants, are aboriginal productions. it was most striking to be surrounded by new birds, new reptiles, new shells, new insects, new plants, and yet by innumerable trifling details of structure, and even by the tones of voice and plumage of the birds, to have the temperate plains of patagonia, or rather the hot dry deserts of northern chile, vividly brought before my eyes. why, on these small points of land, which within a late geological period must have been covered by the ocean, which are formed by basaltic lava, and therefore differ in geological character from the american continent, and which are placed under a peculiar climate,--why were their aboriginal inhabitants, associated, i may add, in different proportions both in kind and number from those on the continent, and therefore acting on each other in a different manner--why were they created on american types of organization? it is probable that the islands of the cape de verd group resemble, in all their physical conditions, far more closely the galapagos islands, than these latter physically resemble the coast of america, yet the aboriginal inhabitants of the two groups are totally unlike; those of the cape de verd islands bearing the impress of africa, as the inhabitants of the galapagos archipelago are stamped with that of america. i have not as yet noticed by far the most remarkable feature in the natural history of this archipelago; it is, that the different islands to a considerable extent are inhabited by a different set of beings. my attention was first called to this fact by the vice-governor, mr. lawson, declaring that the tortoises differed from the different islands, and that he could with certainty tell from which island any one was brought. i did not for some time pay sufficient attention to this statement, and i had already partially mingled together the collections from two of the islands. i never dreamed that islands, about 50 or 60 miles apart, and most of them in sight of each other, formed of precisely the same rocks, placed under a quite similar climate, rising to a nearly equal height, would have been differently tenanted; but we shall soon see that this is the case. it is the fate of most voyagers, no sooner to discover what is most interesting in any locality, than they are hurried from it; but i ought, perhaps, to be thankful that i obtained sufficient materials to establish this most remarkable fact in the distribution of organic beings. the inhabitants, as i have said, state that they can distinguish the tortoises from the different islands; and that they differ not only in size, but in other characters. captain porter has described [5] those from charles and from the nearest island to it, namely, hood island, as having their shells in front thick and turned up like a spanish saddle, whilst the tortoises from james island are rounder, blacker, and have a better taste when cooked. m. bibron, moreover, informs me that he has seen what he considers two distinct species of tortoise from the galapagos, but he does not know from which islands. the specimens that i brought from three islands were young ones: and probably owing to this cause neither mr. gray nor myself could find in them any specific differences. i have remarked that the marine amblyrhynchus was larger at albemarle island than elsewhere; and m. bibron informs me that he has seen two distinct aquatic species of this genus; so that the different islands probably have their representative species or races of the amblyrhynchus, as well as of the tortoise. my attention was first thoroughly aroused, by comparing together the numerous specimens, shot by myself and several other parties on board, of the mocking-thrushes, when, to my astonishment, i discovered that all those from charles island belonged to one species (mimus trifasciatus) all from albemarle island to m. parvulus; and all from james and chatham islands (between which two other islands are situated, as connecting links) belonged to m. melanotis. these two latter species are closely allied, and would by some ornithologists be considered as only well-marked races or varieties; but the mimus trifasciatus is very distinct. unfortunately most of the specimens of the finch tribe were mingled together; but i have strong reasons to suspect that some of the species of the sub-group geospiza are confined to separate islands. if the different islands have their representatives of geospiza, it may help to explain the singularly large number of the species of this sub-group in this one small archipelago, and as a probable consequence of their numbers, the perfectly graduated series in the size of their beaks. two species of the sub-group cactornis, and two of the camarhynchus, were procured in the archipelago; and of the numerous specimens of these two sub-groups shot by four collectors at james island, all were found to belong to one species of each; whereas the numerous specimens shot either on chatham or charles island (for the two sets were mingled together) all belonged to the two other species: hence we may feel almost sure that these islands possess their respective species of these two sub-groups. in land-shells this law of distribution does not appear to hold good. in my very small collection of insects, mr. waterhouse remarks, that of those which were ticketed with their locality, not one was common to any two of the islands. if we now turn to the flora, we shall find the aboriginal plants of the different islands wonderfully different. i give all the following results on the high authority of my friend dr. j. hooker. i may premise that i indiscriminately collected everything in flower on the different islands, and fortunately kept my collections separate. too much confidence, however, must not be placed in the proportional results, as the small collections brought home by some other naturalists though in some respects confirming the results, plainly show that much remains to be done in the botany of this group: the leguminosae, moreover, has as yet been only approximately worked out:- --------------------------------------------------------------- number of species confined to the number of number of galapagos species species number archipelago total found in confined confined but found name number other to the to the on more of of parts of galapagos one than the island species the world archipelago island one island --------------------------------------------------------------- james 71 33 38 30 8 albemarle 46 18 26 22 4 chatham 32 16 16 12 4 charles 68 39 29 21 8 (or 29, if the probably imported plants be subtracted.) ---------------------------------------------------------------hence we have the truly wonderful fact, that in james island, of the thirty-eight galapageian plants, or those found in no other part of the world, thirty are exclusively confined to this one island; and in albemarle island, of the twenty-six aboriginal galapageian plants, twenty-two are confined to this one island, that is, only four are at present known to grow in the other islands of the archipelago; and so on, as shown in the above table, with the plants from chatham and charles islands. this fact will, perhaps, be rendered even more striking, by giving a few illustrations:--thus, scalesia, a remarkable arborescent genus of the compositae, is confined to the archipelago: it has six species: one from chatham, one from albemarle, one from charles island, two from james island, and the sixth from one of the three latter islands, but it is not known from which: not one of these six species grows on any two islands. again, euphorbia, a mundane or widely distributed genus, has here eight species, of which seven are confined to the archipelago, and not one found on any two islands: acalypha and borreria, both mundane genera, have respectively six and seven species, none of which have the same species on two islands, with the exception of one borreria, which does occur on two islands. the species of the compositae are particularly local; and dr. hooker has furnished me with several other most striking illustrations of the difference of the species on the different islands. he remarks that this law of distribution holds good both with those genera confined to the archipelago, and those distributed in other quarters of the world: in like manner we have seen that the different islands have their proper species of the mundane genus of tortoise, and of the widely distributed american genus of the mocking-thrush, as well as of two of the galapageian sub-groups of finches, and almost certainly of the galapageian genus amblyrhynchus. the distribution of the tenants of this archipelago would not be nearly so wonderful, if, for instance, one island had a mocking-thrush, and a second island some other quite distinct genus,--if one island had its genus of lizard, and a second island another distinct genus, or none whatever;--or if the different islands were inhabited, not by representative species of the same genera of plants, but by totally different genera, as does to a certain extent hold good: for, to give one instance, a large berry-bearing tree at james island has no representative species in charles island. but it is the circumstance, that several of the islands possess their own species of the tortoise, mocking-thrush, finches, and numerous plants, these species having the same general habits, occupying analogous situations, and obviously filling the same place in the natural economy of this archipelago, that strikes me with wonder. it may be suspected that some of these representative species, at least in the case of the tortoise and of some of the birds, may hereafter prove to be only well-marked races; but this would be of equally great interest to the philosophical naturalist. i have said that most of the islands are in sight of each other: i may specify that charles island is fifty miles from the nearest part of chatham island, and thirty-three miles from the nearest part of albemarle island. chatham island is sixty miles from the nearest part of james island, but there are two intermediate islands between them which were not visited by me. james island is only ten miles from the nearest part of albemarle island, but the two points where the collections were made are thirty-two miles apart. i must repeat, that neither the nature of the soil, nor height of the land, nor the climate, nor the general character of the associated beings, and therefore their action one on another, can differ much in the different islands. if there be any sensible difference in their climates, it must be between the windward group (namely, charles and chatham islands), and that to leeward; but there seems to be no corresponding difference in the productions of these two halves of the archipelago. the only light which i can throw on this remarkable difference in the inhabitants of the different islands, is, that very strong currents of the sea running in a westerly and w.n.w. direction must separate, as far as transportal by the sea is concerned, the southern islands from the northern ones; and between these northern islands a strong n.w. current was observed, which must effectually separate james and albemarle islands. as the archipelago is free to a most remarkable degree from gales of wind, neither the birds, insects, nor lighter seeds, would be blown from island to island. and lastly, the profound depth of the ocean between the islands, and their apparently recent (in a geological sense) volcanic origin, render it highly unlikely that they were ever united; and this, probably, is a far more important consideration than any other, with respect to the geographical distribution of their inhabitants. reviewing the facts here given, one is astonished at the amount of creative force, if such an expression may be used, displayed on these small, barren, and rocky islands; and still more so, at its diverse yet analogous action on points so near each other. i have said that the galapagos archipelago might be called a satellite attached to america, but it should rather be called a group of satellites, physically similar, organically distinct, yet intimately related to each other, and all related in a marked, though much lesser degree, to the great american continent. i will conclude my description of the natural history of these islands, by giving an account of the extreme tameness of the birds. this disposition is common to all the terrestrial species; namely, to the mocking-thrushes, the finches, wrens, tyrant-flycatchers, the dove, and carrion-buzzard. all of them are often approached sufficiently near to be killed with a switch, and sometimes, as i myself tried, with a cap or hat. a gun is here almost superfluous; for with the muzzle i pushed a hawk off the branch of a tree. one day, whilst lying down, a mocking-thrush alighted on the edge of a pitcher, made of the shell of a tortoise, which i held in my hand, and began very quietly to sip the water; it allowed me to lift it from the ground whilst seated on the vessel: i often tried, and very nearly succeeded, in catching these birds by their legs. formerly the birds appear to have been even tamer than at present. cowley (in the year 1684) says that the "turtledoves were so tame, that they would often alight on our hats and arms, so as that we could take them alive, they not fearing man, until such time as some of our company did fire at them, whereby they were rendered more shy." dampier also, in the same year, says that a man in a morning's walk might kill six or seven dozen of these doves. at present, although certainly very tame, they do not alight on people's arms, nor do they suffer themselves to be killed in such large numbers. it is surprising that they have not become wilder; for these islands during the last hundred and fifty years have been frequently visited by bucaniers and whalers; and the sailors, wandering through the wood in search of tortoises, always take cruel delight in knocking down the little birds. these birds, although now still more persecuted, do not readily become wild. in charles island, which had then been colonized about six years, i saw a boy sitting by a well with a switch in his hand, with which he killed the doves and finches as they came to drink. he had already procured a little heap of them for his dinner, and he said that he had constantly been in the habit of waiting by this well for the same purpose. it would appear that the birds of this archipelago, not having as yet learnt that man is a more dangerous animal than the tortoise or the amblyrhynchus, disregard him, in the same manner as in england shy birds, such as magpies, disregard the cows and horses grazing in our fields. the falkland islands offer a second instance of birds with a similar disposition. the extraordinary tameness of the little opetiorhynchus has been remarked by pernety, lesson, and other voyagers. it is not, however, peculiar to that bird: the polyborus, snipe, upland and lowland goose, thrush, bunting, and even some true hawks, are all more or less tame. as the birds are so tame there, where foxes, hawks, and owls occur, we may infer that the absence of all rapacious animals at the galapagos, is not the cause of their tameness here. the upland geese at the falklands show, by the precaution they take in building on the islets, that they are aware of their danger from the foxes; but they are not by this rendered wild towards man. this tameness of the birds, especially of the water-fowl, is strongly contrasted with the habits of the same species in tierra del fuego, where for ages past they have been persecuted by the wild inhabitants. in the falklands, the sportsman may sometimes kill more of the upland geese in one day than he can carry home; whereas in tierra del fuego it is nearly as difficult to kill one, as it is in england to shoot the common wild goose. in the time of pernety (1763), all the birds there appear to have been much tamer than at present; he states that the opetiorhynchus would almost perch on his finger; and that with a wand he killed ten in half an hour. at that period the birds must have been about as tame as they now are at the galapagos. they appear to have learnt caution more slowly at these latter islands than at the falklands, where they have had proportionate means of experience; for besides frequent visits from vessels, those islands have been at intervals colonized during the entire period. even formerly, when all the birds were so tame, it was impossible by pernety's account to kill the black-necked swan--a bird of passage, which probably brought with it the wisdom learnt in foreign countries. i may add that, according to du bois, all the birds at bourbon in 1571-72, with the exception of the flamingoes and geese, were so extremely tame, that they could be caught by the hand, or killed in any number with a stick. again, at tristan d'acunha in the atlantic, carmichael [6] states that the only two land-birds, a thrush and a bunting, were "so tame as to suffer themselves to be caught with a hand-net." from these several facts we may, i think, conclude, first, that the wildness of birds with regard to man, is a particular instinct directed against _him_, and not dependent upon any general degree of caution arising from other sources of danger; secondly, that it is not acquired by individual birds in a short time, even when much persecuted; but that in the course of successive generations it becomes hereditary. with domesticated animals we are accustomed to see new mental habits or instincts acquired or rendered hereditary; but with animals in a state of nature, it must always be most difficult to discover instances of acquired hereditary knowledge. in regard to the wildness of birds towards man, there is no way of accounting for it, except as an inherited habit: comparatively few young birds, in any one year, have been injured by man in england, yet almost all, even nestlings, are afraid of him; many individuals, on the other hand, both at the galapagos and at the falklands, have been pursued and injured by man, yet have not learned a salutary dread of him. we may infer from these facts, what havoc the introduction of any new beast of prey must cause in a country, before the instincts of the indigenous inhabitants have become adapted to the stranger's craft or power. [1] the progress of research has shown that some of these birds, which were then thought to be confined to the islands, occur on the american continent. the eminent ornithologist, mr. sclater, informs me that this is the case with the strix punctatissima and pyrocephalus nanus; and probably with the otus galapagoensis and zenaida galapagoensis: so that the number of endemic birds is reduced to twenty-three, or probably to twenty-one. mr. sclater thinks that one or two of these endemic forms should be ranked rather as varieties than species, which always seemed to me probable. [2] this is stated by dr. gunther (zoolog. soc. jan 24th, 1859) to be a peculiar species, not known to inhabit any other country. [3] voyage aux quatre iles d'afrique. with respect to the sandwich islands, see tyerman and bennett's journal, vol. i. p. 434. for mauritius, see voyage par un officier, etc., part i. p. 170. there are no frogs in the canary islands (webb et berthelot, hist. nat. des iles canaries). i saw none at st. jago in the cape de verds. there are none at st. helena. [4] ann. and mag. of nat. hist., vol. xvi. p. 19. [5] voyage in the u. s. ship essex, vol. i. p. 215. [6] linn. trans., vol. xii. p. 496. the most anomalous fact on this subject which i have met with is the wildness of the small birds in the arctic parts of north america (as described by richardson, fauna bor., vol. ii. p. 332), where they are said never to be persecuted. this case is the more strange, because it is asserted that some of the same species in their winter-quarters in the united states are tame. there is much, as dr. richardson well remarks, utterly inexplicable connected with the different degrees of shyness and care with which birds conceal their nests. how strange it is that the english wood-pigeon, generally so wild a bird, should very frequently rear its young in shrubberies close to houses! chapter xviii tahiti and new zealand pass through the low archipelago--tahiti--aspect--vegetation on the mountains--view of eimeo--excursion into the interior--profound ravines--succession of waterfalls--number of wild useful plants--temperance of the inhabitants--their moral state--parliament convened--new zealand--bay of islands--hippahs--excursion to waimate--missionary establishment--english weeds now run wild--waiomio--funeral of a new zealand woman--sail for australia. october 20th.--the survey of the galapagos archipelago being concluded, we steered towards tahiti and commenced our long passage of 3200 miles. in the course of a few days we sailed out of the gloomy and clouded ocean-district which extends during the winter far from the coast of south america. we then enjoyed bright and clear weather, while running pleasantly along at the rate of 150 or 160 miles a day before the steady trade-wind. the temperature in this more central part of the pacific is higher than near the american shore. the thermometer in the poop cabin, by night and day, ranged between 80 and 83 degs., which feels very pleasant; but with one degree or two higher, the heat becomes oppressive. we passed through the low or dangerous archipelago, and saw several of those most curious rings of coral land, just rising above the water's edge, which have been called lagoon islands. a long and brilliantly white beach is capped by a margin of green vegetation; and the strip, looking either way, rapidly narrows away in the distance, and sinks beneath the horizon from the mast-head a wide expanse of smooth water can be seen within the ring. these low hollow coral islands bear no proportion to the vast ocean out of which they abruptly rise; and it seems wonderful, that such weak invaders are not overwhelmed, by the all-powerful and never-tiring waves of that great sea, miscalled the pacific. november 15th.--at daylight, tahiti, an island which must for ever remain classical to the voyager in the south sea, was in view. at a distance the appearance was not attractive. the luxuriant vegetation of the lower part could not yet be seen, and as the clouds rolled past, the wildest and most precipitous peaks showed themselves towards the centre of the island. as soon as we anchored in matavai bay, we were surrounded by canoes. this was our sunday, but the monday of tahiti: if the case had been reversed, we should not have received a single visit; for the injunction not to launch a canoe on the sabbath is rigidly obeyed. after dinner we landed to enjoy all the delights produced by the first impressions of a new country, and that country the charming tahiti. a crowd of men, women, and children, was collected on the memorable point venus, ready to receive us with laughing, merry faces. they marshalled us towards the house of mr. wilson, the missionary of the district, who met us on the road, and gave us a very friendly reception. after sitting a very short time in his house, we separated to walk about, but returned there in the evening. the land capable of cultivation, is scarcely in any part more than a fringe of low alluvial soil, accumulated round the base of the mountains, and protected from the waves of the sea by a coral reef, which encircles the entire line of coast. within the reef there is an expanse of smooth water, like that of a lake, where the canoes of the natives can ply with safety and where ships anchor. the low land which comes down to the beach of coral-sand, is covered by the most beautiful productions of the intertropical regions. in the midst of bananas, orange, cocoa-nut, and bread-fruit trees, spots are cleared where yams, sweet potatoes, and sugar-cane, and pine-apples are cultivated. even the brushwood is an imported fruit-tree, namely, the guava, which from its abundance has become as noxious as a weed. in brazil i have often admired the varied beauty of the bananas, palms, and orange-trees contrasted together; and here we also have the bread-fruit, conspicuous from its large, glossy, and deeply digitated leaf. it is admirable to behold groves of a tree, sending forth its branches with the vigour of an english oak, loaded with large and most nutritious fruit. however seldom the usefulness of an object can account for the pleasure of beholding it, in the case of these beautiful woods, the knowledge of their high productiveness no doubt enters largely into the feeling of admiration. the little winding paths, cool from the surrounding shade, led to the scattered houses; the owners of which everywhere gave us a cheerful and most hospitable reception. i was pleased with nothing so much as with the inhabitants. there is a mildness in the expression of their countenances which at once banishes the idea of a savage; and intelligence which shows that they are advancing in civilization. the common people, when working, keep the upper part of their bodies quite naked; and it is then that the tahitians are seen to advantage. they are very tall, broad-shouldered, athletic, and well-proportioned. it has been remarked, that it requires little habit to make a dark skin more pleasing and natural to the eye of an european than his own colour. a white man bathing by the side of a tahitian, was like a plant bleached by the gardener's art compared with a fine dark green one growing vigorously in the open fields. most of the men are tattooed, and the ornaments follow the curvature of the body so gracefully, that they have a very elegant effect. one common pattern, varying in its details, is somewhat like the crown of a palm-tree. it springs from the central line of the back, and gracefully curls round both sides. the simile may be a fanciful one, but i thought the body of a man thus ornamented was like the trunk of a noble tree embraced by a delicate creeper. many of the elder people had their feet covered with small figures, so placed as to resemble a sock. this fashion, however, is partly gone by, and has been succeeded by others. here, although fashion is far from immutable, every one must abide by that prevailing in his youth. an old man has thus his age for ever stamped on his body, and he cannot assume the airs of a young dandy. the women are tattooed in the same manner as the men, and very commonly on their fingers. one unbecoming fashion is now almost universal: namely, shaving the hair from the upper part of the head, in a circular form, so as to leave only an outer ring. the missionaries have tried to persuade the people to change this habit; but it is the fashion, and that is a sufficient answer at tahiti, as well as at paris. i was much disappointed in the personal appearance of the women: they are far inferior in every respect to the men. the custom of wearing a white or scarlet flower in the back of the head, or through a small hole in each ear, is pretty. a crown of woven cocoa-nut leaves is also worn as a shade for the eyes. the women appear to be in greater want of some becoming costume even than the men. nearly all the natives understand a little english--that is, they know the names of common things; and by the aid of this, together with signs, a lame sort of conversation could be carried on. in returning in the evening to the boat, we stopped to witness a very pretty scene. numbers of children were playing on the beach, and had lighted bonfires which illumined the placid sea and surrounding trees; others, in circles, were singing tahitian verses. we seated ourselves on the sand, and joined their party. the songs were impromptu, and i believe related to our arrival: one little girl sang a line, which the rest took up in parts, forming a very pretty chorus. the whole scene made us unequivocally aware that we were seated on the shores of an island in the far-famed south sea. 17th.--this day is reckoned in the log-book as tuesday the 17th, instead of monday the 16th, owing to our, so far, successful chase of the sun. before breakfast the ship was hemmed in by a flotilla of canoes; and when the natives were allowed to come on board, i suppose there could not have been less than two hundred. it was the opinion of every one that it would have been difficult to have picked out an equal number from any other nation, who would have given so little trouble. everybody brought something for sale: shells were the main articles of trade. the tahitians now fully understand the value of money, and prefer it to old clothes or other articles. the various coins, however, of english and spanish denomination puzzle them, and they never seemed to think the small silver quite secure until changed into dollars. some of the chiefs have accumulated considerable sums of money. one chief, not long since, offered 800 dollars (about 160 pounds sterling) for a small vessel; and frequently they purchase whale-boats and horses at the rate of from 50 to 100 dollars. after breakfast i went on shore, and ascended the nearest slope to a height of between two and three thousand feet. the outer mountains are smooth and conical, but steep; and the old volcanic rocks, of which they are formed, have been cut through by many profound ravines, diverging from the central broken parts of the island to the coast. having crossed the narrow low girt of inhabited and fertile land, i followed a smooth steep ridge between two of the deep ravines. the vegetation was singular, consisting almost exclusively of small dwarf ferns, mingled higher up, with coarse grass; it was not very dissimilar from that on some of the welsh hills, and this so close above the orchard of tropical plants on the coast was very surprising. at the highest point, which i reached, trees again appeared. of the three zones of comparative luxuriance, the lower one owes its moisture, and therefore fertility, to its flatness; for, being scarcely raised above the level of the sea, the water from the higher land drains away slowly. the intermediate zone does not, like the upper one, reach into a damp and cloudy atmosphere, and therefore remains sterile. the woods in the upper zone are very pretty, tree-ferns replacing the cocoa-nuts on the coast. it must not, however, be supposed that these woods at all equal in splendour the forests of brazil. the vast numbers of productions, which characterize a continent, cannot be expected to occur in an island. from the highest point which i attained, there was a good view of the distant island of eimeo, dependent on the same sovereign with tahiti. on the lofty and broken pinnacles, white massive clouds were piled up, which formed an island in the blue sky, as eimeo itself did in the blue ocean. the island, with the exception of one small gateway, is completely encircled by a reef. at this distance, a narrow but well-defined brilliantly white line was alone visible, where the waves first encountered the wall of coral. the mountains rose abruptly out of the glassy expanse of the lagoon, included within this narrow white line, outside which the heaving waters of the ocean were dark-coloured. the view was striking: it may aptly be compared to a framed engraving, where the frame represents the breakers, the marginal paper the smooth lagoon, and the drawing the island itself. when in the evening i descended from the mountain, a man, whom i had pleased with a trifling gift, met me, bringing with him hot roasted bananas, a pine-apple, and cocoa-nuts. after walking under a burning sun, i do not know anything more delicious than the milk of a young cocoa-nut. pine-apples are here so abundant that the people eat them in the same wasteful manner as we might turnips. they are of an excellent flavor--perhaps even better than those cultivated in england; and this i believe is the highest compliment which can be paid to any fruit. before going on board, mr. wilson interpreted for me to the tahitian who had paid me so adroit an attention, that i wanted him and another man to accompany me on a short excursion into the mountains. 18th.--in the morning i came on shore early, bringing with me some provisions in a bag, and two blankets for myself and servant. these were lashed to each end of a long pole, which was alternately carried by my tahitian companions on their shoulders. these men are accustomed thus to carry, for a whole day, as much as fifty pounds at each end of their poles. i told my guides to provide themselves with food and clothing; but they said that there was plenty of food in the mountains, and for clothing, that their skins were sufficient. our line of march was the valley of tiaauru, down which a river flows into the sea by point venus. this is one of the principal streams in the island, and its source lies at the base of the loftiest central pinnacles, which rise to a height of about 7000 feet. the whole island is so mountainous that the only way to penetrate into the interior is to follow up the valleys. our road, at first, lay through woods which bordered each side of the river; and the glimpses of the lofty central peaks, seen as through an avenue, with here and there a waving cocoa-nut tree on one side, were extremely picturesque. the valley soon began to narrow, and the sides to grow lofty and more precipitous. after having walked between three and four hours, we found the width of the ravine scarcely exceeded that of the bed of the stream. on each hand the walls were nearly vertical, yet from the soft nature of the volcanic strata, trees and a rank vegetation sprung from every projecting ledge. these precipices must have been some thousand feet high; and the whole formed a mountain gorge far more magnificent than anything which i had ever before beheld. until the midday sun stood vertically over the ravine, the air felt cool and damp, but now it became very sultry. shaded by a ledge of rock, beneath a facade of columnar lava, we ate our dinner. my guides had already procured a dish of small fish and fresh-water prawns. they carried with them a small net stretched on a hoop; and where the water was deep and in eddies, they dived, and like otters, with their eyes open followed the fish into holes and corners, and thus caught them. the tahitians have the dexterity of amphibious animals in the water. an anecdote mentioned by ellis shows how much they feel at home in this element. when a horse was landing for pomarre in 1817, the slings broke, and it fell into the water; immediately the natives jumped overboard, and by their cries and vain efforts at assistance almost drowned it. as soon, however, as it reached the shore, the whole population took to flight, and tried to hide themselves from the man-carrying pig, as they christened the horse. a little higher up, the river divided itself into three little streams. the two northern ones were impracticable, owing to a succession of waterfalls which descended from the jagged summit of the highest mountain; the other to all appearance was equally inaccessible, but we managed to ascend it by a most extraordinary road. the sides of the valley were here nearly precipitous, but, as frequently happens with stratified rocks, small ledges projected, which were thickly covered by wild bananas, lilaceous plants, and other luxuriant productions of the tropics. the tahitians, by climbing amongst these ledges, searching for fruit, had discovered a track by which the whole precipice could be scaled. the first ascent from the valley was very dangerous; for it was necessary to pass a steeply inclined face of naked rock, by the aid of ropes which we brought with us. how any person discovered that this formidable spot was the only point where the side of the mountain was practicable, i cannot imagine. we then cautiously walked along one of the ledges till we came to one of the three streams. this ledge formed a flat spot, above which a beautiful cascade, some hundred feet in height, poured down its waters, and beneath, another high cascade fell into the main stream in the valley below. from this cool and shady recess we made a circuit to avoid the overhanging waterfall. as before, we followed little projecting ledges, the danger being partly concealed by the thickness of the vegetation. in passing from one of the ledges to another, there was a vertical wall of rock. one of the tahitians, a fine active man, placed the trunk of a tree against this, climbed up it, and then by the aid of crevices reached the summit. he fixed the ropes to a projecting point, and lowered them for our dog and luggage, and then we clambered up ourselves. beneath the ledge on which the dead tree was placed, the precipice must have been five or six hundred feet deep; and if the abyss had not been partly concealed by the overhanging ferns and lilies my head would have turned giddy, and nothing should have induced me to have attempted it. we continued to ascend, sometimes along ledges, and sometimes along knife-edged ridges, having on each hand profound ravines. in the cordillera i have seen mountains on a far grander scale, but for abruptness, nothing at all comparable with this. in the evening we reached a flat little spot on the banks of the same stream, which we had continued to follow, and which descends in a chain of waterfalls: here we bivouacked for the night. on each side of the ravine there were great beds of the mountain-banana, covered with ripe fruit. many of these plants were from twenty to twenty-five feet high, and from three to four in circumference. by the aid of strips of bark for rope, the stems of bamboos for rafters, and the large leaf of the banana for a thatch, the tahitians in a few minutes built us an excellent house; and with withered leaves made a soft bed. they then proceeded to make a fire, and cook our evening meal. a light was procured, by rubbing a blunt pointed stick in a groove made in another, as if with intention of deepening it, until by the friction the dust became ignited. a peculiarly white and very light wood (the hibiscus tiliareus) is alone used for this purpose: it is the same which serves for poles to carry any burden, and for the floating out-riggers to their canoes. the fire was produced in a few seconds: but to a person who does not understand the art, it requires, as i found, the greatest exertion; but at last, to my great pride, i succeeded in igniting the dust. the gaucho in the pampas uses a different method: taking an elastic stick about eighteen inches long, he presses one end on his breast, and the other pointed end into a hole in a piece of wood, and then rapidly turns the curved part, like a carpenter's centre-bit. the tahitians having made a small fire of sticks, placed a score of stones, of about the size of cricket-balls, on the burning wood. in about ten minutes the sticks were consumed, and the stones hot. they had previously folded up in small parcels of leaves, pieces of beef, fish, ripe and unripe bananas, and the tops of the wild arum. these green parcels were laid in a layer between two layers of the hot stones, and the whole then covered up with earth, so that no smoke or steam could escape. in about a quarter of an hour, the whole was most deliciously cooked. the choice green parcels were now laid on a cloth of banana leaves, and with a cocoa-nut shell we drank the cool water of the running stream; and thus we enjoyed our rustic meal. i could not look on the surrounding plants without admiration. on every side were forests of banana; the fruit of which, though serving for food in various ways, lay in heaps decaying on the ground. in front of us there was an extensive brake of wild sugar-cane; and the stream was shaded by the dark green knotted stem of the ava,--so famous in former days for its powerful intoxicating effects. i chewed a piece, and found that it had an acrid and unpleasant taste, which would have induced any one at once to have pronounced it poisonous. thanks to the missionaries, this plant now thrives only in these deep ravines, innocuous to every one. close by i saw the wild arum, the roots of which, when well baked, are good to eat, and the young leaves better than spinach. there was the wild yam, and a liliaceous plant called ti, which grows in abundance, and has a soft brown root, in shape and size like a huge log of wood: this served us for dessert, for it is as sweet as treacle, and with a pleasant taste. there were, moreover, several other wild fruits, and useful vegetables. the little stream, besides its cool water, produced eels, and cray-fish. i did indeed admire this scene, when i compared it with an uncultivated one in the temperate zones. i felt the force of the remark, that man, at least savage man, with his reasoning powers only partly developed, is the child of the tropics. as the evening drew to a close, i strolled beneath the gloomy shade of the bananas up the course of the stream. my walk was soon brought to a close, by coming to a waterfall between two and three hundred feet high; and again above this there was another. i mention all these waterfalls in this one brook, to give a general idea of the inclination of the land. in the little recess where the water fell, it did not appear that a breath of wind had ever blown. the thin edges of the great leaves of the banana, damp with spray, were unbroken, instead of being, as is so generally the case, split into a thousand shreds. from our position, almost suspended on the mountain side, there were glimpses into the depths of the neighbouring valleys; and the lofty points of the central mountains, towering up within sixty degrees of the zenith, hid half the evening sky. thus seated, it was a sublime spectacle to watch the shades of night gradually obscuring the last and highest pinnacles. before we laid ourselves down to sleep, the elder tahitian fell on his knees, and with closed eyes repeated a long prayer in his native tongue. he prayed as a christian should do, with fitting reverence, and without the fear of ridicule or any ostentation of piety. at our meals neither of the men would taste food, without saying beforehand a short grace. those travellers who think that a tahitian prays only when the eyes of the missionary are fixed on him, should have slept with us that night on the mountain-side. before morning it rained very heavily; but the good thatch of banana-leaves kept us dry. november 19th.--at daylight my friends, after their morning prayer, prepared an excellent breakfast in the same manner as in the evening. they themselves certainly partook of it largely; indeed i never saw any men eat near so much. i suppose such enormously capacious stomachs must be the effect of a large part of their diet consisting of fruit and vegetables, which contain, in a given bulk, a comparatively small portion of nutriment. unwittingly, i was the means of my companions breaking, as i afterwards learned, one of their own laws, and resolutions: i took with me a flask of spirits, which they could not refuse to partake of; but as often as they drank a little, they put their fingers before their mouths, and uttered the word "missionary." about two years ago, although the use of the ava was prevented, drunkenness from the introduction of spirits became very prevalent. the missionaries prevailed on a few good men, who saw that their country was rapidly going to ruin, to join with them in a temperance society. from good sense or shame, all the chiefs and the queen were at last persuaded to join. immediately a law was passed, that no spirits should be allowed to be introduced into the island, and that he who sold and he who bought the forbidden article should be punished by a fine. with remarkable justice, a certain period was allowed for stock in hand to be sold, before the law came into effect. but when it did, a general search was made, in which even the houses of the missionaries were not exempted, and all the ava (as the natives call all ardent spirits) was poured on the ground. when one reflects on the effect of intemperance on the aborigines of the two americas, i think it will be acknowledged that every well-wisher of tahiti owes no common debt of gratitude to the missionaries. as long as the little island of st. helena remained under the government of the east india company, spirits, owing to the great injury they had produced, were not allowed to be imported; but wine was supplied from the cape of good hope. it is rather a striking and not very gratifying fact, that in the same year that spirits were allowed to be sold in helena, their use was banished from tahiti by the free will of the people. after breakfast we proceeded on our journey. as my object was merely to see a little of the interior scenery, we returned by another track, which descended into the main valley lower down. for some distance we wound, by a most intricate path, along the side of the mountain which formed the valley. in the less precipitous parts we passed through extensive groves of the wild banana. the tahitians, with their naked, tattooed bodies, their heads ornamented with flowers, and seen in the dark shade of these groves, would have formed a fine picture of man inhabiting some primeval land. in our descent we followed the line of ridges; these were exceedingly narrow, and for considerable lengths steep as a ladder; but all clothed with vegetation. the extreme care necessary in poising each step rendered the walk fatiguing. i did not cease to wonder at these ravines and precipices: when viewing the country from one of the knife-edged ridges, the point of support was so small, that the effect was nearly the same as it must be from a balloon. in this descent we had occasion to use the ropes only once, at the point where we entered the main valley. we slept under the same ledge of rock where we had dined the day before: the night was fine, but from the depth and narrowness of the gorge, profoundly dark. before actually seeing this country, i found it difficult to understand two facts mentioned by ellis; namely, that after the murderous battles of former times, the survivors on the conquered side retired into the mountains, where a handful of men could resist a multitude. certainly half a dozen men, at the spot where the tahitian reared the old tree, could easily have repulsed thousands. secondly, that after the introduction of christianity, there were wild men who lived in the mountains, and whose retreats were unknown to the more civilized inhabitants. november 20th.--in the morning we started early, and reached matavai at noon. on the road we met a large party of noble athletic men, going for wild bananas. i found that the ship, on account of the difficulty in watering, had moved to the harbour of papawa, to which place i immediately walked. this is a very pretty spot. the cove is surrounded by reefs, and the water as smooth as in a lake. the cultivated ground, with its beautiful productions, interspersed with cottages, comes close down to the water's edge. from the varying accounts which i had read before reaching these islands, i was very anxious to form, from my own observation, a judgment of their moral state,--although such judgment would necessarily be very imperfect. first impressions at all times very much depend on one's previously acquired ideas. my notions were drawn from ellis's "polynesian researches"--an admirable and most interesting work, but naturally looking at everything under a favourable point of view, from beechey's voyage; and from that of kotzebue, which is strongly adverse to the whole missionary system. he who compares these three accounts will, i think, form a tolerably accurate conception of the present state of tahiti. one of my impressions which i took from the two last authorities, was decidedly incorrect; viz., that the tahitians had become a gloomy race, and lived in fear of the missionaries. of the latter feeling i saw no trace, unless, indeed, fear and respect be confounded under one name. instead of discontent being a common feeling, it would be difficult in europe to pick out of a crowd half so many merry and happy faces. the prohibition of the flute and dancing is inveighed against as wrong and foolish;--the more than presbyterian manner of keeping the sabbath is looked at in a similar light. on these points i will not pretend to offer any opinion to men who have resided as many years as i was days on the island. on the whole, it appears to me that the morality and religion of the inhabitants are highly creditable. there are many who attack, even more acrimoniously than kotzebue, both the missionaries, their system, and the effects produced by it. such reasoners never compare the present state with that of the island only twenty years ago; nor even with that of europe at this day; but they compare it with the high standard of gospel perfection. they expect the missionaries to effect that which the apostles themselves failed to do. inasmuch as the condition of the people falls short of this high standard, blame is attached to the missionary, instead of credit for that which he has effected. they forget, or will not remember, that human sacrifices, and the power of an idolatrous priesthood--a system of profligacy unparalleled in any other part of the world--infanticide a consequence of that system--bloody wars, where the conquerors spared neither women nor children--that all these have been abolished; and that dishonesty, intemperance, and licentiousness have been greatly reduced by the introduction of christianity. in a voyager to forget these things is base ingratitude; for should he chance to be at the point of shipwreck on some unknown coast, he will most devoutly pray that the lesson of the missionary may have extended thus far. in point of morality, the virtue of the women, it has been often said, is most open to exception. but before they are blamed too severely, it will be well distinctly to call to mind the scenes described by captain cook and mr. banks, in which the grandmothers and mothers of the present race played a part. those who are most severe, should consider how much of the morality of the women in europe is owing to the system early impressed by mothers on their daughters, and how much in each individual case to the precepts of religion. but it is useless to argue against such reasoners;--i believe that, disappointed in not finding the field of licentiousness quite so open as formerly, they will not give credit to a morality which they do not wish to practise, or to a religion which they undervalue, if not despise. sunday, 22nd.--the harbour of papiete, where the queen resides, may be considered as the capital of the island: it is also the seat of government, and the chief resort of shipping. captain fitz roy took a party there this day to hear divine service, first in the tahitian language, and afterwards in our own. mr. pritchard, the leading missionary in the island, performed the service. the chapel consisted of a large airy framework of wood; and it was filled to excess by tidy, clean people, of all ages and both sexes. i was rather disappointed in the apparent degree of attention; but i believe my expectations were raised too high. at all events the appearance was quite equal to that in a country church in england. the singing of the hymns was decidedly very pleasing, but the language from the pulpit, although fluently delivered, did not sound well: a constant repetition of words, like "tata ta, mata mai," rendered it monotonous. after english service, a party returned on foot to matavai. it was a pleasant walk, sometimes along the sea-beach and sometimes under the shade of the many beautiful trees. about two years ago, a small vessel under english colours was plundered by some of the inhabitants of the low islands, which were then under the dominion of the queen of tahiti. it was believed that the perpetrators were instigated to this act by some indiscreet laws issued by her majesty. the british government demanded compensation; which was acceded to, and the sum of nearly three thousand dollars was agreed to be paid on the first of last september. the commodore at lima ordered captain fitz roy to inquire concerning this debt, and to demand satisfaction if it were not paid. captain fitz roy accordingly requested an interview with the queen pomarre, since famous from the ill-treatment she had received from the french; and a parliament was held to consider the question, at which all the principal chiefs of the island and the queen were assembled. i will not attempt to describe what took place, after the interesting account given by captain fitz roy. the money, it appeared, had not been paid; perhaps the alleged reasons were rather equivocal; but otherwise i cannot sufficiently express our general surprise at the extreme good sense, the reasoning powers, moderation, candour, and prompt resolution, which were displayed on all sides. i believe we all left the meeting with a very different opinion of the tahitians, from what we entertained when we entered. the chiefs and people resolved to subscribe and complete the sum which was wanting; captain fitz roy urged that it was hard that their private property should be sacrificed for the crimes of distant islanders. they replied, that they were grateful for his consideration, but that pomarre was their queen, and that they were determined to help her in this her difficulty. this resolution and its prompt execution, for a book was opened early the next morning, made a perfect conclusion to this very remarkable scene of loyalty and good feeling. after the main discussion was ended, several of the chiefs took the opportunity of asking captain fitz roy many intelligent questions on international customs and laws, relating to the treatment of ships and foreigners. on some points, as soon as the decision was made, the law was issued verbally on the spot. this tahitian parliament lasted for several hours; and when it was over captain fitz roy invited queen pomarre to pay the beagle a visit. november 25th.--in the evening four boats were sent for her majesty; the ship was dressed with flags, and the yards manned on her coming on board. she was accompanied by most of the chiefs. the behaviour of all was very proper: they begged for nothing, and seemed much pleased with captain fitz roy's presents. the queen is a large awkward woman, without any beauty, grace or dignity. she has only one royal attribute: a perfect immovability of expression under all circumstances, and that rather a sullen one. the rockets were most admired, and a deep "oh!" could be heard from the shore, all round the dark bay, after each explosion. the sailors' songs were also much admired; and the queen said she thought that one of the most boisterous ones certainly could not be a hymn! the royal party did not return on shore till past midnight. 26th.--in the evening, with a gentle land-breeze, a course was steered for new zealand; and as the sun set, we had a farewell view of the mountains of tahiti--the island to which every voyager has offered up his tribute of admiration. december 19th.--in the evening we saw in the distance new zealand. we may now consider that we have nearly crossed the pacific. it is necessary to sail over this great ocean to comprehend its immensity. moving quickly onwards for weeks together, we meet with nothing but the same blue, profoundly deep, ocean. even within the archipelagoes, the islands are mere specks, and far distant one from the other. accustomed to look at maps drawn on a small scale, where dots, shading, and names are crowded together, we do not rightly judge how infinitely small the proportion of dry land is to water of this vast expanse. the meridian of the antipodes has likewise been passed; and now every league, it made us happy to think, was one league nearer to england. these antipodes call to one's mind old recollections of childish doubt and wonder. only the other day i looked forward to this airy barrier as a definite point in our voyage homewards; but now i find it, and all such resting-places for the imagination, are like shadows, which a man moving onwards cannot catch. a gale of wind lasting for some days, has lately given us full leisure to measure the future stages in our homeward voyage, and to wish most earnestly for its termination. december 21st.--early in the morning we entered the bay of islands, and being becalmed for some hours near the mouth, we did not reach the anchorage till the middle of the day. the country is hilly, with a smooth outline, and is deeply intersected by numerous arms of the sea extending from the bay. the surface appears from a distance as if clothed with coarse pasture, but this in truth is nothing but fern. on the more distant hills, as well as in parts of the valleys, there is a good deal of woodland. the general tint of the landscape is not a bright green; and it resembles the country a short distance to the south of concepcion in chile. in several parts of the bay, little villages of square tidy looking houses are scattered close down to the water's edge. three whaling-ships were lying at anchor, and a canoe every now and then crossed from shore to shore; with these exceptions, an air of extreme quietness reigned over the whole district. only a single canoe came alongside. this, and the aspect of the whole scene, afforded a remarkable, and not very pleasing contrast, with our joyful and boisterous welcome at tahiti. in the afternoon we went on shore to one of the larger groups of houses, which yet hardly deserves the title of a village. its name is pahia: it is the residence of the missionaries; and there are no native residents except servants and labourers. in the vicinity of the bay of islands, the number of englishmen, including their families, amounts to between two and three hundred. all the cottages, many of which are whitewashed and look very neat, are the property of the english. the hovels of the natives are so diminutive and paltry, that they can scarcely be perceived from a distance. at pahia, it was quite pleasing to behold the english flowers in the gardens before the houses; there were roses of several kinds, honeysuckle, jasmine, stocks, and whole hedges of sweetbrier. december 22nd.--in the morning i went out walking; but i soon found that the country was very impracticable. all the hills are thickly covered with tall fern, together with a low bush which grows like a cypress; and very little ground has been cleared or cultivated. i then tried the sea-beach; but proceeding towards either hand, my walk was soon stopped by salt-water creeks and deep brooks. the communication between the inhabitants of the different parts of the bay, is (as in chiloe) almost entirely kept up by boats. i was surprised to find that almost every hill which i ascended, had been at some former time more or less fortified. the summits were cut into steps or successive terraces, and frequently they had been protected by deep trenches. i afterwards observed that the principal hills inland in like manner showed an artificial outline. these are the pas, so frequently mentioned by captain cook under the name of "hippah;" the difference of sound being owing to the prefixed article. that the pas had formerly been much used, was evident from the piles of shells, and the pits in which, as i was informed, sweet potatoes used to be kept as a reserve. as there was no water on these hills, the defenders could never have anticipated a long siege, but only a hurried attack for plunder, against which the successive terraces would have afforded good protection. the general introduction of fire-arms has changed the whole system of warfare; and an exposed situation on the top of a hill is now worse than useless. the pas in consequence are, at the present day, always built on a level piece of ground. they consist of a double stockade of thick and tall posts, placed in a zigzag line, so that every part can be flanked. within the stockade a mound of earth is thrown up, behind which the defenders can rest in safety, or use their fire-arms over it. on the level of the ground little archways sometimes pass through this breastwork, by which means the defenders can crawl out to the stockade and reconnoitre their enemies. the rev. w. williams, who gave me this account, added, that in one pas he had noticed spurs or buttresses projecting on the inner and protected side of the mound of earth. on asking the chief the use of them, he replied, that if two or three of his men were shot, their neighbours would not see the bodies, and so be discouraged. these pas are considered by the new zealanders as very perfect means of defence: for the attacking force is never so well disciplined as to rush in a body to the stockade, cut it down, and effect their entry. when a tribe goes to war, the chief cannot order one party to go here and another there; but every man fights in the manner which best pleases himself; and to each separate individual to approach a stockade defended by fire-arms must appear certain death. i should think a more warlike race of inhabitants could not be found in any part of the world than the new zealanders. their conduct on first seeing a ship, as described by captain cook, strongly illustrates this: the act of throwing volleys of stones at so great and novel an object, and their defiance of "come on shore and we will kill and eat you all," shows uncommon boldness. this warlike spirit is evident in many of their customs, and even in their smallest actions. if a new zealander is struck, although but in joke, the blow must be returned and of this i saw an instance with one of our officers. at the present day, from the progress of civilization, there is much less warfare, except among some of the southern tribes. i heard a characteristic anecdote of what took place some time ago in the south. a missionary found a chief and his tribe in preparation for war;--their muskets clean and bright, and their ammunition ready. he reasoned long on the inutility of the war, and the little provocation which had been given for it. the chief was much shaken in his resolution, and seemed in doubt: but at length it occurred to him that a barrel of his gunpowder was in a bad state, and that it would not keep much longer. this was brought forward as an unanswerable argument for the necessity of immediately declaring war: the idea of allowing so much good gunpowder to spoil was not to be thought of; and this settled the point. i was told by the missionaries that in the life of shongi, the chief who visited england, the love of war was the one and lasting spring of every action. the tribe in which he was a principal chief had at one time been oppressed by another tribe from the thames river. a solemn oath was taken by the men that when their boys should grow up, and they should be powerful enough, they would never forget or forgive these injuries. to fulfil this oath appears to have been shongi's chief motive for going to england; and when there it was his sole object. presents were valued only as they could be converted into arms; of the arts, those alone interested him which were connected with the manufacture of arms. when at sydney, shongi, by a strange coincidence, met the hostile chief of the thames river at the house of mr. marsden: their conduct was civil to each other; but shongi told him that when again in new zealand he would never cease to carry war into his country. the challenge was accepted; and shongi on his return fulfilled the threat to the utmost letter. the tribe on the thames river was utterly overthrown, and the chief to whom the challenge had been given was himself killed. shongi, although harbouring such deep feelings of hatred and revenge, is described as having been a good-natured person. in the evening i went with captain fitz roy and mr. baker, one of the missionaries, to pay a visit to kororadika: we wandered about the village, and saw and conversed with many of the people, both men, women, and children. looking at the new zealander, one naturally compares him with the tahitian; both belonging to the same family of mankind. the comparison, however, tells heavily against the new zealander. he may, perhaps be superior in energy, but in every other respect his character is of a much lower order. one glance at their respective expressions, brings conviction to the mind that one is a savage, the other a civilized man. it would be vain to seek in the whole of new zealand a person with the face and mien of the old tahitian chief utamme. no doubt the extraordinary manner in which tattooing is here practised, gives a disagreeable expression to their countenances. the complicated but symmetrical figures covering the whole face, puzzle and mislead an unaccustomed eye: it is moreover probable, that the deep incisions, by destroying the play of the superficial muscles, give an air of rigid inflexibility. but, besides this, there is a twinkling in the eye, which cannot indicate anything but cunning and ferocity. their figures are tall and bulky; but not comparable in elegance with those of the working-classes in tahiti. but their persons and houses are filthily dirty and offensive: the idea of washing either their bodies or their clothes never seems to enter their heads. i saw a chief, who was wearing a shirt black and matted with filth, and when asked how it came to be so dirty, he replied, with surprise, "do not you see it is an old one?" some of the men have shirts; but the common dress is one or two large blankets, generally black with dirt, which are thrown over their shoulders in a very inconvenient and awkward fashion. a few of the principal chiefs have decent suits of english clothes; but these are only worn on great occasions. december 23rd.--at a place called waimate, about fifteen miles from the bay of islands, and midway between the eastern and western coasts, the missionaries have purchased some land for agricultural purposes. i had been introduced to the rev. w. williams, who, upon my expressing a wish, invited me to pay him a visit there. mr. bushby, the british resident, offered to take me in his boat by a creek, where i should see a pretty waterfall, and by which means my walk would be shortened. he likewise procured for me a guide. upon asking a neighbouring chief to recommend a man, the chief himself offered to go; but his ignorance of the value of money was so complete, that at first he asked how many pounds i would give him, but afterwards was well contented with two dollars. when i showed the chief a very small bundle, which i wanted carried, it became absolutely necessary for him to take a slave. these feelings of pride are beginning to wear away; but formerly a leading man would sooner have died, than undergone the indignity of carrying the smallest burden. my companion was a light active man, dressed in a dirty blanket, and with his face completely tattooed. he had formerly been a great warrior. he appeared to be on very cordial terms with mr. bushby; but at various times they had quarrelled violently. mr. bushby remarked that a little quiet irony would frequently silence any one of these natives in their most blustering moments. this chief has come and harangued mr. bushby in a hectoring manner, saying, "great chief, a great man, a friend of mine, has come to pay me a visit--you must give him something good to eat, some fine presents, etc." mr. bushby has allowed him to finish his discourse, and then has quietly replied by some answer such as, "what else shall your slave do for you?" the man would then instantly, with a very comical expression, cease his braggadocio. some time ago, mr. bushby suffered a far more serious attack. a chief and a party of men tried to break into his house in the middle of the night, and not finding this so easy, commenced a brisk firing with their muskets. mr. bushby was slightly wounded, but the party was at length driven away. shortly afterwards it was discovered who was the aggressor; and a general meeting of the chiefs was convened to consider the case. it was considered by the new zealanders as very atrocious, inasmuch as it was a night attack, and that mrs. bushby was lying ill in the house: this latter circumstance, much to their honour, being considered in all cases as a protection. the chiefs agreed to confiscate the land of the aggressor to the king of england. the whole proceeding, however, in thus trying and punishing a chief was entirely without precedent. the aggressor, moreover, lost caste in the estimation of his equals and this was considered by the british as of more consequence than the confiscation of his land. as the boat was shoving off, a second chief stepped into her, who only wanted the amusement of the passage up and down the creek. i never saw a more horrid and ferocious expression than this man had. it immediately struck me i had somewhere seen his likeness: it will be found in retzch's outlines to schiller's ballad of fridolin, where two men are pushing robert into the burning iron furnace. it is the man who has his arm on robert's breast. physiognomy here spoke the truth; this chief had been a notorious murderer, and was an arrant coward to boot. at the point where the boat landed, mr. bushby accompanied me a few hundred yards on the road: i could not help admiring the cool impudence of the hoary old villain, whom we left lying in the boat, when he shouted to mr. bushby, "do not you stay long, i shall be tired of waiting here." we now commenced our walk. the road lay along a well beaten path, bordered on each side by the tall fern, which covers the whole country. after travelling some miles, we came to a little country village, where a few hovels were collected together, and some patches of ground cultivated with potatoes. the introduction of the potato has been the most essential benefit to the island; it is now much more used than any native vegetable. new zealand is favoured by one great natural advantage; namely, that the inhabitants can never perish from famine. the whole country abounds with fern: and the roots of this plant, if not very palatable, yet contain much nutriment. a native can always subsist on these, and on the shell-fish, which are abundant on all parts of the sea-coast. the villages are chiefly conspicuous by the platforms which are raised on four posts ten or twelve feet above the ground, and on which the produce of the fields is kept secure from all accidents. on coming near one of the huts i was much amused by seeing in due form the ceremony of rubbing, or, as it ought to be called, pressing noses. the women, on our first approach, began uttering something in a most dolorous voice; they then squatted themselves down and held up their faces; my companion standing over them, one after another, placed the bridge of his nose at right angles to theirs, and commenced pressing. this lasted rather longer than a cordial shake of the hand with us, and as we vary the force of the grasp of the hand in shaking, so do they in pressing. during the process they uttered comfortable little grunts, very much in the same manner as two pigs do, when rubbing against each other. i noticed that the slave would press noses with any one he met, indifferently either before or after his master the chief. although among the savages, the chief has absolute power of life and death over his slave, yet there is an entire absence of ceremony between them. mr. burchell has remarked the same thing in southern africa, with the rude bachapins. where civilization has arrived at a certain point, complex formalities soon arise between the different grades of society: thus at tahiti all were formerly obliged to uncover themselves as low as the waist in presence of the king. the ceremony of pressing noses having been duly completed with all present, we seated ourselves in a circle in the front of one of the hovels, and rested there half-an-hour. all the hovels have nearly the same form and dimensions, and all agree in being filthily dirty. they resemble a cow-shed with one end open, but having a partition a little way within, with a square hole in it, making a small gloomy chamber. in this the inhabitants keep all their property, and when the weather is cold they sleep there. they eat, however, and pass their time in the open part in front. my guides having finished their pipes, we continued our walk. the path led through the same undulating country, the whole uniformly clothed as before with fern. on our right hand we had a serpentine river, the banks of which were fringed with trees, and here and there on the hill sides there was a clump of wood. the whole scene, in spite of its green colour, had rather a desolate aspect. the sight of so much fern impresses the mind with an idea of sterility: this, however, is not correct; for wherever the fern grows thick and breast-high, the land by tillage becomes productive. some of the residents think that all this extensive open country originally was covered with forests, and that it has been cleared by fire. it is said, that by digging in the barest spots, lumps of the kind of resin which flows from the kauri pine are frequently found. the natives had an evident motive in clearing the country; for the fern, formerly a staple article of food, flourishes only in the open cleared tracks. the almost entire absence of associated grasses, which forms so remarkable a feature in the vegetation of this island, may perhaps be accounted for by the land having been aboriginally covered with forest-trees. the soil is volcanic; in several parts we passed over shaggy lavas, and craters could clearly be distinguished on several of the neighbouring hills. although the scenery is nowhere beautiful, and only occasionally pretty, i enjoyed my walk. i should have enjoyed it more, if my companion, the chief, had not possessed extraordinary conversational powers. i knew only three words: "good," "bad," and "yes:" and with these i answered all his remarks, without of course having understood one word he said. this, however, was quite sufficient: i was a good listener, an agreeable person, and he never ceased talking to me. at length we reached waimate. after having passed over so many miles of an uninhabited useless country, the sudden appearance of an english farm-house, and its well-dressed fields, placed there as if by an enchanter's wand, was exceedingly pleasant. mr. williams not being at home, i received in mr. davies's house a cordial welcome. after drinking tea with his family party, we took a stroll about the farm. at waimate there are three large houses, where the missionary gentlemen, messrs. williams, davies, and clarke, reside; and near them are the huts of the native labourers. on an adjoining slope, fine crops of barley and wheat were standing in full ear; and in another part, fields of potatoes and clover. but i cannot attempt to describe all i saw; there were large gardens, with every fruit and vegetable which england produces; and many belonging to a warmer clime. i may instance asparagus, kidney beans, cucumbers, rhubarb, apples, pears, figs, peaches, apricots, grapes, olives, gooseberries, currants, hops, gorse for fences, and english oaks; also many kinds of flowers. around the farm-yard there were stables, a thrashing-barn with its winnowing machine, a blacksmith's forge, and on the ground ploughshares and other tools: in the middle was that happy mixture of pigs and poultry, lying comfortably together, as in every english farm-yard. at the distance of a few hundred yards, where the water of a little rill had been dammed up into a pool, there was a large and substantial water-mill. all this is very surprising, when it is considered that five years ago nothing but the fern flourished here. moreover, native workmanship, taught by the missionaries, has effected this change;--the lesson of the missionary is the enchanter's wand. the house had been built, the windows framed, the fields ploughed, and even the trees grafted, by a new zealander. at the mill, a new zealander was seen powdered white with flower, like his brother miller in england. when i looked at this whole scene, i thought it admirable. it was not merely that england was brought vividly before my mind; yet, as the evening drew to a close, the domestic sounds, the fields of corn, the distant undulating country with its trees might well have been mistaken for our fatherland: nor was it the triumphant feeling at seeing what englishmen could effect; but rather the high hopes thus inspired for the future progress of this fine island. several young men, redeemed by the missionaries from slavery, were employed on the farm. they were dressed in a shirt, jacket, and trousers, and had a respectable appearance. judging from one trifling anecdote, i should think they must be honest. when walking in the fields, a young labourer came up to mr. davies, and gave him a knife and gimlet, saying that he had found them on the road, and did not know to whom they belonged! these young men and boys appeared very merry and good-humoured. in the evening i saw a party of them at cricket: when i thought of the austerity of which the missionaries have been accused, i was amused by observing one of their own sons taking an active part in the game. a more decided and pleasing change was manifested in the young women, who acted as servants within the houses. their clean, tidy, and healthy appearance, like that of the dairy-maids in england, formed a wonderful contrast with the women of the filthy hovels in kororadika. the wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them not to be tattooed; but a famous operator having arrived from the south, they said, "we really must just have a few lines on our lips; else when we grow old, our lips will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly." there is not nearly so much tattooing as formerly; but as it is a badge of distinction between the chief and the slave, it will probably long be practised. so soon does any train of ideas become habitual, that the missionaries told me that even in their eyes a plain face looked mean, and not like that of a new zealand gentleman. late in the evening i went to mr. williams's house, where i passed the night. i found there a large party of children, collected together for christmas day, and all sitting round a table at tea. i never saw a nicer or more merry group; and to think that this was in the centre of the land of cannibalism, murder, and all atrocious crimes! the cordiality and happiness so plainly pictured in the faces of the little circle, appeared equally felt by the older persons of the mission. december 24th.--in the morning, prayers were read in the native tongue to the whole family. after breakfast i rambled about the gardens and farm. this was a market-day, when the natives of the surrounding hamlets bring their potatoes, indian corn, or pigs, to exchange for blankets, tobacco, and sometimes, through the persuasions of the missionaries, for soap. mr. davies's eldest son, who manages a farm of his own, is the man of business in the market. the children of the missionaries, who came while young to the island, understand the language better than their parents, and can get anything more readily done by the natives. a little before noon messrs. williams and davies walked with me to a part of a neighbouring forest, to show me the famous kauri pine. i measured one of the noble trees, and found it thirty-one feet in circumference above the roots. there was another close by, which i did not see, thirty-three feet; and i heard of one no less than forty feet. these trees are remarkable for their smooth cylindrical boles, which run up to a height of sixty, and even ninety feet, with a nearly equal diameter, and without a single branch. the crown of branches at the summit is out of all proportion small to the trunk; and the leaves are likewise small compared with the branches. the forest was here almost composed of the kauri; and the largest trees, from the parallelism of their sides, stood up like gigantic columns of wood. the timber of the kauri is the most valuable production of the island; moreover, a quantity of resin oozes from the bark, which is sold at a penny a pound to the americans, but its use was then unknown. some of the new zealand forest must be impenetrable to an extraordinary degree. mr. matthews informed me that one forest only thirty-four miles in width, and separating two inhabited districts, had only lately, for the first time, been crossed. he and another missionary, each with a party of about fifty men, undertook to open a road, but it cost more than a fortnight's labour! in the woods i saw very few birds. with regard to animals, it is a most remarkable fact, that so large an island, extending over more than 700 miles in latitude, and in many parts ninety broad, with varied stations, a fine climate, and land of all heights, from 14,000 feet downwards, with the exception of a small rat, did not possess one indigenous animal. the several species of that gigantic genus of birds, the deinornis seem here to have replaced mammiferous quadrupeds, in the same manner as the reptiles still do at the galapagos archipelago. it is said that the common norway rat, in the short space of two years, annihilated in this northern end of the island, the new zealand species. in many places i noticed several sorts of weeds, which, like the rats, i was forced to own as countrymen. a leek has overrun whole districts, and will prove very troublesome, but it was imported as a favour by a french vessel. the common dock is also widely disseminated, and will, i fear, for ever remain a proof of the rascality of an englishman, who sold the seeds for those of the tobacco plant. on returning from our pleasant walk to the house, i dined with mr. williams; and then, a horse being lent me, i returned to the bay of islands. i took leave of the missionaries with thankfulness for their kind welcome, and with feelings of high respect for their gentlemanlike, useful, and upright characters. i think it would be difficult to find a body of men better adapted for the high office which they fulfil. christmas day.--in a few more days the fourth year of our absence from england will be completed. our first christmas day was spent at plymouth, the second at st. martin's cove, near cape horn; the third at port desire, in patagonia; the fourth at anchor in a wild harbour in the peninsula of tres montes, this fifth here, and the next, i trust in providence, will be in england. we attended divine service in the chapel of pahia; part of the service being read in english, and part in the native language. whilst at new zealand we did not hear of any recent acts of cannibalism; but mr. stokes found burnt human bones strewed round a fire-place on a small island near the anchorage; but these remains of a comfortable banquet might have been lying there for several years. it is probable that the moral state of the people will rapidly improve. mr. bushby mentioned one pleasing anecdote as a proof of the sincerity of some, at least, of those who profess christianity. one of his young men left him, who had been accustomed to read prayers to the rest of the servants. some weeks afterwards, happening to pass late in the evening by an outhouse, he saw and heard one of his men reading the bible with difficulty by the light of the fire, to the others. after this the party knelt and prayed: in their prayers they mentioned mr. bushby and his family, and the missionaries, each separately in his respective district. december 26th.--mr. bushby offered to take mr. sulivan and myself in his boat some miles up the river to cawa-cawa, and proposed afterwards to walk on to the village of waiomio, where there are some curious rocks. following one of the arms of the bay, we enjoyed a pleasant row, and passed through pretty scenery, until we came to a village, beyond which the boat could not pass. from this place a chief and a party of men volunteered to walk with us to waiomio, a distance of four miles. the chief was at this time rather notorious from having lately hung one of his wives and a slave for adultery. when one of the missionaries remonstrated with him he seemed surprised, and said he thought he was exactly following the english method. old shongi, who happened to be in england during the queen's trial, expressed great disapprobation at the whole proceeding: he said he had five wives, and he would rather cut off all their heads than be so much troubled about one. leaving this village, we crossed over to another, seated on a hill-side at a little distance. the daughter of a chief, who was still a heathen, had died there five days before. the hovel in which she had expired had been burnt to the ground: her body being enclosed between two small canoes, was placed upright on the ground, and protected by an enclosure bearing wooden images of their gods, and the whole was painted bright red, so as to be conspicuous from afar. her gown was fastened to the coffin, and her hair being cut off was cast at its foot. the relatives of the family had torn the flesh of their arms, bodies, and faces, so that they were covered with clotted blood; and the old women looked most filthy, disgusting objects. on the following day some of the officers visited this place, and found the women still howling and cutting themselves. we continued our walk, and soon reached waiomio. here there are some singular masses of limestone, resembling ruined castles. these rocks have long served for burial places, and in consequence are held too sacred to be approached. one of the young men, however, cried out, "let us all be brave," and ran on ahead; but when within a hundred yards, the whole party thought better of it, and stopped short. with perfect indifference, however, they allowed us to examine the whole place. at this village we rested some hours, during which time there was a long discussion with mr. bushby, concerning the right of sale of certain lands. one old man, who appeared a perfect genealogist, illustrated the successive possessors by bits of stick driven into the ground. before leaving the houses a little basketful of roasted sweet potatoes was given to each of our party; and we all, according to the custom, carried them away to eat on the road. i noticed that among the women employed in cooking, there was a man-slave: it must be a humiliating thing for a man in this warlike country to be employed in doing that which is considered as the lowest woman's work. slaves are not allowed to go to war; but this perhaps can hardly be considered as a hardship. i heard of one poor wretch who, during hostilities, ran away to the opposite party; being met by two men, he was immediately seized; but as they could not agree to whom he should belong, each stood over him with a stone hatchet, and seemed determined that the other at least should not take him away alive. the poor man, almost dead with fright, was only saved by the address of a chief's wife. we afterwards enjoyed a pleasant walk back to the boat, but did not reach the ship till late in the evening. december 30th.--in the afternoon we stood out of the bay of islands, on our course to sydney. i believe we were all glad to leave new zealand. it is not a pleasant place. amongst the natives there is absent that charming simplicity which is found in tahiti; and the greater part of the english are the very refuse of society. neither is the country itself attractive. i look back but to one bright spot, and that is waimate, with its christian inhabitants. chapter xix australia sydney--excursion to bathurst--aspect of the woods--party of natives--gradual extinction of the aborigines--infection generated by associated men in health--blue mountains--view of the grand gulf-like valleys--their origin and formation--bathurst, general civility of the lower orders--state of society--van diemen's land--hobart town--aborigines all banished--mount wellington--king george's sound--cheerless aspect of the country--bald head, calcareous casts of branches of trees--party of natives--leave australia. january 12th, 1836.--early in the morning a light air carried us towards the entrance of port jackson. instead of beholding a verdant country, interspersed with fine houses, a straight line of yellowish cliff brought to our minds the coast of patagonia. a solitary lighthouse, built of white stone, alone told us that we were near a great and populous city. having entered the harbour, it appears fine and spacious, with cliff-formed shores of horizontally stratified sandstone. the nearly level country is covered with thin scrubby trees, bespeaking the curse of sterility. proceeding further inland, the country improves: beautiful villas and nice cottages are here and there scattered along the beach. in the distance stone houses, two and three stories high, and windmills standing on the edge of a bank, pointed out to us the neighbourhood of the capital of australia. at last we anchored within sydney cove. we found the little basin occupied by many large ships, and surrounded by warehouses. in the evening i walked through the town, and returned full of admiration at the whole scene. it is a most magnificent testimony to the power of the british nation. here, in a less promising country, scores of years have done many more times more than an equal number of centuries have effected in south america. my first feeling was to congratulate myself that i was born an englishman. upon seeing more of the town afterwards, perhaps my admiration fell a little; but yet it is a fine town. the streets are regular, broad, clean, and kept in excellent order; the houses are of a good size, and the shops well furnished. it may be faithfully compared to the large suburbs which stretch out from london and a few other great towns in england; but not even near london or birmingham is there an appearance of such rapid growth. the number of large houses and other buildings just finished was truly surprising; nevertheless, every one complained of the high rents and difficulty in procuring a house. coming from south america, where in the towns every man of property is known, no one thing surprised me more than not being able to ascertain at once to whom this or that carriage belonged. i hired a man and two horses to take me to bathurst, a village about one hundred and twenty miles in the interior, and the centre of a great pastoral district. by this means i hoped to gain a general idea of the appearance of the country. on the morning of the 16th (january) i set out on my excursion. the first stage took us to paramatta, a small country town, next to sydney in importance. the roads were excellent, and made upon the macadam principle, whinstone having been brought for the purpose from the distance of several miles. in all respects there was a close resemblance to england: perhaps the alehouses here were more numerous. the iron gangs, or parties of convicts who have committed here some offense, appeared the least like england: they were working in chains, under the charge of sentries with loaded arms. the power which the government possesses, by means of forced labour, of at once opening good roads throughout the country, has been, i believe, one main cause of the early prosperity of this colony. i slept at night at a very comfortable inn at emu ferry, thirty-five miles from sydney, and near the ascent of the blue mountains. this line of road is the most frequented, and has been the longest inhabited of any in the colony. the whole land is enclosed with high railings, for the farmers have not succeeded in rearing hedges. there are many substantial houses and good cottages scattered about; but although considerable pieces of land are under cultivation, the greater part yet remains as when first discovered. the extreme uniformity of the vegetation is the most remarkable feature in the landscape of the greater part of new south wales. everywhere we have an open woodland, the ground being partially covered with a very thin pasture, with little appearance of verdure. the trees nearly all belong to one family, and mostly have their leaves placed in a vertical, instead of as in europe, in a nearly horizontal position: the foliage is scanty, and of a peculiar pale green tint, without any gloss. hence the woods appear light and shadowless: this, although a loss of comfort to the traveller under the scorching rays of summer, is of importance to the farmer, as it allows grass to grow where it otherwise would not. the leaves are not shed periodically: this character appears common to the entire southern hemisphere, namely, south america, australia, and the cape of good hope. the inhabitants of this hemisphere, and of the intertropical regions, thus lose perhaps one of the most glorious, though to our eyes common, spectacles in the world--the first bursting into full foliage of the leafless tree. they may, however, say that we pay dearly for this by having the land covered with mere naked skeletons for so many months. this is too true but our senses thus acquire a keen relish for the exquisite green of the spring, which the eyes of those living within the tropics, sated during the long year with the gorgeous productions of those glowing climates, can never experience. the greater number of the trees, with the exception of some of the blue-gums, do not attain a large size; but they grow tall and tolerably straight, and stand well apart. the bark of some of the eucalypti falls annually, or hangs dead in long shreds which swing about with the wind, and give to the woods a desolate and untidy appearance. i cannot imagine a more complete contrast, in every respect, than between the forests of valdivia or chiloe, and the woods of australia. at sunset, a party of a score of the black aborigines passed by, each carrying, in their accustomed manner, a bundle of spears and other weapons. by giving a leading young man a shilling, they were easily detained, and threw their spears for my amusement. they were all partly clothed, and several could speak a little english: their countenances were good-humoured and pleasant, and they appeared far from being such utterly degraded beings as they have usually been represented. in their own arts they are admirable. a cap being fixed at thirty yards distance, they transfixed it with a spear, delivered by the throwing-stick with the rapidity of an arrow from the bow of a practised archer. in tracking animals or men they show most wonderful sagacity; and i heard of several of their remarks which manifested considerable acuteness. they will not, however, cultivate the ground, or build houses and remain stationary, or even take the trouble of tending a flock of sheep when given to them. on the whole they appear to me to stand some few degrees higher in the scale of civilization than the fuegians. it is very curious thus to see in the midst of a civilized people, a set of harmless savages wandering about without knowing where they shall sleep at night, and gaining their livelihood by hunting in the woods. as the white man has travelled onwards, he has spread over the country belonging to several tribes. these, although thus enclosed by one common people, keep up their ancient distinctions, and sometimes go to war with each other. in an engagement which took place lately, the two parties most singularly chose the centre of the village of bathurst for the field of battle. this was of service to the defeated side, for the runaway warriors took refuge in the barracks. the number of aborigines is rapidly decreasing. in my whole ride, with the exception of some boys brought up by englishmen, i saw only one other party. this decrease, no doubt, must be partly owing to the introduction of spirits, to european diseases (even the milder ones of which, such as the measles, [1] prove very destructive), and to the gradual extinction of the wild animals. it is said that numbers of their children invariably perish in very early infancy from the effects of their wandering life; and as the difficulty of procuring food increases, so must their wandering habits increase; and hence the population, without any apparent deaths from famine, is repressed in a manner extremely sudden compared to what happens in civilized countries, where the father, though in adding to his labour he may injure himself, does not destroy his offspring. besides the several evident causes of destruction, there appears to be some more mysterious agency generally at work. wherever the european has trod, death seems to pursue the aboriginal. we may look to the wide extent of the americas, polynesia, the cape of good hope, and australia, and we find the same result. nor is it the white man alone that thus acts the destroyer; the polynesian of malay extraction has in parts of the east indian archipelago, thus driven before him the dark-coloured native. the varieties of man seem to act on each other in the same way as different species of animals--the stronger always extirpating the weaker. it was melancholy at new zealand to hear the fine energetic natives saying that they knew the land was doomed to pass from their children. every one has heard of the inexplicable reduction of the population in the beautiful and healthy island of tahiti since the date of captain cook's voyages: although in that case we might have expected that it would have been increased; for infanticide, which formerly prevailed to so extraordinary a degree, has ceased; profligacy has greatly diminished, and the murderous wars become less frequent. the rev. j. williams, in his interesting work, [2] says, that the first intercourse between natives and europeans, "is invariably attended with the introduction of fever, dysentery, or some other disease, which carries off numbers of the people." again he affirms, "it is certainly a fact, which cannot be controverted, that most of the diseases which have raged in the islands during my residence there, have been introduced by ships; [3] and what renders this fact remarkable is, that there might be no appearance of disease among the crew of the ship which conveyed this destructive importation." this statement is not quite so extraordinary as it at first appears; for several cases are on record of the most malignant fevers having broken out, although the parties themselves, who were the cause, were not affected. in the early part of the reign of george iii., a prisoner who had been confined in a dungeon, was taken in a coach with four constables before a magistrate; and although the man himself was not ill, the four constables died from a short putrid fever; but the contagion extended to no others. from these facts it would almost appear as if the effluvium of one set of men shut up for some time together was poisonous when inhaled by others; and possibly more so, if the men be of different races. mysterious as this circumstance appears to be, it is not more surprising than that the body of one's fellow-creature, directly after death, and before putrefaction has commenced, should often be of so deleterious a quality, that the mere puncture from an instrument used in its dissection, should prove fatal. 17th.--early in the morning we passed the nepean in a ferry-boat. the river, although at this spot both broad and deep, had a very small body of running water. having crossed a low piece of land on the opposite side, we reached the slope of the blue mountains. the ascent is not steep, the road having been cut with much care on the side of a sandstone cliff. on the summit an almost level plain extends, which, rising imperceptibly to the westward, at last attains a height of more than 3000 feet. from so grand a title as blue mountains, and from their absolute altitude, i expected to have seen a bold chain of mountains crossing the country; but instead of this, a sloping plain presents merely an inconsiderable front to the low land near the coast. from this first slope, the view of the extensive woodland to the east was striking, and the surrounding trees grew bold and lofty. but when once on the sandstone platform, the scenery becomes exceedingly monotonous; each side of the road is bordered by scrubby trees of the never-failing eucalyptus family; and with the exception of two or three small inns, there are no houses or cultivated land: the road, moreover, is solitary; the most frequent object being a bullock-waggon, piled up with bales of wool. in the middle of the day we baited our horses at a little inn, called the weatherboard. the country here is elevated 2800 feet above the sea. about a mile and a half from this place there is a view exceedingly well worth visiting. following down a little valley and its tiny rill of water, an immense gulf unexpectedly opens through the trees which border the pathway, at the depth of perhaps 1500 feet. walking on a few yards, one stands on the brink of a vast precipice, and below one sees a grand bay or gulf, for i know not what other name to give it, thickly covered with forest. the point of view is situated as if at the head of a bay, the line of cliff diverging on each side, and showing headland behind headland, as on a bold sea-coast. these cliffs are composed of horizontal strata of whitish sandstone; and are so absolutely vertical, that in many places a person standing on the edge and throwing down a stone, can see it strike the trees in the abyss below. so unbroken is the line of cliff, that in order to reach the foot of the waterfall, formed by this little stream, it is said to be necessary to go sixteen miles round. about five miles distant in front, another line of cliff extends, which thus appears completely to encircle the valley; and hence the name of bay is justified, as applied to this grand amphitheatrical depression. if we imagine a winding harbour, with its deep water surrounded by bold cliff-like shores, to be laid dry, and a forest to spring up on its sandy bottom, we should then have the appearance and structure here exhibited. this kind of view was to me quite novel, and extremely magnificent. in the evening we reached the blackheath. the sandstone plateau has here attained the height of 3400 feet; and is covered, as before, with the same scrubby woods. from the road, there were occasional glimpses into a profound valley, of the same character as the one described; but from the steepness and depth of its sides, the bottom was scarcely ever to be seen. the blackheath is a very comfortable inn, kept by an old soldier; and it reminded me of the small inns in north wales. 18th.--very early in the morning, i walked about three miles to see govett's leap; a view of a similar character with that near the weatherboard, but perhaps even more stupendous. so early in the day the gulf was filled with a thin blue haze, which, although destroying the general effect of the view added to the apparent depth at which the forest was stretched out beneath our feet. these valleys, which so long presented an insuperable barrier to the attempts of the most enterprising of the colonists to reach the interior, are most remarkable. great arm-like bays, expanding at their upper ends, often branch from the main valleys and penetrate the sandstone platform; on the other hand, the platform often sends promontories into the valleys, and even leaves in them great, almost insulated, masses. to descend into some of these valleys, it is necessary to go round twenty miles; and into others, the surveyors have only lately penetrated, and the colonists have not yet been able to drive in their cattle. but the most remarkable feature in their structure is, that although several miles wide at their heads, they generally contract towards their mouths to such a degree as to become impassable. the surveyor-general, sir t. mitchell, [4] endeavoured in vain, first walking and then by crawling between the great fallen fragments of sandstone, to ascend through the gorge by which the river grose joins the nepean, yet the valley of the grose in its upper part, as i saw, forms a magnificent level basin some miles in width, and is on all sides surrounded by cliffs, the summits of which are believed to be nowhere less than 3000 feet above the level of the sea. when cattle are driven into the valley of the wolgan by a path (which i descended), partly natural and partly made by the owner of the land, they cannot escape; for this valley is in every other part surrounded by perpendicular cliffs, and eight miles lower down, it contracts from an average width of half a mile, to a mere chasm, impassable to man or beast. sir t. mitchell states that the great valley of the cox river with all its branches, contracts, where it unites with the nepean, into a gorge 2200 yards in width, and about 1000 feet in depth. other similar cases might have been added. the first impression, on seeing the correspondence of the horizontal strata on each side of these valleys and great amphitheatrical depressions, is that they have been hollowed out, like other valleys, by the action of water; but when one reflects on the enormous amount of stone, which on this view must have been removed through mere gorges or chasms, one is led to ask whether these spaces may not have subsided. but considering the form of the irregularly branching valleys, and of the narrow promontories projecting into them from the platforms, we are compelled to abandon this notion. to attribute these hollows to the present alluvial action would be preposterous; nor does the drainage from the summit-level always fall, as i remarked near the weatherboard, into the head of these valleys, but into one side of their bay-like recesses. some of the inhabitants remarked to me that they never viewed one of those bay-like recesses, with the headlands receding on both hands, without being struck with their resemblance to a bold sea-coast. this is certainly the case; moreover, on the present coast of new south wales, the numerous, fine, widely-branching harbours, which are generally connected with the sea by a narrow mouth worn through the sandstone coast-cliffs, varying from one mile in width to a quarter of a mile, present a likeness, though on a miniature scale, to the great valleys of the interior. but then immediately occurs the startling difficulty, why has the sea worn out these great, though circumscribed depressions on a wide platform, and left mere gorges at the openings, through which the whole vast amount of triturated matter must have been carried away? the only light i can throw upon this enigma, is by remarking that banks of the most irregular forms appear to be now forming in some seas, as in parts of the west indies and in the red sea, and that their sides are exceedingly steep. such banks, i have been led to suppose, have been formed by sediment heaped by strong currents on an irregular bottom. that in some cases the sea, instead of spreading out sediment in a uniform sheet, heaps it round submarine rocks and islands, it is hardly possible to doubt, after examining the charts of the west indies; and that the waves have power to form high and precipitous cliffs, even in land-locked harbours, i have noticed in many parts of south america. to apply these ideas to the sandstone platforms of new south wales, i imagine that the strata were heaped by the action of strong currents, and of the undulations of an open sea, on an irregular bottom; and that the valley-like spaces thus left unfilled had their steeply sloping flanks worn into cliffs, during a slow elevation of the land; the worn-down sandstone being removed, either at the time when the narrow gorges were cut by the retreating sea, or subsequently by alluvial action. soon after leaving the blackheath, we descended from the sandstone platform by the pass of mount victoria. to effect this pass, an enormous quantity of stone has been cut through; the design, and its manner of execution, being worthy of any line of road in england. we now entered upon a country less elevated by nearly a thousand feet, and consisting of granite. with the change of rock, the vegetation improved, the trees were both finer and stood farther apart; and the pasture between them was a little greener and more plentiful. at hassan's walls, i left the high road, and made a short detour to a farm called walerawang; to the superintendent of which i had a letter of introduction from the owner in sydney. mr. browne had the kindness to ask me to stay the ensuing day, which i had much pleasure in doing. this place offers an example of one of the large farming, or rather sheep-grazing establishments of the colony. cattle and horses are, however, in this case rather more numerous than usual, owing to some of the valleys being swampy and producing a coarser pasture. two or three flat pieces of ground near the house were cleared and cultivated with corn, which the harvest-men were now reaping: but no more wheat is sown than sufficient for the annual support of the labourers employed on the establishment. the usual number of assigned convict-servants here is about forty, but at the present time there were rather more. although the farm was well stocked with every necessary, there was an apparent absence of comfort; and not one single woman resided here. the sunset of a fine day will generally cast an air of happy contentment on any scene; but here, at this retired farm-house, the brightest tints on the surrounding woods could not make me forget that forty hardened, profligate men were ceasing from their daily labours, like the slaves from africa, yet without their holy claim for compassion. early on the next morning, mr. archer, the joint superintendent, had the kindness to take me out kangaroo-hunting. we continued riding the greater part of the day, but had very bad sport, not seeing a kangaroo, or even a wild dog. the greyhounds pursued a kangaroo rat into a hollow tree, out of which we dragged it: it is an animal as large as a rabbit, but with the figure of a kangaroo. a few years since this country abounded with wild animals; but now the emu is banished to a long distance, and the kangaroo is become scarce; to both the english greyhound has been highly destructive. it may be long before these animals are altogether exterminated, but their doom is fixed. the aborigines are always anxious to borrow the dogs from the farm-houses: the use of them, the offal when an animal is killed, and some milk from the cows, are the peace-offerings of the settlers, who push farther and farther towards the interior. the thoughtless aboriginal, blinded by these trifling advantages, is delighted at the approach of the white man, who seems predestined to inherit the country of his children. although having poor sport, we enjoyed a pleasant ride. the woodland is generally so open that a person on horseback can gallop through it. it is traversed by a few flat-bottomed valleys, which are green and free from trees: in such spots the scenery was pretty like that of a park. in the whole country i scarcely saw a place without the marks of a fire; whether these had been more or less recent--whether the stumps were more or less black, was the greatest change which varied the uniformity, so wearisome to the traveller's eye. in these woods there are not many birds; i saw, however, some large flocks of the white cockatoo feeding in a corn-field, and a few most beautiful parrots; crows, like our jackdaws were not uncommon, and another bird something like the magpie. in the dusk of the evening i took a stroll along a chain of ponds, which in this dry country represented the course of a river, and had the good fortune to see several of the famous ornithorhynchus paradoxus. they were diving and playing about the surface of the water, but showed so little of their bodies, that they might easily have been mistaken for water-rats. mr. browne shot one: certainly it is a most extraordinary animal; a stuffed specimen does not at all give a good idea of the appearance of the head and beak when fresh; the latter becoming hard and contracted. [5] 20th.--a long day's ride to bathurst. before joining the highroad we followed a mere path through the forest; and the country, with the exception of a few squatters' huts, was very solitary. we experienced this day the sirocco-like wind of australia, which comes from the parched deserts of the interior. clouds of dust were travelling in every direction; and the wind felt as if it had passed over a fire. i afterwards heard that the thermometer out of doors had stood at 119 degs., and in a closed room at 96 degs. in the afternoon we came in view of the downs of bathurst. these undulating but nearly smooth plains are very remarkable in this country, from being absolutely destitute of trees. they support only a thin brown pasture. we rode some miles over this country, and then reached the township of bathurst, seated in the middle of what may be called either a very broad valley, or narrow plain. i was told at sydney not to form too bad an opinion of australia by judging of the country from the roadside, nor too good a one from bathurst; in this latter respect, i did not feel myself in the least danger of being prejudiced. the season, it must be owned, had been one of great drought, and the country did not wear a favourable aspect; although i understand it was incomparably worse two or three months before. the secret of the rapidly growing prosperity of bathurst is, that the brown pasture which appears to the stranger's eye so wretched, is excellent for sheep-grazing. the town stands, at the height of 2200 feet above the sea, on the banks of the macquarie. this is one of the rivers flowing into the vast and scarcely known interior. the line of water-shed, which divides the inland streams from those on the coast, has a height of about 3000 feet, and runs in a north and south direction at the distance of from eighty to a hundred miles from the sea-side. the macquarie figures in the map as a respectable river, and it is the largest of those draining this part of the water-shed; yet to my surprise i found it a mere chain of ponds, separated from each other by spaces almost dry. generally a small stream is running; and sometimes there are high and impetuous floods. scanty as the supply of the water is throughout this district, it becomes still scantier further inland. 22nd.--i commenced my return, and followed a new road called lockyer's line, along which the country is rather more hilly and picturesque. this was a long day's ride; and the house where i wished to sleep was some way off the road, and not easily found. i met on this occasion, and indeed on all others, a very general and ready civility among the lower orders, which, when one considers what they are, and what they have been, would scarcely have been expected. the farm where i passed the night, was owned by two young men who had only lately come out, and were beginning a settler's life. the total want of almost every comfort was not attractive; but future and certain prosperity was before their eyes, and that not far distant. the next day we passed through large tracts of country in flames, volumes of smoke sweeping across the road. before noon we joined our former road, and ascended mount victoria. i slept at the weatherboard, and before dark took another walk to the amphitheatre. on the road to sydney i spent a very pleasant evening with captain king at dunheved; and thus ended my little excursion in the colony of new south wales. before arriving here the three things which interested me most were--the state of society amongst the higher classes, the condition of the convicts, and the degree of attraction sufficient to induce persons to emigrate. of course, after so very short a visit, one's opinion is worth scarcely anything; but it is as difficult not to form some opinion, as it is to form a correct judgment. on the whole, from what i heard, more than from what i saw, i was disappointed in the state of society. the whole community is rancorously divided into parties on almost every subject. among those who, from their station in life, ought to be the best, many live in such open profligacy that respectable people cannot associate with them. there is much jealousy between the children of the rich emancipist and the free settlers, the former being pleased to consider honest men as interlopers. the whole population, poor and rich, are bent on acquiring wealth: amongst the higher orders, wool and sheep-grazing form the constant subject of conversation. there are many serious drawbacks to the comforts of a family, the chief of which, perhaps, is being surrounded by convict servants. how thoroughly odious to every feeling, to be waited on by a man who the day before, perhaps, was flogged, from your representation, for some trifling misdemeanor. the female servants are of course, much worse: hence children learn the vilest expressions, and it is fortunate, if not equally vile ideas. on the other hand, the capital of a person, without any trouble on his part, produces him treble interest to what it will in england; and with care he is sure to grow rich. the luxuries of life are in abundance, and very little dearer than in england, and most articles of food are cheaper. the climate is splendid, and perfectly healthy; but to my mind its charms are lost by the uninviting aspect of the country. settlers possess a great advantage in finding their sons of service when very young. at the age of from sixteen to twenty, they frequently take charge of distant farming stations. this, however, must happen at the expense of their boys associating entirely with convict servants. i am not aware that the tone of society has assumed any peculiar character; but with such habits, and without intellectual pursuits, it can hardly fail to deteriorate. my opinion is such, that nothing but rather sharp necessity should compel me to emigrate. the rapid prosperity and future prospects of this colony are to me, not understanding these subjects, very puzzling. the two main exports are wool and whale-oil, and to both of these productions there is a limit. the country is totally unfit for canals, therefore there is a not very distant point, beyond which the land-carriage of wool will not repay the expense of shearing and tending sheep. pasture everywhere is so thin that settlers have already pushed far into the interior: moreover, the country further inland becomes extremely poor. agriculture, on account of the droughts, can never succeed on an extended scale: therefore, so far as i can see, australia must ultimately depend upon being the centre of commerce for the southern hemisphere, and perhaps on her future manufactories. possessing coal, she always has the moving power at hand. from the habitable country extending along the coast, and from her english extraction, she is sure to be a maritime nation. i formerly imagined that australia would rise to be as grand and powerful a country as north america, but now it appears to me that such future grandeur is rather problematical. with respect to the state of the convicts, i had still fewer opportunities of judging than on other points. the first question is, whether their condition is at all one of punishment: no one will maintain that it is a very severe one. this, however, i suppose, is of little consequence as long as it continues to be an object of dread to criminals at home. the corporeal wants of the convicts are tolerably well supplied: their prospect of future liberty and comfort is not distant, and, after good conduct, certain. a "ticket of leave," which, as long as a man keeps clear of suspicion as well as of crime, makes him free within a certain district, is given upon good conduct, after years proportional to the length of the sentence; yet with all this, and overlooking the previous imprisonment and wretched passage out, i believe the years of assignment are passed away with discontent and unhappiness. as an intelligent man remarked to me, the convicts know no pleasure beyond sensuality, and in this they are not gratified. the enormous bribe which government possesses in offering free pardons, together with the deep horror of the secluded penal settlements, destroys confidence between the convicts, and so prevents crime. as to a sense of shame, such a feeling does not appear to be known, and of this i witnessed some very singular proofs. though it is a curious fact, i was universally told that the character of the convict population is one of arrant cowardice: not unfrequently some become desperate, and quite indifferent as to life, yet a plan requiring cool or continued courage is seldom put into execution. the worst feature in the whole case is, that although there exists what may be called a legal reform, and comparatively little is committed which the law can touch, yet that any moral reform should take place appears to be quite out of the question. i was assured by well-informed people, that a man who should try to improve, could not while living with other assigned servants;--his life would be one of intolerable misery and persecution. nor must the contamination of the convict-ships and prisons, both here and in england, be forgotten. on the whole, as a place of punishment, the object is scarcely gained; as a real system of reform it has failed, as perhaps would every other plan; but as a means of making men outwardly honest,--of converting vagabonds, most useless in one hemisphere, into active citizens of another, and thus giving birth to a new and splendid country--a grand centre of civilization--it has succeeded to a degree perhaps unparalleled in history. 30th.--the beagle sailed for hobart town in van diemen's land. on the 5th of february, after a six days' passage, of which the first part was fine, and the latter very cold and squally, we entered the mouth of storm bay: the weather justified this awful name. the bay should rather be called an estuary, for it receives at its head the waters of the derwent. near the mouth, there are some extensive basaltic platforms; but higher up the land becomes mountainous, and is covered by a light wood. the lower parts of the hills which skirt the bay are cleared; and the bright yellow fields of corn, and dark green ones of potatoes, appear very luxuriant. late in the evening we anchored in the snug cove, on the shores of which stands the capital of tasmania. the first aspect of the place was very inferior to that of sydney; the latter might be called a city, this is only a town. it stands at the base of mount wellington, a mountain 3100 feet high, but of little picturesque beauty; from this source, however, it receives a good supply of water. round the cove there are some fine warehouses and on one side a small fort. coming from the spanish settlements, where such magnificent care has generally been paid to the fortifications, the means of defence in these colonies appeared very contemptible. comparing the town with sydney, i was chiefly struck with the comparative fewness of the large houses, either built or building. hobart town, from the census of 1835, contained 13,826 inhabitants, and the whole of tasmania 36,505. all the aborigines have been removed to an island in bass's straits, so that van diemen's land enjoys the great advantage of being free from a native population. this most cruel step seems to have been quite unavoidable, as the only means of stopping a fearful succession of robberies, burnings, and murders, committed by the blacks; and which sooner or later would have ended in their utter destruction. i fear there is no doubt, that this train of evil and its consequences, originated in the infamous conduct of some of our countrymen. thirty years is a short period, in which to have banished the last aboriginal from his native island,--and that island nearly as large as ireland. the correspondence on this subject, which took place between the government at home and that of van diemen's land, is very interesting. although numbers of natives were shot and taken prisoners in the skirmishing, which was going on at intervals for several years; nothing seems fully to have impressed them with the idea of our overwhelming power, until the whole island, in 1830, was put under martial law, and by proclamation the whole population commanded to assist in one great attempt to secure the entire race. the plan adopted was nearly similar to that of the great hunting-matches in india: a line was formed reaching across the island, with the intention of driving the natives into a _cul-de-sac_ on tasman's peninsula. the attempt failed; the natives, having tied up their dogs, stole during one night through the lines. this is far from surprising, when their practised senses, and usual manner of crawling after wild animals is considered. i have been assured that they can conceal themselves on almost bare ground, in a manner which until witnessed is scarcely credible; their dusky bodies being easily mistaken for the blackened stumps which are scattered all over the country. i was told of a trial between a party of englishmen and a native, who was to stand in full view on the side of a bare hill; if the englishmen closed their eyes for less than a minute, he would squat down, and then they were never able to distinguish him from the surrounding stumps. but to return to the hunting-match; the natives understanding this kind of warfare, were terribly alarmed, for they at once perceived the power and numbers of the whites. shortly afterwards a party of thirteen belonging to two tribes came in; and, conscious of their unprotected condition, delivered themselves up in despair. subsequently by the intrepid exertions of mr. robinson, an active and benevolent man, who fearlessly visited by himself the most hostile of the natives, the whole were induced to act in a similar manner. they were then removed to an island, where food and clothes were provided them. count strzelecki states, [6] that "at the epoch of their deportation in 1835, the number of natives amounted to 210. in 1842, that is, after the interval of seven years, they mustered only fifty-four individuals; and, while each family of the interior of new south wales, uncontaminated by contact with the whites, swarms with children, those of flinders' island had during eight years an accession of only fourteen in number!" the beagle stayed here ten days, and in this time i made several pleasant little excursions, chiefly with the object of examining the geological structure of the immediate neighbourhood. the main points of interest consist, first in some highly fossiliferous strata, belonging to the devonian or carboniferous period; secondly, in proofs of a late small rise of the land; and lastly, in a solitary and superficial patch of yellowish limestone or travertin, which contains numerous impressions of leaves of trees, together with land-shells, not now existing. it is not improbable that this one small quarry includes the only remaining record of the vegetation of van diemen's land during one former epoch. the climate here is damper than in new south wales, and hence the land is more fertile. agriculture flourishes; the cultivated fields look well, and the gardens abound with thriving vegetables and fruit-trees. some of the farm-houses, situated in retired spots, had a very attractive appearance. the general aspect of the vegetation is similar to that of australia; perhaps it is a little more green and cheerful; and the pasture between the trees rather more abundant. one day i took a long walk on the side of the bay opposite to the town: i crossed in a steam-boat, two of which are constantly plying backwards and forwards. the machinery of one of these vessels was entirely manufactured in this colony, which, from its very foundation, then numbered only three and thirty years! another day i ascended mount wellington; i took with me a guide, for i failed in a first attempt, from the thickness of the wood. our guide, however, was a stupid fellow, and conducted us to the southern and damp side of the mountain, where the vegetation was very luxuriant; and where the labour of the ascent, from the number of rotten trunks, was almost as great as on a mountain in tierra del fuego or in chiloe. it cost us five and a half hours of hard climbing before we reached the summit. in many parts the eucalypti grew to a great size, and composed a noble forest. in some of the dampest ravines, tree-ferns flourished in an extraordinary manner; i saw one which must have been at least twenty feet high to the base of the fronds, and was in girth exactly six feet. the fronds forming the most elegant parasols, produced a gloomy shade, like that of the first hour of the night. the summit of the mountain is broad and flat, and is composed of huge angular masses of naked greenstone. its elevation is 3100 feet above the level of the sea. the day was splendidly clear, and we enjoyed a most extensive view; to the north, the country appeared a mass of wooded mountains, of about the same height with that on which we were standing, and with an equally tame outline: to the south the broken land and water, forming many intricate bays, was mapped with clearness before us. after staying some hours on the summit, we found a better way to descend, but did not reach the beagle till eight o'clock, after a severe day's work. february 7th.--the beagle sailed from tasmania, and, on the 6th of the ensuing month, reached king george's sound, situated close to the s. w. corner of australia. we stayed there eight days; and we did not during our voyage pass a more dull and uninteresting time. the country, viewed from an eminence, appears a woody plain, with here and there rounded and partly bare hills of granite protruding. one day i went out with a party, in hopes of seeing a kangaroo hunt, and walked over a good many miles of country. everywhere we found the soil sandy, and very poor; it supported either a coarse vegetation of thin, low brushwood and wiry grass, or a forest of stunted trees. the scenery resembled that of the high sandstone platform of the blue mountains; the casuarina (a tree somewhat resembling a scotch fir) is, however, here in greater number, and the eucalyptus in rather less. in the open parts there were many grass-trees,--a plant which, in appearance, has some affinity with the palm; but, instead of being surmounted by a crown of noble fronds, it can boast merely of a tuft of very coarse grass-like leaves. the general bright green colour of the brushwood and other plants, viewed from a distance, seemed to promise fertility. a single walk, however, was enough to dispel such an illusion; and he who thinks with me will never wish to walk again in so uninviting a country. one day i accompanied captain fitz roy to bald head; the place mentioned by so many navigators, where some imagined that they saw corals, and others that they saw petrified trees, standing in the position in which they had grown. according to our view, the beds have been formed by the wind having heaped up fine sand, composed of minute rounded particles of shells and corals, during which process branches and roots of trees, together with many land-shells, became enclosed. the whole then became consolidated by the percolation of calcareous matter; and the cylindrical cavities left by the decaying of the wood, were thus also filled up with a hard pseudo-stalactical stone. the weather is now wearing away the softer parts, and in consequence the hard casts of the roots and branches of the trees project above the surface, and, in a singularly deceptive manner, resemble the stumps of a dead thicket. a large tribe of natives, called the white cockatoo men happened to pay the settlement a visit while we were there. these men, as well as those of the tribe belonging to king george's sound, being tempted by the offer of some tubs of rice and sugar, were persuaded to hold a "corrobery," or great dancing-party. as soon as it grew dark, small fires were lighted, and the men commenced their toilet, which consisted in painting themselves white in spots and lines. as soon as all was ready, large fires were kept blazing, round which the women and children were collected as spectators; the cockatoo and king george's men formed two distinct parties, and generally danced in answer to each other. the dancing consisted in their running either sideways or in indian file into an open space, and stamping the ground with great force as they marched together. their heavy footsteps were accompanied by a kind of grunt, by beating their clubs and spears together, and by various other gesticulations, such as extending their arms and wriggling their bodies. it was a most rude, barbarous scene, and, to our ideas, without any sort of meaning; but we observed that the black women and children watched it with the greatest pleasure. perhaps these dances originally represented actions, such as wars and victories; there was one called the emu dance, in which each man extended his arm in a bent manner, like the neck of that bird. in another dance, one man imitated the movements of a kangaroo grazing in the woods, whilst a second crawled up, and pretended to spear him. when both tribes mingled in the dance, the ground trembled with the heaviness of their steps, and the air resounded with their wild cries. every one appeared in high spirits, and the group of nearly naked figures, viewed by the light of the blazing fires, all moving in hideous harmony, formed a perfect display of a festival amongst the lowest barbarians. in tierra del fuego, we have beheld many curious scenes in savage life, but never, i think, one where the natives were in such high spirits, and so perfectly at their ease. after the dancing was over, the whole party formed a great circle on the ground, and the boiled rice and sugar was distributed, to the delight of all. after several tedious delays from clouded weather, on the 14th of march, we gladly stood out of king george's sound on our course to keeling island. farewell, australia! you are a rising child, and doubtless some day will reign a great princess in the south: but you are too great and ambitious for affection, yet not great enough for respect. i leave your shores without sorrow or regret. [1] it is remarkable how the same disease is modified in different climates. at the little island of st. helena the introduction of scarlet fever is dreaded as a plague. in some countries, foreigners and natives are as differently affected by certain contagious disorders as if they had been different animals; of which fact some instances have occurred in chile; and, according to humboldt, in mexico (polit. essay, new spain, vol. iv.). [2] narrative of missionary enterprise, p. 282. [3] captain beechey (chap. iv., vol. i.) states that the inhabitants of pitcairn island are firmly convinced that after the arrival of every ship they suffer cutaneous and other disorders. captain beechey attributes this to the change of diet during the time of the visit. dr. macculloch (western isles, vol. ii. p. 32) says: "it is asserted, that on the arrival of a stranger (at st. kilda) all the inhabitants, in the common phraseology, catch a cold." dr. macculloch considers the whole case, although often previously affirmed, as ludicrous. he adds, however, that "the question was put by us to the inhabitants who unanimously agreed in the story." in vancouver's voyage, there is a somewhat similar statement with respect to otaheite. dr. dieffenbach, in a note to his translation of the journal, states that the same fact is universally believed by the inhabitants of the chatham islands, and in parts of new zealand. it is impossible that such a belief should have become universal in the northern hemisphere, at the antipodes, and in the pacific, without some good foundation. humboldt (polit. essay on king of new spain, vol. iv.) says, that the great epidemics of panama and callao are "marked" by the arrival of ships from chile, because the people from that temperate region, first experience the fatal effects of the torrid zones. i may add, that i have heard it stated in shropshire, that sheep, which have been imported from vessels, although themselves in a healthy condition, if placed in the same fold with others, frequently produce sickness in the flock. [4] travels in australia, vol. i. p. 154. i must express my obligation to sir t. mitchell, for several interesting personal communications on the subject of these great valleys of new south wales. [5] i was interested by finding here the hollow conical pitfall of the lion-ant, or some other insect; first a fly fell down the treacherous slope and immediately disappeared; then came a large but unwary ant; its struggles to escape being very violent, those curious little jets of sand, described by kirby and spence (entomol., vol. i. p. 425) as being flirted by the insect's tail, were promptly directed against the expected victim. but the ant enjoyed a better fate than the fly, and escaped the fatal jaws which lay concealed at the base of the conical hollow. this australian pitfall was only about half the size of that made by the european lion-ant. [6] physical description of new south wales and van diemen's land, p. 354. chapter xx keeling island:--coral formations keeling island--singular appearance--scanty flora--transport of seeds--birds and insects--ebbing and flowing springs--fields of dead coral--stones transported in the roots of trees--great crab--stinging corals--coral eating fish--coral formations--lagoon islands, or atolls--depth at which reef-building corals can live--vast areas interspersed with low coral islands--subsidence of their foundations--barrier reefs--fringing reefs--conversion of fringing reefs into barrier reefs, and into atolls--evidence of changes in level--breaches in barrier reefs--maldiva atolls, their peculiar structure--dead and submerged reefs--areas of subsidence and elevation--distribution of volcanoes--subsidence slow, and vast in amount. april 1st.--we arrived in view of the keeling or cocos islands, situated in the indian ocean, and about six hundred miles distant from the coast of sumatra. this is one of the lagoon-islands (or atolls) of coral formation, similar to those in the low archipelago which we passed near. when the ship was in the channel at the entrance, mr. liesk, an english resident, came off in his boat. the history of the inhabitants of this place, in as few words as possible, is as follows. about nine years ago, mr. hare, a worthless character, brought from the east indian archipelago a number of malay slaves, which now including children, amount to more than a hundred. shortly afterwards, captain ross, who had before visited these islands in his merchant-ship, arrived from england, bringing with him his family and goods for settlement: along with him came mr. liesk, who had been a mate in his vessel. the malay slaves soon ran away from the islet on which mr. hare was settled, and joined captain ross's party. mr. hare upon this was ultimately obliged to leave the place. the malays are now nominally in a state of freedom, and certainly are so, as far as regards their personal treatment; but in most other points they are considered as slaves. from their discontented state, from the repeated removals from islet to islet, and perhaps also from a little mismanagement, things are not very prosperous. the island has no domestic quadruped, excepting the pig, and the main vegetable production is the cocoa-nut. the whole prosperity of the place depends on this tree: the only exports being oil from the nut, and the nuts themselves, which are taken to singapore and mauritius, where they are chiefly used, when grated, in making curries. on the cocoa-nut, also, the pigs, which are loaded with fat, almost entirely subsist, as do the ducks and poultry. even a huge land-crab is furnished by nature with the means to open and feed on this most useful production. the ring-formed reef of the lagoon-island is surmounted in the greater part of its length by linear islets. on the northern or leeward side, there is an opening through which vessels can pass to the anchorage within. on entering, the scene was very curious and rather pretty; its beauty, however, entirely depended on the brilliancy of the surrounding colours. the shallow, clear, and still water of the lagoon, resting in its greater part on white sand, is, when illumined by a vertical sun, of the most vivid green. this brilliant expanse, several miles in width, is on all sides divided, either by a line of snow-white breakers from the dark heaving waters of the ocean, or from the blue vault of heaven by the strips of land, crowned by the level tops of the cocoa-nut trees. as a white cloud here and there affords a pleasing contrast with the azure sky, so in the lagoon, bands of living coral darken the emerald green water. the next morning after anchoring, i went on shore on direction island. the strip of dry land is only a few hundred yards in width; on the lagoon side there is a white calcareous beach, the radiation from which under this sultry climate was very oppressive; and on the outer coast, a solid broad flat of coral-rock served to break the violence of the open sea. excepting near the lagoon, where there is some sand, the land is entirely composed of rounded fragments of coral. in such a loose, dry, stony soil, the climate of the intertropical regions alone could produce a vigorous vegetation. on some of the smaller islets, nothing could be more elegant than the manner in which the young and full-grown cocoa-nut trees, without destroying each other's symmetry, were mingled into one wood. a beach of glittering white sand formed a border to these fairy spots. i will now give a sketch of the natural history of these islands, which, from its very paucity, possesses a peculiar interest. the cocoa-nut tree, at first glance, seems to compose the whole wood; there are however, five or six other trees. one of these grows to a very large size, but from the extremes of softness of its wood, is useless; another sort affords excellent timber for ship-building. besides the trees, the number of plants is exceedingly limited, and consists of insignificant weeds. in my collection, which includes, i believe, nearly the perfect flora, there are twenty species, without reckoning a moss, lichen, and fungus. to this number two trees must be added; one of which was not in flower, and the other i only heard of. the latter is a solitary tree of its kind, and grows near the beach, where, without doubt, the one seed was thrown up by the waves. a guilandina also grows on only one of the islets. i do not include in the above list the sugar-cane, banana, some other vegetables, fruit-trees, and imported grasses. as the islands consist entirely of coral, and at one time must have existed as mere water-washed reefs, all their terrestrial productions must have been transported here by the waves of the sea. in accordance with this, the florula has quite the character of a refuge for the destitute: professor henslow informs me that of the twenty species nineteen belong to different genera, and these again to no less than sixteen families! [1] in holman's [2] travels an account is given, on the authority of mr. a. s. keating, who resided twelve months on these islands, of the various seeds and other bodies which have been known to have been washed on shore. "seeds and plants from sumatra and java have been driven up by the surf on the windward side of the islands. among them have been found the kimiri, native of sumatra and the peninsula of malacca; the cocoa-nut of balci, known by its shape and size; the dadass, which is planted by the malays with the pepper-vine, the latter intwining round its trunk, and supporting itself by the prickles on its stem; the soap-tree; the castor-oil plant; trunks of the sago palm; and various kinds of seeds unknown to the malays settled on the islands. these are all supposed to have been driven by the n. w. monsoon to the coast of new holland, and thence to these islands by the s. e. trade-wind. large masses of java teak and yellow wood have also been found, besides immense trees of red and white cedar, and the blue gumwood of new holland, in a perfectly sound condition. all the hardy seeds, such as creepers, retain their germinating power, but the softer kinds, among which is the mangostin, are destroyed in the passage. fishing-canoes, apparently from java, have at times been washed on shore." it is interesting thus to discover how numerous the seeds are, which, coming from several countries, are drifted over the wide ocean. professor henslow tells me, he believes that nearly all the plants which i brought from these islands, are common littoral species in the east indian archipelago. from the direction, however, of the winds and currents, it seems scarcely possible that they could have come here in a direct line. if, as suggested with much probability by mr. keating, they were first carried towards the coast of new holland, and thence drifted back together with the productions of that country, the seeds, before germinating, must have travelled between 1800 and 2400 miles. chamisso, [3] when describing the radack archipelago, situated in the western part of the pacific, states that "the sea brings to these islands the seeds and fruits of many trees, most of which have yet not grown here. the greater part of these seeds appear to have not yet lost the capability of growing." it is also said that palms and bamboos from somewhere in the torrid zone, and trunks of northern firs, are washed on shore: these firs must have come from an immense distance. these facts are highly interesting. it cannot be doubted that if there were land-birds to pick up the seeds when first cast on shore, and a soil better adapted for their growth than the loose blocks of coral, that the most isolated of the lagoon-islands would in time possess a far more abundant flora than they now have. the list of land animals is even poorer than that of the plants. some of the islets are inhabited by rats, which were brought in a ship from the mauritius, wrecked here. these rats are considered by mr. waterhouse as identical with the english kind, but they are smaller, and more brightly coloured. there are no true land-birds, for a snipe and a rail (rallus phillippensis), though living entirely in the dry herbage, belong to the order of waders. birds of this order are said to occur on several of the small low islands in the pacific. at ascension, where there is no land-bird, a rail (porphyrio simplex) was shot near the summit of the mountain, and it was evidently a solitary straggler. at tristan d'acunha, where, according to carmichael, there are only two land-birds, there is a coot. from these facts i believe that the waders, after the innumerable web-footed species, are generally the first colonists of small isolated islands. i may add, that whenever i noticed birds, not of oceanic species, very far out at sea, they always belonged to this order; and hence they would naturally become the earliest colonists of any remote point of land. of reptiles i saw only one small lizard. of insects i took pains to collect every kind. exclusive of spiders, which were numerous, there were thirteen species. [4] of these, one only was a beetle. a small ant swarmed by thousands under the loose dry blocks of coral, and was the only true insect which was abundant. although the productions of the land are thus scanty, if we look to the waters of the surrounding sea, the number of organic beings is indeed infinite. chamisso has described [5] the natural history of a lagoon-island in the radack archipelago; and it is remarkable how closely its inhabitants, in number and kind, resemble those of keeling island. there is one lizard and two waders, namely, a snipe and curlew. of plants there are nineteen species, including a fern; and some of these are the same with those growing here, though on a spot so immensely remote, and in a different ocean. the long strips of land, forming the linear islets, have been raised only to that height to which the surf can throw fragments of coral, and the wind heap up calcareous sand. the solid flat of coral rock on the outside, by its breadth, breaks the first violence of the waves, which otherwise, in a day, would sweep away these islets and all their productions. the ocean and the land seem here struggling for mastery: although terra firma has obtained a footing, the denizens of the water think their claim at least equally good. in every part one meets hermit crabs of more than one species, [6] carrying on their backs the shells which they have stolen from the neighbouring beach. overhead, numerous gannets, frigate-birds, and terns, rest on the trees; and the wood, from the many nests and from the smell of the atmosphere, might be called a sea-rookery. the gannets, sitting on their rude nests, gaze at one with a stupid yet angry air. the noddies, as their name expresses, are silly little creatures. but there is one charming bird: it is a small, snow-white tern, which smoothly hovers at the distance of a few feet above one's head, its large black eye scanning, with quiet curiosity, your expression. little imagination is required to fancy that so light and delicate a body must be tenanted by some wandering fairy spirit. sunday, april 3rd.--after service i accompanied captain fitz roy to the settlement, situated at the distance of some miles, on the point of an islet thickly covered with tall cocoa-nut trees. captain ross and mr. liesk live in a large barn-like house open at both ends, and lined with mats made of woven bark. the houses of the malays are arranged along the shore of the lagoon. the whole place had rather a desolate aspect, for there were no gardens to show the signs of care and cultivation. the natives belong to different islands in the east indian archipelago, but all speak the same language: we saw the inhabitants of borneo, celebes, java, and sumatra. in colour they resemble the tahitians, from whom they do not widely differ in features. some of the women, however, show a good deal of the chinese character. i liked both their general expressions and the sound of their voices. they appeared poor, and their houses were destitute of furniture; but it was evident, from the plumpness of the little children, that cocoa-nuts and turtle afford no bad sustenance. on this island the wells are situated, from which ships obtain water. at first sight it appears not a little remarkable that the fresh water should regularly ebb and flow with the tides; and it has even been imagined, that sand has the power of filtering the salt from the sea-water. these ebbing wells are common on some of the low islands in the west indies. the compressed sand, or porous coral rock, is permeated like a sponge with the salt water, but the rain which falls on the surface must sink to the level of the surrounding sea, and must accumulate there, displacing an equal bulk of the salt water. as the water in the lower part of the great sponge-like coral mass rises and falls with the tides, so will the water near the surface; and this will keep fresh, if the mass be sufficiently compact to prevent much mechanical admixture; but where the land consists of great loose blocks of coral with open interstices, if a well be dug, the water, as i have seen, is brackish. after dinner we stayed to see a curious half superstitious scene acted by the malay women. a large wooden spoon dressed in garments, and which had been carried to the grave of a dead man, they pretend becomes inspired at the full of the moon, and will dance and jump about. after the proper preparations, the spoon, held by two women, became convulsed, and danced in good time to the song of the surrounding children and women. it was a most foolish spectacle; but mr. liesk maintained that many of the malays believed in its spiritual movements. the dance did not commence till the moon had risen, and it was well worth remaining to behold her bright orb so quietly shining through the long arms of the cocoa-nut trees as they waved in the evening breeze. these scenes of the tropics are in themselves so delicious, that they almost equal those dearer ones at home, to which we are bound by each best feeling of the mind. the next day i employed myself in examining the very interesting, yet simple structure and origin of these islands. the water being unusually smooth, i waded over the outer flat of dead rock as far as the living mounds of coral, on which the swell of the open sea breaks. in some of the gullies and hollows there were beautiful green and other coloured fishes, and the form and tints of many of the zoophytes were admirable. it is excusable to grow enthusiastic over the infinite numbers of organic beings with which the sea of the tropics, so prodigal of life, teems; yet i must confess i think those naturalists who have described, in well-known words, the submarine grottoes decked with a thousand beauties, have indulged in rather exuberant language. april 6th.--i accompanied captain fitz roy to an island at the head of the lagoon: the channel was exceedingly intricate, winding through fields of delicately branched corals. we saw several turtle and two boats were then employed in catching them. the water was so clear and shallow, that although at first a turtle quickly dives out of sight, yet in a canoe or boat under sail, the pursuers after no very long chase come up to it. a man standing ready in the bow, at this moment dashes through the water upon the turtle's back; then clinging with both hands by the shell of its neck, he is carried away till the animal becomes exhausted and is secured. it was quite an interesting chase to see the two boats thus doubling about, and the men dashing head foremost into the water trying to seize their prey. captain moresby informs me that in the chagos archipelago in this same ocean, the natives, by a horrible process, take the shell from the back of the living turtle. "it is covered with burning charcoal, which causes the outer shell to curl upwards, it is then forced off with a knife, and before it becomes cold flattened between boards. after this barbarous process the animal is suffered to regain its native element, where, after a certain time, a new shell is formed; it is, however, too thin to be of any service, and the animal always appears languishing and sickly." when we arrived at the head of the lagoon, we crossed a narrow islet, and found a great surf breaking on the windward coast. i can hardly explain the reason, but there is to my mind much grandeur in the view of the outer shores of these lagoon-islands. there is a simplicity in the barrier-like beach, the margin of green bushes and tall cocoa-nuts, the solid flat of dead coral-rock, strewed here and there with great loose fragments, and the line of furious breakers, all rounding away towards either hand. the ocean throwing its waters over the broad reef appears an invincible, all-powerful enemy; yet we see it resisted, and even conquered, by means which at first seem most weak and inefficient. it is not that the ocean spares the rock of coral; the great fragments scattered over the reef, and heaped on the beach, whence the tall cocoa-nut springs, plainly bespeak the unrelenting power of the waves. nor are any periods of repose granted. the long swell caused by the gentle but steady action of the trade-wind, always blowing in one direction over a wide area, causes breakers, almost equalling in force those during a gale of wind in the temperate regions, and which never cease to rage. it is impossible to behold these waves without feeling a conviction that an island, though built of the hardest rock, let it be porphyry, granite, or quartz, would ultimately yield and be demolished by such an irresistible power. yet these low, insignificant coral-islets stand and are victorious: for here another power, as an antagonist, takes part in the contest. the organic forces separate the atoms of carbonate of lime, one by one, from the foaming breakers, and unite them into a symmetrical structure. let the hurricane tear up its thousand huge fragments; yet what will that tell against the accumulated labour of myriads of architects at work night and day, month after month? thus do we see the soft and gelatinous body of a polypus, through the agency of the vital laws, conquering the great mechanical power of the waves of an ocean which neither the art of man nor the inanimate works of nature could successfully resist. we did not return on board till late in the evening, for we stayed a long time in the lagoon, examining the fields of coral and the gigantic shells of the chama, into which, if a man were to put his hand, he would not, as long as the animal lived, be able to withdraw it. near the head of the lagoon i was much surprised to find a wide area, considerably more than a mile square, covered with a forest of delicately branching corals, which, though standing upright, were all dead and rotten. at first i was quite at a loss to understand the cause afterwards it occurred to me that it was owing to the following rather curious combination of circumstances. it should, however, first be stated, that corals are not able to survive even a short exposure in the air to the sun's rays, so that their upward limit of growth is determined by that of lowest water at spring tides. it appears, from some old charts, that the long island to windward was formerly separated by wide channels into several islets; this fact is likewise indicated by the trees being younger on these portions. under the former condition of the reef, a strong breeze, by throwing more water over the barrier, would tend to raise the level of the lagoon. now it acts in a directly contrary manner; for the water within the lagoon not only is not increased by currents from the outside, but is itself blown outwards by the force of the wind. hence it is observed, that the tide near the head of the lagoon does not rise so high during a strong breeze as it does when it is calm. this difference of level, although no doubt very small, has, i believe, caused the death of those coral-groves, which under the former and more open condition of the outer reef has attained the utmost possible limit of upward growth. a few miles north of keeling there is another small atoll, the lagoon of which is nearly filled up with coral-mud. captain ross found embedded in the conglomerate on the outer coast, a well-rounded fragment of greenstone, rather larger than a man's head: he and the men with him were so much surprised at this, that they brought it away and preserved it as a curiosity. the occurrence of this one stone, where every other particle of matter is calcareous, certainly is very puzzling. the island has scarcely ever been visited, nor is it probable that a ship had been wrecked there. from the absence of any better explanation, i came to the conclusion that it must have come entangled in the roots of some large tree: when, however, i considered the great distance from the nearest land, the combination of chances against a stone thus being entangled, the tree washed into the sea, floated so far, then landed safely, and the stone finally so embedded as to allow of its discovery, i was almost afraid of imagining a means of transport apparently so improbable. it was therefore with great interest that i found chamisso, the justly distinguished naturalist who accompanied kotzebue, stating that the inhabitants of the radack archipelago, a group of lagoon-islands in the midst of the pacific, obtained stones for sharpening their instruments by searching the roots of trees which are cast upon the beach. it will be evident that this must have happened several times, since laws have been established that such stones belong to the chief, and a punishment is inflicted on any one who attempts to steal them. when the isolated position of these small islands in the midst of a vast ocean--their great distance from any land excepting that of coral formation, attested by the value which the inhabitants, who are such bold navigators, attach to a stone of any kind, [7]--and the slowness of the currents of the open sea, are all considered, the occurrence of pebbles thus transported does appear wonderful. stones may often be thus carried; and if the island on which they are stranded is constructed of any other substance besides coral, they would scarcely attract attention, and their origin at least would never be guessed. moreover, this agency may long escape discovery from the probability of trees, especially those loaded with stones, floating beneath the surface. in the channels of tierra del fuego large quantities of drift timber are cast upon the beach, yet it is extremely rare to meet a tree swimming on the water. these facts may possibly throw light on single stones, whether angular or rounded, occasionally found embedded in fine sedimentary masses. during another day i visited west islet, on which the vegetation was perhaps more luxuriant than on any other. the cocoa-nut trees generally grow separate, but here the young ones flourished beneath their tall parents, and formed with their long and curved fronds the most shady arbours. those alone who have tried it, know how delicious it is to be seated in such shade, and drink the cool pleasant fluid of the cocoa-nut. in this island there is a large bay-like space, composed of the finest white sand: it is quite level and is only covered by the tide at high water; from this large bay smaller creeks penetrate the surrounding woods. to see a field of glittering white sand, representing water, with the cocoa-nut trees extending their tall and waving trunks around the margin, formed a singular and very pretty view. i have before alluded to a crab which lives on the cocoa-nuts; it is very common on all parts of the dry land, and grows to a monstrous size: it is closely allied or identical with the birgos latro. the front pair of legs terminate in very strong and heavy pincers, and the last pair are fitted with others weaker and much narrower. it would at first be thought quite impossible for a crab to open a strong cocoa-nut covered with the husk; but mr. liesk assures me that he has repeatedly seen this effected. the crab begins by tearing the husk, fibre by fibre, and always from that end under which the three eye-holes are situated; when this is completed, the crab commences hammering with its heavy claws on one of the eye-holes till an opening is made. then turning round its body, by the aid of its posterior and narrow pair of pincers, it extracts the white albuminous substance. i think this is as curious a case of instinct as ever i heard of, and likewise of adaptation in structure between two objects apparently so remote from each other in the scheme of nature, as a crab and a cocoa-nut tree. the birgos is diurnal in its habits; but every night it is said to pay a visit to the sea, no doubt for the purpose of moistening its branchiae. the young are likewise hatched, and live for some time, on the coast. these crabs inhabit deep burrows, which they hollow out beneath the roots of trees; and where they accumulate surprising quantities of the picked fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, on which they rest as on a bed. the malays sometimes take advantage of this, and collect the fibrous mass to use as junk. these crabs are very good to eat; moreover, under the tail of the larger ones there is a mass of fat, which, when melted, sometimes yields as much as a quart bottle full of limpid oil. it has been stated by some authors that the birgos crawls up the cocoa-nut trees for the purpose of stealing the nuts: i very much doubt the possibility of this; but with the pandanus [8] the task would be very much easier. i was told by mr. liesk that on these islands the birgos lives only on the nuts which have fallen to the ground. captain moresby informs me that this crab inhabits the chagos and seychelle groups, but not the neighbouring maldiva archipelago. it formerly abounded at mauritius, but only a few small ones are now found there. in the pacific, this species, or one with closely allied habits, is said [9] to inhabit a single coral island, north of the society group. to show the wonderful strength of the front pair of pincers, i may mention, that captain moresby confined one in a strong tin-box, which had held biscuits, the lid being secured with wire; but the crab turned down the edges and escaped. in turning down the edges, it actually punched many small holes quite through the tin! i was a good deal surprised by finding two species of coral of the genus millepora (m. complanata and alcicornis), possessed of the power of stinging. the stony branches or plates, when taken fresh from the water, have a harsh feel and are not slimy, although possessing a strong and disagreeable smell. the stinging property seems to vary in different specimens: when a piece was pressed or rubbed on the tender skin of the face or arm, a pricking sensation was usually caused, which came on after the interval of a second, and lasted only for a few minutes. one day, however, by merely touching my face with one of the branches, pain was instantaneously caused; it increased as usual after a few seconds, and remaining sharp for some minutes, was perceptible for half an hour afterwards. the sensation was as bad as that from a nettle, but more like that caused by the physalia or portuguese man-of-war. little red spots were produced on the tender skin of the arm, which appeared as if they would have formed watery pustules, but did not. m. quoy mentions this case of the millepora; and i have heard of stinging corals in the west indies. many marine animals seem to have this power of stinging: besides the portuguese man-of-war, many jelly-fish, and the aplysia or sea-slug of the cape de verd islands, it is stated in the voyage of the astrolabe, that an actinia or sea-anemone, as well as a flexible coralline allied to sertularia, both possess this means of offence or defence. in the east indian sea, a stinging sea-weed is said to be found. two species of fish, of the genus scarus, which are common here, exclusively feed on coral: both are coloured of a splendid bluish-green, one living invariably in the lagoon, and the other amongst the outer breakers. mr. liesk assured us, that he had repeatedly seen whole shoals grazing with their strong bony jaws on the tops of the coral branches: i opened the intestines of several, and found them distended with yellowish calcareous sandy mud. the slimy disgusting holuthuriae (allied to our star-fish), which the chinese gourmands are so fond of, also feed largely, as i am informed by dr. allan, on corals; and the bony apparatus within their bodies seems well adapted for this end. these holuthuriae, the fish, the numerous burrowing shells, and nereidous worms, which perforate every block of dead coral, must be very efficient agents in producing the fine white mud which lies at the bottom and on the shores of the lagoon. a portion, however, of this mud, which when wet resembled pounded chalk, was found by professor ehrenberg to be partly composed of siliceous-shielded infusoria. april 12th.--in the morning we stood out of the lagoon on our passage to the isle of france. i am glad we have visited these islands: such formations surely rank high amongst the wonderful objects of this world. captain fitz roy found no bottom with a line 7200 feet in length, at the distance of only 2200 yards from the shore; hence this island forms a lofty submarine mountain, with sides steeper even than those of the most abrupt volcanic cone. the saucer-shaped summit is nearly ten miles across; and every single atom, [10] from the least particle to the largest fragment of rock, in this great pile, which however is small compared with very many other lagoon-islands, bears the stamp of having been subjected to organic arrangement. we feel surprise when travellers tell us of the vast dimensions of the pyramids and other great ruins, but how utterly insignificant are the greatest of these, when compared to these mountains of stone accumulated by the agency of various minute and tender animals! this is a wonder which does not at first strike the eye of the body, but, after reflection, the eye of reason. i will now give a very brief account of the three great classes of coral-reefs; namely, atolls, barrier, and fringing-reefs, and will explain my views [11] on their formation. almost every voyager who has crossed the pacific has expressed his unbounded astonishment at the lagoon-islands, or as i shall for the future call them by their indian name of atolls, and has attempted some explanation. even as long ago as the year 1605, pyrard de laval well exclaimed, "c'est [picture] une merveille de voir chacun de ces atollons, environne d'un grand banc de pierre tout autour, n'y ayant point d'artifice humain." the accompanying sketch of whitsunday island in the pacific, copied from, capt. beechey's admirable voyage, gives but a faint idea of the singular aspect of an atoll: it is one of the smallest size, and has its narrow islets united together in a ring. the immensity of the ocean, the fury of the breakers, contrasted with the lowness of the land and the smoothness of the bright green water within the lagoon, can hardly be imagined without having been seen. the earlier voyagers fancied that the coral-building animals instinctively built up their great circles to afford themselves protection in the inner parts; but so far is this from the truth, that those massive kinds, to whose growth on the exposed outer shores the very existence of the reef depends, cannot live within the lagoon, where other delicately-branching kinds flourish. moreover, on this view, many species of distinct genera and families are supposed to combine for one end; and of such a combination, not a single instance can be found in the whole of nature. the theory that has been most generally received is, that atolls are based on submarine craters; but when we consider the form and size of some, the number, proximity, and relative positions of others, this idea loses its plausible character: thus suadiva atoll is 44 geographical miles in diameter in one line, by 34 miles in another line; rimsky is 54 by 20 miles across, and it has a strangely sinuous margin; bow atoll is 30 miles long, and on an average only 6 in width; menchicoff atoll consists of three atolls united or tied together. this theory, moreover, is totally inapplicable to the northern maldiva atolls in the indian ocean (one of which is 88 miles in length, and between 10 and 20 in breadth), for they are not bounded like ordinary atolls by narrow reefs, but by a vast number of separate little atolls; other little atolls rising out of the great central lagoon-like spaces. a third and better theory was advanced by chamisso, who thought that from the corals growing more vigorously where exposed to the open sea, as undoubtedly is the case, the outer edges would grow up from the general foundation before any other part, and that this would account for the ring or cup-shaped structure. but we shall immediately see, that in this, as well as in the crater-theory, a most important consideration has been overlooked, namely, on what have the reef-building corals, which cannot live at a great depth, based their massive structures? numerous soundings were carefully taken by captain fitz roy on the steep outside of keeling atoll, and it was found that within ten fathoms, the prepared tallow at the bottom of the lead, invariably came up marked with the impression of living corals, but as perfectly clean as if it had been dropped on a carpet of turf; as the depth increased, the impressions became less numerous, but the adhering particles of sand more and more numerous, until at last it was evident that the bottom consisted of a smooth sandy layer: to carry on the analogy of the turf, the blades of grass grew thinner and thinner, till at last the soil was so sterile, that nothing sprang from it. from these observations, confirmed by many others, it may be safely inferred that the utmost depth at which corals can construct reefs is between 20 and 30 fathoms. now there are enormous areas in the pacific and indian ocean, in which every single island is of coral formation, and is raised only to that height to which the waves can throw up fragments, and the winds pile up sand. thus radack group of atolls is an irregular square, 520 miles long and 240 broad; the low archipelago is elliptic-formed, 840 miles in its longer, and 420 in its shorter axis: there are other small groups and single low islands between these two archipelagoes, making a linear space of ocean actually more than 4000 miles in length, in which not one single island rises above the specified height. again, in the indian ocean there is a space of ocean 1500 miles in length, including three archipelagoes, in which every island is low and of coral formation. from the fact of the reef-building corals not living at great depths, it is absolutely certain that throughout these vast areas, wherever there is now an atoll, a foundation must have originally existed within a depth of from 20 to 30 fathoms from the surface. it is improbable in the highest degree that broad, lofty, isolated, steep-sided banks of sediment, arranged in groups and lines hundreds of leagues in length, could have been deposited in the central and profoundest parts of the pacific and indian oceans, at an immense distance from any continent, and where the water is perfectly limpid. it is equally improbable that the elevatory forces should have uplifted throughout the above vast areas, innumerable great rocky banks within 20 to 30 fathoms, or 120 to 180 feet, of the surface of the sea, and not one single point above that level; for where on the whole surface of the globe can we find a single chain of mountains, even a few hundred miles in length, with their many summits rising within a few feet of a given level, and not one pinnacle above it? if then the foundations, whence the atoll-building corals sprang, were not formed of sediment, and if they were not lifted up to the required level, they must of necessity have subsided into it; and this at once solves the difficulty. for as mountain after mountain, and island after island, slowly sank beneath the water, fresh bases would be successively afforded for the growth of the corals. it is impossible here to enter into all the necessary details, but i venture to defy [12] any one to explain in any other manner how it is possible that numerous islands should be distributed throughout vast areas--all the islands being low--all being built of corals, absolutely requiring a foundation within a limited depth from the surface. before explaining how atoll-formed reefs acquire their peculiar structure, we must turn to the second great class, namely, barrier-reefs. these either extend in straight lines in front of the shores of a continent or of a large island, or they encircle smaller islands; in both cases, being separated from the land by a broad and rather deep channel of water, analogous to the lagoon within an atoll. it is remarkable how little attention has been paid to encircling barrier-reefs; yet they are truly wonderful structures. the following sketch represents part of the barrier encircling the island of bolabola in the pacific, as seen from one of the central peaks. in this instance the whole line of reef has been converted into land; but usually a snow-white line of great breakers, with only here and there a single low islet crowned with cocoa-nut trees, divides the dark heaving waters of the ocean from the light-green expanse of the lagoon-channel. and the quiet waters of this channel generally bathe a fringe of low alluvial soil, loaded with the most beautiful productions of the tropics, and lying at the foot of the wild, abrupt, central mountains. encircling barrier-reefs are of all sizes, from three miles to no less than forty-four miles in diameter; and that which fronts one side, and encircles both ends, of new caledonia, is 400 miles long. each reef includes one, two, or several rocky islands of various heights; and in one instance, even as many as twelve separate islands. the reef runs at a greater or less distance from the included land; in the society archipelago generally from one to three or four miles; but at hogoleu the reef is 20 miles on the southern side, and 14 miles on the opposite or northern side, from the included islands. the depth within the lagoon-channel also varies much; from 10 to 30 fathoms may be taken as an average; but at vanikoro there are spaces no less than 56 fathoms or 363 feet deep. internally the reef either slopes gently into the lagoon-channel, or ends in a perpendicular wall sometimes between two and three hundred feet under water in height: externally the reef rises, like an atoll, with extreme abruptness out of the profound depths of the ocean. what can be more singular than these structures? we see [picture] an island, which may be compared to a castle situated on the summit of a lofty submarine mountain, protected by a great wall of coral-rock, always steep externally and sometimes internally, with a broad level summit, here and there breached by a narrow gateway, through which the largest ships can enter the wide and deep encircling moat. as far as the actual reef of coral is concerned, there is not the smallest difference, in general size, outline, grouping, and even in quite trifling details of structure, between a barrier and an atoll. the geographer balbi has well remarked, that an encircled island is an atoll with high land rising out of its lagoon; remove the land from within, and a perfect atoll is left. but what has caused these reefs to spring up at such great distances from the shores of the included islands? it cannot be that the corals will not grow close to the land; for the shores within the lagoon-channel, when not surrounded by alluvial soil, are often fringed by living reefs; and we shall presently see that there is a whole class, which i have called fringing reefs from their close attachment to the shores both of continents and of islands. again, on what have the reef-building corals, which cannot live at great depths, based their encircling structures? this is a great apparent difficulty, analogous to that in the case of atolls, which has generally been overlooked. it will be perceived more clearly by inspecting the following sections which are real ones, taken in north and south lines, through the islands with their barrier-reefs, of vanikoro, gambier, and maurua; and they are laid down, both vertically and horizontally, on the same scale of a quarter of an inch to a mile. it should be observed that the sections might have been taken in any direction through these islands, or through [picture] many other encircled islands, and the general features would have been the same. now, bearing in mind that reef-building coral cannot live at a greater depth than from 20 to 30 fathoms, and that the scale is so small that the plummets on the right hand show a depth of 200 fathoms, on what are these barrier-reefs based? are we to suppose that each island is surrounded by a collar-like submarine ledge of rock, or by a great bank of sediment, ending abruptly where the reef ends? if the sea had formerly eaten deeply into the islands, before they were protected by the reefs, thus having left a shallow ledge round them under water, the present shores would have been invariably bounded by great precipices, but this is most rarely the case. moreover, on this notion, it is not possible to explain why the corals should have sprung up, like a wall, from the extreme outer margin of the ledge, often leaving a broad space of water within, too deep for the growth of corals. the accumulation of a wide bank of sediment all round these islands, and generally widest where the included islands are smallest, is highly improbable, considering their exposed positions in the central and deepest parts of the ocean. in the case of the barrier-reef of new caledonia, which extends for 150 miles beyond the northern point of the islands, in the same straight line with which it fronts the west coast, it is hardly possible to believe that a bank of sediment could thus have been straightly deposited in front of a lofty island, and so far beyond its termination in the open sea. finally, if we look to other oceanic islands of about the same height and of similar geological constitution, but not encircled by coral-reefs, we may in vain search for so trifling a circumambient depth as 30 fathoms, except quite near to their shores; for usually land that rises abruptly out of water, as do most of the encircled and non-encircled oceanic islands, plunges abruptly under it. on what then, i repeat, are these barrier reefs based? why, with their wide and deep moat-like channels, do they stand so far from the included land? we shall soon see how easily these difficulties disappear. we come now to our third class of fringing-reefs, which will require a very short notice. where the land slopes abruptly under water, these reefs are only a few yards in width, forming a mere ribbon or fringe round the shores: where the land slopes gently under the water the reef extends further, sometimes even as much as a mile from the land; but in such cases the soundings outside the reef always show that the submarine prolongation of the land is gently inclined. in fact, the reefs extend only to that distance from the shore, at which a foundation within the requisite depth from 20 to 30 fathoms is found. as far as the actual reef is concerned, there is no essential difference between it and that forming a barrier or an atoll: it is, however, generally of less width, and consequently few islets have been formed on it. from the corals growing more vigorously on the outside, and from the noxious effect of the sediment washed inwards, the outer edge of the reef is the highest part, and between it and the land there is generally a shallow sandy channel a few feet in depth. where banks or sediments have accumulated near to the surface, as in parts of the west indies, they sometimes become fringed with corals, and hence in some degree resemble lagoon-islands or atolls, in the same manner as fringing-reefs, surrounding gently sloping islands, in some degree resemble barrier-reefs. no theory on the formation of coral-reefs can be considered satisfactory which does not include the three great [picture] classes. we have seen that we are driven to believe in the subsidence of those vast areas, interspersed with low islands, of which not one rises above the height to which the wind and waves can throw up matter, and yet are constructed by animals requiring a foundation, and that foundation to lie at no great depth. let us then take an island surrounded by fringing-reefs, which offer no difficulty in their structure; and let this island with its reefs, represented by the unbroken lines in the woodcut, slowly subside. now, as the island sinks down, either a few feet at a time or quite insensibly, we may safely infer, from what is known of the conditions favourable to the growth of coral, that the living masses, bathed by the surf on the margin of the reef, will soon regain the surface. the water, however, will encroach little by little on the shore, the island becoming lower and smaller, and the space between the inner edge of the reef and the beach proportionately broader. a section of the reef and island in this state, after a subsidence of several hundred feet, is given by the dotted lines. coral islets are supposed to have been formed on the reef; and a ship is anchored in the lagoon-channel. this channel will be more or less deep, according to the rate of subsidence, to the amount of sediment accumulated in it, and to the growth of the delicately branched corals which can live there. the section in this state resembles in every respect one drawn through an encircled island: in fact, it is a real section (on the scale of .517 of an inch to a mile) through bolabola in the pacific. we can now at once see why encircling barrier-reefs stand so far from the shores which they front. we can also perceive, that a line drawn perpendicularly down from the outer edge of the new reef, to the foundation of solid rock beneath the old fringing-reef, will exceed by as many feet as there have been feet of subsidence, that small limit of depth at which the effective corals can live:--the little architects having built up their great wall-like mass, as the whole sank down, upon a basis formed of other corals and their consolidated fragments. thus the difficulty on this head, which appeared so great, disappears. if, instead of an island, we had taken the shore of a continent fringed with reefs, and had imagined it to have subsided, a great straight barrier, like that of australia or new caledonia, separated from the land by a wide and deep channel, would evidently have been the result. let us take our new encircling barrier-reef, of which the section is now represented by unbroken lines, and which, as i have said, is a real section through bolabola, and let it go on subsiding. as the barrier-reef slowly sinks down, the corals will go on vigorously growing upwards; but as the island sinks, the water will gain inch by inch on the shore--the separate mountains first forming separate islands within [picture] one great reef--and finally, the last and highest pinnacle disappearing. the instant this takes place, a perfect atoll is formed: i have said, remove the high land from within an encircling barrier-reef, and an atoll is left, and the land has been removed. we can now perceive how it comes that atolls, having sprung from encircling barrier-reefs, resemble them in general size, form, in the manner in which they are grouped together, and in their arrangement in single or double lines; for they may be called rude outline charts of the sunken islands over which they stand. we can further see how it arises that the atolls in the pacific and indian oceans extend in lines parallel to the generally prevailing strike of the high islands and great coast-lines of those oceans. i venture, therefore, to affirm, that on the theory of the upward growth of the corals during the sinking of the land, [13] all the leading features in those wonderful structures, the lagoon-islands or atolls, which have so long excited the attention of voyagers, as well as in the no less wonderful barrier-reefs, whether encircling small islands or stretching for hundreds of miles along the shores of a continent, are simply explained. it may be asked, whether i can offer any direct evidence of the subsidence of barrier-reefs or atolls; but it must be borne in mind how difficult it must ever be to detect a movement, the tendency of which is to hide under water the part affected. nevertheless, at keeling atoll i observed on all sides of the lagoon old cocoa-nut trees undermined and falling; and in one place the foundation-posts of a shed, which the inhabitants asserted had stood seven years before just above high-water mark, but now was daily washed by every tide: on inquiry i found that three earthquakes, one of them severe, had been felt here during the last ten years. at vanikoro, the lagoon-channel is remarkably deep, scarcely any alluvial soil has accumulated at the foot of the lofty included mountains, and remarkably few islets have been formed by the heaping of fragments and sand on the wall-like barrier reef; these facts, and some analogous ones, led me to believe that this island must lately have subsided and the reef grown upwards: here again earthquakes are frequent and very severe. in the society archipelago, on the other hand, where the lagoon-channels are almost choked up, where much low alluvial land has accumulated, and where in some cases long islets have been formed on the barrier-reefs--facts all showing that the islands have not very lately subsided--only feeble shocks are most rarely felt. in these coral formations, where the land and water seem struggling for mastery, it must be ever difficult to decide between the effects of a change in the set of the tides and of a slight subsidence: that many of these reefs and atolls are subject to changes of some kind is certain; on some atolls the islets appear to have increased greatly within a late period; on others they have been partially or wholly washed away. the inhabitants of parts of the maldiva archipelago know the date of the first formation of some islets; in other parts, the corals are now flourishing on water-washed reefs, where holes made for graves attest the former existence of inhabited land. it is difficult to believe in frequent changes in the tidal currents of an open ocean; whereas, we have in the earthquakes recorded by the natives on some atolls, and in the great fissures observed on other atolls, plain evidence of changes and disturbances in progress in the subterranean regions. it is evident, on our theory, that coasts merely fringed by reefs cannot have subsided to any perceptible amount; and therefore they must, since the growth of their corals, either have remained stationary or have been upheaved. now, it is remarkable how generally it can be shown, by the presence of upraised organic remains, that the fringed islands have been elevated: and so far, this is indirect evidence in favour of our theory. i was particularly struck with this fact, when i found, to my surprise, that the descriptions given by mm. quoy and gaimard were applicable, not to reefs in general as implied by them, but only to those of the fringing class; my surprise, however, ceased when i afterwards found that, by a strange chance, all the several islands visited by these eminent naturalists, could be shown by their own statements to have been elevated within a recent geological era. not only the grand features in the structure of barrier-reefs and of atolls, and to their likeness to each other in form, size, and other characters, are explained on the theory of subsidence--which theory we are independently forced to admit in the very areas in question, from the necessity of finding bases for the corals within the requisite depth--but many details in structure and exceptional cases can thus also be simply explained. i will give only a few instances. in barrier-reefs it has long been remarked with surprise, that the passages through the reef exactly face valleys in the included land, even in cases where the reef is separated from the land by a lagoon-channel so wide and so much deeper than the actual passage itself, that it seems hardly possible that the very small quantity of water or sediment brought down could injure the corals on the reef. now, every reef of the fringing class is breached by a narrow gateway in front of the smallest rivulet, even if dry during the greater part of the year, for the mud, sand, or gravel, occasionally washed down kills the corals on which it is deposited. consequently, when an island thus fringed subsides, though most of the narrow gateways will probably become closed by the outward and upward growth of the corals, yet any that are not closed (and some must always be kept open by the sediment and impure water flowing out of the lagoon-channel) will still continue to front exactly the upper parts of those valleys, at the mouths of which the original basal fringing-reef was breached. we can easily see how an island fronted only on one side, or on one side with one end or both ends encircled by barrier-reefs, might after long-continued subsidence be converted either into a single wall-like reef, or into an atoll with a great straight spur projecting from it, or into two or three atolls tied together by straight reefs--all of which exceptional cases actually occur. as the reef-building corals require food, are preyed upon by other animals, are killed by sediment, cannot adhere to a loose bottom, and may be easily carried down to a depth whence they cannot spring up again, we need feel no surprise at the reefs both of atolls and barriers becoming in parts imperfect. the great barrier of new caledonia is thus imperfect and broken in many parts; hence, after long subsidence, this great reef would not produce one great atoll 400 miles in length, but a chain or archipelago of atolls, of very nearly the same dimension with those in the maldiva archipelago. moreover, in an atoll once breached on opposite sides, from the likelihood of the oceanic and tidal currents passing straight through the breaches, it is extremely improbable that the corals, especially during continued subsidence, would ever be able again to unite the rim; if they did not, as the whole sank downwards, one atoll would be divided into two or more. in the maldiva archipelago there are distinct atolls so related to each other in position, and separated by channels either unfathomable or very deep (the channel between ross and ari atolls is 150 fathoms, and that between the north and south nillandoo atolls is 200 fathoms in depth), that it is impossible to look at a map of them without believing that they were once more intimately related. and in this same archipelago, mahlos-mahdoo atoll is divided by a bifurcating channel from 100 to 132 fathoms in depth, in such a manner, that it is scarcely possible to say whether it ought strictly to be called three separate atolls, or one great atoll not yet finally divided. i will not enter on many more details; but i must remark that the curious structure of the northern maldiva atolls receives (taking into consideration the free entrance of the sea through their broken margins) a simple explanation in the upward and outward growth of the corals, originally based both on small detached reefs in their lagoons, such as occur in common atolls, and on broken portions of the linear marginal reef, such as bounds every atoll of the ordinary form. i cannot refrain from once again remarking on the singularity of these complex structures--a great sandy and generally concave disk rises abruptly from the unfathomable ocean, with its central expanse studded, and its edge symmetrically bordered with oval basins of coral-rock just lipping the surface of the sea, sometimes clothed with vegetation, and each containing a lake of clear water! one more point in detail: as in the two neighbouring archipelagoes corals flourish in one and not in the other, and as so many conditions before enumerated must affect their existence, it would be an inexplicable fact if, during the changes to which earth, air, and water are subjected, the reef-building corals were to keep alive for perpetuity on any one spot or area. and as by our theory the areas including atolls and barrier-reefs are subsiding, we ought occasionally to find reefs both dead and submerged. in all reefs, owing to the sediment being washed out of the lagoon-channel to leeward, that side is least favourable to the long-continued vigorous growth of the corals; hence dead portions of reef not unfrequently occur on the leeward side; and these, though still retaining their proper wall-like form, are now in several instances sunk several fathoms beneath the surface. the chagos group appears from some cause, possibly from the subsidence having been too rapid, at present to be much less favourably circumstanced for the growth of reefs than formerly: one atoll has a portion of its marginal reef, nine miles in length, dead and submerged; a second has only a few quite small living points which rise to the surface, a third and fourth are entirely dead and submerged; a fifth is a mere wreck, with its structure almost obliterated. it is remarkable that in all these cases, the dead reefs and portions of reef lie at nearly the same depth, namely, from six to eight fathoms beneath the surface, as if they had been carried down by one uniform movement. one of these "half-drowned atolls," so called by capt. moresby (to whom i am indebted for much invaluable information), is of vast size, namely, ninety nautical miles across in one direction, and seventy miles in another line; and is in many respects eminently curious. as by our theory it follows that new atolls will generally be formed in each new area of subsidence, two weighty objections might have been raised, namely, that atolls must be increasing indefinitely in number; and secondly, that in old areas of subsidence each separate atoll must be increasing indefinitely in thickness, if proofs of their occasional destruction could not have been adduced. thus have we traced the history of these great rings of coral-rock, from their first origin through their normal changes, and through the occasional accidents of their existence, to their death and final obliteration. in my volume on "coral formations" i have published a map, in which i have coloured all the atolls dark-blue, the barrier-reefs pale-blue, and the fringing reefs red. these latter reefs have been formed whilst the land has been stationary, or, as appears from the frequent presence of upraised organic remains, whilst it has been slowly rising: atolls and barrier-reefs, on the other hand, have grown up during the directly opposite movement of subsidence, which movement must have been very gradual, and in the case of atolls so vast in amount as to have buried every mountain-summit over wide ocean-spaces. now in this map we see that the reefs tinted pale and dark-blue, which have been produced by the same order of movement, as a general rule manifestly stand near each other. again we see, that the areas with the two blue tints are of wide extent; and that they lie separate from extensive lines of coast coloured red, both of which circumstances might naturally have been inferred, on the theory of the nature of the reefs having been governed by the nature of the earth's movement. it deserves notice that in more than one instance where single red and blue circles approach near each other, i can show that there have been oscillations of level; for in such cases the red or fringed circles consist of atolls, originally by our theory formed during subsidence, but subsequently upheaved; and on the other hand, some of the pale-blue or encircled islands are composed of coral-rock, which must have been uplifted to its present height before that subsidence took place, during which the existing barrier-reefs grew upwards. authors have noticed with surprise, that although atolls are the commonest coral-structures throughout some enormous oceanic tracts, they are entirely absent in other seas, as in the west indies: we can now at once perceive the cause, for where there has not been subsidence, atolls cannot have been formed; and in the case of the west indies and parts of the east indies, these tracts are known to have been rising within the recent period. the larger areas, coloured red and blue, are all elongated; and between the two colours there is a degree of rude alternation, as if the rising of one had balanced the sinking of the other. taking into consideration the proofs of recent elevation both on the fringed coasts and on some others (for instance, in south america) where there are no reefs, we are led to conclude that the great continents are for the most part rising areas: and from the nature of the coral-reefs, that the central parts of the great oceans are sinking areas. the east indian archipelago, the most broken land in the world, is in most parts an area of elevation, but surrounded and penetrated, probably in more lines than one, by narrow areas of subsidence. i have marked with vermilion spots all the many known active volcanos within the limits of this same map. their entire absence from every one of the great subsiding areas, coloured either pale or dark blue, is most striking and not less so is the coincidence of the chief volcanic chains with the parts coloured red, which we are led to conclude have either long remained stationary, or more generally have been recently upraised. although a few of the vermilion spots occur within no great distance of single circles tinted blue, yet not one single active volcano is situated within several hundred miles of an archipelago, or even small group of atolls. it is, therefore, a striking fact that in the friendly archipelago, which consists of a group of atolls upheaved and since partially worn down, two volcanos, and perhaps more, are historically known to have been in action. on the other hand, although most of the islands in the pacific which are encircled by barrier-reefs, are of volcanic origin, often with the remnants of craters still distinguishable, not one of them is known to have ever been in eruption. hence in these cases it would appear, that volcanos burst forth into action and become extinguished on the same spots, accordingly as elevatory or subsiding movements prevail there. numberless facts could be adduced to prove that upraised organic remains are common wherever there are active volcanos; but until it could be shown that in areas of subsidence, volcanos were either absent or inactive, the inference, however probable in itself, that their distribution depended on the rising or falling of the earth's surface, would have been hazardous. but now, i think, we may freely admit this important deduction. taking a final view of the map, and bearing in mind the statements made with respect to the upraised organic remains, we must feel astonished at the vastness of the areas, which have suffered changes in level either downwards or upwards, within a period not geologically remote. it would appear also, that the elevatory and subsiding movements follow nearly the same laws. throughout the spaces interspersed with atolls, where not a single peak of high land has been left above the level of the sea, the sinking must have been immense in amount. the sinking, moreover, whether continuous, or recurrent with intervals sufficiently long for the corals again to bring up their living edifices to the surface, must necessarily have been extremely slow. this conclusion is probably the most important one which can be deduced from the study of coral formations;--and it is one which it is difficult to imagine how otherwise could ever have been arrived at. nor can i quite pass over the probability of the former existence of large archipelagoes of lofty islands, where now only rings of coral-rock scarcely break the open expanse of the sea, throwing some light on the distribution of the inhabitants of the other high islands, now left standing so immensely remote from each other in the midst of the great oceans. the reef-constructing corals have indeed reared and preserved wonderful memorials of the subterranean oscillations of level; we see in each barrier-reef a proof that the land has there subsided, and in each atoll a monument over an island now lost. we may thus, like unto a geologist who had lived his ten thousand years and kept a record of the passing changes, gain some insight into the great system by which the surface of this globe has been broken up, and land and water interchanged. [1] these plants are described in the annals of nat. hist., vol. i., 1838, p. 337. [2] holman's travels, vol. iv. p. 378. [3] kotzebue's first voyage, vol. iii. p. 155. [4] the thirteen species belong to the following orders:--in the coleoptera, a minute elater; orthoptera, a gryllus and a blatta; hemiptera, one species; homoptera, two; neuroptera a chrysopa; hymenoptera, two ants; lepidoptera nocturna, a diopaea, and a pterophorus (?); diptera, two species. [5] kotzebue's first voyage, vol. iii. p. 222. [6] the large claws or pincers of some of these crabs are most beautifully adapted, when drawn back, to form an operculum to the shell, nearly as perfect as the proper one originally belonging to the molluscous animal. i was assured, and as far as my observations went i found it so, that certain species of the hermit-crab always use certain species of shells. [7] some natives carried by kotzebue to kamtschatka collected stones to take back to their country. [8] see proceedings of zoological society, 1832, p. 17. [9] tyerman and bennett. voyage, etc. vol. ii. p. 33. [10] i exclude, of course, some soil which has been imported here in vessels from malacca and java, and likewise, some small fragments of pumice, drifted here by the waves. the one block of greenstone, moreover, on the northern island must be excepted. [11] these were first read before the geological society in may, 1837, and have since been developed in a separate volume on the "structure and distribution of coral reefs." [12] it is remarkable that mr. lyell, even in the first edition of his "principles of geology," inferred that the amount of subsidence in the pacific must have exceeded that of elevation, from the area of land being very small relatively to the agents there tending to form it, namely, the growth of coral and volcanic action. [13] it has been highly satisfactory to me to find the following passage in a pamphlet by mr. couthouy, one of the naturalists in the great antarctic expedition of the united states:--"having personally examined a large number of coral-islands and resided eight months among the volcanic class having shore and partially encircling reefs. i may be permitted to state that my own observations have impressed a conviction of the correctness of the theory of mr. darwin."--the naturalists, however, of this expedition differ with me on some points respecting coral formations. chapter xxi mauritius to england mauritius, beautiful appearance of--great crateriform ring of mountains--hindoos--st. helena--history of the changes in the vegetation--cause of the extinction of land-shells--ascension--variation in the imported rats--volcanic bombs--beds of infusoria--bahia--brazil--splendour of tropical scenery--pernambuco--singular reef--slavery--return to england--retrospect on our voyage. april 29th.--in the morning we passed round the northern end of mauritius, or the isle of france. from this point of view the aspect of the island equalled the expectations raised by the many well-known descriptions of its beautiful scenery. the sloping plain of the pamplemousses, interspersed with houses, and coloured by the large fields of sugar-cane of a bright green, composed the foreground. the brilliancy of the green was the more remarkable because it is a colour which generally is conspicuous only from a very short distance. towards the centre of the island groups of wooded mountains rose out of this highly cultivated plain; their summits, as so commonly happens with ancient volcanic rocks, being jagged into the sharpest points. masses of white clouds were collected around these pinnacles, as if for the sake of pleasing the stranger's eye. the whole island, with its sloping border and central mountains, was adorned with an air of perfect elegance: the scenery, if i may use such an expression, appeared to the sight harmonious. i spent the greater part of the next day in walking about the town and visiting different people. the town is of considerable size, and is said to contain 20,000 inhabitants; the streets are very clean and regular. although the island has been so many years under the english government, the general character of the place is quite french: englishmen speak to their servants in french, and the shops are all french; indeed, i should think that calais or boulogne was much more anglified. there is a very pretty little theatre, in which operas are excellently performed. we were also surprised at seeing large booksellers' shops, with well-stored shelves;--music and reading bespeak our approach to the old world of civilization; for in truth both australia and america are new worlds. the various races of men walking in the streets afford the most interesting spectacle in port louis. convicts from india are banished here for life; at present there are about 800, and they are employed in various public works. before seeing these people, i had no idea that the inhabitants of india were such noble-looking figures. their skin is extremely dark, and many of the older men had large mustaches and beards of a snow-white colour; this, together with the fire of their expression, gave them quite an imposing aspect. the greater number had been banished for murder and the worst crimes; others for causes which can scarcely be considered as moral faults, such as for not obeying, from superstitious motives, the english laws. these men are generally quiet and well-conducted; from their outward conduct, their cleanliness, and faithful observance of their strange religious rites, it was impossible to look at them with the same eyes as on our wretched convicts in new south wales. may 1st.--sunday. i took a quiet walk along the sea-coast to the north of the town. the plain in this part is quite uncultivated; it consists of a field of black lava, smoothed over with coarse grass and bushes, the latter being chiefly mimosas. the scenery may be described as intermediate in character between that of the galapagos and of tahiti; but this will convey a definite idea to very few persons. it is a very pleasant country, but it has not the charms of tahiti, or the grandeur of brazil. the next day i ascended la pouce, a mountain so called from a thumb-like projection, which rises close behind the town to a height of 2,600 feet. the centre of the island consists of a great platform, surrounded by old broken basaltic mountains, with their strata dipping seawards. the central platform, formed of comparatively recent streams of lava, is of an oval shape, thirteen geographical miles across, in the line of its shorter axis. the exterior bounding mountains come into that class of structures called craters of elevation, which are supposed to have been formed not like ordinary craters, but by a great and sudden upheaval. there appears to me to be insuperable objections to this view: on the other hand, i can hardly believe, in this and in some other cases, that these marginal crateriform mountains are merely the basal remnants of immense volcanos, of which the summits either have been blown off, or swallowed up in subterranean abysses. from our elevated position we enjoyed an excellent view over the island. the country on this side appears pretty well cultivated, being divided into fields and studded with farm-houses. i was, however, assured that of the whole land, not more than half is yet in a productive state; if such be the case, considering the present large export of sugar, this island, at some future period when thickly peopled, will be of great value. since england has taken possession of it, a period of only twenty-five years, the export of sugar is said to have increased seventy-five fold. one great cause of its prosperity is the excellent state of the roads. in the neighbouring isle of bourbon, which remains under the french government, the roads are still in the same miserable state as they were here only a few years ago. although the french residents must have largely profited by the increased prosperity of their island, yet the english government is far from popular. 3rd.--in the evening captain lloyd, the surveyor-general, so well known from his examination of the isthmus of panama, invited mr. stokes and myself to his country-house, which is situated on the edge of wilheim plains, and about six miles from the port. we stayed at this delightful place two days; standing nearly 800 feet above the sea, the air was cool and fresh, and on every side there were delightful walks. close by, a grand ravine has been worn to a depth of about 500 feet through the slightly inclined streams of lava, which have flowed from the central platform. 5th.--captain lloyd took us to the riviere noire, which is several miles to the southward, that i might examine some rocks of elevated coral. we passed through pleasant gardens, and fine fields of sugar-cane growing amidst huge blocks of lava. the roads were bordered by hedges of mimosa, and near many of the houses there were avenues of the mango. some of the views, where the peaked hills and the cultivated farms were seen together, were exceedingly picturesque; and we were constantly tempted to exclaim, "how pleasant it would be to pass one's life in such quiet abodes!" captain lloyd possessed an elephant, and he sent it half way with us, that we might enjoy a ride in true indian fashion. the circumstance which surprised me most was its quite noiseless step. this elephant is the only one at present on the island; but it is said others will be sent for. may 9th.--we sailed from port louis, and, calling at the cape of good hope, on the 8th of july, we arrived off st. helena. this island, the forbidding aspect of which has been so often described, rises abruptly like a huge black castle from the ocean. near the town, as if to complete nature's defence, small forts and guns fill up every gap in the rugged rocks. the town runs up a flat and narrow valley; the houses look respectable, and are interspersed with a very few green trees. when approaching the anchorage there was one striking view: an irregular castle perched on the summit of a lofty hill, and surrounded by a few scattered fir-trees, boldly projected against the sky. the next day i obtained lodgings within a stone's throw of napoleon's tomb; [1] it was a capital central situation, whence i could make excursions in every direction. during the four days i stayed here, i wandered over the island from morning to night, and examined its geological history. my lodgings were situated at a height of about 2000 feet; here the weather was cold and boisterous, with constant showers of rain; and every now and then the whole scene was veiled in thick clouds. near the coast the rough lava is quite bare: in the central and higher parts, feldspathic rocks by their decomposition have produced a clayey soil, which, where not covered by vegetation, is stained in broad bands of many bright colours. at this season, the land moistened by constant showers, produces a singularly bright green pasture, which lower and lower down, gradually fades away and at last disappears. in latitude 16 degs., and at the trifling elevation of 1500 feet, it is surprising to behold a vegetation possessing a character decidedly british. the hills are crowned with irregular plantations of scotch firs; and the sloping banks are thickly scattered over with thickets of gorse, covered with its bright yellow flowers. weeping-willows are common on the banks of the rivulets, and the hedges are made of the blackberry, producing its well-known fruit. when we consider that the number of plants now found on the island is 746, and that out of these fifty-two alone are indigenous species, the rest having been imported, and most of them from england, we see the reason of the british character of the vegetation. many of these english plants appear to flourish better than in their native country; some also from the opposite quarter of australia succeed remarkably well. the many imported species must have destroyed some of the native kinds; and it is only on the highest and steepest ridges that the indigenous flora is now predominant. the english, or rather welsh character of the scenery, is kept up by the numerous cottages and small white houses; some buried at the bottom of the deepest valleys, and others mounted on the crests of the lofty hills. some of the views are striking, for instance that from near sir w. doveton's house, where the bold peak called lot is seen over a dark wood of firs, the whole being backed by the red water-worn mountains of the southern coast. on viewing the island from an eminence, the first circumstance which strikes one, is the number of the roads and forts: the labour bestowed on the public works, if one forgets its character as a prison, seems out of all proportion to its extent or value. there is so little level or useful land, that it seems surprising how so many people, about 5000, can subsist here. the lower orders, or the emancipated slaves, are i believe extremely poor: they complain of the want of work. from the reduction in the number of public servants owing to the island having been given up by the east indian company, and the consequent emigration of many of the richer people, the poverty probably will increase. the chief food of the working class is rice with a little salt meat; as neither of these articles are the products of the island, but must be purchased with money, the low wages tell heavily on the poor people. now that the people are blessed with freedom, a right which i believe they value fully, it seems probable that their numbers will quickly increase: if so, what is to become of the little state of st. helena? my guide was an elderly man, who had been a goatherd when a boy, and knew every step amongst the rocks. he was of a race many times crossed, and although with a dusky skin, he had not the disagreeable expression of a mulatto. he was a very civil, quiet old man, and such appears the character of the greater number of the lower classes. it was strange to my ears to hear a man, nearly white and respectably dressed, talking with indifference of the times when he was a slave. with my companion, who carried our dinners and a horn of water, which is quite necessary, as all the water in the lower valleys is saline, i every day took long walks. beneath the upper and central green circle, the wild valleys are quite desolate and untenanted. here, to the geologist, there were scenes of high interest, showing successive changes and complicated disturbances. according to my views, st. helena has existed as an island from a very remote epoch: some obscure proofs, however, of the elevation of the land are still extant. i believe that the central and highest peaks form parts of the rim of a great crater, the southern half of which has been entirely removed by the waves of the sea: there is, moreover, an external wall of black basaltic rocks, like the coast-mountains of mauritius, which are older than the central volcanic streams. on the higher parts of the island, considerable numbers of a shell, long thought to be a marine species occur imbedded in the soil. it proved to be a cochlogena, or land-shell of a very peculiar form; [2] with it i found six other kinds; and in another spot an eighth species. it is remarkable that none of them are now found living. their extinction has probably been caused by the entire destruction of the woods, and the consequent loss of food and shelter, which occurred during the early part of the last century. the history of the changes, which the elevated plains of longwood and deadwood have undergone, as given in general beatson's account of the island, is extremely curious. both plains, it is said in former times were covered with wood, and were therefore called the great wood. so late as the year 1716 there were many trees, but in 1724 the old trees had mostly fallen; and as goats and hogs had been suffered to range about, all the young trees had been killed. it appears also from the official records, that the trees were unexpectedly, some years afterwards, succeeded by a wire grass which spread over the whole surface. [3] general beatson adds that now this plain "is covered with fine sward, and is become the finest piece of pasture on the island." the extent of surface, probably covered by wood at a former period, is estimated at no less than two thousand acres; at the present day scarcely a single tree can be found there. it is also said that in 1709 there were quantities of dead trees in sandy bay; this place is now so utterly desert, that nothing but so well attested an account could have made me believe that they could ever have grown there. the fact, that the goats and hogs destroyed all the young trees as they sprang up, and that in the course of time the old ones, which were safe from their attacks, perished from age, seems clearly made out. goats were introduced in the year 1502; eighty-six years afterwards, in the time of cavendish, it is known that they were exceedingly numerous. more than a century afterwards, in 1731, when the evil was complete and irretrievable, an order was issued that all stray animals should be destroyed. it is very interesting thus to find, that the arrival of animals at st. helena in 1501, did not change the whole aspect of the island, until a period of two hundred and twenty years had elapsed: for the goats were introduced in 1502, and in 1724 it is said "the old trees had mostly fallen." there can be little doubt that this great change in the vegetation affected not only the land-shells, causing eight species to become extinct, but likewise a multitude of insects. st. helena, situated so remote from any continent, in the midst of a great ocean, and possessing a unique flora, excites our curiosity. the eight land-shells, though now extinct, and one living succinea, are peculiar species found nowhere else. mr. cuming, however, informs me that an english helix is common here, its eggs no doubt having been imported in some of the many introduced plants. mr. cuming collected on the coast sixteen species of sea-shells, of which seven, as far as he knows, are confined to this island. birds and insects, [4] as might have been expected, are very few in number; indeed i believe all the birds have been introduced within late years. partridges and pheasants are tolerably abundant; the island is much too english not to be subject to strict game-laws. i was told of a more unjust sacrifice to such ordinances than i ever heard of even in england. the poor people formerly used to burn a plant, which grows on the coast-rocks, and export the soda from its ashes; but a peremptory order came out prohibiting this practice, and giving as a reason that the partridges would have nowhere to build. in my walks i passed more than once over the grassy plain bounded by deep valleys, on which longwood stands. viewed from a short distance, it appears like a respectable gentleman's country-seat. in front there are a few cultivated fields, and beyond them the smooth hill of coloured rocks called the flagstaff, and the rugged square black mass of the barn. on the whole the view was rather bleak and uninteresting. the only inconvenience i suffered during my walks was from the impetuous winds. one day i noticed a curious circumstance; standing on the edge of a plain, terminated by a great cliff of about a thousand feet in depth, i saw at the distance of a few yards right to windward, some tern, struggling against a very strong breeze, whilst, where i stood, the air was quite calm. approaching close to the brink, where the current seemed to be deflected upwards from the face of the cliff, i stretched out my arm, and immediately felt the full force of the wind: an invisible barrier, two yards in width, separated perfectly calm air from a strong blast. i so much enjoyed my rambles among the rocks and mountains of st. helena, that i felt almost sorry on the morning of the 14th to descend to the town. before noon i was on board, and the beagle made sail. on the 19th of july we reached ascension. those who have beheld a volcanic island, situated under an arid climate, will at once be able to picture to themselves the appearance of ascension. they will imagine smooth conical hills of a bright red colour, with their summits generally truncated, rising separately out of a level surface of black rugged lava. a principal mound in the centre of the island, seems the father of the lesser cones. it is called green hill: its name being taken from the faintest tinge of that colour, which at this time of the year is barely perceptible from the anchorage. to complete the desolate scene, the black rocks on the coast are lashed by a wild and turbulent sea. the settlement is near the beach; it consists of several houses and barracks placed irregularly, but well built of white freestone. the only inhabitants are marines, and some negroes liberated from slave-ships, who are paid and victualled by government. there is not a private person on the island. many of the marines appeared well contented with their situation; they think it better to serve their one-and-twenty years on shore, let it be what it may, than in a ship; in this choice, if i were a marine, i should most heartily agree. the next morning i ascended green hill, 2840 feet high, and thence walked across the island to the windward point. a good cart-road leads from the coast-settlement to the houses, gardens, and fields, placed near the summit of the central mountain. on the roadside there are milestones, and likewise cisterns, where each thirsty passer-by can drink some good water. similar care is displayed in each part of the establishment, and especially in the management of the springs, so that a single drop of water may not be lost: indeed the whole island may be compared to a huge ship kept in first-rate order. i could not help, when admiring the active industry, which had created such effects out of such means, at the same time regretting that it had been wasted on so poor and trifling an end. m. lesson has remarked with justice, that the english nation would have thought of making the island of ascension a productive spot, any other people would have held it as a mere fortress in the ocean. near this coast nothing grows; further inland, an occasional green castor-oil plant, and a few grasshoppers, true friends of the desert, may be met with. some grass is scattered over the surface of the central elevated region, and the whole much resembles the worse parts of the welsh mountains. but scanty as the pasture appears, about six hundred sheep, many goats, a few cows and horses, all thrive well on it. of native animals, land-crabs and rats swarm in numbers. whether the rat is really indigenous, may well be doubted; there are two varieties as described by mr. waterhouse; one is of a black colour, with fine glossy fur, and lives on the grassy summit, the other is brown-coloured and less glossy, with longer hairs, and lives near the settlement on the coast. both these varieties are one-third smaller than the common black rat (m. rattus); and they differ from it both in the colour and character of their fur, but in no other essential respect. i can hardly doubt that these rats (like the common mouse, which has also run wild) have been imported, and, as at the galapagos, have varied from the effect of the new conditions to which they have been exposed: hence the variety on the summit of the island differs from that on the coast. of native birds there are none; but the guinea-fowl, imported from the cape de verd islands, is abundant, and the common fowl has likewise run wild. some cats, which were originally turned out to destroy the rats and mice, have increased, so as to become a great plague. the island is entirely without trees, in which, and in every other respect, it is very far inferior to st. helena. one of my excursions took me towards the s. w. extremity of the island. the day was clear and hot, and i saw the island, not smiling with beauty, but staring with naked hideousness. the lava streams are covered with hummocks, and are rugged to a degree which, geologically speaking, is not of easy explanation. the intervening spaces are concealed with layers of pumice, ashes and volcanic tuff. whilst passing this end of the island at sea, i could not imagine what the white patches were with which the whole plain was mottled; i now found that they were seafowl, sleeping in such full confidence, that even in midday a man could walk up and seize hold of them. these birds were the only living creatures i saw during the whole day. on the beach a great surf, although the breeze was light, came tumbling over the broken lava rocks. the geology of this island is in many respects interesting. in several places i noticed volcanic bombs, that is, masses of lava which have been shot through the air whilst fluid, and have consequently assumed a spherical or pear-shape. not only their external form, but, in several cases, their internal structure shows in a very curious manner that they have revolved in their aerial course. the internal structure of one of these bombs, when broken, is represented very accurately in the woodcut. the central part is coarsely cellular, the cells decreasing in size towards the exterior; where there is a shell-like case about the third of an inch in thickness, of compact stone, which again is overlaid by the outside crust of finely cellular lava. i think there can be little doubt, first that the external crust cooled rapidly in the state in which we now see it; secondly, that the still fluid lava within, was packed by the centrifugal force, generated by [picture] the revolving of the bomb, against the external cooled crust, and so produced the solid shell of stone; and lastly, that the centrifugal force, by relieving the pressure in the more central parts of the bomb, allowed the heated vapours to expand their cells, thus forming the coarse cellular mass of the centre. a hill, formed of the older series of volcanic rocks, and which has been incorrectly considered as the crater of a volcano, is remarkable from its broad, slightly hollowed, and circular summit having been filled up with many successive layers of ashes and fine scoriae. these saucer-shaped layers crop out on the margin, forming perfect rings of many different colours, giving to the summit a most fantastic appearance; one of these rings is white and broad, and resembles a course round which horses have been exercised; hence the hill has been called the devil's riding school. i brought away specimens of one of the tufaceous layers of a pinkish colour and it is a most extraordinary fact, that professor ehrenberg [5] finds it almost wholly composed of matter which has been organized: he detects in it some siliceous-shielded fresh-water infusoria, and no less than twenty-five different kinds of the siliceous tissue of plants, chiefly of grasses. from the absence of all carbonaceous matter, professor ehrenberg believes that these organic bodies have passed through the volcanic fire, and have been erupted in the state in which we now see them. the appearance of the layers induced me to believe that they had been deposited under water, though from the extreme dryness of the climate i was forced to imagine, that torrents of rain had probably fallen during some great eruption, and that thus a temporary lake had been formed into which the ashes fell. but it may now be suspected that the lake was not a temporary one. anyhow, we may feel sure, that at some former epoch the climate and productions of ascension were very different from what they now are. where on the face of the earth can we find a spot, on which close investigation will not discover signs of that endless cycle of change, to which this earth has been, is, and will be subjected? on leaving ascension, we sailed for bahia, on the coast of brazil, in order to complete the chronometrical measurement of the world. we arrived there on august 1st, and stayed four days, during which i took several long walks. i was glad to find my enjoyment in tropical scenery had not decreased from the want of novelty, even in the slightest degree. the elements of the scenery are so simple, that they are worth mentioning, as a proof on what trifling circumstances exquisite natural beauty depends. the country may be described as a level plain of about three hundred feet in elevation, which in all parts has been worn into flat-bottomed valleys. this structure is remarkable in a granitic land, but is nearly universal in all those softer formations of which plains are usually composed. the whole surface is covered by various kinds of stately trees, interspersed with patches of cultivated ground, out of which houses, convents, and chapels arise. it must be remembered that within the tropics, the wild luxuriance of nature is not lost even in the vicinity of large cities: for the natural vegetation of the hedges and hill-sides overpowers in picturesque effect the artificial labour of man. hence, there are only a few spots where the bright red soil affords a strong contrast with the universal clothing of green. from the edges of the plain there are distant views either of the ocean, or of the great bay with its low-wooded shores, and on which numerous boats and canoes show their white sails. excepting from these points, the scene is extremely limited; following the level pathways, on each hand, only glimpses into the wooded valleys below can be obtained. the houses i may add, and especially the sacred edifices, are built in a peculiar and rather fantastic style of architecture. they are all whitewashed; so that when illumined by the brilliant sun of midday, and as seen against the pale blue sky of the horizon, they stand out more like shadows than real buildings. such are the elements of the scenery, but it is a hopeless attempt to paint the general effect. learned naturalists describe these scenes of the tropics by naming a multitude of objects, and mentioning some characteristic feature of each. to a learned traveller this possibly may communicate some definite ideas: but who else from seeing a plant in an herbarium can imagine its appearance when growing in its native soil? who from seeing choice plants in a hothouse, can magnify some into the dimensions of forest trees, and crowd others into an entangled jungle? who when examining in the cabinet of the entomologist the gay exotic butterflies, and singular cicadas, will associate with these lifeless objects, the ceaseless harsh music of the latter, and the lazy flight of the former,--the sure accompaniments of the still, glowing noon-day of the tropics? it is when the sun has attained its greatest height, that such scenes should be viewed: then the dense splendid foliage of the mango hides the ground with its darkest shade, whilst the upper branches are rendered from the profusion of light of the most brilliant green. in the temperate zones the case is different--the vegetation there is not so dark or so rich, and hence the rays of the declining sun, tinged of a red, purple, or bright yellow color, add most to the beauties of those climes. when quietly walking along the shady pathways, and admiring each successive view, i wished to find language to express my ideas. epithet after epithet was found too weak to convey to those who have not visited the intertropical regions, the sensation of delight which the mind experiences. i have said that the plants in a hothouse fail to communicate a just idea of the vegetation, yet i must recur to it. the land is one great wild, untidy, luxuriant hothouse, made by nature for herself, but taken possession of by man, who has studded it with gay houses and formal gardens. how great would be the desire in every admirer of nature to behold, if such were possible, the scenery of another planet! yet to every person in europe, it may be truly said, that at the distance of only a few degrees from his native soil, the glories of another world are opened to him. in my last walk i stopped again and again to gaze on these beauties, and endeavoured to fix in my mind for ever, an impression which at the time i knew sooner or later must fail. the form of the orange-tree, the cocoa-nut, the palm, the mango, the tree-fern, the banana, will remain clear and separate; but the thousand beauties which unite these into one perfect scene must fade away: yet they will leave, like a tale heard in childhood, a picture full of indistinct, but most beautiful figures. august 6th.--in the afternoon we stood out to sea, with the intention of making a direct course to the cape de verd islands. unfavourable winds, however, delayed us, and on the 12th we ran into pernambuco,--a large city on the coast of brazil, in latitude 8 degs. south. we anchored outside the reef; but in a short time a pilot came on board and took us into the inner harbour, where we lay close to the town. pernambuco is built on some narrow and low sand-banks, which are separated from each other by shoal channels of salt water. the three parts of the town are connected together by two long bridges built on wooden piles. the town is in all parts disgusting, the streets being narrow, ill-paved, and filthy; the houses, tall and gloomy. the season of heavy rains had hardly come to an end, and hence the surrounding country, which is scarcely raised above the level of the sea, was flooded with water; and i failed in all my attempts to take walks. the flat swampy land on which pernambuco stands is surrounded, at the distance of a few miles, by a semicircle of low hills, or rather by the edge of a country elevated perhaps two hundred feet above the sea. the old city of olinda stands on one extremity of this range. one day i took a canoe, and proceeded up one of the channels to visit it; i found the old town from its situation both sweeter and cleaner than that of pernambuco. i must here commemorate what happened for the first time during our nearly five years' wandering, namely, having met with a want of politeness. i was refused in a sullen manner at two different houses, and obtained with difficulty from a third, permission to pass through their gardens to an uncultivated hill, for the purpose of viewing the country. i feel glad that this happened in the land of the brazilians, for i bear them no good will--a land also of slavery, and therefore of moral debasement. a spaniard would have felt ashamed at the very thought of refusing such a request, or of behaving to a stranger with rudeness. the channel by which we went to and returned from olinda, was bordered on each side by mangroves, which sprang like a miniature forest out of the greasy mud-banks. the bright green colour of these bushes always reminded me of the rank grass in a church-yard: both are nourished by putrid exhalations; the one speaks of death past, and the other too often of death to come. the most curious object which i saw in this neighbourhood, was the reef that forms the harbour. i doubt whether in the whole world any other natural structure has so artificial an appearance. [6] it runs for a length of several miles in an absolutely straight line, parallel to, and not far distant from, the shore. it varies in width from thirty to sixty yards, and its surface is level and smooth; it is composed of obscurely stratified hard sandstone. at high water the waves break over it; at low water its summit is left dry, and it might then be mistaken for a breakwater erected by cyclopean workmen. on this coast the currents of the sea tend to throw up in front of the land, long spits and bars of loose sand, and on one of these, part of the town of pernambuco stands. in former times a long spit of this nature seems to have become consolidated by the percolation of calcareous matter, and afterwards to have been gradually upheaved; the outer and loose parts during this process having been worn away by the action of the sea, and the solid nucleus left as we now see it. although night and day the waves of the open atlantic, turbid with sediment, are driven against the steep outside edges of this wall of stone, yet the oldest pilots know of no tradition of any change in its appearance. this durability is much the most curious fact in its history: it is due to a tough layer, a few inches thick, of calcareous matter, wholly formed by the successive growth and death of the small shells of serpulae, together with some few barnacles and nulliporae. these nulliporae, which are hard, very simply-organized sea-plants, play an analogous and important part in protecting the upper surfaces of coral-reefs, behind and within the breakers, where the true corals, during the outward growth of the mass, become killed by exposure to the sun and air. these insignificant organic beings, especially the serpulae, have done good service to the people of pernambuco; for without their protective aid the bar of sandstone would inevitably have been long ago worn away and without the bar, there would have been no harbour. on the 19th of august we finally left the shores of brazil. i thank god, i shall never again visit a slave-country. to this day, if i hear a distant scream, it recalls with painful vividness my feelings, when passing a house near pernambuco, i heard the most pitiable moans, and could not but suspect that some poor slave was being tortured, yet knew that i was as powerless as a child even to remonstrate. i suspected that these moans were from a tortured slave, for i was told that this was the case in another instance. near rio de janeiro i lived opposite to an old lady, who kept screws to crush the fingers of her female slaves. i have stayed in a house where a young household mulatto, daily and hourly, was reviled, beaten, and persecuted enough to break the spirit of the lowest animal. i have seen a little boy, six or seven years old, struck thrice with a horse-whip (before i could interfere) on his naked head, for having handed me a glass of water not quite clean; i saw his father tremble at a mere glance from his master's eye. these latter cruelties were witnessed by me in a spanish colony, in which it has always been said, that slaves are better treated than by the portuguese, english, or other european nations. i have seen at rio de janeiro a powerful negro afraid to ward off a blow directed, as he thought, at his face. i was present when a kind-hearted man was on the point of separating forever the men, women, and little children of a large number of families who had long lived together. i will not even allude to the many heart-sickening atrocities which i authentically heard of;--nor would i have mentioned the above revolting details, had i not met with several people, so blinded by the constitutional gaiety of the negro as to speak of slavery as a tolerable evil. such people have generally visited at the houses of the upper classes, where the domestic slaves are usually well treated, and they have not, like myself, lived amongst the lower classes. such inquirers will ask slaves about their condition; they forget that the slave must indeed be dull, who does not calculate on the chance of his answer reaching his master's ears. it is argued that self-interest will prevent excessive cruelty; as if self-interest protected our domestic animals, which are far less likely than degraded slaves, to stir up the rage of their savage masters. it is an argument long since protested against with noble feeling, and strikingly exemplified, by the ever-illustrious humboldt. it is often attempted to palliate slavery by comparing the state of slaves with our poorer countrymen: if the misery of our poor be caused not by the laws of nature, but by our institutions, great is our sin; but how this bears on slavery, i cannot see; as well might the use of the thumb-screw be defended in one land, by showing that men in another land suffered from some dreadful disease. those who look tenderly at the slave owner, and with a cold heart at the slave, never seem to put themselves into the position of the latter; what a cheerless prospect, with not even a hope of change! picture to yourself the chance, ever hanging over you, of your wife and your little children--those objects which nature urges even the slave to call his own--being torn from you and sold like beasts to the first bidder! and these deeds are done and palliated by men, who profess to love their neighbours as themselves, who believe in god, and pray that his will be done on earth! it makes one's blood boil, yet heart tremble, to think that we englishmen and our american descendants, with their boastful cry of liberty, have been and are so guilty: but it is a consolation to reflect, that we at least have made a greater sacrifice, than ever made by any nation, to expiate our sin. on the last day of august we anchored for the second time at porto praya in the cape de verd archipelago; thence we proceeded to the azores, where we stayed six days. on the 2nd of october we made the shore, of england; and at falmouth i left the beagle, having lived on board the good little vessel nearly five years. our voyage having come to an end, i will take a short retrospect of the advantages and disadvantages, the pains and pleasures, of our circumnavigation of the world. if a person asked my advice, before undertaking a long voyage, my answer would depend upon his possessing a decided taste for some branch of knowledge, which could by this means be advanced. no doubt it is a high satisfaction to behold various countries and the many races of mankind, but the pleasures gained at the time do not counterbalance the evils. it is necessary to look forward to a harvest, however distant that may be, when some fruit will be reaped, some good effected. many of the losses which must be experienced are obvious; such as that of the society of every old friend, and of the sight of those places with which every dearest remembrance is so intimately connected. these losses, however, are at the time partly relieved by the exhaustless delight of anticipating the long wished-for day of return. if, as poets say, life is a dream, i am sure in a voyage these are the visions which best serve to pass away the long night. other losses, although not at first felt, tell heavily after a period: these are the want of room, of seclusion, of rest; the jading feeling of constant hurry; the privation of small luxuries, the loss of domestic society and even of music and the other pleasures of imagination. when such trifles are mentioned, it is evident that the real grievances, excepting from accidents, of a sea-life are at an end. the short space of sixty years has made an astonishing difference in the facility of distant navigation. even in the time of cook, a man who left his fireside for such expeditions underwent severe privations. a yacht now, with every luxury of life, can circumnavigate the globe. besides the vast improvements in ships and naval resources, the whole western shores of america are thrown open, and australia has become the capital of a rising continent. how different are the circumstances to a man shipwrecked at the present day in the pacific, to what they were in the time of cook! since his voyage a hemisphere has been added to the civilized world. if a person suffer much from sea-sickness, let him weigh it heavily in the balance. i speak from experience: it is no trifling evil, cured in a week. if, on the other hand, he take pleasure in naval tactics, he will assuredly have full scope for his taste. but it must be borne in mind, how large a proportion of the time, during a long voyage, is spent on the water, as compared with the days in harbour. and what are the boasted glories of the illimitable ocean. a tedious waste, a desert of water, as the arabian calls it. no doubt there are some delightful scenes. a moonlight night, with the clear heavens and the dark glittering sea, and the white sails filled by the soft air of a gently blowing trade-wind, a dead calm, with the heaving surface polished like a mirror, and all still except the occasional flapping of the canvas. it is well once to behold a squall with its rising arch and coming fury, or the heavy gale of wind and mountainous waves. i confess, however, my imagination had painted something more grand, more terrific in the full-grown storm. it is an incomparably finer spectacle when beheld on shore, where the waving trees, the wild flight of the birds, the dark shadows and bright lights, the rushing of the torrents all proclaim the strife of the unloosed elements. at sea the albatross and little petrel fly as if the storm were their proper sphere, the water rises and sinks as if fulfilling its usual task, the ship alone and its inhabitants seem the objects of wrath. on a forlorn and weather-beaten coast, the scene is indeed different, but the feelings partake more of horror than of wild delight. let us now look at the brighter side of the past time. the pleasure derived from beholding the scenery and the general aspect of the various countries we have visited, has decidedly been the most constant and highest source of enjoyment. it is probable that the picturesque beauty of many parts of europe exceeds anything which we beheld. but there is a growing pleasure in comparing the character of the scenery in different countries, which to a certain degree is distinct from merely admiring its beauty. it depends chiefly on an acquaintance with the individual parts of each view. i am strongly induced to believe that as in music, the person who understands every note will, if he also possesses a proper taste, more thoroughly enjoy the whole, so he who examines each part of a fine view, may also thoroughly comprehend the full and combined effect. hence, a traveller should be a botanist, for in all views plants form the chief embellishment. group masses of naked rock, even in the wildest forms, and they may for a time afford a sublime spectacle, but they will soon grow monotonous. paint them with bright and varied colours, as in northern chile, they will become fantastic; clothe them with vegetation, they must form a decent, if not a beautiful picture. when i say that the scenery of parts of europe is probably superior to anything which we beheld, i except, as a class by itself, that of the intertropical zones. the two classes cannot be compared together; but i have already often enlarged on the grandeur of those regions. as the force of impressions generally depends on preconceived ideas, i may add, that mine were taken from the vivid descriptions in the personal narrative of humboldt, which far exceed in merit anything else which i have read. yet with these high-wrought ideas, my feelings were far from partaking of a tinge of disappointment on my first and final landing on the shores of brazil. among the scenes which are deeply impressed on my mind, none exceed in sublimity the primeval forests undefaced by the hand of man; whether those of brazil, where the powers of life are predominant, or those of tierra del fuego, where death and decay prevail. both are temples filled with the varied productions of the god of nature:--no one can stand in these solitudes unmoved, and not feel that there is more in man than the mere breath of his body. in calling up images of the past, i find that the plains of patagonia frequently cross before my eyes; yet these plains are pronounced by all wretched and useless. they can be described only by negative characters; without habitations, without water, without trees, without mountains, they support merely a few dwarf plants. why, then, and the case is not peculiar to myself, have these arid wastes taken so firm a hold on my memory? why have not the still more level, the greener and more fertile pampas, which are serviceable to mankind, produced an equal impression? i can scarcely analyze these feelings: but it must be partly owing to the free scope given to the imagination. the plains of patagonia are boundless, for they are scarcely passable, and hence unknown: they bear the stamp of having lasted, as they are now, for ages, and there appears no limit to their duration through future time. if, as the ancients supposed, the flat earth was surrounded by an impassable breadth of water, or by deserts heated to an intolerable excess, who would not look at these last boundaries to man's knowledge with deep but ill-defined sensations? lastly, of natural scenery, the views from lofty mountains, through certainly in one sense not beautiful, are very memorable. when looking down from the highest crest of the cordillera, the mind, undisturbed by minute details, was filled with the stupendous dimensions of the surrounding masses. of individual objects, perhaps nothing is more certain to create astonishment than the first sight in his native haunt of a barbarian--of man in his lowest and most savage state. one's mind hurries back over past centuries, and then asks, could our progenitors have been men like these?--men, whose very signs and expressions are less intelligible to us than those of the domesticated animals; men, who do not possess the instinct of those animals, nor yet appear to boast of human reason, or at least of arts consequent on that reason. i do not believe it is possible to describe or paint the difference between savage and civilized man. it is the difference between a wild and tame animal: and part of the interest in beholding a savage, is the same which would lead every one to desire to see the lion in his desert, the tiger tearing his prey in the jungle, or the rhinoceros wandering over the wild plains of africa. among the other most remarkable spectacles which we have beheld, may be ranked, the southern cross, the cloud of magellan, and the other constellations of the southern hemisphere--the water-spout--the glacier leading its blue stream of ice, overhanging the sea in a bold precipice--a lagoon-island raised by the reef-building corals--an active volcano--and the overwhelming effects of a violent earthquake. these latter phenomena, perhaps, possess for me a peculiar interest, from their intimate connection with the geological structure of the world. the earthquake, however, must be to every one a most impressive event: the earth, considered from our earliest childhood as the type of solidity, has oscillated like a thin crust beneath our feet; and in seeing the laboured works of man in a moment overthrown, we feel the insignificance of his boasted power. it has been said, that the love of the chase is an inherent delight in man--a relic of an instinctive passion. if so, i am sure the pleasure of living in the open air, with the sky for a roof and the ground for a table, is part of the same feeling, it is the savage returning to his wild and native habits. i always look back to our boat cruises, and my land journeys, when through unfrequented countries, with an extreme delight, which no scenes of civilization could have created. i do not doubt that every traveller must remember the glowing sense of happiness which he experienced, when he first breathed in a foreign clime, where the civilized man had seldom or never trod. there are several other sources of enjoyment in a long voyage, which are of a more reasonable nature. the map of the world ceases to be a blank; it becomes a picture full of the most varied and animated figures. each part assumes its proper dimensions: continents are not looked at in the light of islands, or islands considered as mere specks, which are, in truth, larger than many kingdoms of europe. africa, or north and south america, are well-sounding names, and easily pronounced; but it is not until having sailed for weeks along small portions of their shores, that one is thoroughly convinced what vast spaces on our immense world these names imply. from seeing the present state, it is impossible not to look forward with high expectations to the future progress of nearly an entire hemisphere. the march of improvement, consequent on the introduction of christianity throughout the south sea, probably stands by itself in the records of history. it is the more striking when we remember that only sixty years since, cook, whose excellent judgment none will dispute, could foresee no prospect of a change. yet these changes have now been effected by the philanthropic spirit of the british nation. in the same quarter of the globe australia is rising, or indeed may be said to have risen, into a grand centre of civilization, which, at some not very remote period, will rule as empress over the southern hemisphere. it is impossible for an englishman to behold these distant colonies, without a high pride and satisfaction. to hoist the british flag, seems to draw with it as a certain consequence, wealth, prosperity, and civilization. in conclusion, it appears to me that nothing can be more improving to a young naturalist, than a journey in distant countries. it both sharpens, and partly allays that want and craving, which, as sir j. herschel remarks, a man experiences although every corporeal sense be fully satisfied. the excitement from the novelty of objects, and the chance of success, stimulate him to increased activity. moreover, as a number of isolated facts soon become uninteresting, the habit of comparison leads to generalization. on the other hand, as the traveller stays but a short time in each place, his descriptions must generally consist of mere sketches, instead of detailed observations. hence arises, as i have found to my cost, a constant tendency to fill up the wide gaps of knowledge, by inaccurate and superficial hypotheses. but i have too deeply enjoyed the voyage, not to recommend any naturalist, although he must not expect to be so fortunate in his companions as i have been, to take all chances, and to start, on travels by land if possible, if otherwise, on a long voyage. he may feel assured, he will meet with no difficulties or dangers, excepting in rare cases, nearly so bad as he beforehand anticipates. in a moral point of view, the effect ought to be, to teach him good-humoured patience, freedom from selfishness, the habit of acting for himself, and of making the best of every occurrence. in short, he ought to partake of the characteristic qualities of most sailors. travelling ought also to teach him distrust; but at the same time he will discover, how many truly kind-hearted people there are, with whom he never before had, or ever again will have any further communication, who yet are ready to offer him the most disinterested assistance. [1] after the volumes of eloquence which have poured forth on this subject, it is dangerous even to mention the tomb. a modern traveller, in twelve lines, burdens the poor little island with the following titles,--it is a grave, tomb, pyramid, cemetery, sepulchre, catacomb, sarcophagus, minaret, and mausoleum! [2] it deserves notice, that all the many specimens of this shell found by me in one spot, differ as a marked variety, from another set of specimens procured from a different spot. [3] beatson's st. helena. introductory chapter, p. 4. [4] among these few insects, i was surprised to find a small aphodius (nov. spec.) and an oryctes, both extremely numerous under dung. when the island was discovered it certainly possessed no quadruped, excepting perhaps a mouse: it becomes, therefore, a difficult point to ascertain, whether these stercovorous insects have since been imported by accident, or if aborigines, on what food they formerly subsisted. on the banks of the plata, where, from the vast number of cattle and horses, the fine plains of turf are richly manured, it is vain to seek the many kinds of dung-feeding beetles, which occur so abundantly in europe. i observed only an oryctes (the insects of this genus in europe generally feed on decayed vegetable matter) and two species of phanaeus, common in such situations. on the opposite side of the cordillera in chiloe, another species of phanaeus is exceedingly abundant, and it buries the dung of the cattle in large earthen balls beneath the ground. there is reason to believe that the genus phanaeus, before the introduction of cattle, acted as scavengers to man. in europe, beetles, which find support in the matter which has already contributed towards the life of other and larger animals, are so numerous that there must be considerably more than one hundred different species. considering this, and observing what a quantity of food of this kind is lost on the plains of la plata, i imagined i saw an instance where man had disturbed that chain, by which so many animals are linked together in their native country. in van diemen's land, however, i found four species of onthophagus, two of aphodius, and one of a third genus, very abundantly under the dung of cows; yet these latter animals had been then introduced only thirty-three years. previous to that time the kangaroo and some other small animals were the only quadrupeds; and their dung is of a very different quality from that of their successors introduced by man. in england the greater number of stercovorous beetles are confined in their appetites; that is, they do not depend indifferently on any quadruped for the means of subsistence. the change, therefore, in habits which must have taken place in van diemen's land is highly remarkable. i am indebted to the rev. f. w. hope, who, i hope, will permit me to call him my master in entomology, for giving me the names of the foregoing insects. [5] monats. der konig. akad. d. wiss. zu berlin. vom april, 1845. [6] i have described this bar in detail, in the lond. and edin. phil. mag., vol. xix. (1841), p. 257. a naturalist's voyage round the world by charles darwin first edition...may 1860. second edition...may 1870. third edition...february 1872. fourth edition...july 1874. fifth edition...march 1876. sixth edition...january 1879. seventh edition...may 1882. eighth edition...february 1884. ninth edition...august 1886. tenth edition...january 1888. eleventh edition...january 1890. reprinted...june 1913. (frontispiece. h.m.s. beagle in straits of magellan. mt. sarmiento in the distance.) journal of researches into the natural history and geology of the countries visited during the voyage round the world of h.m.s. 'beagle' under the command of captain fitz roy, r.n. by charles darwin, m.a., f.r.s. author of 'origin of species,' etc. (plate 1. h.m.s. beagle under full sail, view from astern.) a new edition with illustrations by r.t. pritchett of places visited and objects described. london john murray, albemarle street 1913. to charles lyell, esq., f.r.s., this second edition is dedicated with grateful pleasure, as an acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever scientific merit this journal and the other works of the author may possess, has been derived from studying the well-known and admirable principles of geology. prefatory notice to the illustrated edition. this work was described, on its first appearance, by a writer in the "quarterly review" as "one of the most interesting narratives of voyaging that it has fallen to our lot to take up, and one which must always occupy a distinguished place in the history of scientific navigation." this prophecy has been amply verified by experience; the extraordinary minuteness and accuracy of mr. darwin's observations, combined with the charm and simplicity of his descriptions, have ensured the popularity of this book with all classes of readers--and that popularity has even increased in recent years. no attempt, however, has hitherto been made to produce an illustrated edition of this valuable work: numberless places and objects are mentioned and described, but the difficulty of obtaining authentic and original representations of them drawn for the purpose has never been overcome until now. most of the views given in this work are from sketches made on the spot by mr. pritchett, with mr. darwin's book by his side. some few of the others are taken from engravings which mr. darwin had himself selected for their interest as illustrating his voyage, and which have been kindly lent by his son. mr. pritchett's name is well known in connection with the voyages of the "sunbeam" and "wanderer," and it is believed that the illustrations, which have been chosen and verified with the utmost care and pains, will greatly add to the value and interest of the "voyage of a naturalist." john murray. december 1889. author's preface. i have stated in the preface to the first edition of this work, and in the "zoology of the voyage of the beagle," that it was in consequence of a wish expressed by captain fitz roy, of having some scientific person on board, accompanied by an offer from him of giving up part of his own accommodations, that i volunteered my services, which received, through the kindness of the hydrographer, captain beaufort, the sanction of the lords of the admiralty. as i feel that the opportunities which i enjoyed of studying the natural history of the different countries we visited have been wholly due to captain fitz roy, i hope i may here be permitted to repeat my expression of gratitude to him; and to add that, during the five years we were together, i received from him the most cordial friendship and steady assistance. both to captain fitz roy and to all the officers of the "beagle" i shall ever feel most thankful for the undeviating kindness with which i was treated during our long voyage. (preface/1. i must take this opportunity of returning my sincere thanks to mr. bynoe, the surgeon of the "beagle," for his very kind attention to me when i was ill at valparaiso.) this volume contains, in the form of a journal, a history of our voyage, and a sketch of those observations in natural history and geology, which i think will possess some interest for the general reader. i have in this edition largely condensed and corrected some parts, and have added a little to others, in order to render the volume more fitted for popular reading; but i trust that naturalists will remember that they must refer for details to the larger publications which comprise the scientific results of the expedition. the "zoology of the voyage of the 'beagle'" includes an account of the fossil mammalia, by professor owen; of the living mammalia, by mr. waterhouse; of the birds, by mr. gould; of the fish, by the reverend l. jenyns; and of the reptiles, by mr. bell. i have appended to the descriptions of each species an account of its habits and range. these works, which i owe to the high talents and disinterested zeal of the above distinguished authors, could not have been undertaken had it not been for the liberality of the lords commissioners of her majesty's treasury, who, through the representation of the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer, have been pleased to grant a sum of one thousand pounds towards defraying part of the expenses of publication. i have myself published separate volumes on the "structure and distribution of coral reefs"; on the "volcanic islands visited during the voyage of the 'beagle'"; and on the "geology of south america." the sixth volume of the "geological transactions" contains two papers of mine on the erratic boulders and volcanic phenomena of south america. messrs. waterhouse, walker, newman, and white, have published several able papers on the insects which were collected, and i trust that many others will hereafter follow. the plants from the southern parts of america will be given by dr. j. hooker, in his great work on the botany of the southern hemisphere. the flora of the galapagos archipelago is the subject of a separate memoir by him, in the "linnean transactions." the reverend professor henslow has published a list of the plants collected by me at the keeling islands; and the reverend j.m. berkeley has described my cryptogamic plants. i shall have the pleasure of acknowledging the great assistance which i have received from several other naturalists in the course of this and my other works; but i must be here allowed to return my most sincere thanks to the reverend professor henslow, who, when i was an undergraduate at cambridge, was one chief means of giving me a taste for natural history,--who, during my absence, took charge of the collections i sent home, and by his correspondence directed my endeavours,--and who, since my return, has constantly rendered me every assistance which the kindest friend could offer. down, bromley, kent, june 1845. contents. chapter i. porto praya--ribeira grande--atmospheric dust with infusoria --habits of a sea-slug and cuttle-fish--st. paul's rocks, non-volcanic--singular incrustations--insects the first colonists of islands--fernando noronha--bahia--burnished rocks--habits of a diodon--pelagic confervae and infusoria- causes of discoloured sea. chapter ii. rio de janeiro--excursion north of cape frio--great evaporation--slavery--botofogo bay--terrestrial planariae --clouds on the corcovado--heavy rain--musical frogs- phosphorescent insects--elater, springing powers of--blue haze--noise made by a butterfly--entomology--ants--wasp killing a spider--parasitical spider--artifices of an epeira --gregarious spider--spider with an unsymmetrical web. chapter iii. monte video--maldonado--excursion to r. polanco--lazo and bolas--partridges--absence of trees--deer--capybara, or river hog--tucutuco--molothrus, cuckoo-like habits- tyrant-flycatcher--mocking-bird--carrion hawks--tubes formed by lightning--house struck. chapter iv. rio negro--estancias attacked by the indians--salt-lakes- flamingoes--r. negro to r. colorado--sacred tree- patagonian hare--indian families--general rosas--proceed to bahia blanca--sand dunes--negro lieutenant--bahia blanca- saline incrustations--punta alta--zorillo. chapter v. bahia blanca--geology--numerous gigantic extinct quadrupeds --recent extinction--longevity of species--large animals do not require a luxuriant vegetation--southern africa--siberian fossils--two species of ostrich--habits of oven-bird- armadilloes--venomous snake, toad, lizard--hybernation of animals--habits of sea-pen--indian wars and massacres- arrowhead--antiquarian relic. chapter vi. set out for buenos ayres--rio sauce--sierra ventana--third posta--driving horses--bolas--partridges and foxes- features of the country--long-legged plover--teru-tero- hail-storm--natural enclosures in the sierra tapalguen--flesh of puma--meat diet--guardia del monte--effects of cattle on the vegetation--cardoon--buenos ayres--corral where cattle are slaughtered. chapter vii. excursion to st. fã©--thistle beds--habits of the bizcacha- little owl--saline streams--level plains--mastodon--st. fã©--change in landscape--geology--tooth of extinct horse- relation of the fossil and recent quadrupeds of north and south america--effects of a great drought--parana--habits of the jaguar--scissor-beak--kingfisher, parrot, and scissor-tail- revolution--buenos ayres--state of government. chapter viii. excursion to colonia del sacramiento--value of an estancia- cattle, how counted--singular breed of oxen--perforated pebbles--shepherd-dogs--horses broken-in, gauchos riding- character of inhabitants--rio plata--flocks of butterflies- aeronaut spiders--phosphorescence of the sea--port desire- guanaco--port st. julian--geology of patagonia--fossil gigantic animal--types of organisation constant--change in the zoology of america--causes of extinction. chapter ix. santa cruz--expedition up the river--indians--immense streams of basaltic lava--fragments not transported by the river--excavation of the valley--condor, habits of- cordillera--erratic boulders of great size--indian relics- return to the ship--falkland islands--wild horses, cattle, rabbits--wolf-like fox--fire made of bones--manner of hunting wild cattle--geology--streams of stones--scenes of violence--penguin--geese--eggs of doris--compound animals. chapter x. tierra del fuego, first arrival--good success bay--an account of the fuegians on board--interview with the savages--scenery of the forests--cape horn--wigwam cove--miserable condition of the savages--famines--cannibals--matricide--religious feelings--great gale--beagle channel--ponsonby sound- build wigwams and settle the fuegians--bifurcation of the beagle channel--glaciers--return to the ship--second visit in the ship to the settlement--equality of condition amongst the natives. chapter xi. strait of magellan--port famine--ascent of mount tarn- forests--edible fungus--zoology--great seaweed--leave tierra del fuego--climate--fruit-trees and productions of the southern coasts--height of snow-line on the cordillera- descent of glaciers to the sea--icebergs formed--transportal of boulders--climate and productions of the antarctic islands --preservation of frozen carcasses--recapitulation. chapter xii. valparaiso--excursion to the foot of the andes--structure of the land--ascend the bell of quillota--shattered masses of greenstone--immense valleys--mines--state of miners- santiago--hot-baths of cauquenes--gold-mines- grinding-mills--perforated stones--habits of the puma--el turco and tapacolo--humming-birds. chapter xiii. chiloe--general aspect--boat excursion--native indians- castro--tame fox--ascend san pedro--chonos archipelago- peninsula of tres montes--granitic range--boat-wrecked sailors--low's harbour--wild potato--formation of peat- myopotamus, otter and mice--cheucau and barking-bird- opetiorhynchus--singular character of ornithology--petrels. chapter xiv. san carlos, chiloe--osorno in eruption, contemporaneously with aconcagua and coseguina--ride to cucao--impenetrable forests --valdivia--indians--earthquake--concepcion--great earthquake--rocks fissured--appearance of the former towns- the sea black and boiling--direction of the vibrations- stones twisted round--great wave--permanent elevation of the land--area of volcanic phenomena--the connection between the elevatory and eruptive forces--cause of earthquakes--slow elevation of mountain-chains. chapter xv. valparaiso--portillo pass--sagacity of mules- mountain-torrents--mines, how discovered--proofs of the gradual elevation of the cordillera--effect of snow on rocks- geological structure of the two main ranges, their distinct origin and upheaval--great subsidence--red snow--winds- pinnacles of snow--dry and clear atmosphere--electricity- pampas--zoology of the opposite sides of the andes--locusts --great bugs--mendoza--uspallata pass--silicified trees buried as they grew--incas bridge--badness of the passes exaggerated--cumbre--casuchas--valparaiso. chapter xvi. coast-road to coquimbo--great loads carried by the miners- coquimbo--earthquake--step-formed terraces--absence of recent deposits--contemporaneousness of the tertiary formations --excursion up the valley--road to guasco--deserts--valley of copiapã³--rain and earthquakes--hydrophobia--the despoblado--indian ruins--probable change of climate- river-bed arched by an earthquake--cold gales of wind--noises from a hill--iquique--salt alluvium--nitrate of soda- lima--unhealthy country--ruins of callao, overthrown by an earthquake--recent subsidence--elevated shells on san lorenzo, their decomposition--plain with embedded shells and fragments of pottery--antiquity of the indian race. chapter xvii. galapagos archipelago--the whole group volcanic--number of craters--leafless bushes--colony at charles island--james island--salt-lake in crater--natural history of the group- ornithology, curious finches--reptiles--great tortoises, habits of--marine lizard, feeds on seaweed--terrestrial lizard, burrowing habits, herbivorous--importance of reptiles in the archipelago--fish, shells, insects--botany--american type of organisation--differences in the species or races on different islands--tameness of the birds--fear of man an acquired instinct. chapter xviii. pass through the low archipelago--tahiti--aspect- vegetation on the mountains--view of eimeo--excursion into the interior--profound ravines--succession of waterfalls- number of wild useful plants--temperance of the inhabitants- their moral state--parliament convened--new zealand--bay of islands--hippahs--excursion to waimate--missionary establishment--english weeds now run wild--waiomio--funeral of a new zealand woman--sail for australia. chapter xix. sydney--excursion to bathurst--aspect of the woods--party of natives--gradual extinction of the aborigines--infection generated by associated men in health--blue mountains--view of the grand gulf-like valleys--their origin and formation- bathurst, general civility of the lower orders--state of society--van diemen's land--hobart town--aborigines all banished--mount wellington--king george's sound--cheerless aspect of the country--bald head, calcareous casts of branches of trees--party of natives--leave australia. chapter xx. keeling island--singular appearance--scanty flora- transport of seeds--birds and insects--ebbing and flowing springs--fields of dead coral--stones transported in the roots of trees--great crab--stinging corals--coral-eating fish--coral formations--lagoon islands or atolls--depth at which reef-building corals can live--vast areas interspersed with low coral islands--subsidence of their foundations- barrier-reefs--fringing-reefs--conversion of fringing-reefs into barrier-reefs, and into atolls--evidence of changes in level--breaches in barrier-reefs--maldiva atolls, their peculiar structure--dead and submerged reefs--areas of subsidence and elevation--distribution of volcanoes- subsidence slow and vast in amount. chapter xxi. mauritius, beautiful appearance of--great crateriform ring of mountains--hindoos--st. helena--history of the changes in the vegetation--cause of the extinction of land-shells- ascension--variation in the imported rats--volcanic bombs- beds of infusoria--bahia, brazil--splendour of tropical scenery--pernambuco--singular reefs--slavery--return to england--retrospect on our voyage. index. ..... list of illustrations. frontispiece. h.m.s. "beagle" in straits of magellan. mt. sarmiento in the distance. plate 1. h.m.s. "beagle" under full sail, view from astern. plate 2. h.m.s. "beagle": middle section fore and aft, upper deck, 1832. plate 3. fernando noronha. plate 4. incrustation of shelly sand. plate 5. diodon maculatus (distended and contracted). plate 6. pelagic confervae. plate 7. catamaran (bahia). plate 8. botofogo bay, rio de janeiro. plate 9. vampire bat (desmodus d'orbigny). plate 10. virgin forest. plate 11. cabbage palm. plate 12. mandioca or cassava. plate 13. rio de janeiro. plate 14. darwin's papilio feronia, 1833, now called ageronia feronia, 1889. plate 15. hydrochaerus capybara or water-hog. plate 16. recado or surcingle of gaucho. plate 17. halt at a pulperia on the pampas. plate 18. el carmen, or patagones, rio negro. plate 19. brazilian whips, hobbles, and spurs. plate 20. bringing in a prisoner. plate 21. irregular troops. plate 22. skinning uji or water serpents. plate 23. rhea darwinii (avestruz petise). plate 24. landing at buenos ayres. plate 25. matã� pots and bambillio. plate 26. giant thistle of pampas. plate 27. cynara cardunculus or cardoon. plate 28. evening camp, buenos ayres. plate 29. rozario. plate 30. parana river. plate 31. toxodon platensis. (found at saladillo.) plate 32. fossil tooth of horse. (from bahia blanca.) plate 33. mylodon. plate 34. head of scissor-beak. plate 35. rhynchops nigra, or scissor-beak. plate 36. buenos ayres bullock-waggons. plate 37. fuegians and wigwams. plate 38. opuntia darwinii. plate 39. raised beaches, patagonia. plate 40. ladies' combs, banda oriental. plate 41. condor (sarcorhamphus gryphus). plate 42. basaltic glen, santa cruz. plate 43. berkeley sound, falkland islands. plate 44. york minster (bearing south 66 degrees east.) plate 45. cape horn. plate 46. cape horn (another view). plate 47. bad weather, magellan straits. plate 48. fuegian basket and bone weapons. plate 49. false horn, cape horn. plate 50. wollaston island, tierra del fuego. plate 51. patagonians from cape gregory. plate 52. port famine, magellan. plate 53. patagonian bolas. plate 54. patagonian spurs and pipe. plate 55. cyttaria darwinii. plate 56. eyre sound. plate 57. glacier in gulf of penas. plate 58. flora of magellan. plate 59. macrocystis pyrifera, or magellan kelp. plate 60. trochilus forficatus. plate 61. hacienda, condor, cactus, etc. plate 62. chilian miner. plate 63. cactus (cereus peruviana). plate 64. cordilleras from santiago de chile. plate 65. chilian spurs, stirrup, etc. plate 66. old church, castro, chiloe. plate 67. inside chonos archipelago. plate 68. gunnera scabra, chiloe. plate 69. antuco volcano, near talcahuano. plate 70. panoramic view of coast, chiloe. plate 71. inside island of chiloe. san carlos. plate 72. hide bridge, santiago de chile. plate 73. chilenos. plate 74. south american bit. plate 75. bridge of the incas, uspallata pass. plate 76. lima and san lorenzo. plate 77. coquimbo, chile. plate 78. huacas, peruvian pottery. plate 79. testudo abingdonii, galapagos islands. plate 80. galapagos archipelago. plate 81. finches from galapagos archipelago. plate 82. amblyrhynchus cristatus. plate 83. opuntia galapageia. plate 84. ava or kava (macropiper methysticum), tahiti. plate 85. eimeo and barrier-reef. plate 86. fatahua fall, tahiti. plate 87. tahitian. plate 88. hippah, new zealand. plate 89. sydney, 1835. plate 90. hobart town and mount wellington. plate 91. australian group of weapons and throwing sticks. plate 92. inside an atoll, keeling island. plate 93. whitsunday island. plate 94. barrier-reef, bolabola. plate 95. sections of barrier-reefs. plate 96. section of coral-reef. plate 97. section of coral-reef. plate 98. bolabola island. plate 99. corals. plate 100. birgos latro, keeling island. plate 101. st. louis, mauritius. plate 102. st. helena. plate 103. cellular formation of volcanic bomb. plate 104. cicada homoptera. plate 105. homeward bound. plate 106. ascension. terns and noddies. plate 107. map of south america. plate 108. map of the world, showing the track of h.m.s. "beagle." ... (plate 2. h.m.s. "beagle": middle section fore and aft, upper deck, 1832.) (plate 3. fernando noronha.) journal. chapter i. porto praya. ribeira grande. atmospheric dust with infusoria. habits of a sea-slug and cuttle-fish. st. paul's rocks, non-volcanic. singular incrustations. insects the first colonists of islands. fernando noronha. bahia. burnished rocks. habits of a diodon. pelagic confervae and infusoria. causes of discoloured sea. st. jago--cape de verd islands. after having been twice driven back by heavy south-western gales, her majesty's ship "beagle," a ten-gun brig, under the command of captain fitz roy, r.n., sailed from devonport on the 27th of december, 1831. the object of the expedition was to complete the survey of patagonia and tierra del fuego, commenced under captain king in 1826 to 1830--to survey the shores of chile, peru, and of some islands in the pacific--and to carry a chain of chronometrical measurements round the world. on the 6th of january we reached teneriffe, but were prevented landing, by fears of our bringing the cholera: the next morning we saw the sun rise behind the rugged outline of the grand canary island, and suddenly illumine the peak of teneriffe, whilst the lower parts were veiled in fleecy clouds. this was the first of many delightful days never to be forgotten. on the 16th of january 1832 we anchored at porto praya, in st. jago, the chief island of the cape de verd archipelago. the neighbourhood of porto praya, viewed from the sea, wears a desolate aspect. the volcanic fires of a past age, and the scorching heat of a tropical sun, have in most places rendered the soil unfit for vegetation. the country rises in successive steps of table-land, interspersed with some truncate conical hills, and the horizon is bounded by an irregular chain of more lofty mountains. the scene, as beheld through the hazy atmosphere of this climate, is one of great interest; if, indeed, a person, fresh from sea, and who has just walked, for the first time, in a grove of cocoa-nut trees, can be a judge of anything but his own happiness. the island would generally be considered as very uninteresting, but to any one accustomed only to an english landscape, the novel aspect of an utterly sterile land possesses a grandeur which more vegetation might spoil. a single green leaf can scarcely be discovered over wide tracts of the lava plains; yet flocks of goats, together with a few cows, contrive to exist. it rains very seldom, but during a short portion of the year heavy torrents fall, and immediately afterwards a light vegetation springs out of every crevice. this soon withers; and upon such naturally formed hay the animals live. it had not now rained for an entire year. when the island was discovered, the immediate neighbourhood of porto praya was clothed with trees (1/1. i state this on the authority of dr. e. dieffenbach, in his german translation of the first edition of this journal.), the reckless destruction of which has caused here, as at st. helena, and at some of the canary islands, almost entire sterility. the broad, flat-bottomed valleys, many of which serve during a few days only in the season as watercourses, are clothed with thickets of leafless bushes. few living creatures inhabit these valleys. the commonest bird is a kingfisher (dacelo iagoensis), which tamely sits on the branches of the castor-oil plant, and thence darts on grasshoppers and lizards. it is brightly coloured, but not so beautiful as the european species: in its flight, manners, and place of habitation, which is generally in the driest valley, there is also a wide difference. one day, two of the officers and myself rode to ribeira grande, a village a few miles eastward of porto praya. until we reached the valley of st. martin, the country presented its usual dull brown appearance; but here, a very small rill of water produces a most refreshing margin of luxuriant vegetation. in the course of an hour we arrived at ribeira grande, and were surprised at the sight of a large ruined fort and cathedral. this little town, before its harbour was filled up, was the principal place in the island: it now presents a melancholy, but very picturesque appearance. having procured a black padre for a guide, and a spaniard who had served in the peninsular war as an interpreter, we visited a collection of buildings, of which an ancient church formed the principal part. it is here the governors and captain-generals of the islands have been buried. some of the tombstones recorded dates of the sixteenth century. (1/2. the cape de verd islands were discovered in 1449. there was a tombstone of a bishop with the date of 1571; and a crest of a hand and dagger, dated 1497.) the heraldic ornaments were the only things in this retired place that reminded us of europe. the church or chapel formed one side of a quadrangle, in the middle of which a large clump of bananas were growing. on another side was a hospital, containing about a dozen miserable-looking inmates. we returned to the vãªnda to eat our dinners. a considerable number of men, women, and children, all as black as jet, collected to watch us. our companions were extremely merry; and everything we said or did was followed by their hearty laughter. before leaving the town we visited the cathedral. it does not appear so rich as the smaller church, but boasts of a little organ, which sent forth singularly inharmonious cries. we presented the black priest with a few shillings, and the spaniard, patting him on the head, said, with much candour, he thought his colour made no great difference. we then returned, as fast as the ponies would go, to porto praya. another day we rode to the village of st. domingo, situated near the centre of the island. on a small plain which we crossed, a few stunted acacias were growing; their tops had been bent by the steady trade-wind, in a singular manner--some of them even at right angles to their trunks. the direction of the branches was exactly north-east by north, and south-west by south, and these natural vanes must indicate the prevailing direction of the force of the trade-wind. the travelling had made so little impression on the barren soil, that we here missed our track, and took that to fuentes. this we did not find out till we arrived there; and we were afterwards glad of our mistake. fuentes is a pretty village, with a small stream; and everything appeared to prosper well, excepting, indeed, that which ought to do so most--its inhabitants. the black children, completely naked, and looking very wretched, were carrying bundles of firewood half as big as their own bodies. near fuentes we saw a large flock of guinea-fowl--probably fifty or sixty in number. they were extremely wary, and could not be approached. they avoided us, like partridges on a rainy day in september, running with their heads cocked up; and if pursued, they readily took to the wing. the scenery of st. domingo possesses a beauty totally unexpected, from the prevalent gloomy character of the rest of the island. the village is situated at the bottom of a valley, bounded by lofty and jagged walls of stratified lava. the black rocks afford a most striking contrast with the bright green vegetation, which follows the banks of a little stream of clear water. it happened to be a grand feast-day, and the village was full of people. on our return we overtook a party of about twenty young black girls, dressed in excellent taste; their black skins and snow-white linen being set off by coloured turbans and large shawls. as soon as we approached near, they suddenly all turned round, and covering the path with their shawls, sung with great energy a wild song, beating time with their hands upon their legs. we threw them some vintã©ms, which were received with screams of laughter, and we left them redoubling the noise of their song. one morning the view was singularly clear; the distant mountains being projected with the sharpest outline, on a heavy bank of dark blue clouds. judging from the appearance, and from similar cases in england, i supposed that the air was saturated with moisture. the fact, however, turned out quite the contrary. the hygrometer gave a difference of 29.6 degrees, between the temperature of the air, and the point at which dew was precipitated. this difference was nearly double that which i had observed on the previous mornings. this unusual degree of atmospheric dryness was accompanied by continual flashes of lightning. is it not an uncommon case, thus to find a remarkable degree of aerial transparency with such a state of weather? generally the atmosphere is hazy; and this is caused by the falling of impalpably fine dust, which was found to have slightly injured the astronomical instruments. the morning before we anchored at porto praya, i collected a little packet of this brown-coloured fine dust, which appeared to have been filtered from the wind by the gauze of the vane at the masthead. mr. lyell has also given me four packets of dust which fell on a vessel a few hundred miles northward of these islands. professor ehrenberg finds that this dust consists in great part of infusoria with siliceous shields, and of the siliceous tissue of plants. (1/3. i must take this opportunity of acknowledging the great kindness with which this illustrious naturalist has examined many of my specimens. i have sent (june 1845) a full account of the falling of this dust to the geological society.) in five little packets which i sent him, he has ascertained no less than sixty-seven different organic forms! the infusoria, with the exception of two marine species, are all inhabitants of fresh-water. i have found no less than fifteen different accounts of dust having fallen on vessels when far out in the atlantic. from the direction of the wind whenever it has fallen, and from its having always fallen during those months when the harmattan is known to raise clouds of dust high into the atmosphere, we may feel sure that it all comes from africa. it is, however, a very singular fact, that, although professor ehrenberg knows many species of infusoria peculiar to africa, he finds none of these in the dust which i sent him. on the other hand, he finds in it two species which hitherto he knows as living only in south america. the dust falls in such quantities as to dirty everything on board, and to hurt people's eyes; vessels even have run on shore owing to the obscurity of the atmosphere. it has often fallen on ships when several hundred, and even more than a thousand miles from the coast of africa, and at points sixteen hundred miles distant in a north and south direction. in some dust which was collected on a vessel three hundred miles from the land, i was much surprised to find particles of stone above the thousandth of an inch square, mixed with finer matter. after this fact one need not be surprised at the diffusion of the far lighter and smaller sporules of cryptogamic plants. the geology of this island is the most interesting part of its natural history. on entering the harbour, a perfectly horizontal white band in the face of the sea cliff, may be seen running for some miles along the coast, and at the height of about forty-five feet above the water. upon examination, this white stratum is found to consist of calcareous matter, with numerous shells embedded, most or all of which now exist on the neighbouring coast. it rests on ancient volcanic rocks, and has been covered by a stream of basalt, which must have entered the sea when the white shelly bed was lying at the bottom. it is interesting to trace the changes, produced by the heat of the overlying lava, on the friable mass, which in parts has been converted into a crystalline limestone, and in other parts into a compact spotted stone. where the lime has been caught up by the scoriaceous fragments of the lower surface of the stream, it is converted into groups of beautifully radiated fibres resembling arragonite. the beds of lava rise in successive gently-sloping plains, towards the interior, whence the deluges of melted stone have originally proceeded. within historical times no signs of volcanic activity have, i believe, been manifested in any part of st. jago. even the form of a crater can but rarely be discovered on the summits of the many red cindery hills; yet the more recent streams can be distinguished on the coast, forming lines of cliffs of less height, but stretching out in advance of those belonging to an older series: the height of the cliffs thus affording a rude measure of the age of the streams. during our stay, i observed the habits of some marine animals. a large aplysia is very common. this sea-slug is about five inches long; and is of a dirty yellowish colour, veined with purple. on each side of the lower surface, or foot, there is a broad membrane, which appears sometimes to act as a ventilator, in causing a current of water to flow over the dorsal branchiae or lungs. it feeds on the delicate seaweeds which grow among the stones in muddy and shallow water; and i found in its stomach several small pebbles, as in the gizzard of a bird. this slug, when disturbed, emits a very fine purplish-red fluid, which stains the water for the space of a foot around. besides this means of defence, an acrid secretion, which is spread over its body, causes a sharp, stinging sensation, similar to that produced by the physalia, or portuguese man-of-war. i was much interested, on several occasions, by watching the habits of an octopus, or cuttle-fish. although common in the pools of water left by the retiring tide, these animals were not easily caught. by means of their long arms and suckers, they could drag their bodies into very narrow crevices; and when thus fixed, it required great force to remove them. at other times they darted tail first, with the rapidity of an arrow, from one side of the pool to the other, at the same instant discolouring the water with a dark chestnut-brown ink. these animals also escape detection by a very extraordinary, chameleon-like power of changing their colour. they appear to vary their tints according to the nature of the ground over which they pass: when in deep water, their general shade was brownish purple, but when placed on the land, or in shallow water, this dark tint changed into one of a yellowish green. the colour, examined more carefully, was a french grey, with numerous minute spots of bright yellow: the former of these varied in intensity; the latter entirely disappeared and appeared again by turns. these changes were effected in such a manner that clouds, varying in tint between a hyacinth red and a chestnut-brown, were continually passing over the body. (1/4. so named according to patrick symes's nomenclature.) any part, being subjected to a slight shock of galvanism, became almost black: a similar effect, but in a less degree, was produced by scratching the skin with a needle. these clouds, or blushes as they may be called, are said to be produced by the alternate expansion and contraction of minute vesicles containing variously coloured fluids. (1/5. see "encyclopedia of anatomy and physiology" article "cephalopoda.") this cuttle-fish displayed its chameleon-like power both during the act of swimming and whilst remaining stationary at the bottom. i was much amused by the various arts to escape detection used by one individual, which seemed fully aware that i was watching it. remaining for a time motionless, it would then stealthily advance an inch or two, like a cat after a mouse; sometimes changing its colour: it thus proceeded, till having gained a deeper part, it darted away, leaving a dusky train of ink to hide the hole into which it had crawled. while looking for marine animals, with my head about two feet above the rocky shore, i was more than once saluted by a jet of water, accompanied by a slight grating noise. at first i could not think what it was, but afterwards i found out that it was this cuttle-fish, which, though concealed in a hole, thus often led me to its discovery. that it possesses the power of ejecting water there is no doubt, and it appeared to me that it could certainly take good aim by directing the tube or siphon on the under side of its body. from the difficulty which these animals have in carrying their heads, they cannot crawl with ease when placed on the ground. i observed that one which i kept in the cabin was slightly phosphorescent in the dark. st. paul's rocks. in crossing the atlantic we hove-to, during the morning of february 16th, 1832, close to the island of st. paul's. this cluster of rocks is situated in 0 degrees 58' north latitude, and 29 degrees 15' west longitude. it is 540 miles distant from the coast of america, and 350 from the island of fernando noronha. the highest point is only fifty feet above the level of the sea, and the entire circumference is under three-quarters of a mile. this small point rises abruptly out of the depths of the ocean. its mineralogical constitution is not simple; in some parts the rock is of a cherty, in others of a feldspathic nature, including thin veins of serpentine. it is a remarkable fact that all the many small islands, lying far from any continent, in the pacific, indian, and atlantic oceans, with the exception of the seychelles and this little point of rock, are, i believe, composed either of coral or of erupted matter. the volcanic nature of these oceanic islands is evidently an extension of that law, and the effect of those same causes, whether chemical or mechanical, from which it results that a vast majority of the volcanoes now in action stand either near sea-coasts or as islands in the midst of the sea. (plate 4. incrustation of shelly sand.) the rocks of st. paul appear from a distance of a brilliantly white colour. this is partly owing to the dung of a vast multitude of seafowl, and partly to a coating of a hard glossy substance with a pearly lustre, which is intimately united to the surface of the rocks. this, when examined with a lens, is found to consist of numerous exceedingly thin layers, its total thickness being about the tenth of an inch. it contains much animal matter, and its origin, no doubt, is due to the action of the rain or spray on the birds' dung. below some small masses of guano at ascension, and on the abrolhos islets, i found certain stalactitic branching bodies, formed apparently in the same manner as the thin white coating on these rocks. the branching bodies so closely resembled in general appearance certain nulliporae (a family of hard calcareous sea-plants), that in lately looking hastily over my collection i did not perceive the difference. the globular extremities of the branches are of a pearly texture, like the enamel of teeth, but so hard as just to scratch plate-glass. i may here mention, that on a part of the coast of ascension, where there is a vast accumulation of shelly sand, an incrustation is deposited on the tidal rocks, by the water of the sea, resembling, as represented in plate 4, certain cryptogamic plants (marchantiae) often seen on damp walls. the surface of the fronds is beautifully glossy; and those parts formed where fully exposed to the light, are of a jet black colour, but those shaded under ledges are only grey. i have shown specimens of this incrustation to several geologists, and they all thought that they were of volcanic or igneous origin! in its hardness and translucency--in its polish, equal to that of the finest oliva-shell--in the bad smell given out, and loss of colour under the blowpipe--it shows a close similarity with living sea-shells. moreover in sea-shells, it is known that the parts habitually covered and shaded by the mantle of the animal, are of a paler colour than those fully exposed to the light, just as is the case with this incrustation. when we remember that lime, either as a phosphate or carbonate, enters into the composition of the hard parts, such as bones and shells, of all living animals, it is an interesting physiological fact to find substances harder than the enamel of teeth, and coloured surfaces as well polished as those of a fresh shell, re-formed through inorganic means from dead organic matter--mocking, also, in shape, some of the lower vegetable productions. (1/6. mr. horner and sir david brewster have described ("philosophical transactions" 1836 page 65) a singular "artificial substance resembling shell." it is deposited in fine, transparent, highly polished, brown-coloured laminae, possessing peculiar optical properties, on the inside of a vessel, in which cloth, first prepared with glue and then with lime, is made to revolve rapidly in water. it is much softer, more transparent, and contains more animal matter, than the natural incrustation at ascension; but we here again see the strong tendency which carbonate of lime and animal matter evince to form a solid substance allied to shell.) we found on st. paul's only two kinds of birds--the booby and the noddy. the former is a species of gannet, and the latter a tern. both are of a tame and stupid disposition, and are so unaccustomed to visitors, that i could have killed any number of them with my geological hammer. the booby lays her eggs on the bare rock; but the tern makes a very simple nest with seaweed. by the side of many of these nests a small flying-fish was placed; which i suppose, had been brought by the male bird for its partner. it was amusing to watch how quickly a large and active crab (graspus), which inhabits the crevices of the rock, stole the fish from the side of the nest, as soon as we had disturbed the parent birds. sir w. symonds, one of the few persons who have landed here, informs me that he saw the crabs dragging even the young birds out of their nests, and devouring them. not a single plant, not even a lichen, grows on this islet; yet it is inhabited by several insects and spiders. the following list completes, i believe, the terrestrial fauna: a fly (olfersia) living on the booby, and a tick which must have come here as a parasite on the birds; a small brown moth, belonging to a genus that feeds on feathers; a beetle (quedius) and a woodlouse from beneath the dung; and lastly, numerous spiders, which i suppose prey on these small attendants and scavengers of the waterfowl. the often-repeated description of the stately palm and other noble tropical plants, then birds, and lastly man, taking possession of the coral islets as soon as formed, in the pacific, is probably not quite correct; i fear it destroys the poetry of this story, that feather and dirt-feeding and parasitic insects and spiders should be the first inhabitants of newly formed oceanic land. the smallest rock in the tropical seas, by giving a foundation for the growth of innumerable kinds of seaweed and compound animals, supports likewise a large number of fish. the sharks and the seamen in the boats maintained a constant struggle which should secure the greater share of the prey caught by the fishing-lines. i have heard that a rock near the bermudas, lying many miles out at sea, and at a considerable depth, was first discovered by the circumstance of fish having been observed in the neighbourhood. fernando noronha, february 20, 1832. as far as i was enabled to observe, during the few hours we stayed at this place, the constitution of the island is volcanic, but probably not of a recent date. the most remarkable feature is a conical hill, about one thousand feet high, the upper part of which is exceedingly steep, and on one side overhangs its base. the rock is phonolite, and is divided into irregular columns. on viewing one of these isolated masses, at first one is inclined to believe that it has been suddenly pushed up in a semi-fluid state. at st. helena, however, i ascertained that some pinnacles, of a nearly similar figure and constitution, had been formed by the injection of melted rock into yielding strata, which thus had formed the moulds for these gigantic obelisks. the whole island is covered with wood; but from the dryness of the climate there is no appearance of luxuriance. half-way up the mountain some great masses of the columnar rock, shaded by laurel-like trees, and ornamented by others covered with fine pink flowers but without a single leaf, gave a pleasing effect to the nearer parts of the scenery. bahia, or san salvador. brazil, february 29, 1832. the day has past delightfully. delight itself, however, is a weak term to express the feelings of a naturalist who, for the first time, has wandered by himself in a brazilian forest. the elegance of the grasses, the novelty of the parasitical plants, the beauty of the flowers, the glossy green of the foliage, but above all the general luxuriance of the vegetation, filled me with admiration. a most paradoxical mixture of sound and silence pervades the shady parts of the wood. the noise from the insects is so loud, that it may be heard even in a vessel anchored several hundred yards from the shore; yet within the recesses of the forest a universal silence appears to reign. to a person fond of natural history, such a day as this brings with it a deeper pleasure than he can ever hope to experience again. after wandering about for some hours, i returned to the landing-place; but, before reaching it, i was overtaken by a tropical storm. i tried to find shelter under a tree, which was so thick that it would never have been penetrated by common english rain; but here, in a couple of minutes, a little torrent flowed down the trunk. it is to this violence of the rain that we must attribute the verdure at the bottom of the thickest woods: if the showers were like those of a colder clime, the greater part would be absorbed or evaporated before it reached the ground. i will not at present attempt to describe the gaudy scenery of this noble bay, because, in our homeward voyage, we called here a second time, and i shall then have occasion to remark on it. along the whole coast of brazil, for a length of at least 2000 miles, and certainly for a considerable space inland, wherever solid rock occurs, it belongs to a granitic formation. the circumstance of this enormous area being constituted of materials which most geologists believe to have been crystallised when heated under pressure, gives rise to many curious reflections. was this effect produced beneath the depths of a profound ocean? or did a covering of strata formerly extend over it, which has since been removed? can we believe that any power, acting for a time short of infinity, could have denuded the granite over so many thousand square leagues? on a point not far from the city, where a rivulet entered the sea, i observed a fact connected with a subject discussed by humboldt. (1/7. "personal narrative" volume 5 part 1 page 18.) at the cataracts of the great rivers orinoco, nile, and congo, the syenitic rocks are coated by a black substance, appearing as if they had been polished with plumbago. the layer is of extreme thinness; and on analysis by berzelius it was found to consist of the oxides of manganese and iron. in the orinoco it occurs on the rocks periodically washed by the floods, and in those parts alone where the stream is rapid; or, as the indians say, "the rocks are black where the waters are white." here the coating is of a rich brown instead of a black colour, and seems to be composed of ferruginous matter alone. hand specimens fail to give a just idea of these brown burnished stones which glitter in the sun's rays. they occur only within the limits of the tidal waves; and as the rivulet slowly trickles down, the surf must supply the polishing power of the cataracts in the great rivers. in like manner, the rise and fall of the tide probably answer to the periodical inundations; and thus the same effects are produced under apparently different but really similar circumstances. the origin, however, of these coatings of metallic oxides, which seem as if cemented to the rocks, is not understood; and no reason, i believe, can be assigned for their thickness remaining the same. (plate 5. diodon maculatus (distended and contracted).) one day i was amused by watching the habits of the diodon antennatus, which was caught swimming near the shore. this fish, with its flabby skin, is well known to possess the singular power of distending itself into a nearly spherical form. after having been taken out of water for a short time, and then again immersed in it, a considerable quantity both of water and air is absorbed by the mouth, and perhaps likewise by the branchial orifices. this process is effected by two methods: the air is swallowed, and is then forced into the cavity of the body, its return being prevented by a muscular contraction which is externally visible: but the water enters in a gentle stream through the mouth, which is kept wide open and motionless; this latter action must, therefore, depend on suction. the skin about the abdomen is much looser than that on the back; hence, during the inflation, the lower surface becomes far more distended than the upper; and the fish, in consequence, floats with its back downwards. cuvier doubts whether the diodon in this position is able to swim; but not only can it thus move forward in a straight line, but it can turn round to either side. this latter movement is effected solely by the aid of the pectoral fins; the tail being collapsed and not used. from the body being buoyed up with so much air, the branchial openings are out of water, but a stream drawn in by the mouth constantly flows through them. the fish, having remained in this distended state for a short time, generally expelled the air and water with considerable force from the branchial apertures and mouth. it could emit, at will, a certain portion of the water, and it appears, therefore probable that this fluid is taken in partly for the sake of regulating its specific gravity. this diodon possessed several means of defence. it could give a severe bite, and could eject water from its mouth to some distance, at the same time making a curious noise by the movement of its jaws. by the inflation of its body, the papillae, with which the skin is covered, become erect and pointed. but the most curious circumstance is, that it secretes from the skin of its belly, when handled, a most beautiful carmine-red fibrous matter, which stains ivory and paper in so permanent a manner, that the tint is retained with all its brightness to the present day: i am quite ignorant of the nature and use of this secretion. i have heard from dr. allan of forres, that he has frequently found a diodon, floating alive and distended, in the stomach of the shark; and that on several occasions he has known it eat its way, not only through the coats of the stomach, but through the sides of the monster, which has thus been killed. who would ever have imagined that a little soft fish could have destroyed the great and savage shark? march 18, 1832. (plate 6. pelagic confervae.) we sailed from bahia. a few days afterwards, when not far distant from the abrolhos islets, my attention was called to a reddish-brown appearance in the sea. the whole surface of the water, as it appeared under a weak lens, seemed as if covered by chopped bits of hay, with their ends jagged. these are minute cylindrical confervae, in bundles or rafts of from twenty to sixty in each. mr. berkeley informs me that they are the same species (trichodesmium erythraeum) with that found over large spaces in the red sea, and whence its name of red sea is derived. (1/8. m. montagne in "comptes rendus" etc. juillet 1844; and "annales des sciences naturelles" december 1844.) their numbers must be infinite: the ship passed through several bands of them, one of which was about ten yards wide, and, judging from the mud-like colour of the water, at least two and a half miles long. in almost every long voyage some account is given of these confervae. they appear especially common in the sea near australia; and off cape leeuwin i found an allied, but smaller and apparently different species. captain cook, in his third voyage, remarks that the sailors gave to this appearance the name of sea-sawdust. near keeling atoll, in the indian ocean, i observed many little masses of confervae a few inches square, consisting of long cylindrical threads of excessive thinness, so as to be barely visible to the naked eye, mingled with other rather larger bodies, finely conical at both ends. two of these are shown in plate 6 united together. they vary in length from .04 to .06, and even to .08 of an inch in length; and in diameter from .006 to .008 of an inch. near one extremity of the cylindrical part, a green septum, formed of granular matter, and thickest in the middle, may generally be seen. this, i believe, is the bottom of a most delicate, colourless sac, composed of a pulpy substance, which lines the exterior case, but does not extend within the extreme conical points. in some specimens, small but perfect spheres of brownish granular matter supplied the places of the septa; and i observed the curious process by which they were produced. the pulpy matter of the internal coating suddenly grouped itself into lines, some of which assumed a form radiating from a common centre; it then continued, with an irregular and rapid movement, to contract itself, so that in the course of a second the whole was united into a perfect little sphere, which occupied the position of the septum at one end of the now quite hollow case. the formation of the granular sphere was hastened by any accidental injury. i may add, that frequently a pair of these bodies were attached to each other, as represented above, cone beside cone, at that end where the septum occurs. i will here add a few other observations connected with the discoloration of the sea from organic causes. on the coast of chile, a few leagues north of concepcion, the "beagle" one day passed through great bands of muddy water, exactly like that of a swollen river; and again, a degree south of valparaiso, when fifty miles from the land, the same appearance was still more extensive. some of the water placed in a glass was of a pale reddish tint; and, examined under a microscope, was seen to swarm with minute animalcula darting about, and often exploding. their shape is oval, and contracted in the middle by a ring of vibrating curved ciliae. it was, however, very difficult to examine them with care, for almost the instant motion ceased, even while crossing the field of vision, their bodies burst. sometimes both ends burst at once, sometimes only one, and a quantity of coarse, brownish, granular matter was ejected. the animal an instant before bursting expanded to half again its natural size; and the explosion took place about fifteen seconds after the rapid progressive motion had ceased: in a few cases it was preceded for a short interval by a rotatory movement on the longer axis. about two minutes after any number were isolated in a drop of water, they thus perished. the animals move with the narrow apex forwards, by the aid of their vibratory ciliae, and generally by rapid starts. they are exceedingly minute, and quite invisible to the naked eye, only covering a space equal to the square of the thousandth of an inch. their numbers were infinite; for the smallest drop of water which i could remove contained very many. in one day we passed through two spaces of water thus stained, one of which alone must have extended over several square miles. what incalculable numbers of these microscopical animals! the colour of the water, as seen at some distance, was like that of a river which has flowed through a red clay district; but under the shade of the vessel's side it was quite as dark as chocolate. the line where the red and blue water joined was distinctly defined. the weather for some days previously had been calm, and the ocean abounded, to an unusual degree, with living creatures. (1/9. m. lesson "voyage de la coquille" tome 1 page 255, mentions red water off lima, apparently produced by the same cause. peron, the distinguished naturalist, in the "voyage aux terres australes," gives no less than twelve references to voyagers who have alluded to the discoloured waters of the sea (volume 2 page 239). to the references given by peron may be added, humboldt's "personal narrative" volume 6 page 804; flinder's "voyage" volume 1 page 92; labillardiã¨re, volume 1 page 287; ulloa's "voyage"; "voyage of the astrolabe and of the coquille"; captain king's "survey of australia" etc.) in the sea around tierra del fuego, and at no great distance from the land, i have seen narrow lines of water of a bright red colour, from the number of crustacea, which somewhat resemble in form large prawns. the sealers call them whale-food. whether whales feed on them i do not know; but terns, cormorants, and immense herds of great unwieldy seals derive, on some parts of the coast, their chief sustenance from these swimming crabs. seamen invariably attribute the discoloration of the water to spawn; but i found this to be the case only on one occasion. at the distance of several leagues from the archipelago of the galapagos, the ship sailed through three strips of a dark yellowish, or mud-like water; these strips were some miles long, but only a few yards wide, and they were separated from the surrounding water by a sinuous yet distinct margin. the colour was caused by little gelatinous balls, about the fifth of an inch in diameter, in which numerous minute spherical ovules were embedded: they were of two distinct kinds, one being of a reddish colour and of a different shape from the other. i cannot form a conjecture as to what two kinds of animals these belonged. captain colnett remarks that this appearance is very common among the galapagos islands, and that the direction of the bands indicates that of the currents; in the described case, however, the line was caused by the wind. the only other appearance which i have to notice, is a thin oily coat on the water which displays iridescent colours. i saw a considerable tract of the ocean thus covered on the coast of brazil; the seamen attributed it to the putrefying carcass of some whale, which probably was floating at no great distance. i do not here mention the minute gelatinous particles, hereafter to be referred to, which are frequently dispersed throughout the water, for they are not sufficiently abundant to create any change of colour. there are two circumstances in the above accounts which appear remarkable: first, how do the various bodies which form the bands with defined edges keep together? in the case of the prawn-like crabs, their movements were as coinstantaneous as in a regiment of soldiers; but this cannot happen from anything like voluntary action with the ovules, or the confervae, nor is it probable among the infusoria. secondly, what causes the length and narrowness of the bands? the appearance so much resembles that which may be seen in every torrent, where the stream uncoils into long streaks the froth collected in the eddies, that i must attribute the effect to a similar action either of the currents of the air or sea. under this supposition we must believe that the various organised bodies are produced in certain favourable places, and are thence removed by the set of either wind or water. i confess, however, there is a very great difficulty in imagining any one spot to be the birthplace of the millions of millions of animalcula and confervae: for whence come the germs at such points?--the parent bodies having been distributed by the winds and waves over the immense ocean. but on no other hypothesis can i understand their linear grouping. i may add that scoresby remarks that green water abounding with pelagic animals is invariably found in a certain part of the arctic sea. (plate 7. catamaran (bahia).) chapter ii. (plate 8. botofogo bay, rio de janeiro.) rio de janeiro. excursion north of cape frio. great evaporation. slavery. botofogo bay. terrestrial planariae. clouds on the corcovado. heavy rain. musical frogs. phosphorescent insects. elater, springing powers of. blue haze. noise made by a butterfly. entomology. ants. wasp killing a spider. parasitical spider. artifices of an epeira. gregarious spider. spider with an unsymmetrical web. rio de janeiro. april 4 to july 5, 1832. a few days after our arrival i became acquainted with an englishman who was going to visit his estate, situated rather more than a hundred miles from the capital, to the northward of cape frio. i gladly accepted his kind offer of allowing me to accompany him. april 8, 1832. our party amounted to seven. the first stage was very interesting. the day was powerfully hot, and as we passed through the woods, everything was motionless, excepting the large and brilliant butterflies, which lazily fluttered about. the view seen when crossing the hills behind praia grande was most beautiful; the colours were intense, and the prevailing tint a dark blue; the sky and the calm waters of the bay vied with each other in splendour. after passing through some cultivated country, we entered a forest which in the grandeur of all its parts could not be exceeded. we arrived by midday at ithacaia; this small village is situated on a plain, and round the central house are the huts of the negroes. these, from their regular form and position, reminded me of the drawings of the hottentot habitations in southern africa. as the moon rose early, we determined to start the same evening for our sleeping-place at the lagoa marica. as it was growing dark we passed under one of the massive, bare, and steep hills of granite which are so common in this country. this spot is notorious from having been, for a long time, the residence of some runaway slaves, who, by cultivating a little ground near the top, contrived to eke out a subsistence. at length they were discovered, and a party of soldiers being sent, the whole were seized with the exception of one old woman, who, sooner than again be led into slavery, dashed herself to pieces from the summit of the mountain. in a roman matron this would have been called the noble love of freedom: in a poor negress it is mere brutal obstinacy. we continued riding for some hours. for the few last miles the road was intricate, and it passed through a desert waste of marshes and lagoons. the scene by the dimmed light of the moon was most desolate. a few fireflies flitted by us; and the solitary snipe, as it rose, uttered its plaintive cry. the distant and sullen roar of the sea scarcely broke the stillness of the night. april 9, 1832. we left our miserable sleeping-place before sunrise. the road passed through a narrow sandy plain, lying between the sea and the interior salt lagoons. the number of beautiful fishing birds, such as egrets and cranes, and the succulent plants assuming most fantastical forms, gave to the scene an interest which it would not otherwise have possessed. the few stunted trees were loaded with parasitical plants, among which the beauty and delicious fragrance of some of the orchideae were most to be admired. as the sun rose, the day became extremely hot, and the reflection of the light and heat from the white sand was very distressing. we dined at mandetiba; the thermometer in the shade being 84 degrees. the beautiful view of the distant wooded hills, reflected in the perfectly calm water of an extensive lagoon, quite refreshed us. as the vãªnda here was a very good one, and i have the pleasant, but rare remembrance, of an excellent dinner, i will be grateful and presently describe it, as the type of its class. (2/1. vãªnda, the portuguese name for an inn.) these houses are often large, and are built of thick upright posts, with boughs interwoven, and afterwards plastered. they seldom have floors, and never glazed windows; but are generally pretty well roofed. universally the front part is open, forming a kind of verandah, in which tables and benches are placed. the bedrooms join on each side, and here the passenger may sleep as comfortably as he can, on a wooden platform covered by a thin straw mat. the vãªnda stands in a courtyard, where the horses are fed. on first arriving, it was our custom to unsaddle the horses and give them their indian corn; then, with a low bow, to ask the senhã´r to do us the favour to give us something to eat. "anything you choose, sir," was his usual answer. for the few first times, vainly i thanked providence for having guided us to so good a man. the conversation proceeding, the case universally became deplorable. "any fish can you do us the favour of giving ?"--"oh no, sir."--"any soup?"--"no, sir."--"any bread?"--"oh no, sir."--"any dried meat?"--"oh no, sir." if we were lucky, by waiting a couple of hours, we obtained fowls, rice, and farinha. it not unfrequently happened that we were obliged to kill, with stones, the poultry for our own supper. when, thoroughly exhausted by fatigue and hunger, we timorously hinted that we should be glad of our meal, the pompous, and (though true) most unsatisfactory answer was, "it will be ready when it is ready." if we had dared to remonstrate any further, we should have been told to proceed on our journey, as being too impertinent. the hosts are most ungracious and disagreeable in their manners; their houses and their persons are often filthily dirty; the want of the accommodation of forks, knives, and spoons is common; and i am sure no cottage or hovel in england could be found in a state so utterly destitute of every comfort. at campos novos, however, we fared sumptuously; having rice and fowls, biscuit, wine, and spirits, for dinner; coffee in the evening, and fish with coffee for breakfast. all this, with good food for the horses, only cost 2 shillings 6 pence per head. yet the host of this vãªnda, being asked if he knew anything of a whip which one of the party had lost, gruffly answered, "how should i know? why did you not take care of it?--i suppose the dogs have eaten it." leaving mandetiba, we continued to pass through an intricate wilderness of lakes; in some of which were fresh, in others salt water shells. of the former kind, i found a limnaea in great numbers in a lake, into which the inhabitants assured me that the sea enters once a year, and sometimes oftener, and makes the water quite salt. i have no doubt many interesting facts in relation to marine and fresh-water animals might be observed in this chain of lagoons which skirt the coast of brazil. m. gay has stated that he found in the neighbourhood of rio shells of the marine genera solen and mytilus, and fresh-water ampullariae, living together in brackish water. (2/2. "annales des sciences naturelles" for 1833.) i also frequently observed in the lagoon near the botanic garden, where the water is only a little less salt than in the sea, a species of hydrophilus, very similar to a water-beetle common in the ditches of england: in the same lake the only shell belonged to a genus generally found in estuaries. (plate 9. vampire bat (desmodus d'orbigny). caught on back of darwin's horse near coquimbo. head, full size.) leaving the coast for a time, we again entered the forest. the trees were very lofty, and remarkable, compared with those of europe, from the whiteness of their trunks. i see by my notebook, "wonderful and beautiful flowering parasites," invariably struck me as the most novel object in these grand scenes. travelling onwards we passed through tracts of pasturage, much injured by the enormous conical ants' nests, which were nearly twelve feet high. they gave to the plain exactly the appearance of the mud volcanoes at jorullo, as figured by humboldt. we arrived at engenhodo after it was dark, having been ten hours on horseback. i never ceased, during the whole journey, to be surprised at the amount of labour which the horses were capable of enduring; they appeared also to recover from any injury much sooner than those of our english breed. the vampire bat is often the cause of much trouble, by biting the horses on their withers. the injury is generally not so much owing to the loss of blood, as to the inflammation which the pressure of the saddle afterwards produces. the whole circumstance has lately been doubted in england; i was therefore fortunate in being present when one (desmodus d'orbignyi, wat.) was actually caught on a horse's back. we were bivouacking late one evening near coquimbo, in chile, when my servant, noticing that one of the horses was very restive, went to see what was the matter, and fancying he could distinguish something, suddenly put his hand on the beast's withers, and secured the vampire. in the morning the spot where the bite had been inflicted was easily distinguished from being slightly swollen and bloody. the third day afterwards we rode the horse, without any ill effects. april 13, 1832. after three days' travelling we arrived at socãªgo, the estate of senhã´r manuel figuireda, a relation of one of our party. the house was simple, and, though like a barn in form, was well suited to the climate. in the sitting-room gilded chairs and sofas were oddly contrasted with the whitewashed walls, thatched roof, and windows without glass. the house, together with the granaries, the stables, and workshops for the blacks, who had been taught various trades, formed a rude kind of quadrangle; in the centre of which a large pile of coffee was drying. these buildings stand on a little hill, overlooking the cultivated ground, and surrounded on every side by a wall of dark green luxuriant forest. the chief produce of this part of the country is coffee. each tree is supposed to yield annually, on an average, two pounds; but some give as much as eight. mandioca or cassava is likewise cultivated in great quantity. every part of this plant is useful: the leaves and stalks are eaten by the horses, and the roots are ground into a pulp, which, when pressed dry and baked, forms the farinha, the principal article of sustenance in the brazils. it is a curious, though well-known fact, that the juice of this most nutritious plant is highly poisonous. a few years ago a cow died at this fazãªnda, in consequence of having drunk some of it. senhã´r figuireda told me that he had planted, the year before, one bag of feijaã´ or beans, and three of rice; the former of which produced eighty, and the latter three hundred and twenty fold. the pasturage supports a fine stock of cattle, and the woods are so full of game that a deer had been killed on each of the three previous days. this profusion of food showed itself at dinner, where, if the tables did not groan, the guests surely did; for each person is expected to eat of every dish. one day, having, as i thought, nicely calculated so that nothing should go away untasted, to my utter dismay a roast turkey and a pig appeared in all their substantial reality. during the meals, it was the employment of a man to drive out of the room sundry old hounds, and dozens of little black children, which crawled in together, at every opportunity. as long as the idea of slavery could be banished, there was something exceedingly fascinating in this simple and patriarchal style of living: it was such a perfect retirement and independence from the rest of the world. as soon as any stranger is seen arriving, a large bell is set tolling, and generally some small cannon are fired. the event is thus announced to the rocks and woods, but to nothing else. one morning i walked out an hour before daylight to admire the solemn stillness of the scene; at last, the silence was broken by the morning hymn, raised on high by the whole body of the blacks; and in this manner their daily work is generally begun. on such fazãªndas as these, i have no doubt the slaves pass happy and contented lives. on saturday and sunday they work for themselves, and in this fertile climate the labour of two days is sufficient to support a man and his family for the whole week. april 14, 1832. (plate 10. virgin forest.) leaving socë�go, we rode to another estate on the rio macæ�e, which was the last patch of cultivated ground in that direction. the estate was two and a half miles long, and the owner had forgotten how many broad. only a very small piece had been cleared, yet almost every acre was capable of yielding all the various rich productions of a tropical land. considering the enormous area of brazil, the proportion of cultivated ground can scarcely be considered as anything compared to that which is left in the state of nature: at some future age, how vast a population it will support! during the second day's journey we found the road so shut up that it was necessary that a man should go ahead with a sword to cut away the creepers. the forest abounded with beautiful objects; among which the tree ferns, though not large, were, from their bright green foliage, and the elegant curvature of their fronds, most worthy of admiration. in the evening it rained very heavily, and although the thermometer stood at 65 degrees, i felt very cold. as soon as the rain ceased, it was curious to observe the extraordinary evaporation which commenced over the whole extent of the forest. at the height of a hundred feet the hills were buried in a dense white vapour, which rose like columns of smoke from the most thickly-wooded parts, and especially from the valleys. i observed this phenomenon on several occasions: i suppose it is owing to the large surface of foliage, previously heated by the sun's rays. while staying at this estate, i was very nearly being an eye-witness to one of those atrocious acts which can only take place in a slave country. owing to a quarrel and a lawsuit, the owner was on the point of taking all the women and children from the male slaves, and selling them separately at the public auction at rio. interest, and not any feeling of compassion, prevented this act. indeed, i do not believe the inhumanity of separating thirty families, who had lived together for many years, even occurred to the owner. yet i will pledge myself, that in humanity and good feeling he was superior to the common run of men. it may be said there exists no limit to the blindness of interest and selfish habit. i may mention one very trifling anecdote, which at the time struck me more forcibly than any story of cruelty. i was crossing a ferry with a negro who was uncommonly stupid. in endeavouring to make him understand, i talked loud, and made signs, in doing which i passed my hand near his face. he, i suppose, thought i was in a passion, and was going to strike him; for instantly, with a frightened look and half-shut eyes, he dropped his hands. i shall never forget my feelings of surprise, disgust, and shame, at seeing a great powerful man afraid even to ward off a blow, directed, as he thought, at his face. this man had been trained to a degradation lower than the slavery of the most helpless animal. april 18, 1832. (plate 11. cabbage palm.) in returning we spent two days at socë�go, and i employed them in collecting insects in the forest. the greater number of trees, although so lofty, are not more than three or four feet in circumference. there are, of course, a few of much greater dimension. senhã´r manuel was then making a canoe 70 feet in length from a solid trunk, which had originally been 110 feet long, and of great thickness. the contrast of palm trees, growing amidst the common branching kinds, never fails to give the scene an intertropical character. here the woods were ornamented by the cabbage palm--one of the most beautiful of its family. with a stem so narrow that it might be clasped with the two hands, it waves its elegant head at the height of forty or fifty feet above the ground. the woody creepers, themselves covered by other creepers, were of great thickness: some which i measured were two feet in circumference. many of the older trees presented a very curious appearance from the tresses of a liana hanging from their boughs, and resembling bundles of hay. if the eye was turned from the world of foliage above, to the ground beneath, it was attracted by the extreme elegance of the leaves of the ferns and mimosae. the latter, in some parts, covered the surface with a brushwood only a few inches high. in walking across these thick beds of mimosae, a broad track was marked by the change of shade, produced by the drooping of their sensitive petioles. it is easy to specify the individual objects of admiration in these grand scenes; but it is not possible to give an adequate idea of the higher feelings of wonder, astonishment, and devotion, which fill and elevate the mind. (plate 12. mandioca or cassava.) april 19, 1832. leaving socë�go, during the two first days we retraced our steps. it was very wearisome work, as the road generally ran across a glaring hot sandy plain, not far from the coast. i noticed that each time the horse put its foot on the fine siliceous sand, a gentle chirping noise was produced. on the third day we took a different line, and passed through the gay little village of madre de deâ��s. this is one of the principal lines of road in brazil; yet it was in so bad a state that no wheel vehicle, excepting the clumsy bullock-wagon, could pass along. in our whole journey we did not cross a single bridge built of stone; and those made of logs of wood were frequently so much out of repair that it was necessary to go on one side to avoid them. all distances are inaccurately known. the road is often marked by crosses, in the place of milestones, to signify where human blood has been spilled. on the evening of the 23rd we arrived at rio, having finished our pleasant little excursion. during the remainder of my stay at rio, i resided in a cottage at botofogo bay. it was impossible to wish for anything more delightful than thus to spend some weeks in so magnificent a country. in england any person fond of natural history enjoys in his walks a great advantage, by always having something to attract his attention; but in these fertile climates, teeming with life, the attractions are so numerous, that he is scarcely able to walk at all. the few observations which i was enabled to make were almost exclusively confined to the invertebrate animals. the existence of a division of the genus planaria, which inhabits the dry land, interested me much. these animals are of so simple a structure, that cuvier has arranged them with the intestinal worms, though never found within the bodies of other animals. numerous species inhabit both salt and fresh water; but those to which i allude were found, even in the drier parts of the forest, beneath logs of rotten wood, on which i believe they feed. in general form they resemble little slugs, but are very much narrower in proportion, and several of the species are beautifully coloured with longitudinal stripes. their structure is very simple: near the middle of the under or crawling surface there are two small transverse slits, from the anterior one of which a funnel-shaped and highly irritable mouth can be protruded. for some time after the rest of the animal was completely dead from the effects of salt water or any other cause, this organ still retained its vitality. i found no less than twelve different species of terrestrial planariae in different parts of the southern hemisphere. (2/3. i have described and named these species in the "annals of natural history" volume 14 page 241.) some specimens which i obtained at van dieman's land, i kept alive for nearly two months, feeding them on rotten wood. having cut one of them transversely into two nearly equal parts, in the course of a fortnight both had the shape of perfect animals. i had, however, so divided the body, that one of the halves contained both the inferior orifices, and the other, in consequence, none. in the course of twenty-five days from the operation, the more perfect half could not have been distinguished from any other specimen. the other had increased much in size; and towards its posterior end, a clear space was formed in the parenchymatous mass, in which a rudimentary cup-shaped mouth could clearly be distinguished; on the under surface, however, no corresponding slit was yet open. if the increased heat of the weather, as we approached the equator, had not destroyed all the individuals, there can be no doubt that this last step would have completed its structure. although so well known an experiment, it was interesting to watch the gradual production of every essential organ, out of the simple extremity of another animal. it is extremely difficult to preserve these planariae; as soon as the cessation of life allows the ordinary laws of change to act, their entire bodies become soft and fluid, with a rapidity which i have never seen equalled. i first visited the forest in which these planariae were found, in company with an old portuguese priest who took me out to hunt with him. the sport consisted in turning into the cover a few dogs, and then patiently waiting to fire at any animal which might appear. we were accompanied by the son of a neighbouring farmer--a good specimen of a wild brazilian youth. he was dressed in a tattered old shirt and trousers, and had his head uncovered: he carried an old-fashioned gun and a large knife. the habit of carrying the knife is universal; and in traversing a thick wood it is almost necessary, on account of the creeping plants. the frequent occurrence of murder may be partly attributed to this habit. the brazilians are so dexterous with the knife that they can throw it to some distance with precision, and with sufficient force to cause a fatal wound. i have seen a number of little boys practising this art as a game of play, and from their skill in hitting an upright stick, they promised well for more earnest attempts. my companion, the day before, had shot two large bearded monkeys. these animals have prehensile tails, the extremity of which, even after death, can support the whole weight of the body. one of them thus remained fast to a branch, and it was necessary to cut down a large tree to procure it. this was soon effected, and down came tree and monkey with an awful crash. our day's sport, besides the monkey, was confined to sundry small green parrots and a few toucans. i profited, however, by my acquaintance with the portuguese padre, for on another occasion he gave me a fine specimen of the yagouaroundi cat. every one has heard of the beauty of the scenery near botofogo. the house in which i lived was seated close beneath the well-known mountain of the corcovado. it has been remarked, with much truth, that abruptly conical hills are characteristic of the formation which humboldt designates as gneiss-granite. nothing can be more striking than the effect of these huge rounded masses of naked rock rising out of the most luxuriant vegetation. i was often interested by watching the clouds, which, rolling in from seaward, formed a bank just beneath the highest point of the corcovado. this mountain, like most others, when thus partly veiled, appeared to rise to a far prouder elevation than its real height of 2300 feet. mr. daniell has observed, in his meteorological essays, that a cloud sometimes appears fixed on a mountain summit, while the wind continues to blow over it. the same phenomenon here presented a slightly different appearance. in this case the cloud was clearly seen to curl over, and rapidly pass by the summit, and yet was neither diminished nor increased in size. the sun was setting, and a gentle southerly breeze, striking against the southern side of the rock, mingled its current with the colder air above; and the vapour was thus condensed: but as the light wreaths of cloud passed over the ridge, and came within the influence of the warmer atmosphere of the northern sloping bank, they were immediately redissolved. the climate, during the months of may and june, or the beginning of winter, was delightful. the mean temperature, from observations taken at nine o'clock, both morning and evening, was only 72 degrees. it often rained heavily, but the drying southerly winds soon again rendered the walks pleasant. one morning, in the course of six hours, 1.6 inches of rain fell. as this storm passed over the forests which surround the corcovado, the sound produced by the drops pattering on the countless multitude of leaves was very remarkable, it could be heard at the distance of a quarter of a mile, and was like the rushing of a great body of water. after the hotter days, it was delicious to sit quietly in the garden and watch the evening pass into night. nature, in these climes, chooses her vocalists from more humble performers than in europe. a small frog, of the genus hyla, sits on a blade of grass about an inch above the surface of the water, and sends forth a pleasing chirp: when several are together they sing in harmony on different notes. i had some difficulty in catching a specimen of this frog. the genus hyla has its toes terminated by small suckers; and i found this animal could crawl up a pane of glass, when placed absolutely perpendicular. various cicadae and crickets, at the same time, keep up a ceaseless shrill cry, but which, softened by the distance, is not unpleasant. every evening after dark this great concert commenced; and often have i sat listening to it, until my attention has been drawn away by some curious passing insect. at these times the fireflies are seen flitting about from hedge to hedge. on a dark night the light can be seen at about two hundred paces distant. it is remarkable that in all the different kinds of glowworms, shining elaters, and various marine animals (such as the crustacea, medusae, nereidae, a coralline of the genus clytia, and pyrosoma), which i have observed, the light has been of a well-marked green colour. all the fireflies, which i caught here, belonged to the lampyridae (in which family the english glowworm is included), and the greater number of specimens were of lampyris occidentalis. (2/4. i am greatly indebted to mr. waterhouse for his kindness in naming for me this and many other insects, and giving me much valuable assistance.) i found that this insect emitted the most brilliant flashes when irritated: in the intervals, the abdominal rings were obscured. the flash was almost coinstantaneous in the two rings, but it was just perceptible first in the anterior one. the shining matter was fluid and very adhesive: little spots, where the skin had been torn, continued bright with a slight scintillation, whilst the uninjured parts were obscured. when the insect was decapitated the rings remained uninterruptedly bright, but not so brilliant as before: local irritation with a needle always increased the vividness of the light. the rings in one instance retained their luminous property nearly twenty-four hours after the death of the insect. from these facts it would appear probable, that the animal has only the power of concealing or extinguishing the light for short intervals, and that at other times the display is involuntary. on the muddy and wet gravel-walks i found the larvae of this lampyris in great numbers: they resembled in general form the female of the english glowworm. these larvae possessed but feeble luminous powers; very differently from their parents, on the slightest touch they feigned death, and ceased to shine; nor did irritation excite any fresh display. i kept several of them alive for some time: their tails are very singular organs, for they act, by a well-fitted contrivance, as suckers or organs of attachment, and likewise as reservoirs for saliva, or some such fluid. i repeatedly fed them on raw meat; and i invariably observed, that every now and then the extremity of the tail was applied to the mouth, and a drop of fluid exuded on the meat, which was then in the act of being consumed. the tail, notwithstanding so much practice, does not seem to be able to find its way to the mouth; at least the neck was always touched first, and apparently as a guide. when we were at bahia, an elater or beetle (pyrophorus luminosus, illig.) seemed the most common luminous insect. the light in this case was also rendered more brilliant by irritation. i amused myself one day by observing the springing powers of this insect, which have not, as it appears to me, been properly described. (2/5. kirby's "entomology" volume 2 page 317.) the elater, when placed on its back and preparing to spring, moved its head and thorax backwards, so that the pectoral spine was drawn out, and rested on the edge of its sheath. the same backward movement being continued, the spine, by the full action of the muscles, was bent like a spring; and the insect at this moment rested on the extremity of its head and wing-cases. the effort being suddenly relaxed, the head and thorax flew up, and in consequence, the base of the wing-cases struck the supporting surface with such force, that the insect by the reaction was jerked upwards to the height of one or two inches. the projecting points of the thorax, and the sheath of the spine, served to steady the whole body during the spring. in the descriptions which i have read, sufficient stress does not appear to have been laid on the elasticity of the spine: so sudden a spring could not be the result of simple muscular contraction, without the aid of some mechanical contrivance. on several occasions i enjoyed some short but most pleasant excursions in the neighbouring country. one day i went to the botanic garden, where many plants, well known for their great utility, might be seen growing. the leaves of the camphor, pepper, cinnamon, and clove trees were delightfully aromatic; and the bread-fruit, the jaca, and the mango, vied with each other in the magnificence of their foliage. the landscape in the neighbourhood of bahia almost takes its character from the two latter trees. before seeing them, i had no idea that any trees could cast so black a shade on the ground. both of them bear to the evergreen vegetation of these climates the same kind of relation which laurels and hollies in england do to the lighter green of the deciduous trees. it may be observed that the houses within the tropics are surrounded by the most beautiful forms of vegetation, because many of them are at the same time most useful to man. who can doubt that these qualities are united in the banana, the cocoa-nut, the many kinds of palm, the orange, and the bread-fruit tree? during this day i was particularly struck with a remark of humboldt's, who often alludes to "the thin vapour which, without changing the transparency of the air, renders its tints more harmonious, and softens its effects." this is an appearance which i have never observed in the temperate zones. the atmosphere, seen through a short space of half or three-quarters of a mile, was perfectly lucid, but at a greater distance all colours were blended into a most beautiful haze, of a pale french grey, mingled with a little blue. the condition of the atmosphere between the morning and about noon, when the effect was most evident, had undergone little change, excepting in its dryness. in the interval, the difference between the dew point and temperature had increased from 7.5 to 17 degrees. on another occasion i started early and walked to the gavia, or topsail mountain. the air was delightfully cool and fragrant; and the drops of dew still glittered on the leaves of the large liliaceous plants, which shaded the streamlets of clear water. sitting down on a block of granite, it was delightful to watch the various insects and birds as they flew past. the humming-bird seems particularly fond of such shady retired spots. whenever i saw these little creatures buzzing round a flower, with their wings vibrating so rapidly as to be scarcely visible, i was reminded of the sphinx moths: their movements and habits are indeed in many respects very similar. (plate 13. rio de janeiro.) following a pathway i entered a noble forest, and from a height of five or six hundred feet, one of those splendid views was presented, which are so common on every side of rio. at this elevation the landscape attains its most brilliant tint; and every form, every shade, so completely surpasses in magnificence all that the european has ever beheld in his own country, that he knows not how to express his feelings. the general effect frequently recalled to my mind the gayest scenery of the opera-house or the great theatres. i never returned from these excursions empty-handed. this day i found a specimen of a curious fungus, called hymenophallus. most people know the english phallus, which in autumn taints the air with its odious smell: this, however, as the entomologist is aware, is to some of our beetles a delightful fragrance. so was it here; for a strongylus, attracted by the odour, alighted on the fungus as i carried it in my hand. we here see in two distant countries a similar relation between plants and insects of the same families, though the species of both are different. when man is the agent in introducing into a country a new species this relation is often broken: as one instance of this i may mention that the leaves of the cabbages and lettuces, which in england afford food to such a multitude of slugs and caterpillars, in the gardens near rio are untouched. during our stay at brazil i made a large collection of insects. a few general observations on the comparative importance of the different orders may be interesting to the english entomologist. the large and brilliantly-coloured lepidoptera bespeak the zone they inhabit, far more plainly than any other race of animals. i allude only to the butterflies; for the moths, contrary to what might have been expected from the rankness of the vegetation, certainly appeared in much fewer numbers than in our own temperate regions. i was much surprised at the habits of papilio feronia. this butterfly is not uncommon, and generally frequents the orange-groves. although a high flier, yet it very frequently alights on the trunks of trees. on these occasions its head is invariably placed downwards; and its wings are expanded in a horizontal plane, instead of being folded vertically, as is commonly the case. this is the only butterfly which i have ever seen that uses its legs for running. not being aware of this fact, the insect, more than once, as i cautiously approached with my forceps, shuffled on one side just as the instrument was on the point of closing, and thus escaped. but a far more singular fact is the power which this species possesses of making a noise. (2/6. mr. doubleday has lately described (before the entomological society, march 3, 1845) a peculiar structure in the wings of this butterfly, which seems to be the means of its making its noise. he says, "it is remarkable for having a sort of drum at the base of the fore wings, between the costal nervure and the subcostal. these two nervures, moreover, have a peculiar screw-like diaphragm or vessel in the interior." i find in langsdorff's travels (in the years 1803-7 page 74) it is said, that in the island of st. catherine's on the coast of brazil, a butterfly called februa hoffmanseggi, makes a noise, when flying away, like a rattle.) several times when a pair, probably male and female, were chasing each other in an irregular course, they passed within a few yards of me; and i distinctly heard a clicking noise, similar to that produced by a toothed wheel passing under a spring catch. the noise was continued at short intervals, and could be distinguished at about twenty yards' distance: i am certain there is no error in the observation. i was disappointed in the general aspect of the coleoptera. the number of minute and obscurely coloured beetles is exceedingly great. (2/7. i may mention, as a common instance of one day's (june 23rd) collecting, when i was not attending particularly to the coleoptera, that i caught sixty-eight species of that order. among these, there were only two of the carabidae, four brachelytra, fifteen rhyncophora, and fourteen of the chrysomelidae. thirty-seven species of arachnidae, which i brought home, will be sufficient to prove that i was not paying overmuch attention to the generally favoured order of coleoptera.) the cabinets of europe can, as yet, boast only of the larger species from tropical climates. it is sufficient to disturb the composure of an entomologist's mind, to look forward to the future dimensions of a complete catalogue. the carnivorous beetles, or carabidae, appear in extremely few numbers within the tropics: this is the more remarkable when compared to the case of the carnivorous quadrupeds, which are so abundant in hot countries. i was struck with this observation both on entering brazil, and when i saw the many elegant and active forms of the harpalidae reappearing on the temperate plains of la plata. do the very numerous spiders and rapacious hymenoptera supply the place of the carnivorous beetles? the carrion-feeders and brachelytra are very uncommon; on the other hand, the rhyncophora and chrysomelidae, all of which depend on the vegetable world for subsistence, are present in astonishing numbers. i do not here refer to the number of different species, but to that of the individual insects; for on this it is that the most striking character in the entomology of different countries depends. the orders orthoptera and hemiptera are particularly numerous; as likewise is the stinging division of the hymenoptera; the bees, perhaps, being excepted. a person, on first entering a tropical forest, is astonished at the labours of the ants: well-beaten paths branch off in every direction, on which an army of never-failing foragers may be seen, some going forth, and others returning, burdened with pieces of green leaf, often larger than their own bodies. a small dark-coloured ant sometimes migrates in countless numbers. one day, at bahia, my attention was drawn by observing many spiders, cockroaches, and other insects, and some lizards, rushing in the greatest agitation across a bare piece of ground. a little way behind, every stalk and leaf was blackened by a small ant. the swarm having crossed the bare space, divided itself, and descended an old wall. by this means many insects were fairly enclosed; and the efforts which the poor little creatures made to extricate themselves from such a death were wonderful. when the ants came to the road they changed their course, and in narrow files reascended the wall. having placed a small stone so as to intercept one of the lines, the whole body attacked it, and then immediately retired. shortly afterwards another body came to the charge, and again having failed to make any impression, this line of march was entirely given up. by going an inch round, the file might have avoided the stone, and this doubtless would have happened, if it had been originally there: but having been attacked, the lion-hearted little warriors scorned the idea of yielding. certain wasp-like insects, which construct in the corners of the verandahs clay cells for their larvae, are very numerous in the neighbourhood of rio. these cells they stuff full of half-dead spiders and caterpillars, which they seem wonderfully to know how to sting to that degree as to leave them paralysed but alive, until their eggs are hatched; and the larvae feed on the horrid mass of powerless, half-killed victims--a sight which has been described by an enthusiastic naturalist as curious and pleasing! (2/8. in a manuscript in the british museum by mr. abbott, who made his observations in georgia; see mr. a. white's paper in the "annals of natural history" volume 7 page 472. lieutenant hutton has described a sphex with similar habits in india, in the "journal of the asiatic society" volume 1 page 555.) i was much interested one day by watching a deadly contest between a pepsis and a large spider of the genus lycosa. the wasp made a sudden dash at its prey, and then flew away: the spider was evidently wounded, for, trying to escape, it rolled down a little slope, but had still strength sufficient to crawl into a thick tuft of grass. the wasp soon returned, and seemed surprised at not immediately finding its victim. it then commenced as regular a hunt as ever hound did after fox; making short semicircular casts, and all the time rapidly vibrating its wings and antennae. the spider, though well concealed, was soon discovered, and the wasp, evidently still afraid of its adversary's jaws, after much manoeuvring, inflicted two stings on the under side of its thorax. at last, carefully examining with its antennae the now motionless spider, it proceeded to drag away the body. but i stopped both tyrant and prey. (2/9. don felix azara volume 1 page 175, mentioning a hymenopterous insect, probably of the same genus, says he saw it dragging a dead spider through tall grass, in a straight line to its nest, which was one hundred and sixty-three paces distant. he adds that the wasp, in order to find the road, every now and then made "demi-tours d'environ trois palmes.") the number of spiders, in proportion to other insects, is here compared with england very much larger; perhaps more so than with any other division of the articulate animals. the variety of species among the jumping spiders appears almost infinite. the genus, or rather family of epeira, is here characterized by many singular forms; some species have pointed coriaceous shells, others enlarged and spiny tibiae. every path in the forest is barricaded with the strong yellow web of a species, belonging to the same division with the epeira clavipes of fabricius, which was formerly said by sloane to make, in the west indies, webs so strong as to catch birds. a small and pretty kind of spider, with very long fore-legs, and which appears to belong to an undescribed genus, lives as a parasite on almost every one of these webs. i suppose it is too insignificant to be noticed by the great epeira, and is therefore allowed to prey on the minute insects, which, adhering to the lines, would otherwise be wasted. when frightened, this little spider either feigns death by extending its front legs, or suddenly drops from the web. a large epeira of the same division with epeira tuberculata and conica is extremely common, especially in dry situations. its web, which is generally placed among the great leaves of the common agave, is sometimes strengthened near the centre by a pair or even four zigzag ribbons, which connect two adjoining rays. when any large insect, as a grasshopper or wasp, is caught, the spider, by a dexterous movement, makes it revolve very rapidly, and at the same time emitting a band of threads from its spinners, soon envelops its prey in a case like the cocoon of a silkworm. the spider now examines the powerless victim, and gives the fatal bite on the hinder part of its thorax; then retreating, patiently waits till the poison has taken effect. the virulence of this poison may be judged of from the fact that in half a minute i opened the mesh, and found a large wasp quite lifeless. this epeira always stands with its head downwards near the centre of the web. when disturbed, it acts differently according to circumstances: if there is a thicket below, it suddenly falls down; and i have distinctly seen the thread from the spinners lengthened by the animal while yet stationary, as preparatory to its fall. if the ground is clear beneath, the epeira seldom falls, but moves quickly through a central passage from one to the other side. when still further disturbed, it practises a most curious manoeuvre: standing in the middle, it violently jerks the web, which is attached to elastic twigs, till at last the whole acquires such a rapid vibratory movement, that even the outline of the spider's body becomes indistinct. it is well known that most of the british spiders, when a large insect is caught in their webs, endeavour to cut the lines and liberate their prey, to save their nets from being entirely spoiled. i once, however, saw in a hot-house in shropshire a large female wasp caught in the irregular web of a quite small spider; and this spider, instead of cutting the web, most perseveringly continued to entangle the body, and especially the wings, of its prey. the wasp at first aimed in vain repeated thrusts with its sting at its little antagonist. pitying the wasp, after allowing it to struggle for more than an hour, i killed it and put it back into the web. the spider soon returned; and an hour afterwards i was much surprised to find it with its jaws buried in the orifice through which the sting is protruded by the living wasp. i drove the spider away two or three times, but for the next twenty-four hours i always found it again sucking at the same place. the spider became much distended by the juices of its prey, which was many times larger than itself. i may here just mention, that i found, near st. fã© bajada, many large black spiders, with ruby-coloured marks on their backs, having gregarious habits. the webs were placed vertically, as is invariably the case with the genus epeira: they were separated from each other by a space of about two feet, but were all attached to certain common lines, which were of great length, and extended to all parts of the community. in this manner the tops of some large bushes were encompassed by the united nets. azara has described a gregarious spider in paraguay, which walckanaer thinks must be a theridion, but probably it is an epeira, and perhaps even the same species with mine. (2/10. azara's "voyage" volume 1 page 213.) i cannot, however, recollect seeing a central nest as large as a hat, in which, during autumn, when the spiders die, azara says the eggs are deposited. as all the spiders which i saw were of the same size, they must have been nearly of the same age. this gregarious habit, in so typical a genus as epeira, among insects, which are so bloodthirsty and solitary that even the two sexes attack each other, is a very singular fact. in a lofty valley of the cordillera, near mendoza, i found another spider with a singularly-formed web. strong lines radiated in a vertical plane from a common centre, where the insect had its station; but only two of the rays were connected by a symmetrical mesh-work; so that the net, instead of being, as is generally the case, circular, consisted of a wedge-shaped segment. all the webs were similarly constructed. (plate 14. darwin's papilio feronia, 1833, now called ageronia feronia, 1889.) chapter iii. (plate 15. hydrochaerus capybara or water-hog.) monte video. maldonado. excursion to r. polanco. lazo and bolas. partridges. absence of trees. deer. capybara, or river hog. tucutuco. molothrus, cuckoo-like habits. tyrant-flycatcher. mocking-bird. carrion hawks. tubes formed by lightning. house struck. maldonado. july 5, 1832. in the morning we got under way, and stood out of the splendid harbour of rio de janeiro. in our passage to the plata, we saw nothing particular, excepting on one day a great shoal of porpoises, many hundreds in number. the whole sea was in places furrowed by them; and a most extraordinary spectacle was presented, as hundreds, proceeding together by jumps, in which their whole bodies were exposed, thus cut the water. when the ship was running nine knots an hour, these animals could cross and recross the bows with the greatest ease, and then dash away right ahead. as soon as we entered the estuary of the plata, the weather was very unsettled. one dark night we were surrounded by numerous seals and penguins, which made such strange noises, that the officer on watch reported he could hear the cattle bellowing on shore. on a second night we witnessed a splendid scene of natural fireworks; the mast-head and yard-arm-ends shone with st. elmo's light; and the form of the vane could almost be traced, as if it had been rubbed with phosphorus. the sea was so highly luminous, that the tracks of the penguins were marked by a fiery wake, and the darkness of the sky was momentarily illuminated by the most vivid lightning. when within the mouth of the river, i was interested by observing how slowly the waters of the sea and river mixed. the latter, muddy and discoloured, from its less specific gravity, floated on the surface of the salt water. this was curiously exhibited in the wake of the vessel, where a line of blue water was seen mingling in little eddies with the adjoining fluid. july 26, 1832. we anchored at monte video. the "beagle" was employed in surveying the extreme southern and eastern coasts of america, south of the plata, during the two succeeding years. to prevent useless repetitions, i will extract those parts of my journal which refer to the same districts, without always attending to the order in which we visited them. maldonado is situated on the northern bank of the plata, and not very far from the mouth of the estuary. it is a most quiet, forlorn, little town; built, as is universally the case in these countries, with the streets running at right angles to each other, and having in the middle a large plaza or square, which, from its size, renders the scantiness of the population more evident. it possesses scarcely any trade; the exports being confined to a few hides and living cattle. the inhabitants are chiefly landowners, together with a few shopkeepers and the necessary tradesmen, such as blacksmiths and carpenters, who do nearly all the business for a circuit of fifty miles round. the town is separated from the river by a band of sand-hillocks, about a mile broad: it is surrounded on all other sides by an open slightly-undulating country, covered by one uniform layer of fine green turf, on which countless herds of cattle, sheep, and horses graze. there is very little land cultivated even close to the town. a few hedges made of cacti and agave mark out where some wheat or indian corn has been planted. the features of the country are very similar along the whole northern bank of the plata. the only difference is, that here the granitic hills are a little bolder. the scenery is very uninteresting; there is scarcely a house, an enclosed piece of ground, or even a tree, to give it an air of cheerfulness. yet, after being imprisoned for some time in a ship, there is a charm in the unconfined feeling of walking over boundless plains of turf. moreover, if your view is limited to a small space, many objects possess beauty. some of the smaller birds are brilliantly coloured; and the bright green sward, browsed short by the cattle, is ornamented by dwarf flowers, among which a plant, looking like the daisy, claimed the place of an old friend. what would a florist say to whole tracts, so thickly covered by the verbena melindres, as, even at a distance, to appear of the most gaudy scarlet? i stayed ten weeks at maldonado, in which time a nearly perfect collection of the animals, birds, and reptiles, was procured. before making any observations respecting them, i will give an account of a little excursion i made as far as the river polanco, which is about seventy miles distant, in a northerly direction. i may mention, as a proof how cheap everything is in this country, that i paid only two dollars a day or eight shillings, for two men, together with a troop of about a dozen riding-horses. my companions were well armed with pistols and sabres; a precaution which i thought rather unnecessary; but the first piece of news we heard was, that, the day before, a traveller from monte video had been found dead on the road, with his throat cut. this happened close to a cross, the record of a former murder. on the first night we slept at a retired little country-house; and there i soon found out that i possessed two or three articles, especially a pocket compass, which created unbounded astonishment. in every house i was asked to show the compass, and by its aid, together with a map, to point out the direction of various places. it excited the liveliest admiration that i, a perfect stranger, should know the road (for direction and road are synonymous in this open country) to places where i had never been. at one house a young woman who was ill in bed, sent to entreat me to come and show her the compass. if their surprise was great, mine was greater, to find such ignorance among people who possessed their thousands of cattle, and "estancias" of great extent. it can only be accounted for by the circumstance that this retired part of the country is seldom visited by foreigners. i was asked whether the earth or sun moved; whether it was hotter or colder to the north; where spain was, and many other such questions. the greater number of the inhabitants had an indistinct idea that england, london, and north america, were different names for the same place; but the better informed well knew that london and north america were separate countries close together, and that england was a large town in london! i carried with me some promethean matches, which i ignited by biting; it was thought so wonderful that a man should strike fire with his teeth, that it was usual to collect the whole family to see it: i was once offered a dollar for a single one. washing my face in the morning caused much speculation at the village of las minas; a superior tradesman closely cross-questioned me about so singular a practice; and likewise why on board we wore our beards; for he had heard from my guide that we did so. he eyed me with much suspicion; perhaps he had heard of ablutions in the mahomedan religion, and knowing me to be a heretic, probably he came to the conclusion that all heretics were turks. it is the general custom in this country to ask for a night's lodging at the first convenient house. the astonishment at the compass, and my other feats of jugglery, was to a certain degree advantageous, as with that, and the long stories my guides told of my breaking stones, knowing venomous from harmless snakes, collecting insects, etc., i repaid them for their hospitality. i am writing as if i had been among the inhabitants of central africa: banda oriental would not be flattered by the comparison; but such were my feelings at the time. the next day we rode to the village of las minas. the country was rather more hilly, but otherwise continued the same; an inhabitant of the pampas no doubt would have considered it as truly alpine. the country is so thinly inhabited, that during the whole day we scarcely met a single person. las minas is much smaller even than maldonado. it is seated on a little plain, and is surrounded by low rocky mountains. it is of the usual symmetrical form, and with its whitewashed church standing in the centre, had rather a pretty appearance. the outskirting houses rose out of the plain like isolated beings, without the accompaniment of gardens or courtyards. this is generally the case in the country, and all the houses have, in consequence, an uncomfortable aspect. at night we stopped at a pulperia, or drinking-shop. during the evening a great number of gauchos came in to drink spirits and smoke cigars: their appearance is very striking; they are generally tall and handsome, but with a proud and dissolute expression of countenance. they frequently wear their moustaches, and long black hair curling down their backs. with their brightly coloured garments, great spurs clanking about their heels, and knives stuck as daggers (and often so used) at their waists, they look a very different race of men from what might be expected from their name of gauchos, or simple countrymen. their politeness is excessive; they never drink their spirits without expecting you to taste it; but whilst making their exceedingly graceful bow, they seem quite as ready, if occasion offered, to cut your throat. on the third day we pursued rather an irregular course, as i was employed in examining some beds of marble. on the fine plains of turf we saw many ostriches (struthio rhea). some of the flocks contained as many as twenty or thirty birds. these, when standing on any little eminence, and seen against the clear sky, presented a very noble appearance. i never met with such tame ostriches in any other part of the country: it was easy to gallop up within a short distance of them; but then, expanding their wings, they made all sail right before the wind, and soon left the horse astern. at night we came to the house of don juan fuentes, a rich landed proprietor, but not personally known to either of my companions. on approaching the house of a stranger, it is usual to follow several little points of etiquette: riding up slowly to the door, the salutation of ave maria is given, and until somebody comes out and asks you to alight, it is not customary even to get off your horse: the formal answer of the owner is, "sin pecado concebida"--that is, conceived without sin. having entered the house, some general conversation is kept up for a few minutes, till permission is asked to pass the night there. this is granted as a matter of course. the stranger then takes his meals with the family, and a room is assigned him, where with the horsecloths belonging to his recado (or saddle of the pampas) he makes his bed. it is curious how similar circumstances produce such similar results in manners. at the cape of good hope the same hospitality, and very nearly the same points of etiquette, are universally observed. the difference, however, between the character of the spaniard and that of the dutch boor is shown, by the former never asking his guest a single question beyond the strictest rule of politeness, whilst the honest dutchman demands where he has been, where he is going, what is his business, and even how many brothers, sisters, or children he may happen to have. shortly after our arrival at don juan's one of the largest herds of cattle was driven in towards the house, and three beasts were picked out to be slaughtered for the supply of the establishment. these half-wild cattle are very active; and knowing full well the fatal lazo, they led the horses a long and laborious chase. after witnessing the rude wealth displayed in the number of cattle, men, and horses, don juan's miserable house was quite curious. the floor consisted of hardened mud, and the windows were without glass; the sitting-room boasted only of a few of the roughest chairs and stools, with a couple of tables. the supper, although several strangers were present, consisted of two huge piles, one of roast beef, the other of boiled, with some pieces of pumpkin: besides this latter there was no other vegetable, and not even a morsel of bread. for drinking, a large earthenware jug of water served the whole party. yet this man was the owner of several square miles of land, of which nearly every acre would produce corn, and, with a little trouble, all the common vegetables. the evening was spent in smoking, with a little impromptu singing, accompanied by the guitar. the signoritas all sat together in one corner of the room, and did not sup with the men. (plate 16. recado or surcingle of gaucho.) so many works have been written about these countries, that it is almost superfluous to describe either the lazo or the bolas. the lazo consists of a very strong, but thin, well-plaited rope, made of raw hide. one end is attached to the broad surcingle, which fastens together the complicated gear of the recado, or saddle used in the pampas; the other is terminated by a small ring of iron or brass, by which a noose can be formed. the gaucho, when he is going to use the lazo, keeps a small coil in his bridle-hand, and in the other holds the running noose, which is made very large, generally having a diameter of about eight feet. this he whirls round his head, and by the dexterous movement of his wrist keeps the noose open; then, throwing it, he causes it to fall on any particular spot he chooses. the lazo, when not used, is tied up in a small coil to the after part of the recado. the bolas, or balls, are of two kinds: the simplest, which is chiefly used for catching ostriches, consists of two round stones, covered with leather, and united by a thin plaited thong, about eight feet long. (see chapter 11.) the other kind differs only in having three balls united by the thongs to a common centre. the gaucho holds the smallest of the three in his hand, and whirls the other two round and round his head; then, taking aim, sends them like chain shot revolving through the air. the balls no sooner strike any object, than, winding round it, they cross each other, and become firmly hitched. the size and weight of the balls varies, according to the purpose for which they are made: when of stone, although not larger than an apple, they are sent with such force as sometimes to break the leg even of a horse. i have seen the balls made of wood, and as large as a turnip, for the sake of catching these animals without injuring them. the balls are sometimes made of iron, and these can be hurled to the greatest distance. the main difficulty in using either lazo or bolas is to ride so well as to be able at full speed, and while suddenly turning about, to whirl them so steadily round the head, as to take aim: on foot any person would soon learn the art. one day, as i was amusing myself by galloping and whirling the balls round my head, by accident the free one struck a bush, and its revolving motion being thus destroyed, it immediately fell to the ground, and, like magic caught one hind leg of my horse; the other ball was then jerked out of my hand, and the horse fairly secured. luckily he was an old practised animal, and knew what it meant; otherwise he would probably have kicked till he had thrown himself down. the gauchos roared with laughter; they cried out that they had seen every sort of animal caught, but had never before seen a man caught by himself. during the two succeeding days, i reached the farthest point which i was anxious to examine. the country wore the same aspect, till at last the fine green turf became more wearisome than a dusty turnpike road. we everywhere saw great numbers of partridges (nothura major). these birds do not go in coveys, nor do they conceal themselves like the english kind. it appears a very silly bird. a man on horseback by riding round and round in a circle, or rather in a spire, so as to approach closer each time, may knock on the head as many as he pleases. the more common method is to catch them with a running noose, or little lazo, made of the stem of an ostrich's feather, fastened to the end of a long stick. a boy on a quiet old horse will frequently thus catch thirty or forty in a day. in arctic north america the indians catch the varying hare by walking spirally round and round it, when on its form: the middle of the day is reckoned the best time, when the sun is high, and the shadow of the hunter not very long. (3/1. hearne's "journey" page 383.) on our return to maldonado, we followed rather a different line of road. near pan de azucar, a landmark well known to all those who have sailed up the plata, i stayed a day at the house of a most hospitable old spaniard. early in the morning we ascended the sierra de las animas. by the aid of the rising sun the scenery was almost picturesque. to the westward the view extended over an immense level plain as far as the mount, at monte video, and to the eastward, over the mammillated country of maldonado. on the summit of the mountain there were several small heaps of stones, which evidently had lain there for many years. my companion assured me that they were the work of the indians in the old time. the heaps were similar, but on a much smaller scale, to those so commonly found on the mountains of wales. the desire to signalise any event, on the highest point of the neighbouring land, seems a universal passion with mankind. at the present day, not a single indian, either civilised or wild, exists in this part of the province; nor am i aware that the former inhabitants have left behind them any more permanent records than these insignificant piles on the summit of the sierra de las animas. the general, and almost entire absence of trees in banda oriental is remarkable. some of the rocky hills are partly covered by thickets, and on the banks of the larger streams, especially to the north of las minas, willow-trees are not uncommon. near the arroyo tapes i heard of a wood of palms; and one of these trees, of considerable size, i saw near the pan de azucar, in latitude 35 degrees. these, and the trees planted by the spaniards, offer the only exceptions to the general scarcity of wood. among the introduced kinds may be enumerated poplars, olives, peach, and other fruit trees: the peaches succeed so well, that they afford the main supply of firewood to the city of buenos ayres. extremely level countries, such as the pampas, seldom appear favourable to the growth of trees. this may possibly be attributed either to the force of the winds, or the kind of drainage. in the nature of the land, however, around maldonado, no such reason is apparent; the rocky mountains afford protected situations; enjoying various kinds of soil; streamlets of water are common at the bottoms of nearly every valley; and the clayey nature of the earth seems adapted to retain moisture. it has been inferred, with much probability, that the presence of woodland is generally determined by the annual amount of moisture (3/2. maclaren, article "america" "encyclopedia brittannica."); yet in this province abundant and heavy rain falls during the winter; and the summer, though dry, is not so in any excessive degree. (3/3. azara says "je crois que la quantitã© annuelle des pluies est, dans toutes ces contrã©es, plus considã©rable qu'en espagne."--volume 1 page 36.) we see nearly the whole of australia covered by lofty trees, yet that country possesses a far more arid climate. hence we must look to some other and unknown cause. confining our view to south america, we should certainly be tempted to believe that trees flourished only under a very humid climate; for the limit of the forest-land follows, in a most remarkable manner, that of the damp winds. in the southern part of the continent, where the western gales, charged with moisture from the pacific, prevail, every island on the broken west coast, from latitude 38 degrees to the extreme point of tierra del fuego, is densely covered by impenetrable forests. on the eastern side of the cordillera, over the same extent of latitude, where a blue sky and a fine climate prove that the atmosphere has been deprived of its moisture by passing over the mountains, the arid plains of patagonia support a most scanty vegetation. in the more northern parts of the continent, within the limits of the constant south-eastern trade-wind, the eastern side is ornamented by magnificent forests; whilst the western coast, from latitude 4 degrees south to latitude 32 degrees south, may be described as a desert; on this western coast, northward of latitude 4 degrees south, where the trade-wind loses its regularity, and heavy torrents of rain fall periodically, the shores of the pacific, so utterly desert in peru, assume near cape blanco the character of luxuriance so celebrated at guayaquil and panama. hence in the southern and northern parts of the continent, the forest and desert lands occupy reversed positions with respect to the cordillera, and these positions are apparently determined by the direction of the prevalent winds. in the middle of the continent there is a broad intermediate band, including central chile and the provinces of la plata, where the rain-bringing winds have not to pass over lofty mountains, and where the land is neither a desert nor covered by forests. but even the rule, if confined to south america, of trees flourishing only in a climate rendered humid by rain-bearing winds, has a strongly marked exception in the case of the falkland islands. these islands, situated in the same latitude with tierra del fuego and only between two and three hundred miles distant from it, having a nearly similar climate, with a geological formation almost identical, with favourable situations and the same kind of peaty soil, yet can boast of few plants deserving even the title of bushes; whilst in tierra del fuego it is impossible to find an acre of land not covered by the densest forest. in this case, both the direction of the heavy gales of wind and of the currents of the sea are favourable to the transport of seeds from tierra del fuego, as is shown by the canoes and trunks of trees drifted from that country, and frequently thrown on the shores of the western falkland. hence perhaps it is, that there are many plants in common to the two countries: but with respect to the trees of tierra del fuego, even attempts made to transplant them have failed. during our stay at maldonado i collected several quadrupeds, eighty kinds of birds, and many reptiles, including nine species of snakes. of the indigenous mammalia, the only one now left of any size, which is common, is the cervus campestris. this deer is exceedingly abundant, often in small herds, throughout the countries bordering the plata and in northern patagonia. if a person crawling close along the ground, slowly advances towards a herd, the deer frequently, out of curiosity, approach to reconnoitre him. i have by this means, killed from one spot, three out of the same herd. although so tame and inquisitive, yet when approached on horseback, they are exceedingly wary. in this country nobody goes on foot, and the deer knows man as its enemy only when he is mounted and armed with the bolas. at bahia blanca, a recent establishment in northern patagonia, i was surprised to find how little the deer cared for the noise of a gun: one day i fired ten times from within eighty yards at one animal; and it was much more startled at the ball cutting up the ground than at the report of the rifle. my powder being exhausted, i was obliged to get up (to my shame as a sportsman be it spoken, though well able to kill birds on the wing) and halloo till the deer ran away. the most curious fact with respect to this animal, is the overpoweringly strong and offensive odour which proceeds from the buck. it is quite indescribable: several times whilst skinning the specimen which is now mounted at the zoological museum, i was almost overcome by nausea. i tied up the skin in a silk pocket-handkerchief, and so carried it home: this handkerchief, after being well washed, i continually used, and it was of course as repeatedly washed; yet every time, for a space of one year and seven months, when first unfolded, i distinctly perceived the odour. this appears an astonishing instance of the permanence of some matter, which nevertheless in its nature must be most subtile and volatile. frequently, when passing at the distance of half a mile to leeward of a herd, i have perceived the whole air tainted with the effluvium. i believe the smell from the buck is most powerful at the period when its horns are perfect, or free from the hairy skin. when in this state the meat is, of course, quite uneatable; but the gauchos assert, that if buried for some time in fresh earth, the taint is removed. i have somewhere read that the islanders in the north of scotland treat the rank carcasses of the fish-eating birds in the same manner. the order rodentia is here very numerous in species: of mice alone i obtained no less than eight kinds. (3/4. in south america i collected altogether twenty-seven species of mice, and thirteen more are known from the works of azara and other authors. those collected by myself have been named and described by mr. waterhouse at the meetings of the zoological society. i must be allowed to take this opportunity of returning my cordial thanks to mr. waterhouse, and to the other gentleman attached to that society, for their kind and most liberal assistance on all occasions.) the largest gnawing animal in the world, the hydrochaerus capybara (the water-hog), is here also common. one which i shot at monte video weighed ninety-eight pounds: its length, from the end of the snout to the stump-like tail, was three feet two inches; and its girth three feet eight. these great rodents occasionally frequent the islands in the mouth of the plata, where the water is quite salt, but are far more abundant on the borders of fresh-water lakes and rivers. near maldonado three or four generally live together. in the daytime they either lie among the aquatic plants, or openly feed on the turf plain. (3/5. in the stomach and duodenum of a capybara which i opened, i found a very large quantity of a thin yellowish fluid, in which scarcely a fibre could be distinguished. mr. owen informs me that a part of the oesophagus is so constructed that nothing much larger than a crowquill can be passed down. certainly the broad teeth and strong jaws of this animal are well fitted to grind into pulp the aquatic plants on which it feeds.) when viewed at a distance, from their manner of walking and colour they resemble pigs: but when seated on their haunches, and attentively watching any object with one eye, they reassume the appearance of their congeners, cavies and rabbits. both the front and side view of their head has quite a ludicrous aspect, from the great depth of their jaw. these animals, at maldonado, were very tame; by cautiously walking, i approached within three yards of four old ones. this tameness may probably be accounted for, by the jaguar having been banished for some years, and by the gaucho not thinking it worth his while to hunt them. as i approached nearer and nearer they frequently made their peculiar noise, which is a low abrupt grunt, not having much actual sound, but rather arising from the sudden expulsion of air: the only noise i know at all like it, is the first hoarse bark of a large dog. having watched the four from almost within arm's length (and they me) for several minutes, they rushed into the water at full gallop with the greatest impetuosity, and emitted at the same time their bark. after diving a short distance they came again to the surface, but only just showed the upper part of their heads. when the female is swimming in the water, and has young ones, they are said to sit on her back. these animals are easily killed in numbers; but their skins are of trifling value, and the meat is very indifferent. on the islands in the rio parana they are exceedingly abundant, and afford the ordinary prey to the jaguar. the tucutuco (ctenomys brasiliensis) is a curious small animal, which may be briefly described as a gnawer, with the habits of a mole. it is extremely numerous in some parts of the country, but it is difficult to be procured, and never, i believe, comes out of the ground. it throws up at the mouth of its burrows hillocks of earth like those of the mole, but smaller. considerable tracts of country are so completely undermined by these animals that horses, in passing over, sink above their fetlocks. the tucutucos appear, to a certain degree, to be gregarious: the man who procured the specimens for me had caught six together, and he said this was a common occurrence. they are nocturnal in their habits; and their principal food is the roots of plants, which are the object of their extensive and superficial burrows. this animal is universally known by a very peculiar noise which it makes when beneath the ground. a person, the first time he hears it, is much surprised; for it is not easy to tell whence it comes, nor is it possible to guess what kind of creature utters it. the noise consists in a short, but not rough, nasal grunt, which is monotonously repeated about four times in quick succession (3/6. at the r. negro, in northern patagonia, there is an animal of the same habits, and probably a closely allied species, but which i never saw. its noise is different from that of the maldonado kind; it is repeated only twice instead of three or four times, and is more distinct and sonorous: when heard from a distance it so closely resembles the sound made in cutting down a small tree with an axe, that i have sometimes remained in doubt concerning it.): the name tucutuco is given in imitation of the sound. where this animal is abundant, it may be heard at all times of the day, and sometimes directly beneath one's feet. when kept in a room, the tucutucos move both slowly and clumsily, which appears owing to the outward action of their hind legs; and they are quite incapable, from the socket of the thigh-bone not having a certain ligament, of jumping even the smallest vertical height. they are very stupid in making any attempt to escape; when angry or frightened they utter the tucu-tuco. of those i kept alive, several, even the first day, became quite tame, not attempting to bite or to run away; others were a little wilder. the man who caught them asserted that very many are invariably found blind. a specimen which i preserved in spirits was in this state; mr. reid considers it to be the effect of inflammation in the nictitating membrane. when the animal was alive i placed my finger within half an inch of its head, and not the slightest notice was taken: it made its way, however, about the room nearly as well as the others. considering the strictly subterranean habits of the tucu-tuco, the blindness, though so common, cannot be a very serious evil; yet it appears strange that any animal should possess an organ frequently subject to be injured. lamarck would have been delighted with this fact, had he known it, when speculating (probably with more truth than usual with him) on the gradually-acquired blindness of the aspalax, a gnawer living under ground, and of the proteus, a reptile living in dark caverns filled with water; in both of which animals the eye is in an almost rudimentary state, and is covered by a tendinous membrane and skin. (3/7. "philosoph. zoolog." tome 1 page 242.) in the common mole the eye is extraordinarily small but perfect, though many anatomists doubt whether it is connected with the true optic nerve; its vision must certainly be imperfect, though probably useful to the animal when it leaves its burrow. in the tucu-tuco, which i believe never comes to the surface of the ground, the eye is rather larger, but often rendered blind and useless, though without apparently causing any inconvenience to the animal; no doubt lamarck would have said that the tucu-tuco is now passing into the state of the aspalax and proteus. birds of many kinds are extremely abundant on the undulating grassy plains around maldonado. there are several species of a family allied in structure and manners to our starling: one of these (molothrus niger) is remarkable from its habits. several may often be seen standing together on the back of a cow or horse; and while perched on a hedge, pluming themselves in the sun, they sometimes attempt to sing, or rather to hiss; the noise being very peculiar, resembling that of bubbles of air passing rapidly from a small orifice under water, so as to produce an acute sound. according to azara, this bird, like the cuckoo, deposits its eggs in other birds' nests. i was several times told by the country people that there certainly is some bird having this habit; and my assistant in collecting, who is a very accurate person, found a nest of the sparrow of this country (zonotrichia matutina), with one egg in it larger than the others, and of a different colour and shape. in north america there is another species of molothrus (m. pecoris), which has a similar cuckoo-like habit, and which is most closely allied in every respect to the species from the plata, even in such trifling peculiarities as standing on the backs of cattle; it differs only in being a little smaller, and in its plumage and eggs being of a slightly different shade of colour. this close agreement in structure and habits, in representative species coming from opposite quarters of a great continent, always strikes one as interesting, though of common occurrence. mr. swainson has well remarked, that with the exception of the molothrus pecoris, to which must be added the m. niger, the cuckoos are the only birds which can be called truly parasitical; namely, such as "fasten themselves, as it were, on another living animal, whose animal heat brings their young into life, whose food they live upon, and whose death would cause theirs during the period of infancy." (3/8. "magazine of zoology and botany" volume 1 page 217.) it is remarkable that some of the species, but not all, both of the cuckoo and molothrus should agree in this one strange habit of their parasitical propagation, whilst opposed to each other in almost every other habit: the molothrus, like our starling, is eminently sociable, and lives on the open plains without art or disguise: the cuckoo, as every one knows, is a singularly shy bird; it frequents the most retired thickets, and feeds on fruit and caterpillars. in structure also these two genera are widely removed from each other. many theories, even phrenological theories, have been advanced to explain the origin of the cuckoo laying its eggs in other birds' nests. m. prã©vost alone, i think, has thrown light by his observations on this puzzle: he finds that the female cuckoo, which, according to most observers, lays at least from four to six eggs, must pair with the male each time after laying only one or two eggs. (3/9. read before the academy of sciences in paris. l'institut 1834 page 418.) now, if the cuckoo was obliged to sit on her own eggs, she would either have to sit on all together, and therefore leave those first laid so long, that they probably would become addled; or she would have to hatch separately each egg or two eggs, as soon as laid: but as the cuckoo stays a shorter time in this country than any other migratory bird, she certainly would not have time enough for the successive hatchings. hence we can perceive in the fact of the cuckoo pairing several times, and laying her eggs at intervals, the cause of her depositing her eggs in other birds' nests, and leaving them to the care of foster-parents. i am strongly inclined to believe that this view is correct, from having been independently led (as we shall hereafter see) to an analogous conclusion with regard to the south american ostrich, the females of which are parasitical, if i may so express it, on each other; each female laying several eggs in the nests of several other females, and the male ostrich undertaking all the cares of incubation, like the strange foster-parents with the cuckoo. i will mention only two other birds, which are very common, and render themselves prominent from their habits. the saurophagus sulphuratus is typical of the great american tribe of tyrant-flycatchers. in its structure it closely approaches the true shrikes, but in its habits may be compared to many birds. i have frequently observed it, hunting a field, hovering over one spot like a hawk, and then proceeding on to another. when seen thus suspended in the air, it might very readily at a short distance be mistaken for one of the rapacious order; its stoop, however, is very inferior in force and rapidity to that of a hawk. at other times the saurophagus haunts the neighbourhood of water, and there, like a kingfisher, remaining stationary, it catches any small fish which may come near the margin. these birds are not unfrequently kept either in cages or in courtyards, with their wings cut. they soon become tame, and are very amusing from their cunning odd manners, which were described to me as being similar to those of the common magpie. their flight is undulatory, for the weight of the head and bill appears too great for the body. in the evening the saurophagus takes its stand on a bush, often by the roadside, and continually repeats without change a shrill and rather agreeable cry, which somewhat resembles articulate words: the spaniards say it is like the words "bien te veo" (i see you well), and accordingly have given it this name. a mocking-bird (mimus orpheus), called by the inhabitants calandria, is remarkable, from possessing a song far superior to that of any other bird in the country: indeed, it is nearly the only bird in south america which i have observed to take its stand for the purpose of singing. the song may be compared to that of the sedge warbler, but is more powerful; some harsh notes and some very high ones, being mingled with a pleasant warbling. it is heard only during the spring. at other times its cry is harsh and far from harmonious. near maldonado these birds were tame and bold; they constantly attended the country houses in numbers, to pick the meat which was hung up on the posts or walls: if any other small bird joined the feast, the calandria soon chased it away. on the wide uninhabited plains of patagonia another closely allied species, o. patagonica of d'orbigny, which frequents the valleys clothed with spiny bushes, is a wilder bird, and has a slightly different tone of voice. it appears to me a curious circumstance, as showing the fine shades of difference in habits, that judging from this latter respect alone, when i first saw this second species, i thought it was different from the maldonado kind. having afterwards procured a specimen, and comparing the two without particular care, they appeared so very similar, that i changed my opinion; but now mr. gould says that they are certainly distinct; a conclusion in conformity with the trifling difference of habit, of which, however, he was not aware. the number, tameness, and disgusting habits of the carrion-feeding hawks of south america make them pre-eminently striking to any one accustomed only to the birds of northern europe. in this list may be included four species of the caracara or polyborus, the turkey buzzard, the gallinazo, and the condor. the caracaras are, from their structure, placed among the eagles: we shall soon see how ill they become so high a rank. in their habits they well supply the place of our carrion-crows, magpies, and ravens; a tribe of birds widely distributed over the rest of the world, but entirely absent in south america. to begin with the polyborus brasiliensis: this is a common bird, and has a wide geographical range; it is most numerous on the grassy savannahs of la plata (where it goes by the name of carrancha), and is far from unfrequent throughout the sterile plains of patagonia. in the desert between the rivers negro and colorado, numbers constantly attend the line of road to devour the carcasses of the exhausted animals which chance to perish from fatigue and thirst. although thus common in these dry and open countries, and likewise on the arid shores of the pacific, it is nevertheless found inhabiting the damp impervious forests of west patagonia and tierra del fuego. the carranchas, together with the chimango, constantly attend in numbers the estancias and slaughtering-houses. if an animal dies on the plain the gallinazo commences the feast, and then the two species of polyborus pick the bones clean. these birds, although thus commonly feeding together, are far from being friends. when the carrancha is quietly seated on the branch of a tree or on the ground, the chimango often continues for a long time flying backwards and forwards, up and down, in a semicircle, trying each time at the bottom of the curve to strike its larger relative. the carrancha takes little notice, except by bobbing its head. although the carranchas frequently assemble in numbers, they are not gregarious; for in desert places they may be seen solitary, or more commonly by pairs. the carranchas are said to be very crafty, and to steal great numbers of eggs. they attempt, also, together with the chimango, to pick off the scabs from the sore backs of horses and mules. the poor animal, on the one hand, with its ears down and its back arched; and, on the other, the hovering bird, eyeing at the distance of a yard the disgusting morsel, form a picture, which has been described by captain head with his own peculiar spirit and accuracy. these false eagles most rarely kill any living bird or animal; and their vulture-like, necrophagous habits are very evident to any one who has fallen asleep on the desolate plains of patagonia, for when he wakes, he will see, on each surrounding hillock, one of these birds patiently watching him with an evil eye: it is a feature in the landscape of these countries, which will be recognised by every one who has wandered over them. if a party of men go out hunting with dogs and horses, they will be accompanied, during the day, by several of these attendants. after feeding, the uncovered craw protrudes; at such times, and indeed generally, the carrancha is an inactive, tame, and cowardly bird. its flight is heavy and slow, like that of an english rook. it seldom soars; but i have twice seen one at a great height gliding through the air with much ease. it runs (in contradistinction to hopping), but not quite so quickly as some of its congeners. at times the carrancha is noisy, but is not generally so: its cry is loud, very harsh and peculiar, and may be likened to the sound of the spanish guttural g, followed by a rough double r r; when uttering this cry it elevates its head higher and higher, till at last, with its beak wide open, the crown almost touches the lower part of the back. this fact, which has been doubted, is quite true; i have seen them several times with their heads backwards in a completely inverted position. to these observations i may add, on the high authority of azara, that the carrancha feeds on worms, shells, slugs, grasshoppers, and frogs; that it destroys young lambs by tearing the umbilical cord; and that it pursues the gallinazo, till that bird is compelled to vomit up the carrion it may have recently gorged. lastly, azara states that several carranchas, five or six together, will unite in chase of large birds, even such as herons. all these facts show that it is a bird of very versatile habits and considerable ingenuity. the polyborus chimango is considerably smaller than the last species. it is truly omnivorous, and will eat even bread; and i was assured that it materially injures the potato-crops in chiloe, by stocking up the roots when first planted. of all the carrion-feeders it is generally the last which leaves the skeleton of a dead animal, and may often be seen within the ribs of a cow or horse, like a bird in a cage. another species is the polyborus novae zelandiae, which is exceedingly common in the falkland islands. these birds in many respects resemble in their habits the carranchas. they live on the flesh of dead animals and on marine productions; and on the ramirez rocks their whole sustenance must depend on the sea. they are extraordinarily tame and fearless, and haunt the neighbourhood of houses for offal. if a hunting party kills an animal, a number soon collect and patiently await, standing on the ground on all sides. after eating, their uncovered craws are largely protruded, giving them a disgusting appearance. they readily attack wounded birds: a cormorant in this state having taken to the shore, was immediately seized on by several, and its death hastened by their blows. the "beagle" was at the falklands only during the summer, but the officers of the "adventure," who were there in the winter, mention many extraordinary instances of the boldness and rapacity of these birds. they actually pounced on a dog that was lying fast asleep close by one of the party; and the sportsmen had difficulty in preventing the wounded geese from being seized before their eyes. it is said that several together (in this respect resembling the carranchas) wait at the mouth of a rabbit-hole, and together seize on the animal when it comes out. they were constantly flying on board the vessel when in the harbour; and it was necessary to keep a good look-out to prevent the leather being torn from the rigging, and the meat or game from the stern. these birds are very mischievous and inquisitive; they will pick up almost anything from the ground; a large black glazed hat was carried nearly a mile, as was a pair of the heavy balls used in catching cattle. mr. usborne experienced during the survey a more severe loss, in their stealing a small kater's compass in a red morocco leather case, which was never recovered. these birds are, moreover, quarrelsome and very passionate; tearing up the grass with their bills from rage. they are not truly gregarious; they do not soar, and their flight is heavy and clumsy; on the ground they run extremely fast, very much like pheasants. they are noisy, uttering several harsh cries, one of which is like that of the english rook, hence the sealers always call them rooks. it is a curious circumstance that, when crying out, they throw their heads upwards and backwards, after the same manner as the carrancha. they build in the rocky cliffs of the sea-coast, but only on the small adjoining islets, and not on the two main islands: this is a singular precaution in so tame and fearless a bird. the sealers say that the flesh of these birds, when cooked, is quite white, and very good eating; but bold must the man be who attempts such a meal. we have now only to mention the turkey-buzzard (vultur aura), and the gallinazo. the former is found wherever the country is moderately damp, from cape horn to north america. differently from the polyborus brasiliensis and chimango, it has found its way to the falkland islands. the turkey-buzzard is a solitary bird, or at most goes in pairs. it may at once be recognised from a long distance, by its lofty, soaring, and most elegant flight. it is well known to be a true carrion-feeder. on the west coast of patagonia, among the thickly-wooded islets and broken land, it lives exclusively on what the sea throws up, and on the carcasses of dead seals. wherever these animals are congregated on the rocks, there the vultures may be seen. the gallinazo (cathartes atratus) has a different range from the last species, as it never occurs southward of latitude 41 degrees. azara states that there exists a tradition that these birds, at the time of the conquest, were not found near monte video, but that they subsequently followed the inhabitants from more northern districts. at the present day they are numerous in the valley of the colorado, which is three hundred miles due south of monte video. it seems probable that this additional migration has happened since the time of azara. the gallinazo generally prefers a humid climate, or rather the neighbourhood of fresh water; hence it is extremely abundant in brazil and la plata, while it is never found on the desert and arid plains of northern patagonia, excepting near some stream. these birds frequent the whole pampas to the foot of the cordillera, but i never saw or heard of one in chile: in peru they are preserved as scavengers. these vultures certainly may be called gregarious, for they seem to have pleasure in society, and are not solely brought together by the attraction of a common prey. on a fine day a flock may often be observed at a great height, each bird wheeling round and round without closing its wings, in the most graceful evolutions. this is clearly performed for the mere pleasure of the exercise, or perhaps is connected with their matrimonial alliances. i have now mentioned all the carrion-feeders, excepting the condor, an account of which will be more appropriately introduced when we visit a country more congenial to its habits than the plains of la plata. in a broad band of sand-hillocks which separate the laguna del potrero from the shores of the plata, at the distance of a few miles from maldonado, i found a group of those vitrified, siliceous tubes, which are formed by lightning entering loose sand. these tubes resemble in every particular those from drigg in cumberland, described in the "geological transactions." (3/10. "geological transactions" volume 2 page 528. in the "philosophical transactions" 1790 page 294, dr. priestley has described some imperfect siliceous tubes and a melted pebble of quartz, found in digging into the ground, under a tree, where a man had been killed by lightning.) the sand-hillocks of maldonado, not being protected by vegetation, are constantly changing their position. from this cause the tubes projected above the surface; and numerous fragments lying near, showed that they had formerly been buried to a greater depth. four sets entered the sand perpendicularly: by working with my hands i traced one of them two feet deep; and some fragments which evidently had belonged to the same tube, when added to the other part, measured five feet three inches. the diameter of the whole tube was nearly equal, and therefore we must suppose that originally it extended to a much greater depth. these dimensions are however small, compared to those of the tubes from drigg, one of which was traced to a depth of not less than thirty feet. the internal surface is completely vitrified, glossy, and smooth. a small fragment examined under the microscope appeared, from the number of minute entangled air or perhaps steam bubbles, like an assay fused before the blowpipe. the sand is entirely, or in greater part, siliceous; but some points are of a black colour, and from their glossy surface possess a metallic lustre. the thickness of the wall of the tube varies from a thirtieth to a twentieth of an inch, and occasionally even equals a tenth. on the outside the grains of sand are rounded, and have a slightly glazed appearance: i could not distinguish any signs of crystallisation. in a similar manner to that described in the "geological transactions," the tubes are generally compressed, and have deep longitudinal furrows, so as closely to resemble a shrivelled vegetable stalk, or the bark of the elm or cork tree. their circumference is about two inches, but in some fragments, which are cylindrical and without any furrows, it is as much as four inches. the compression from the surrounding loose sand, acting while the tube was still softened from the effects of the intense heat, has evidently caused the creases or furrows. judging from the uncompressed fragments, the measure or bore of the lightning (if such a term may be used) must have been about one inch and a quarter. at paris, m. hachette and m. beudant succeeded in making tubes, in most respects similar to these fulgurites, by passing very strong shocks of galvanism through finely-powdered glass: when salt was added, so as to increase its fusibility, the tubes were larger in every dimension. (3/11. "annales de chimie et de physique" tome 37 page 319.) they failed both with powdered feldspar and quartz. one tube, formed with pounded glass, was very nearly an inch long, namely .982, and had an internal diameter of .019 of an inch. when we hear that the strongest battery in paris was used, and that its power on a substance of such easy fusibility as glass was to form tubes so diminutive, we must feel greatly astonished at the force of a shock of lightning, which, striking the sand in several places, has formed cylinders, in one instance of at least thirty feet long, and having an internal bore, where not compressed, of full an inch and a half; and this in a material so extraordinarily refractory as quartz! the tubes, as i have already remarked, enter the sand nearly in a vertical direction. one, however, which was less regular than the others, deviated from a right line, at the most considerable bend, to the amount of thirty-three degrees. from this same tube, two small branches, about a foot apart, were sent off; one pointed downwards, and the other upwards. this latter case is remarkable, as the electric fluid must have turned back at the acute angle of 26 degrees, to the line of its main course. besides the four tubes which i found vertical, and traced beneath the surface, there were several other groups of fragments, the original sites of which without doubt were near. all occurred in a level area of shifting sand, sixty yards by twenty, situated among some high sand-hillocks, and at the distance of about half a mile from a chain of hills four or five hundred feet in height. the most remarkable circumstance, as it appears to me, in this case as well as in that of drigg, and in one described by m. ribbentrop in germany, is the number of tubes found within such limited spaces. at drigg, within an area of fifteen yards, three were observed, and the same number occurred in germany. in the case which i have described, certainly more than four existed within the space of the sixty by twenty yards. as it does not appear probable that the tubes are produced by successive distinct shocks, we must believe that the lightning, shortly before entering the ground, divides itself into separate branches. the neighbourhood of the rio plata seems peculiarly subject to electric phenomena. in the year 1793, one of the most destructive thunderstorms perhaps on record happened at buenos ayres: thirty-seven places within the city were struck by lightning, and nineteen people killed. (3/12. azara's "voyage" volume 1 page 36.) from facts stated in several books of travels, i am inclined to suspect that thunderstorms are very common near the mouths of great rivers. is it not possible that the mixture of large bodies of fresh and salt water may disturb the electrical equilibrium? even during our occasional visits to this part of south america, we heard of a ship, two churches, and a house having been struck. both the church and the house i saw shortly afterwards: the house belonged to mr. hood, the consul-general at monte video. some of the effects were curious: the paper, for nearly a foot on each side of the line where the bell-wires had run, was blackened. the metal had been fused, and although the room was about fifteen feet high, the globules, dropping on the chairs and furniture, had drilled in them a chain of minute holes. a part of the wall was shattered as if by gunpowder, and the fragments had been blown off with force sufficient to dent the wall on the opposite side of the room. the frame of a looking-glass was blackened, and the gilding must have been volatilised, for a smelling-bottle, which stood on the chimney-piece, was coated with bright metallic particles, which adhered as firmly as if they had been enamelled. (plate 17. halt at a pulperia on the pampas.) chapter iv. (plate 18. el carmen, or patagones, rio negro.) rio negro. estancias attacked by the indians. salt lakes. flamingoes. r. negro to r. colorado. sacred tree. patagonian hare. indian families. general rosas. proceed to bahia blanca. sand dunes. negro lieutenant. bahia blanca. saline incrustations. punta alta. zorillo. rio negro to bahia blanca. july 24, 1833. the "beagle" sailed from maldonado, and on august the 3rd she arrived off the mouth of the rio negro. this is the principal river on the whole line of coast between the strait of magellan and the plata. it enters the sea about three hundred miles south of the estuary of the plata. about fifty years ago, under the old spanish government, a small colony was established here; and it is still the most southern position (latitude 41 degrees) on this eastern coast of america inhabited by civilised man. the country near the mouth of the river is wretched in the extreme: on the south side a long line of perpendicular cliffs commences, which exposes a section of the geological nature of the country. the strata are of sandstone, and one layer was remarkable from being composed of a firmly-cemented conglomerate of pumice pebbles, which must have travelled more than four hundred miles, from the andes. the surface is everywhere covered up by a thick bed of gravel, which extends far and wide over the open plain. water is extremely scarce, and, where found, is almost invariably brackish. the vegetation is scanty; and although there are bushes of many kinds, all are armed with formidable thorns, which seem to warn the stranger not to enter on these inhospitable regions. the settlement is situated eighteen miles up the river. the road follows the foot of the sloping cliff, which forms the northern boundary of the great valley in which the rio negro flows. on the way we passed the ruins of some fine estancias, which a few years since had been destroyed by the indians. they withstood several attacks. a man present at one gave me a very lively description of what took place. the inhabitants had sufficient notice to drive all the cattle and horses into the corral which surrounded the house, and likewise to mount some small cannon. (4/1. the corral is an enclosure made of tall and strong stakes. every estancia, or farming estate, has one attached to it.) the indians were araucanians from the south of chile; several hundreds in number, and highly disciplined. they first appeared in two bodies on a neighbouring hill; having there dismounted, and taken off their fur mantles, they advanced naked to the charge. the only weapon of an indian is a very long bamboo or chuzo, ornamented with ostrich feathers, and pointed by a sharp spear-head. my informer seemed to remember with the greatest horror the quivering of these chuzos as they approached near. when close, the cacique pincheira hailed the besieged to give up their arms, or he would cut all their throats. as this would probably have been the result of their entrance under any circumstances, the answer was given by a volley of musketry. the indians, with great steadiness, came to the very fence of the corral: but to their surprise they found the posts fastened together by iron nails instead of leather thongs, and, of course, in vain attempted to cut them with their knives. this saved the lives of the christians: many of the wounded indians were carried away by their companions, and at last, one of the under caciques being wounded, the bugle sounded a retreat. they retired to their horses, and seemed to hold a council of war. this was an awful pause for the spaniards, as all their ammunition, with the exception of a few cartridges, was expended. in an instant the indians mounted their horses, and galloped out of sight. another attack was still more quickly repulsed. a cool frenchman managed the gun; he stopped till the indians approached close, and then raked their line with grape-shot: he thus laid thirty-nine of them on the ground; and, of course, such a blow immediately routed the whole party. the town is indifferently called el carmen or patagones. it is built on the face of a cliff which fronts the river, and many of the houses are excavated even in the sandstone. the river is about two or three hundred yards wide, and is deep and rapid. the many islands, with their willow-trees, and the flat headlands, seen one behind the other on the northern boundary of the broad green valley, form, by the aid of a bright sun, a view almost picturesque. the number of inhabitants does not exceed a few hundreds. these spanish colonies do not, like our british ones, carry within themselves the elements of growth. many indians of pure blood reside here: the tribe of the cacique lucanee constantly have their toldos on the outskirts of the town. (4/2. the hovels of the indians are thus called.) the local government partly supplies them with provisions, by giving them all the old worn-out horses, and they earn a little by making horse-rugs and other articles of riding-gear. these indians are considered civilised; but what their character may have gained by a lesser degree of ferocity, is almost counterbalanced by their entire immorality. some of the younger men are, however, improving; they are willing to labour, and a short time since a party went on a sealing-voyage, and behaved very well. they were now enjoying the fruits of their labour, by being dressed in very gay, clean clothes, and by being very idle. the taste they showed in their dress was admirable; if you could have turned one of these young indians into a statue of bronze, his drapery would have been perfectly graceful. one day i rode to a large salt-lake, or salina, which is distant fifteen miles from the town. during the winter it consists of a shallow lake of brine, which in summer is converted into a field of snow-white salt. the layer near the margin is from four to five inches thick, but towards the centre its thickness increases. this lake was two and a half miles long, and one broad. others occur in the neighbourhood many times larger, and with a floor of salt, two and three feet in thickness, even when under water during the winter. one of these brilliantly white and level expanses, in the midst of the brown and desolate plain, offers an extraordinary spectacle. a large quantity of salt is annually drawn from the salina: and great piles, some hundred tons in weight, were lying ready for exportation. the season for working the salinas forms the harvest of patagones; for on it the prosperity of the place depends. nearly the whole population encamps on the bank of the river, and the people are employed in drawing out the salt in bullock-waggons. this salt is crystallised in great cubes, and is remarkably pure: mr. trenham reeks has kindly analysed some for me, and he finds in it only 0.26 of gypsum and 0.22 of earthy matter. it is a singular fact that it does not serve so well for preserving meat as sea-salt from the cape de verd islands; and a merchant at buenos ayres told me that he considered it as fifty per cent less valuable. hence the cape de verd salt is constantly imported, and is mixed with that from these salinas. the purity of the patagonian salt, or absence from it of those other saline bodies found in all sea-water, is the only assignable cause for this inferiority: a conclusion which no one, i think, would have suspected, but which is supported by the fact lately ascertained, that those salts answer best for preserving cheese which contain most of the deliquescent chlorides. (4/3. report of the agricultural chemistry association in the "agricultural gazette" 1845 page 93.) the border of the lake is formed of mud: and in this numerous large crystals of gypsum, some of which are three inches long, lie embedded; whilst on the surface others of sulphate of soda lie scattered about. the gauchos call the former the "padre del sal," and the latter the "madre;" they state that these progenitive salts always occur on the borders of the salinas, when the water begins to evaporate. the mud is black, and has a fetid odour. i could not at first imagine the cause of this, but i afterwards perceived that the froth which the wind drifted on shore was coloured green, as if by confervae; i attempted to carry home some of this green matter, but from an accident failed. parts of the lake seen from a short distance appeared of a reddish colour, and this perhaps was owing to some infusorial animalcula. the mud in many places was thrown up by numbers of some kind of worm, or annelidous animal. how surprising it is that any creatures should be able to exist in brine, and that they should be crawling among crystals of sulphate of soda and lime! and what becomes of these worms when, during the long summer, the surface is hardened into a solid layer of salt? flamingoes in considerable numbers inhabit this lake, and breed here, throughout patagonia, in northern chile, and at the galapagos islands, i met with these birds wherever there were lakes of brine. i saw them here wading about in search of food--probably for the worms which burrow in the mud; and these latter probably feed on infusoria or confervae. thus we have a little living world within itself, adapted to these inland lakes of brine. a minute crustaceous animal (cancer salinus) is said to live in countless numbers in the brine-pans at lymington: but only in those in which the fluid has attained, from evaporation, considerable strength--namely, about a quarter of a pound of salt to a pint of water. (4/4. "linnaean transactions" volume 11 page 205. it is remarkable how all the circumstances connected with the salt-lakes in siberia and patagonia are similar. siberia, like patagonia, appears to have been recently elevated above the waters of the sea. in both countries the salt-lakes occupy shallow depressions in the plains; in both the mud on the borders is black and fetid; beneath the crust of common salt, sulphate of soda or of magnesia occurs, imperfectly crystallised; and in both, the muddy sand is mixed with lentils of gypsum. the siberian salt-lakes are inhabited by small crustaceous animals; and flamingoes ("edinburgh new philosical journal" january 1830) likewise frequent them. as these circumstances, apparently so trifling, occur in two distant continents, we may feel sure that they are the necessary results of common causes.--see "pallas's travels" 1793 to 1794 pages 129 to 134.) well may we affirm that every part of the world is habitable! whether lakes of brine, or those subterranean ones hidden beneath volcanic mountains--warm mineral springs--the wide expanse and depths of the ocean--the upper regions of the atmosphere, and even the surface of perpetual snow--all support organic beings. to the northward of the rio negro, between it and the inhabited country near buenos ayres, the spaniards have only one small settlement, recently established at bahia blanca. the distance in a straight line to buenos ayres is very nearly five hundred british miles. the wandering tribes of horse indians, which have always occupied the greater part of this country, having of late much harassed the outlying estancias, the government at buenos ayres equipped some time since an army under the command of general rosas for the purpose of exterminating them. the troops were now encamped on the banks of the colorado; a river lying about eighty miles northward of the rio negro. when general rosas left buenos ayres he struck in a direct line across the unexplored plains: and as the country was thus pretty well cleared of indians, he left behind him, at wide intervals, a small party of soldiers with a troop of horses (a posta), so as to be enabled to keep up a communication with the capital. as the "beagle" intended to call at bahia blanca, i determined to proceed there by land; and ultimately i extended my plan to travel the whole way by the postas to buenos ayres. august 11, 1833. mr. harris, an englishman residing at patagones, a guide, and five gauchos who were proceeding to the army on business, were my companions on the journey. the colorado, as i have already said, is nearly eighty miles distant: and as we travelled slowly, we were two days and a half on the road. the whole line of country deserves scarcely a better name than that of a desert. water is found only in two small wells; it is called fresh; but even at this time of the year, during the rainy season, it was quite brackish. in the summer this must be a distressing passage; for now it was sufficiently desolate. the valley of the rio negro, broad as it is, has merely been excavated out of the sandstone plain; for immediately above the bank on which the town stands, a level country commences, which is interrupted only by a few trifling valleys and depressions. everywhere the landscape wears the same sterile aspect; a dry gravelly soil supports tufts of brown withered grass, and low scattered bushes, armed with thorns. shortly after passing the first spring we came in sight of a famous tree, which the indians reverence as the altar of walleechu. it is situated on a high part of the plain; and hence is a landmark visible at a great distance. as soon as a tribe of indians come in sight of it, they offer their adorations by loud shouts. the tree itself is low, much branched, and thorny: just above the root it has a diameter of about three feet. it stands by itself without any neighbour, and was indeed the first tree we saw; afterwards we met with a few others of the same kind, but they were far from common. being winter the tree had no leaves, but in their place numberless threads, by which the various offerings, such as cigars, bread, meat, pieces of cloth, etc., had been suspended. poor indians, not having anything better, only pull a thread out of their ponchos, and fasten it to the tree. richer indians are accustomed to pour spirits and mate into a certain hole, and likewise to smoke upwards, thinking thus to afford all possible gratification to walleechu. to complete the scene, the tree was surrounded by the bleached bones of horses which had been slaughtered as sacrifices. all indians of every age and sex make their offerings; they then think that their horses will not tire, and that they themselves shall be prosperous. the gaucho who told me this, said that in the time of peace he had witnessed this scene, and that he and others used to wait till the indians had passed by, for the sake of stealing from walleechu the offerings. the gauchos think that the indians consider the tree as the god itself; but it seems far more probable that they regard it as the altar. the only cause which i can imagine for this choice, is its being a landmark in a dangerous passage. the sierra de la ventana is visible at an immense distance; and a gaucho told me that he was once riding with an indian a few miles to the north of the rio colorado, when the indian commenced making the same loud noise, which is usual at the first sight of the distant tree, putting his hand to his head, and then pointing in the direction of the sierra. upon being asked the reason of this, the indian said in broken spanish, "first see the sierra." about two leagues beyond this curious tree we halted for the night: at this instant an unfortunate cow was spied by the lynx-eyed gauchos, who set off in full chase, and in a few minutes dragged her in with their lazos, and slaughtered her. we here had the four necessaries of life "en el campo,"--pasture for the horses, water (only a muddy puddle), meat and firewood. the gauchos were in high spirits at finding all these luxuries; and we soon set to work at the poor cow. this was the first night which i passed under the open sky, with the gear of the recado for my bed. there is high enjoyment in the independence of the gaucho life--to be able at any moment to pull up your horse, and say, "here we will pass the night." the deathlike stillness of the plain, the dogs keeping watch, the gipsy-group of gauchos making their beds round the fire, have left in my mind a strongly-marked picture of this first night, which will never be forgotten. the next day the country continued similar to that above described. it is inhabited by few birds or animals of any kind. occasionally a deer, or a guanaco (wild llama) may be seen; but the agouti (cavia patagonica) is the commonest quadruped. this animal here represents our hares. it differs, however, from that genus in many essential respects; for instance, it has only three toes behind. it is also nearly twice the size, weighing from twenty to twenty-five pounds. the agouti is a true friend of the desert; it is a common feature of the landscape to see two or three hopping quickly one after the other in a straight line across these wild plains. they are found as far north as the sierra tapalguen (latitude 37 degrees 30'), where the plain rather suddenly becomes greener and more humid; and their southern limit is between port desire and st. julian, where there is no change in the nature of the country. it is a singular fact, that although the agouti is not now found as far south as port st. julian, yet that captain wood, in his voyage in 1670, talks of them as being numerous there. what cause can have altered, in a wide, uninhabited, and rarely-visited country, the range of an animal like this? it appears also, from the number shot by captain wood in one day at port desire, that they must have been considerably more abundant there formerly than at present. where the bizcacha lives and makes its burrows, the agouti uses them; but where, as at bahia blanca, the bizcacha is not found, the agouti burrows for itself. the same thing occurs with the little owl of the pampas (athene cunicularia), which has so often been described as standing like a sentinel at the mouth of the burrows; for in banda oriental, owing to the absence of the bizcacha, it is obliged to hollow out its own habitation. the next morning, as we approached the rio colorado, the appearance of the country changed; we soon came on a plain covered with turf, which, from its flowers, tall clover, and little owls, resembled the pampas. we passed also a muddy swamp of considerable extent, which in summer dries, and becomes incrusted with various salts; and hence is called a salitral. it was covered by low succulent plants, of the same kind with those growing on the sea-shore. the colorado, at the pass where we crossed it, is only about sixty yards wide; generally it must be nearly double that width. its course is very tortuous, being marked by willow-trees and beds of reeds: in a direct line the distance to the mouth of the river is said to be nine leagues, but by water twenty-five. we were delayed crossing in the canoe by some immense troops of mares, which were swimming the river in order to follow a division of troops into the interior. a more ludicrous spectacle i never beheld than the hundreds and hundreds of heads, all directed one way, with pointed ears and distended snorting nostrils, appearing just above the water like a great shoal of some amphibious animal. mare's flesh is the only food which the soldiers have when on an expedition. this gives them a great facility of movement; for the distance to which horses can be driven over these plains is quite surprising: i have been assured that an unloaded horse can travel a hundred miles a day for many days successively. the encampment of general rosas was close to the river. it consisted of a square formed by waggons, artillery, straw huts, etc. the soldiers were nearly all cavalry; and i should think such a villainous, banditti-like army was never before collected together. the greater number of men were of a mixed breed, between negro, indian, and spaniard. i know not the reason, but men of such origin seldom have a good expression of countenance. i called on the secretary to show my passport. he began to cross-question me in the most dignified and mysterious manner. by good luck i had a letter of recommendation from the government of buenos ayres to the commandant of patagones. (4/5. i am bound to express, in the strongest terms, my obligation to the government of buenos ayres for the obliging manner in which passports to all parts of the country were given me, as naturalist of the "beagle.") this was taken to general rosas, who sent me a very obliging message; and the secretary returned all smiles and graciousness. we took up our residence in the rancho, or hovel, of a curious old spaniard, who had served with napoleon in the expedition against russia. we stayed two days at the colorado; i had little to do, for the surrounding country was a swamp, which in summer (december), when the snow melts on the cordillera, is overflowed by the river. my chief amusement was watching the indian families as they came to buy little articles at the rancho where we stayed. it was supposed that general rosas had about six hundred indian allies. the men were a tall, fine race, yet it was afterwards easy to see in the fuegian savage the same countenance rendered hideous by cold, want of food, and less civilisation. some authors, in defining the primary races of mankind, have separated these indians into two classes; but this is certainly incorrect. among the young women or chinas, some deserve to be called even beautiful. their hair was coarse, but bright and black; and they wore it in two plaits hanging down to the waist. they had a high colour, and eyes that glistened with brilliancy; their legs, feet, and arms were small and elegantly formed; their ankles, and sometimes their waists, were ornamented by broad bracelets of blue beads. nothing could be more interesting than some of the family groups. a mother with one or two daughters would often come to our rancho, mounted on the same horse. they ride like men, but with their knees tucked up much higher. this habit, perhaps, arises from their being accustomed, when travelling, to ride the loaded horses. the duty of the women is to load and unload the horses; to make the tents for the night; in short to be, like the wives of all savages, useful slaves. the men fight, hunt, take care of the horses, and make the riding gear. one of their chief indoor occupations is to knock two stones together till they become round, in order to make the bolas. with this important weapon the indian catches his game, and also his horse, which roams free over the plain. in fighting, his first attempt is to throw down the horse of his adversary with the bolas, and when entangled by the fall to kill him with the chuzo. if the balls only catch the neck or body of an animal, they are often carried away and lost. as the making the stones round is the labour of two days, the manufacture of the balls is a very common employment. several of the men and women had their faces painted red, but i never saw the horizontal bands which are so common among the fuegians. their chief pride consists in having everything made of silver; i have seen a cacique with his spurs, stirrups, handle of his knife, and bridle made of this metal: the head-stall and reins being of wire, were not thicker than whipcord; and to see a fiery steed wheeling about under the command of so light a chain, gave to the horsemanship a remarkable character of elegance. (plate 19. brazilian whips, hobbles, and spurs.) general rosas intimated a wish to see me; a circumstance which i was afterwards very glad of. he is a man of an extraordinary character, and has a most predominant influence in the country, which it seems probable he will use to its prosperity and advancement. (4/6. this prophecy has turned out entirely and miserably wrong. 1845.) he is said to be the owner of seventy-four square leagues of land, and to have about three hundred thousand head of cattle. his estates are admirably managed, and are far more productive of corn than those of others. he first gained his celebrity by his laws for his own estancias, and by disciplining several hundred men, so as to resist with success the attacks of the indians. there are many stories current about the rigid manner in which his laws were enforced. one of these was, that no man, on penalty of being put into the stocks, should carry his knife on a sunday: this being the principal day for gambling and drinking, many quarrels arose, which from the general manner of fighting with the knife often proved fatal. one sunday the governor came in great form to pay the estancia a visit, and general rosas, in his hurry, walked out to receive him with his knife, as usual, stuck in his belt. the steward touched his arm, and reminded him of the law; upon which turning to the governor, he said he was extremely sorry, but that he must go into the stocks, and that till let out, he possessed no power even in his own house. after a little time the steward was persuaded to open the stocks, and to let him out, but no sooner was this done, than he turned to the steward and said, "you now have broken the laws, so you must take my place in the stocks." such actions as these delighted the gauchos, who all possess high notions of their own equality and dignity. general rosas is also a perfect horseman--an accomplishment of no small consequence in a country where an assembled army elected its general by the following trial: a troop of unbroken horses being driven into a corral, were let out through a gateway, above which was a cross-bar: it was agreed whoever should drop from the bar on one of these wild animals, as it rushed out, and should be able, without saddle or bridle, not only to ride it, but also to bring it back to the door of the corral, should be their general. the person who succeeded was accordingly elected; and doubtless made a fit general for such an army. this extraordinary feat has also been performed by rosas. by these means, and by conforming to the dress and habits of the gauchos, he has obtained an unbounded popularity in the country, and in consequence a despotic power. i was assured by an english merchant, that a man who had murdered another, when arrested and questioned concerning his motive, answered, "he spoke disrespectfully of general rosas, so i killed him." at the end of a week the murderer was at liberty. this doubtless was the act of the general's party, and not of the general himself. in conversation he is enthusiastic, sensible, and very grave. his gravity is carried to a high pitch: i heard one of his mad buffoons (for he keeps two, like the barons of old) relate the following anecdote. "i wanted very much to hear a certain piece of music, so i went to the general two or three times to ask him; he said to me, 'go about your business, for i am engaged.' i went a second time; he said, 'if you come again i will punish you.' a third time i asked, and he laughed. i rushed out of the tent, but it was too late--he ordered two soldiers to catch and stake me. i begged by all the saints in heaven he would let me off; but it would not do,--when the general laughs he spares neither mad man nor sound." the poor flighty gentleman looked quite dolorous, at the very recollection of the staking. this is a very severe punishment; four posts are driven into the ground, and the man is extended by his arms and legs horizontally, and there left to stretch for several hours. the idea is evidently taken from the usual method of drying hides. my interview passed away without a smile, and i obtained a passport and order for the government post-horses, and this he gave me in the most obliging and ready manner. in the morning we started for bahia blanca, which we reached in two days. leaving the regular encampment, we passed by the toldos of the indians. these are round like ovens, and covered with hides; by the mouth of each, a tapering chuzo was stuck in the ground. the toldos were divided into separate groups, which belonged to the different caciques' tribes, and the groups were again divided into smaller ones, according to the relationship of the owners. for several miles we travelled along the valley of the colorado. the alluvial plains on the side appeared fertile, and it is supposed that they are well adapted to the growth of corn. turning northward from the river, we soon entered on a country, differing from the plains south of the river. the land still continued dry and sterile: but it supported many different kinds of plants, and the grass, though brown and withered, was more abundant, as the thorny bushes were less so. these latter in a short space entirely disappeared, and the plains were left without a thicket to cover their nakedness. this change in the vegetation marks the commencement of the grand calcareo-argillaceous deposit, which forms the wide extent of the pampas, and covers the granitic rocks of banda oriental. from the strait of magellan to the colorado, a distance of about eight hundred miles, the face of the country is everywhere composed of shingle: the pebbles are chiefly of porphyry, and probably owe their origin to the rocks of the cordillera. north of the colorado this bed thins out, and the pebbles become exceedingly small, and here the characteristic vegetation of patagonia ceases. having ridden about twenty-five miles, we came to a broad belt of sand-dunes, which stretches, as far as the eye can reach, to the east and west. the sand-hillocks resting on the clay, allow small pools of water to collect, and thus afford in this dry country an invaluable supply of fresh water. the great advantage arising from depressions and elevations of the soil, is not often brought home to the mind. the two miserable springs in the long passage between the rio negro and colorado were caused by trifling inequalities in the plain, without them not a drop of water would have been found. the belt of sand-dunes is about eight miles wide; at some former period, it probably formed the margin of a grand estuary, where the colorado now flows. in this district, where absolute proofs of the recent elevation of the land occur, such speculations can hardly be neglected by any one, although merely considering the physical geography of the country. having crossed the sandy tract, we arrived in the evening at one of the post-houses; and, as the fresh horses were grazing at a distance we determined to pass the night there. the house was situated at the base of a ridge between one and two hundred feet high--a most remarkable feature in this country. this posta was commanded by a negro lieutenant, born in africa: to his credit be it said, there was not a ranche between the colorado and buenos ayres in nearly such neat order as his. he had a little room for strangers, and a small corral for the horses, all made of sticks and reeds; he had also dug a ditch round his house as a defence in case of being attacked. this would, however, have been of little avail, if the indians had come; but his chief comfort seemed to rest in the thought of selling his life dearly. a short time before, a body of indians had travelled past in the night; if they had been aware of the posta, our black friend and his four soldiers would assuredly have been slaughtered. i did not anywhere meet a more civil and obliging man than this negro; it was therefore the more painful to see that he would not sit down and eat with us. in the morning we sent for the horses very early, and started for another exhilarating gallop. we passed the cabeza del buey, an old name given to the head of a large marsh, which extends from bahia blanca. here we changed horses, and passed through some leagues of swamps and saline marshes. changing horses for the last time, we again began wading through the mud. my animal fell, and i was well soused in black mire--a very disagreeable accident, when one does not possess a change of clothes. some miles from the fort we met a man, who told us that a great gun had been fired, which is a signal that indians are near. we immediately left the road, and followed the edge of a marsh, which when chased offers the best mode of escape. we were glad to arrive within the walls, when we found all the alarm was about nothing, for the indians turned out to be friendly ones, who wished to join general rosas. bahia blanca scarcely deserves the name of a village. a few houses and the barracks for the troops are enclosed by a deep ditch and fortified wall. the settlement is only of recent standing (since 1828); and its growth has been one of trouble. the government of buenos ayres unjustly occupied it by force, instead of following the wise example of the spanish viceroys, who purchased the land near the older settlement of the rio negro, from the indians. hence the need of the fortifications; hence the few houses and little cultivated land without the limits of the walls; even the cattle are not safe from the attacks of the indians beyond the boundaries of the plain on which the fortress stands. the part of the harbour where the "beagle" intended to anchor being distant twenty-five miles, i obtained from the commandant a guide and horses, to take me to see whether she had arrived. leaving the plain of green turf, which extended along the course of a little brook, we soon entered on a wide level waste consisting either of sand, saline marshes, or bare mud. some parts were clothed by low thickets, and others with those succulent plants which luxuriate only where salt abounds. bad as the country was, ostriches, deers, agoutis, and armadilloes, were abundant. my guide told me, that two months before he had a most narrow escape of his life: he was out hunting with two other men, at no great distance from this part of the country, when they were suddenly met by a party of indians, who giving chase, soon overtook and killed his two friends. his own horse's legs were also caught by the bolas, but he jumped off, and with his knife cut them free: while doing this he was obliged to dodge round his horse, and received two severe wounds from their chuzos. springing on the saddle, he managed, by a most wonderful exertion, just to keep ahead of the long spears of his pursuers, who followed him to within sight of the fort. from that time there was an order that no one should stray far from the settlement. i did not know of this when i started, and was surprised to observe how earnestly my guide watched a deer, which appeared to have been frightened from a distant quarter. we found the "beagle" had not arrived, and consequently set out on our return, but the horses soon tiring, we were obliged to bivouac on the plain. in the morning we had caught an armadillo, which, although a most excellent dish when roasted in its shell, did not make a very substantial breakfast and dinner for two hungry men. the ground at the place where we stopped for the night was incrusted with a layer of sulphate of soda, and hence, of course, was without water. yet many of the smaller rodents managed to exist even here, and the tucutuco was making its odd little grunt beneath my head, during half the night. our horses were very poor ones, and in the morning they were soon exhausted from not having had anything to drink, so that we were obliged to walk. about noon the dogs killed a kid, which we roasted. i ate some of it, but it made me intolerably thirsty. this was the more distressing as the road, from some recent rain, was full of little puddles of clear water, yet not a drop was drinkable. i had scarcely been twenty hours without water, and only part of the time under a hot sun, yet the thirst rendered me very weak. how people survive two or three days under such circumstances, i cannot imagine: at the same time, i must confess that my guide did not suffer at all, and was astonished that one day's deprivation should be so troublesome to me. i have several times alluded to the surface of the ground being incrusted with salt. this phenomenon is quite different from that of the salinas, and more extraordinary. in many parts of south america, wherever the climate is moderately dry, these incrustations occur; but i have nowhere seen them so abundant as near bahia blanca. the salt here, and in other parts of patagonia, consists chiefly of sulphate of soda with some common salt. as long as the ground remains moist in the salitrales (as the spaniards improperly call them, mistaking this substance for saltpetre), nothing is to be seen but an extensive plain composed of a black, muddy soil, supporting scattered tufts of succulent plants. on returning through one of these tracts, after a week's hot weather, one is surprised to see square miles of the plain white, as if from a slight fall of snow, here and there heaped up by the wind into little drifts. this latter appearance is chiefly caused by the salts being drawn up, during the slow evaporation of the moisture, round blades of dead grass, stumps of wood, and pieces of broken earth, instead of being crystallised at the bottoms of the puddles of water. the salitrales occur either on level tracts elevated only a few feet above the level of the sea, or on alluvial land bordering rivers. m. parchappe found that the saline incrustation on the plain, at the distance of some miles from the sea, consisted chiefly of sulphate of soda, with only seven per cent of common salt; whilst nearer to the coast, the common salt increased to 37 parts in a hundred. (4/7. "voyage dans l'amerique merid." par m. a. d'orbigny. part. hist. tome 1 page 664.) this circumstance would tempt one to believe that the sulphate of soda is generated in the soil, from the muriate left on the surface during the slow and recent elevation of this dry country. the whole phenomenon is well worthy the attention of naturalists. have the succulent, salt-loving plants, which are well known to contain much soda, the power of decomposing the muriate? does the black fetid mud, abounding with organic matter, yield the sulphur and ultimately the sulphuric acid? two days afterwards i again rode to the harbour: when not far from our destination, my companion, the same man as before, spied three people hunting on horseback. he immediately dismounted, and watching them intently, said, "they don't ride like christians, and nobody can leave the fort." the three hunters joined company, and likewise dismounted from their horses. at last one mounted again and rode over the hill out of sight. my companion said, "we must now get on our horses: load your pistol;" and he looked to his own sword. i asked, "are they indians?"--"quien sabe? (who knows?) if there are no more than three, it does not signify." it then struck me, that the one man had gone over the hill to fetch the rest of his tribe. i suggested this; but all the answer i could extort was, "quien sabe?" his head and eye never for a minute ceased scanning slowly the distant horizon. i thought his uncommon coolness too good a joke, and asked him why he did not return home. i was startled when he answered, "we are returning, but in a line so as to pass near a swamp, into which we can gallop the horses as far as they can go, and then trust to our own legs; so that there is no danger." i did not feel quite so confident of this, and wanted to increase our pace. he said, "no, not until they do." when any little inequality concealed us, we galloped; but when in sight, continued walking. at last we reached a valley, and turning to the left, galloped quickly to the foot of a hill; he gave me his horse to hold, made the dogs lie down, and then crawled on his hands and knees to reconnoitre. he remained in this position for some time, and at last, bursting out in laughter, exclaimed, "mugeres!" (women!) he knew them to be the wife and sister-in-law of the major's son, hunting for ostrich's eggs. i have described this man's conduct, because he acted under the full impression that they were indians. as soon, however, as the absurd mistake was found out, he gave me a hundred reasons why they could not have been indians; but all these were forgotten at the time. we then rode on in peace and quietness to a low point called punta alta, whence we could see nearly the whole of the great harbour of bahia blanca. the wide expanse of water is choked up by numerous great mudbanks, which the inhabitants call cangrejales, or crabberies, from the number of small crabs. the mud is so soft that it is impossible to walk over them, even for the shortest distance. many of the banks have their surfaces covered with long rushes, the tops of which alone are visible at high water. on one occasion, when in a boat, we were so entangled by these shallows that we could hardly find our way. nothing was visible but the flat beds of mud; the day was not very clear, and there was much refraction, or, as the sailors expressed it, "things loomed high." the only object within our view which was not level was the horizon; rushes looked like bushes unsupported in the air, and water like mudbanks, and mudbanks like water. we passed the night in punta alta, and i employed myself in searching for fossil bones; this point being a perfect catacomb for monsters of extinct races. the evening was perfectly calm and clear; the extreme monotony of the view gave it an interest even in the midst of mudbanks and gulls, sand-hillocks and solitary vultures. in riding back in the morning we came across a very fresh track of a puma, but did not succeed in finding it. we saw also a couple of zorillos, or skunks,--odious animals, which are far from uncommon. in general appearance the zorillo resembles a polecat, but it is rather larger, and much thicker in proportion. conscious of its power, it roams by day about the open plain, and fears neither dog nor man. if a dog is urged to the attack, its courage is instantly checked by a few drops of the fetid oil, which brings on violent sickness and running at the nose. whatever is once polluted by it, is for ever useless. azara says the smell can be perceived at a league distant; more than once, when entering the harbour of monte video, the wind being off shore, we have perceived the odour on board the "beagle." certain it is, that every animal most willingly makes room for the zorillo. (plate 20. bringing in a prisoner.) (plate 21. irregular troops.) chapter v. bahia blanca. geology. numerous gigantic extinct quadrupeds. recent extinction. longevity of species. large animals do not require a luxuriant vegetation. southern africa. siberian fossils. two species of ostrich. habits of oven-bird. armadilloes. venomous snake, toad, lizard. hybernation of animals. habits of sea-pen. indian wars and massacres. arrowhead, antiquarian relic. bahia blanca. the "beagle" arrived here on the 24th of august, and a week afterwards sailed for the plata. with captain fitz roy's consent i was left behind, to travel by land to buenos ayres. i will here add some observations, which were made during this visit and on a previous occasion, when the "beagle" was employed in surveying the harbour. the plain, at the distance of a few miles from the coast, belongs to the great pampean formation, which consists in part of a reddish clay, and in part of a highly calcareous marly rock. nearer the coast there are some plains formed from the wreck of the upper plain, and from mud, gravel, and sand thrown up by the sea during the slow elevation of the land, of which elevation we have evidence in upraised beds of recent shells, and in rounded pebbles of pumice scattered over the country. at punta alta we have a section of one of these later-formed little plains, which is highly interesting from the number and extraordinary character of the remains of gigantic land-animals embedded in it. these have been fully described by professor owen, in the "zoology of the voyage of the 'beagle,'" and are deposited in the college of surgeons. i will here give only a brief outline of their nature. first, parts of three heads and other bones of the megatherium, the huge dimensions of which are expressed by its name. secondly, the megalonyx, a great allied animal. thirdly, the scelidotherium, also an allied animal, of which i obtained a nearly perfect skeleton. it must have been as large as a rhinoceros: in the structure of its head it comes, according to mr. owen, nearest to the cape ant-eater, but in some other respects it approaches to the armadilloes. fourthly, the mylodon darwinii, a closely related genus of little inferior size. fifthly, another gigantic edental quadruped. sixthly, a large animal, with an osseous coat in compartments, very like that of an armadillo. seventhly, an extinct kind of horse, to which i shall have again to refer. eighthly, a tooth of a pachydermatous animal, probably the same with the macrauchenia, a huge beast with a long neck like a camel, which i shall also refer to again. lastly, the toxodon, perhaps one of the strangest animals ever discovered: in size it equalled an elephant or megatherium, but the structure of its teeth, as mr. owen states, proves indisputably that it was intimately related to the gnawers, the order which, at the present day, includes most of the smallest quadrupeds: in many details it is allied to the pachydermata: judging from the position of its eyes, ears, and nostrils, it was probably aquatic, like the dugong and manatee, to which it is also allied. how wonderfully are the different orders, at the present time so well separated, blended together in different points of the structure of the toxodon! the remains of these nine great quadrupeds and many detached bones were found embedded on the beach, within the space of about 200 yards square. it is a remarkable circumstance that so many different species should be found together; and it proves how numerous in kind the ancient inhabitants of this country must have been. at the distance of about thirty miles from punta alta, in a cliff of red earth, i found several fragments of bones, some of large size. among them were the teeth of a gnawer, equalling in size and closely resembling those of the capybara, whose habits have been described; and therefore, probably, an aquatic animal. there was also part of the head of a ctenomys; the species being different from the tucutuco, but with a close general resemblance. the red earth, like that of the pampas, in which these remains were embedded, contains, according to professor ehrenberg, eight fresh-water and one salt-water infusorial animalcule; therefore, probably, it was an estuary deposit. the remains at punta alta were embedded in stratified gravel and reddish mud, just such as the sea might now wash up on a shallow bank. they were associated with twenty-three species of shells, of which thirteen are recent and four others very closely related to recent forms. (5/1. since this was written, m. alcide d'orbigny has examined these shells, and pronounces them all to be recent.) from the bones of the scelidotherium, including even the kneecap, being entombed in their proper relative positions, and from the osseous armour of the great armadillo-like animal being so well preserved, together with the bones of one of its legs, we may feel assured that these remains were fresh and united by their ligaments, when deposited in the gravel together with the shells. (5/2. m. aug. bravard has described, in a spanish work "observaciones geologicas" 1857, this district, and he believes that the bones of the extinct mammals were washed out of the underlying pampean deposit, and subsequently became embedded with the still existing shells; but i am not convinced by his remarks. m. bravard believes that the whole enormous pampean deposit is a sub-aerial formation, like sand-dunes: this seems to me to be an untenable doctrine.) hence we have good evidence that the above enumerated gigantic quadrupeds, more different from those of the present day than the oldest of the tertiary quadrupeds of europe, lived whilst the sea was peopled with most of its present inhabitants; and we have confirmed that remarkable law so often insisted on by mr. lyell, namely, that the "longevity of the species in the mammalia is upon the whole inferior to that of the testacea." (5/3. "principles of geology" volume 4 page 40.) the great size of the bones of the megatheroid animals, including the megatherium, megalonyx, scelidotherium, and mylodon, is truly wonderful. the habits of life of these animals were a complete puzzle to naturalists, until professor owen solved the problem with remarkable ingenuity. (5/4. this theory was first developed in the "zoology of the voyage of the 'beagle,'" and subsequently in professor owen's "memoir on mylodon robustus.") the teeth indicate, by their simple structure, that these megatheroid animals lived on vegetable food, and probably on the leaves and small twigs of trees; their ponderous forms and great strong curved claws seem so little adapted for locomotion, that some eminent naturalists have actually believed that, like the sloths, to which they are intimately related, they subsisted by climbing back downwards on trees, and feeding on the leaves. it was a bold, not to say preposterous, idea to conceive even antediluvian trees, with branches strong enough to bear animals as large as elephants. professor owen, with far more probability, believes that, instead of climbing on the trees, they pulled the branches down to them, and tore up the smaller ones by the roots, and so fed on the leaves. the colossal breadth and weight of their hinder quarters, which can hardly be imagined without having been seen, become, on this view, of obvious service, instead of being an encumbrance: their apparent clumsiness disappears. with their great tails and their huge heels firmly fixed like a tripod on the ground, they could freely exert the full force of their most powerful arms and great claws. strongly rooted, indeed, must that tree have been, which could have resisted such force! the mylodon, moreover, was furnished with a long extensile tongue like that of the giraffe, which, by one of those beautiful provisions of nature, thus reaches with the aid of its long neck its leafy food. i may remark, that in abyssinia the elephant, according to bruce, when it cannot reach with its proboscis the branches, deeply scores with its tusks the trunk of the tree, up and down and all round, till it is sufficiently weakened to be broken down. the beds including the above fossil remains stand only from fifteen to twenty feet above the level of high water; and hence the elevation of the land has been small (without there has been an intercalated period of subsidence, of which we have no evidence) since the great quadrupeds wandered over the surrounding plains; and the external features of the country must then have been very nearly the same as now. what, it may naturally be asked, was the character of the vegetation at that period; was the country as wretchedly sterile as it now is? as so many of the co-embedded shells are the same with those now living in the bay, i was at first inclined to think that the former vegetation was probably similar to the existing one; but this would have been an erroneous inference, for some of these same shells live on the luxuriant coast of brazil; and generally, the characters of the inhabitants of the sea are useless as guides to judge of those on the land. nevertheless, from the following considerations, i do not believe that the simple fact of many gigantic quadrupeds having lived on the plains round bahia blanca, is any sure guide that they formerly were clothed with a luxuriant vegetation: i have no doubt that the sterile country a little southward, near the rio negro, with its scattered thorny trees, would support many and large quadrupeds. that large animals require a luxuriant vegetation, has been a general assumption which has passed from one work to another; but i do not hesitate to say that it is completely false, and that it has vitiated the reasoning of geologists on some points of great interest in the ancient history of the world. the prejudice has probably been derived from india, and the indian islands, where troops of elephants, noble forests, and impenetrable jungles, are associated together in every one's mind. if, however, we refer to any work of travels through the southern parts of africa, we shall find allusions in almost every page either to the desert character of the country, or to the numbers of large animals inhabiting it. the same thing is rendered evident by the many engravings which have been published of various parts of the interior. when the "beagle" was at cape town, i made an excursion of some days' length into the country, which at least was sufficient to render that which i had read more fully intelligible. dr. andrew smith, who, at the head of his adventurous party, has lately succeeded in passing the tropic of capricorn, informs me that, taking into consideration the whole of the southern part of africa, there can be no doubt of its being a sterile country. on the southern and south-eastern coasts there are some fine forests, but with these exceptions, the traveller may pass for days together through open plains, covered by a poor and scanty vegetation. it is difficult to convey any accurate idea of degrees of comparative fertility; but it may be safely said that the amount of vegetation supported at any one time by great britain, exceeds, perhaps even tenfold, the quantity on an equal area in the interior parts of southern africa. (5/5. i mean by this to exclude the total amount which may have been successively produced and consumed during a given period.) the fact that bullock-waggons can travel in any direction, excepting near the coast, without more than occasionally half an hour's delay in cutting down bushes, gives, perhaps, a more definite notion of the scantiness of the vegetation. now, if we look to the animals inhabiting these wide plains, we shall find their numbers extraordinarily great, and their bulk immense. we must enumerate the elephant, three species of rhinoceros, and probably, according to dr. smith, two others, the hippopotamus, the giraffe, the bos caffer--as large as a full-grown bull, and the elan--but little less, two zebras, and the quaccha, two gnus, and several antelopes even larger than these latter animals. it may be supposed that although the species are numerous, the individuals of each kind are few. by the kindness of dr. smith, i am enabled to show that the case is very different. he informs me, that in latitude 24 degrees, in one day's march with the bullock-waggons, he saw, without wandering to any great distance on either side, between one hundred and one hundred and fifty rhinoceroses, which belonged to three species: the same day he saw several herds of giraffes, amounting together to nearly a hundred; and that, although no elephant was observed, yet they are found in this district. at the distance of a little more than one hour's march from their place of encampment on the previous night, his party actually killed at one spot eight hippopotamuses, and saw many more. in this same river there were likewise crocodiles. of course it was a case quite extraordinary, to see so many great animals crowded together, but it evidently proves that they must exist in great numbers. dr. smith describes the country passed through that day, as "being thinly covered with grass, and bushes about four feet high, and still more thinly with mimosa-trees." the waggons were not prevented travelling in a nearly straight line. besides these large animals, every one the least acquainted with the natural history of the cape has read of the herds of antelopes, which can be compared only with the flocks of migratory birds. the numbers indeed of the lion, panther, and hyaena, and the multitude of birds of prey, plainly speak of the abundance of the smaller quadrupeds: one evening seven lions were counted at the same time prowling round dr. smith's encampment. as this able naturalist remarked to me, the carnage each day in southern africa must indeed be terrific! i confess it is truly surprising how such a number of animals can find support in a country producing so little food. the larger quadrupeds no doubt roam over wide tracts in search of it; and their food chiefly consists of underwood, which probably contains much nutriment in a small bulk. dr. smith also informs me that the vegetation has a rapid growth; no sooner is a part consumed, than its place is supplied by a fresh stock. there can be no doubt, however, that our ideas respecting the apparent amount of food necessary for the support of large quadrupeds are much exaggerated: it should have been remembered that the camel, an animal of no mean bulk, has always been considered as the emblem of the desert. the belief that where large quadrupeds exist, the vegetation must necessarily be luxuriant, is the more remarkable, because the converse is far from true. mr. burchell observed to me that when entering brazil, nothing struck him more forcibly than the splendour of the south american vegetation contrasted with that of south africa, together with the absence of all large quadrupeds. in his "travels," he has suggested that the comparison of the respective weights (if there were sufficient data) of an equal number of the largest herbivorous quadrupeds of each country would be extremely curious. (5/6. "travels in the interior of south africa" volume 2 page 207.) if we take on the one side, the elephant, hippopotamus, giraffe, bos caffer, elan, certainly three, and probably five species of rhinoceros; and on the american side, two tapirs, the guanaco, three deer, the vicuna, peccari, capybara (after which we must choose from the monkeys to complete the number), and then place these two groups alongside each other, it is not easy to conceive ranks more disproportionate in size. (5/7. the elephant which was killed at exeter change was estimated (being partly weighed) at five tons and a half. the elephant actress, as i was informed, weighed one ton less; so that we may take five as the average of a full-grown elephant. i was told at the surry gardens, that a hippopotamus which was sent to england cut up into pieces was estimated at three tons and a half; we will call it three. from these premises we may give three tons and a half to each of the five rhinoceroses; perhaps a ton to the giraffe, and half to the bos caffer as well as to the elan (a large ox weighs from 1200 to 1500 pounds). this will give an average (from the above estimates) of 2.7 of a ton for the ten largest herbivorous animals of southern africa. in south america, allowing 1200 pounds for the two tapirs together, 550 for the guanaco and vicuna, 500 for three deer, 300 for the capybara, peccari, and a monkey, we shall have an average of 250 pounds, which i believe is overstating the result. the ratio will therefore be as 6048 to 250, or 24 to 1, for the ten largest animals from the two continents.) after the above facts, we are compelled to conclude, against anterior probability, that among the mammalia there exists no close relation between the bulk of the species and the quantity of the vegetation in the countries which they inhabit. (5/8. if we suppose the case of the discovery of a skeleton of a greenland whale in a fossil state, not a single cetaceous animal being known to exist, what naturalist would have ventured conjecture on the possibility of a carcass so gigantic being supported on the minute crustacea and mollusca living in the frozen seas of the extreme north?) with regard to the number of large quadrupeds, there certainly exists no quarter of the globe which will bear comparison with southern africa. after the different statements which have been given, the extremely desert character of that region will not be disputed. in the european division of the world, we must look back to the tertiary epochs, to find a condition of things among the mammalia, resembling that now existing at the cape of good hope. those tertiary epochs, which we are apt to consider as abounding to an astonishing degree with large animals, because we find the remains of many ages accumulated at certain spots, could hardly boast of more large quadrupeds than southern africa does at present. if we speculate on the condition of the vegetation during those epochs, we are at least bound so far to consider existing analogies, as not to urge as absolutely necessary a luxuriant vegetation, when we see a state of things so totally different at the cape of good hope. we know that the extreme regions of north america many degrees beyond the limit where the ground at the depth of a few feet remains perpetually congealed, are covered by forests of large and tall trees. (5/9. see "zoological remarks to captain back's expedition" by dr. richardson. he says, "the subsoil north of latitude 56 degrees is perpetually frozen, the thaw on the coast not penetrating above three feet, and at bear lake, in latitude 64 degrees, not more than twenty inches. the frozen substratum does not of itself destroy vegetation, for forests flourish on the surface, at a distance from the coast.") in a like manner, in siberia, we have woods of birch, fir, aspen, and larch, growing in a latitude (64 degrees) where the mean temperature of the air falls below the freezing point, and where the earth is so completely frozen, that the carcass of an animal embedded in it is perfectly preserved. (5/10. see humboldt "fragmens asiatiques" page 386: barton's "geography of plants"; and malte brun. in the latter work it is said that the limit of the growth of trees in siberia may be drawn under the parallel of 70 degrees.) with these facts we must grant, as far as quantity alone of vegetation is concerned, that the great quadrupeds of the later tertiary epochs might, in most parts of northern europe and asia, have lived on the spots where their remains are now found. i do not here speak of the kind of vegetation necessary for their support; because, as there is evidence of physical changes, and as the animals have become extinct, so may we suppose that the species of plants have likewise been changed. these remarks, i may be permitted to add, directly bear on the case of the siberian animals preserved in ice. the firm conviction of the necessity of a vegetation possessing a character of tropical luxuriance, to support such large animals, and the impossibility of reconciling this with the proximity of perpetual congelation, was one chief cause of the several theories of sudden revolutions of climate, and of overwhelming catastrophes, which were invented to account for their entombment. i am far from supposing that the climate has not changed since the period when those animals lived, which now lie buried in the ice. at present i only wish to show, that as far as quantity of food alone is concerned, the ancient rhinoceroses might have roamed over the steppes of central siberia (the northern parts probably being under water) even in their present condition, as well as the living rhinoceroses and elephants over the karros of southern africa. i will now give an account of the habits of some of the more interesting birds which are common on the wild plains of northern patagonia: and first for the largest, or south american ostrich. the ordinary habits of the ostrich are familiar to every one. they live on vegetable matter, such as roots and grass; but at bahia blanca i have repeatedly seen three or four come down at low water to the extensive mudbanks which are then dry, for the sake, as the gauchos say, of feeding on small fish. although the ostrich in its habits is so shy, wary, and solitary, and although so fleet in its pace, it is caught without much difficulty by the indian or gaucho armed with the bolas. when several horsemen appear in a semicircle, it becomes confounded, and does not know which way to escape. they generally prefer running against the wind; yet at the first start they expand their wings, and like a vessel make all sail. on one fine hot day i saw several ostriches enter a bed of tall rushes, where they squatted concealed, till quite closely approached. it is not generally known that ostriches readily take to the water. mr. king informs me that at the bay of san blas, and at port valdes in patagonia, he saw these birds swimming several times from island to island. they ran into the water both when driven down to a point, and likewise of their own accord when not frightened: the distance crossed was about two hundred yards. when swimming, very little of their bodies appear above water; their necks are extended a little forward, and their progress is slow. on two occasions i saw some ostriches swimming across the santa cruz river, where its course was about four hundred yards wide, and the stream rapid. captain sturt, when descending the murrumbidgee, in australia, saw two emus in the act of swimming. (5/11. sturt's travels, volume 2 page 74.) the inhabitants of the country readily distinguish, even at a distance, the cock bird from the hen. the former is larger and darker-coloured, and has a bigger head. (5/12. a gucho assured me that he had once seen a snow-white or albino variety, and that it was a most beautiful bird.) the ostrich, i believe the cock, emits a singular, deep-toned, hissing note: when first i heard it, standing in the midst of some sand-hillocks, i thought it was made by some wild beast, for it is a sound that one cannot tell whence it comes, or from how far distant. when we were at bahia blanca in the months of september and october, the eggs, in extraordinary numbers, were found all over the country. they lie either scattered and single, in which case they are never hatched, and are called by the spaniards huachos; or they are collected together into a shallow excavation, which forms the nest. out of the four nests which i saw, three contained twenty-two eggs each, and the fourth twenty-seven. in one day's hunting on horseback sixty-four eggs were found; forty-four of these were in two nests, and the remaining twenty, scattered huachos. the gauchos unanimously affirm, and there is no reason to doubt their statement, that the male bird alone hatches the eggs, and for some time afterwards accompanies the young. the cock when on the nest lies very close; i have myself almost ridden over one. it is asserted that at such times they are occasionally fierce, and even dangerous, and that they have been known to attack a man on horseback, trying to kick and leap on him. my informer pointed out to me an old man, whom he had seen much terrified by one chasing him. i observe in burchell's "travels in south africa" that he remarks, "having killed a male ostrich, and the feathers being dirty, it was said by the hottentots to be a nest bird." i understand that the male emu in the zoological gardens takes charge of the nest: this habit, therefore, is common to the family. the gauchos unanimously affirm that several females lay in one nest. i have been positively told that four or five hen birds have been watched to go in the middle of the day, one after the other, to the same nest. i may add, also, that it is believed in africa that two or more females lay in one nest. (5/13. burchell's "travels" volume 1 page 280.) although this habit at first appears very strange, i think the cause may be explained in a simple manner. the number of eggs in the nest varies from twenty to forty, and even to fifty; and according to azara, sometimes to seventy or eighty. now although it is most probable, from the number of eggs found in one district being so extraordinarily great in proportion to the parent birds, and likewise from the state of the ovarium of the hen, that she may in the course of the season lay a large number, yet the time required must be very long. azara states that a female in a state of domestication laid seventeen eggs, each at the interval of three days one from another. (5/14. azara volume 4 page 173.) if the hen was obliged to hatch her own eggs, before the last was laid the first probably would be addled; but if each laid a few eggs at successive periods, in different nests, and several hens, as is stated to be the case, combined together, then the eggs in one collection would be nearly of the same age. if the number of eggs in one of these nests is, as i believe, not greater on an average than the number laid by one female in the season, then there must be as many nests as females, and each cock bird will have its fair share of the labour of incubation; and that during a period when the females probably could not sit, from not having finished laying. (5/15. lichtenstein, however, asserts "travels" volume 2 page 25, that the hens begin sitting when they have laid ten or twelve eggs; and that they continue laying, i presume in another nest. this appears to me very improbable. he asserts that four or five hens associate for incubation with one cock, who sits only at night.) i have before mentioned the great numbers of huachos, or deserted eggs; so that in one day's hunting twenty were found in this state. it appears odd that so many should be wasted. does it not arise from the difficulty of several females associating together, and finding a male ready to undertake the office of incubation? it is evident that there must at first be some degree of association between at least two females; otherwise the eggs would remain scattered over the wide plains, at distances far too great to allow of the male collecting them into one nest: some authors have believed that the scattered eggs were deposited for the young birds to feed on. this can hardly be the case in america, because the huachos, although often found addled and putrid, are generally whole. when at the rio negro in northern patagonia, i repeatedly heard the gauchos talking of a very rare bird which they called avestruz petise. they described it as being less than the common ostrich (which is there abundant), but with a very close general resemblance. they said its colour was dark and mottled, and that its legs were shorter, and feathered lower down than those of the common ostrich. it is more easily caught by the bolas than the other species. the few inhabitants who had seen both kinds, affirmed they could distinguish them apart from a long distance. the eggs of the small species appeared, however, more generally known; and it was remarked, with surprise, that they were very little less than those of the rhea but of a slightly different form, and with a tinge of pale blue. this species occurs most rarely on the plains bordering the rio negro; but about a degree and a half farther south they are tolerably abundant. when at port desire, in patagonia (latitude 48 degrees), mr. martens shot an ostrich; and i looked at it, forgetting at the moment, in the most unaccountable manner, the whole subject of the petises, and thought it was a not full-grown bird of the common sort. it was cooked and eaten before my memory returned. fortunately the head, neck, legs, wings, many of the larger feathers, and a large part of the skin, had been preserved; and from these a very nearly perfect specimen has been put together, and is now exhibited in the museum of the zoological society. mr. gould, in describing this new species, has done me the honour of calling it after my name. among the patagonian indians in the strait of magellan, we found a half indian, who had lived some years with the tribe, but had been born in the northern provinces. i asked him if he had ever heard of the avestruz petise. he answered by saying, "why, there are none others in these southern countries." he informed me that the number of eggs in the nest of the petise is considerably less than in that of the other kind, namely, not more than fifteen on an average, but he asserted that more than one female deposited them. at santa cruz we saw several of these birds. they were excessively wary: i think they could see a person approaching when too far off to be distinguished themselves. in ascending the river few were seen; but in our quiet and rapid descent many, in pairs and by fours or fives, were observed. it was remarked that this bird did not expand its wings, when first starting at full speed, after the manner of the northern kind. in conclusion i may observe that the struthio rhea inhabits the country of la plata as far as a little south of the rio negro in latitude 41 degrees, and that the struthio darwinii takes its place in southern patagonia; the part about the rio negro being neutral territory. m. a. d'orbigny, when at the rio negro, made great exertions to procure this bird, but never had the good fortune to succeed. (5/16. when at the rio negro, we heard much of the indefatigable labours of this naturalist. m. alcide d'orbigny, during the years 1825 to 1833, traversed several large portions of south america, and has made a collection, and is now publishing the results on a scale of magnificence, which at once places himself in the list of american travellers second only to humboldt.) dobrizhoffer long ago was aware of there being two kinds of ostriches, he says, "you must know, moreover, that emus differ in size and habits in different tracts of land; for those that inhabit the plains of buenos ayres and tucuman are larger, and have black, white and grey feathers; those near to the strait of magellan are smaller and more beautiful, for their white feathers are tipped with black at the extremity, and their black ones in like manner terminate in white." (5/17. "account of the abipones" a.d. 1749 volume 1 english translation page 314.) a very singular little bird, tinochorus rumicivorus, is here common: in its habits and general appearance it nearly equally partakes of the characters, different as they are, of the quail and snipe. the tinochorus is found in the whole of southern south america, wherever there are sterile plains, or open dry pasture land. it frequents in pairs or small flocks the most desolate places, where scarcely another living creature can exist. upon being approached they squat close, and then are very difficult to be distinguished from the ground. when feeding they walk rather slowly, with their legs wide apart. they dust themselves in roads and sandy places, and frequent particular spots, where they may be found day after day: like partridges, they take wing in a flock. in all these respects, in the muscular gizzard adapted for vegetable food, in the arched beak and fleshy nostrils, short legs and form of foot, the tinochorus has a close affinity with quails. but as soon as the bird is seen flying, its whole appearance changes; the long pointed wings, so different from those in the gallinaceous order, the irregular manner of flight, and plaintive cry uttered at the moment of rising, recall the idea of a snipe. the sportsmen of the "beagle" unanimously called it the short-billed snipe. to this genus, or rather to the family of the waders, its skeleton shows that it is really related. the tinochorus is closely related to some other south american birds. two species of the genus attagis are in almost every respect ptarmigans in their habits; one lives in tierra del fuego, above the limits of the forest land; and the other just beneath the snow-line on the cordillera of central chile. a bird of another closely allied genus, chionis alba, is an inhabitant of the antarctic regions; it feeds on seaweed and shells on the tidal rocks. although not web-footed, from some unaccountable habit it is frequently met with far out at sea. this small family of birds is one of those which, from its varied relations to other families, although at present offering only difficulties to the systematic naturalist, ultimately may assist in revealing the grand scheme, common to the present and past ages, on which organised beings have been created. the genus furnarius contains several species, all small birds, living on the ground, and inhabiting open dry countries. in structure they cannot be compared to any european form. ornithologists have generally included them among the creepers, although opposed to that family in every habit. the best known species is the common oven-bird of la plata, the casara or housemaker of the spaniards. the nest, whence it takes its name, is placed in the most exposed situations, as on the top of a post, a bare rock, or on a cactus. it is composed of mud and bits of straw, and has strong thick walls: in shape it precisely resembles an oven, or depressed beehive. the opening is large and arched, and directly in front, within the nest, there is a partition, which reaches nearly to the roof, thus forming a passage or antechamber to the true nest. another and smaller species of furnarius (f. cunicularius), resembles the oven-bird in the general reddish tint of its plumage, in a peculiar shrill reiterated cry, and in an odd manner of running by starts. from its affinity, the spaniards call it casarita (or little housebuilder), although its nidification is quite different. the casarita builds its nest at the bottom of a narrow cylindrical hole, which is said to extend horizontally to nearly six feet under ground. several of the country people told me, that when boys, they had attempted to dig out the nest, but had scarcely ever succeeded in getting to the end of the passage. the bird chooses any low bank of firm sandy soil by the side of a road or stream. here (at bahia blanca) the walls round the houses are built of hardened mud, and i noticed that one, which enclosed a courtyard where i lodged, was bored through by round holes in a score of places. on asking the owner the cause of this, he bitterly complained of the little casarita, several of which i afterwards observed at work. it is rather curious to find how incapable these birds must be of acquiring any notion of thickness, for although they were constantly flitting over the low wall, they continued vainly to bore through it, thinking it an excellent bank for their nests. i do not doubt that each bird, as often as it came to daylight on the opposite side, was greatly surprised at the marvellous fact. i have already mentioned nearly all the mammalia common in this country. of armadilloes three species occur, namely, the dasypus minutus or pichy, the d. villosus or peludo, and the apar. the first extends ten degrees farther south than any other kind; a fourth species, the mulita, does not come as far south as bahia blanca. the four species have nearly similar habits; the peludo, however, is nocturnal, while the others wander by day over the open plains, feeding on beetles, larvae, roots, and even small snakes. the apar, commonly called mataco, is remarkable by having only three movable bands; the rest of its tesselated covering being nearly inflexible. it has the power of rolling itself into a perfect sphere, like one kind of english woodlouse. in this state it is safe from the attack of dogs; for the dog not being able to take the whole in its mouth, tries to bite one side, and the ball slips away. the smooth hard covering of the mataco offers a better defence than the sharp spines of the hedgehog. the pichy prefers a very dry soil; and the sand-dunes near the coast, where for many months it can never taste water, is its favourite resort: it often tries to escape notice, by squatting close to the ground. in the course of a day's ride, near bahia blanca, several were generally met with. the instant one was perceived, it was necessary, in order to catch it, almost to tumble off one's horse; for in soft soil the animal burrowed so quickly, that its hinder quarters would almost disappear before one could alight. it seems almost a pity to kill such nice little animals, for as a gaucho said, while sharpening his knife on the back of one, "son tan mansos" (they are so quiet). of reptiles there are many kinds: one snake (a trigonocephalus, or cophias, subsequently called by m. bibron t. crepitans), from the size of the poison channel in its fangs, must be very deadly. cuvier, in opposition to some other naturalists, makes this a sub-genus of the rattlesnake, and intermediate between it and the viper. in confirmation of this opinion, i observed a fact, which appears to me very curious and instructive, as showing how every character, even though it may be in some degree independent of structure, has a tendency to vary by slow degrees. the extremity of the tail of this snake is terminated by a point, which is very slightly enlarged; and as the animal glides along, it constantly vibrates the last inch; and this part striking against the dry grass and brushwood, produces a rattling noise, which can be distinctly heard at the distance of six feet. as often as the animal was irritated or surprised, its tail was shaken; and the vibrations were extremely rapid. even as long as the body retained its irritability, a tendency to this habitual movement was evident. this trigonocephalus has, therefore, in some respects the structure of a viper, with the habits of a rattlesnake: the noise, however, being produced by a simpler device. the expression of this snake's face was hideous and fierce; the pupil consisted of a vertical slit in a mottled and coppery iris; the jaws were broad at the base, and the nose terminated in a triangular projection. i do not think i ever saw anything more ugly, excepting, perhaps, some of the vampire bats. i imagine this repulsive aspect originates from the features being placed in positions, with respect to each other, somewhat proportional to those of the human face; and thus we obtain a scale of hideousness. amongst the batrachian reptiles, i found only one little toad (phryniscus nigricans), which was most singular from its colour. if we imagine, first, that it had been steeped in the blackest ink, and then, when dry, allowed to crawl over a board, freshly painted with the brightest vermilion, so as to colour the soles of its feet and parts of its stomach, a good idea of its appearance will be gained. if it had been an unnamed species, surely it ought to have been called diabolicus, for it is a fit toad to preach in the ear of eve. instead of being nocturnal in its habits, as other toads are, and living in damp obscure recesses, it crawls during the heat of the day about the dry sand-hillocks and arid plains, where not a single drop of water can be found. it must necessarily depend on the dew for its moisture; and this probably is absorbed by the skin, for it is known that these reptiles possess great powers of cutaneous absorption. at maldonado, i found one in a situation nearly as dry as at bahia blanca, and thinking to give it a great treat, carried it to a pool of water; not only was the little animal unable to swim, but i think without help it would soon have been drowned. of lizards there were many kinds, but only one (proctotretus multimaculatus) remarkable from its habits. it lives on the bare sand near the sea-coast, and from its mottled colour, the brownish scales being speckled with white, yellowish red, and dirty blue, can hardly be distinguished from the surrounding surface. when frightened, it attempts to avoid discovery by feigning death, with outstretched legs, depressed body, and closed eyes: if further molested, it buries itself with great quickness in the loose sand. this lizard, from its flattened body and short legs, cannot run quickly. i will here add a few remarks on the hybernation of animals in this part of south america. when we first arrived at bahia blanca, september 7th, 1832, we thought nature had granted scarcely a living creature to this sandy and dry country. by digging, however, in the ground, several insects, large spiders, and lizards were found in a half-torpid state. on the 15th, a few animals began to appear, and by the 18th (three days from the equinox), everything announced the commencement of spring. the plains were ornamented by the flowers of a pink wood-sorrel, wild peas, oenotherae, and geraniums; and the birds began to lay their eggs. numerous lamellicorn and heteromerous insects, the latter remarkable for their deeply sculptured bodies, were slowly crawling about; while the lizard tribe, the constant inhabitants of a sandy soil, darted about in every direction. during the first eleven days, whilst nature was dormant, the mean temperature taken from observations made every two hours on board the "beagle," was 51 degrees; and in the middle of the day the thermometer seldom ranged above 55 degrees. on the eleven succeeding days, in which all living things became so animated, the mean was 58 degrees, and the range in the middle of the day between sixty and seventy. here then an increase of seven degrees in mean temperature, but a greater one of extreme heat, was sufficient to awake the functions of life. at monte video, from which we had just before sailed, in the twenty-three days included between the 26th of july and the 19th of august, the mean temperature from 276 observations was 58.4 degrees; the mean hottest day being 65.5 degrees, and the coldest 46 degrees. the lowest point to which the thermometer fell was 41.5 degrees, and occasionally in the middle of the day it rose to 69 or 70 degrees. yet with this high temperature, almost every beetle, several genera of spiders, snails, and land-shells, toads and lizards, were all lying torpid beneath stones. but we have seen that at bahia blanca, which is four degrees southward, and therefore with a climate only a very little colder, this same temperature, with a rather less extreme heat, was sufficient to awake all orders of animated beings. this shows how nicely the stimulus required to arouse hybernating animals is governed by the usual climate of the district, and not by the absolute heat. it is well known that within the tropics the hybernation, or more properly aestivation, of animals is determined not by the temperature, but by the times of drought. near rio de janeiro, i was at first surprised to observe that, a few days after some little depressions had been filled with water, they were peopled by numerous full-grown shells and beetles, which must have been lying dormant. humboldt has related the strange accident of a hovel having been erected over a spot where a young crocodile lay buried in the hardened mud. he adds, "the indians often find enormous boas, which they call uji, or water serpents, in the same lethargic state. to reanimate them, they must be irritated or wetted with water." i will only mention one other animal, a zoophyte (i believe virgularia patagonica), a kind of sea-pen. it consists of a thin, straight, fleshy stem, with alternate rows of polypi on each side, and surrounding an elastic stony axis, varying in length from eight inches to two feet. the stem at one extremity is truncate, but at the other is terminated by a vermiform fleshy appendage. the stony axis which gives strength to the stem may be traced at this extremity into a mere vessel filled with granular matter. at low water hundreds of these zoophytes might be seen, projecting like stubble, with the truncate end upwards, a few inches above the surface of the muddy sand. when touched or pulled they suddenly drew themselves in with force, so as nearly or quite to disappear. by this action, the highly elastic axis must be bent at the lower extremity, where it is naturally slightly curved; and i imagine it is by this elasticity alone that the zoophyte is enabled to rise again through the mud. each polypus, though closely united to its brethren, has a distinct mouth, body, and tentacula. of these polypi, in a large specimen, there must be many thousands; yet we see that they act by one movement: they have also one central axis connected with a system of obscure circulation, and the ova are produced in an organ distinct from the separate individuals. (5/18. the cavities leading from the fleshy compartments of the extremity were filled with a yellow pulpy matter, which, examined under a microscope, presented an extraordinary appearance. the mass consisted of rounded, semi-transparent, irregular grains, aggregated together into particles of various sizes. all such particles, and the separate grains, possessed the power of rapid movement; generally revolving around different axes, but sometimes progressive. the movement was visible with a very weak power, but even with the highest its cause could not be perceived. it was very different from the circulation of the fluid in the elastic bag, containing the thin extremity of the axis. on other occasions, when dissecting small marine animals beneath the microscope, i have seen particles of pulpy matter, some of large size, as soon as they were disengaged, commence revolving. i have imagined, i know not with how much truth, that this granulo-pulpy matter was in process of being converted into ova. certainly in this zoophyte such appeared to be the case.) well may one be allowed to ask, what is an individual? it is always interesting to discover the foundation of the strange tales of the old voyagers; and i have no doubt but that the habits of this virgularia explain one such case. captain lancaster, in his voyage in 1601, narrates that on the sea-sands of the island of sombrero, in the east indies, he "found a small twig growing up like a young tree, and on offering to pluck it up it shrinks down to the ground, and sinks, unless held very hard. on being plucked up, a great worm is found to be its root, and as the tree groweth in greatness, so doth the worm diminish, and as soon as the worm is entirely turned into a tree it rooteth in the earth, and so becomes great. this transformation is one of the strangest wonders that i saw in all my travels: for if this tree is plucked up, while young, and the leaves and bark stripped off, it becomes a hard stone when dry, much like white coral: thus is this worm twice transformed into different natures. of these we gathered and brought home many." (5/19. kerr's "collection of voyages" volume 8 page 119.) nam simul expletus dapibus, vinoque sepultus cervicem inflexam posuit, jacuitque per antrum immensus, saniem eructans, ac frusta cruenta per somnum commixta mero. during my stay at bahia blanca, while waiting for the "beagle," the place was in a constant state of excitement, from rumours of wars and victories, between the troops of rosas and the wild indians. one day an account came that a small party forming one of the postas on the line to buenos ayres had been found all murdered. the next day three hundred men arrived from the colorado, under the command of commandant miranda. a large portion of these men were indians (mansos, or tame), belonging to the tribe of the cacique bernantio. they passed the night here; and it was impossible to conceive anything more wild and savage than the scene of their bivouac. some drank till they were intoxicated; others swallowed the steaming blood of the cattle slaughtered for their suppers, and then, being sick from drunkenness, they cast it up again, and were besmeared with filth and gore. in the morning they started for the scene of the murder, with orders to follow the rastro, or track, even if it led them to chile. we subsequently heard that the wild indians had escaped into the great pampas, and from some cause the track had been missed. one glance at the rastro tells these people a whole history. supposing they examine the track of a thousand horses, they will soon guess the number of mounted ones by seeing how many have cantered; by the depth of the other impressions, whether any horses were loaded with cargoes; by the irregularity of the footsteps, how far tired; by the manner in which the food has been cooked, whether the pursued travelled in haste; by the general appearance, how long it has been since they passed. they consider a rastro of ten days or a fortnight quite recent enough to be hunted out. we also heard that miranda struck from the west end of the sierra ventana, in a direct line to the island of cholechel, situated seventy leagues up the rio negro. this is a distance of between two and three hundred miles, through a country completely unknown. what other troops in the world are so independent? with the sun for their guide, mare's flesh for food, their saddle-cloths for beds,--as long as there is a little water, these men would penetrate to the end of the world. a few days afterwards i saw another troop of these banditti-like soldiers start on an expedition against a tribe of indians at the small salinas, who had been betrayed by a prisoner cacique. the spaniard who brought the orders for this expedition was a very intelligent man. he gave me an account of the last engagement at which he was present. some indians, who had been taken prisoners, gave information of a tribe living north of the colorado. two hundred soldiers were sent; and they first discovered the indians by a cloud of dust from their horses' feet as they chanced to be travelling. the country was mountainous and wild, and it must have been far in the interior, for the cordillera were in sight. the indians, men, women, and children, were about one hundred and ten in number, and they were nearly all taken or killed, for the soldiers sabre every man. the indians are now so terrified that they offer no resistance in a body, but each flies, neglecting even his wife and children; but when overtaken, like wild animals, they fight against any number to the last moment. one dying indian seized with his teeth the thumb of his adversary, and allowed his own eye to be forced out sooner than relinquish his hold. another, who was wounded, feigned death, keeping a knife ready to strike one more fatal blow. my informer said, when he was pursuing an indian, the man cried out for mercy, at the same time that he was covertly loosing the bolas from his waist, meaning to whirl it round his head and so strike his pursuer. "i however struck him with my sabre to the ground, and then got off my horse, and cut his throat with my knife." this is a dark picture; but how much more shocking is the unquestionable fact, that all the women who appear above twenty years old are massacred in cold blood? when i exclaimed that this appeared rather inhuman, he answered, "why, what can be done? they breed so!" every one here is fully convinced that this is the most just war, because it is against barbarians. who would believe in this age that such atrocities could be committed in a christian civilised country? the children of the indians are saved, to be sold or given away as servants, or rather slaves for as long a time as the owners can make them believe themselves slaves; but i believe in their treatment there is little to complain of. in the battle four men ran away together. they were pursued, one was killed, and the other three were taken alive. they turned out to be messengers or ambassadors from a large body of indians, united in the common cause of defence, near the cordillera. the tribe to which they had been sent was on the point of holding a grand council, the feast of mare's flesh was ready, and the dance prepared: in the morning the ambassadors were to have returned to the cordillera. they were remarkably fine men, very fair, above six feet high, and all under thirty years of age. the three survivors of course possessed very valuable information and to extort this they were placed in a line. the two first being questioned, answered, "no sâ��" (i do not know), and were one after the other shot. the third also said "no sâ��;" adding, "fire, i am a man, and can die!" not one syllable would they breathe to injure the united cause of their country! the conduct of the above-mentioned cacique was very different; he saved his life by betraying the intended plan of warfare, and the point of union in the andes. it was believed that there were already six or seven hundred indians together, and that in summer their numbers would be doubled. ambassadors were to have been sent to the indians at the small salinas, near bahia blanca, whom i have mentioned that this same cacique had betrayed. the communication, therefore, between the indians, extends from the cordillera to the coast of the atlantic. general rosas's plan is to kill all stragglers, and having driven the remainder to a common point, to attack them in a body, in the summer, with the assistance of the chilenos. this operation is to be repeated for three successive years. i imagine the summer is chosen as the time for the main attack, because the plains are then without water, and the indians can only travel in particular directions. the escape of the indians to the south of the rio negro, where in such a vast unknown country they would be safe, is prevented by a treaty with the tehuelches to this effect;--that rosas pays them so much to slaughter every indian who passes to the south of the river, but if they fail in so doing, they themselves are to be exterminated. the war is waged chiefly against the indians near the cordillera; for many of the tribes on this eastern side are fighting with rosas. the general, however, like lord chesterfield, thinking that his friends may in a future day become his enemies, always places them in the front ranks, so that their numbers may be thinned. since leaving south america we have heard that this war of extermination completely failed. among the captive girls taken in the same engagement, there were two very pretty spanish ones, who had been carried away by the indians when young, and could now only speak the indian tongue. from their account they must have come from salta, a distance in a straight line of nearly one thousand miles. this gives one a grand idea of the immense territory over which the indians roam: yet, great as it is, i think there will not, in another half-century, be a wild indian northward of the rio negro. the warfare is too bloody to last; the christians killing every indian, and the indians doing the same by the christians. it is melancholy to trace how the indians have given way before the spanish invaders. schirdel says that in 1535, when buenos ayres was founded, there were villages containing two and three thousand inhabitants. (5/20. purchas's "collection of voyages." i believe the date was really 1537.) even in falconer's time (1750) the indians made inroads as far as luxan, areco, and arrecife, but now they are driven beyond the salado. not only have whole tribes been exterminated, but the remaining indians have become more barbarous: instead of living in large villages, and being employed in the arts of fishing, as well as of the chase, they now wander about the open plains, without home or fixed occupation. i heard also some account of an engagement which took place, a few weeks previously to the one mentioned, at cholechel. this is a very important station on account of being a pass for horses; and it was, in consequence, for some time the head-quarters of a division of the army. when the troops first arrived there they found a tribe of indians, of whom they killed twenty or thirty. the cacique escaped in a manner which astonished every one. the chief indians always have one or two picked horses, which they keep ready for any urgent occasion. on one of these, an old white horse, the cacique sprung, taking with him his little son. the horse had neither saddle nor bridle. to avoid the shots, the indian rode in the peculiar method of his nation; namely, with an arm round the horse's neck, and one leg only on its back. thus hanging on one side, he was seen patting the horse's head, and talking to him. the pursuers urged every effort in the chase; the commandant three times changed his horse, but all in vain. the old indian father and his son escaped, and were free. what a fine picture one can form in one's mind,--the naked, bronze-like figure of the old man with his little boy, riding like a mazeppa on the white horse, thus leaving far behind him the host of his pursuers! i saw one day a soldier striking fire with a piece of flint, which i immediately recognised as having been a part of the head of an arrow. he told me it was found near the island of cholechel, and that they are frequently picked up there. it was between two and three inches long, and therefore twice as large as those now used in tierra del fuego: it was made of opaque cream-coloured flint, but the point and barbs had been intentionally broken off. it is well known that no pampas indians now use bows and arrows. i believe a small tribe in banda oriental must be excepted; but they are widely separated from the pampas indians, and border close on those tribes that inhabit the forest, and live on foot. it appears, therefore, that these arrow-heads are antiquarian relics of the indians, before the great change in habits consequent on the introduction of the horse into south america. (5/21. azara has even doubted whether the pampas indians ever used bows. [several similar agate arrow-heads have since been dug up at chupat, and two were given to me, on the occasion of my visit there, by the governor.--r.t. pritchett, 1880.]) (plate 23. rhea darwinii (avestruz petise).) chapter vi. (plate 24. landing at buenos ayres.) set out for buenos ayres. rio sauce. sierra ventana. third posta. driving horses. bolas. partridges and foxes. features of the country. long-legged plover. teru-tero. hail-storm. natural enclosures in the sierra tapalguen. flesh of puma. meat diet. guardia del monte. effects of cattle on the vegetation. cardoon. buenos ayres. corral where cattle are slaughtered. bahia blanca to buenos ayres. september 8, 1833. i hired a gaucho to accompany me on my ride to buenos ayres, though with some difficulty, as the father of one man was afraid to let him go, and another who seemed willing, was described to me as so fearful that i was afraid to take him, for i was told that even if he saw an ostrich at a distance, he would mistake it for an indian, and would fly like the wind away. the distance to buenos ayres is about four hundred miles, and nearly the whole way through an uninhabited country. we started early in the morning; ascending a few hundred feet from the basin of green turf on which bahia blanca stands, we entered on a wide desolate plain. it consists of a crumbling argillaceo-calcareous rock, which, from the dry nature of the climate, supports only scattered tufts of withered grass, without a single bush or tree to break the monotonous uniformity. the weather was fine, but the atmosphere remarkably hazy; i thought the appearance foreboded a gale, but the gauchos said it was owing to the plain, at some great distance in the interior, being on fire. after a long gallop, having changed horses twice, we reached the rio sauce: it is a deep, rapid, little stream, not above twenty-five feet wide. the second posta on the road to buenos ayres stands on its banks, a little above there is a ford for horses, where the water does not reach to the horses' belly; but from that point, in its course to the sea, it is quite impassable, and hence makes a most useful barrier against the indians. insignificant as this stream is, the jesuit falconer, whose information is generally so very correct, figures it as a considerable river, rising at the foot of the cordillera. with respect to its source, i do not doubt that this is the case; for the gauchos assured me, that in the middle of the dry summer this stream, at the same time with the colorado, has periodical floods, which can only originate in the snow melting on the andes. it is extremely improbable that a stream so small as the sauce then was should traverse the entire width of the continent; and indeed, if it were the residue of a large river, its waters, as in other ascertained cases, would be saline. during the winter we must look to the springs round the sierra ventana as the source of its pure and limpid stream. i suspect the plains of patagonia, like those of australia, are traversed by many watercourses, which only perform their proper parts at certain periods. probably this is the case with the water which flows into the head of port desire, and likewise with the rio chupat, on the banks of which masses of highly cellular scoriae were found by the officers employed in the survey. as it was early in the afternoon when we arrived, we took fresh horses and a soldier for a guide, and started for the sierra de la ventana. this mountain is visible from the anchorage at bahia blanca; and captain fitz roy calculates its height to be 3340 feet--an altitude very remarkable on this eastern side of the continent. i am not aware that any foreigner, previous to my visit, had ascended this mountain; and indeed very few of the soldiers at bahia blanca knew anything about it. hence we heard of beds of coal, of gold and silver, of caves, and of forests, all of which inflamed my curiosity, only to disappoint it. the distance from the posta was about six leagues, over a level plain of the same character as before. the ride was, however, interesting, as the mountain began to show its true form. when we reached the foot of the main ridge, we had much difficulty in finding any water, and we thought we should have been obliged to have passed the night without any. at last we discovered some by looking close to the mountain, for at the distance even of a few hundred yards, the streamlets were buried and entirely lost in the friable calcareous stone and loose detritus. i do not think nature ever made a more solitary, desolate pile of rock;--it well deserves its name of hurtado, or separated. the mountain is steep, extremely rugged, and broken, and so entirely destitute of trees, and even bushes, that we actually could not make a skewer to stretch out our meat over the fire of thistle-stalks. (6/1. i call these thistle-stalks for the want of a more correct name. i believe it is a species of eryngium.) the strange aspect of this mountain is contrasted by the sea-like plain, which not only abuts against its steep sides, but likewise separates the parallel ranges. the uniformity of the colouring gives an extreme quietness to the view;--the whitish grey of the quartz rock, and the light brown of the withered grass of the plain, being unrelieved by any brighter tint. from custom one expects to see in the neighbourhood of a lofty and bold mountain a broken country strewed over with huge fragments. here nature shows that the last movement before the bed of the sea is changed into dry land may sometimes be one of tranquillity. under these circumstances i was curious to observe how far from the parent rock any pebbles could be found. on the shores of bahia blanca, and near the settlement, there were some of quartz, which certainly must have come from this source: the distance is forty-five miles. the dew, which in the early part of the night wetted the saddle-cloths under which we slept, was in the morning frozen. the plain, though appearing horizontal, had insensibly sloped up to a height of between 800 and 900 feet above the sea. in the morning (9th of september) the guide told me to ascend the nearest ridge, which he thought would lead me to the four peaks that crown the summit. the climbing up such rough rocks was very fatiguing; the sides were so indented, that what was gained in one five minutes was often lost in the next. at last, when i reached the ridge, my disappointment was extreme in finding a precipitous valley as deep as the plain, which cut the chain traversely in two, and separated me from the four points. this valley is very narrow, but flat-bottomed, and it forms a fine horse-pass for the indians, as it connects the plains on the northern and southern sides of the range. having descended, and while crossing it, i saw two horses grazing: i immediately hid myself in the long grass, and began to reconnoitre; but as i could see no signs of indians i proceeded cautiously on my second ascent. it was late in the day, and this part of the mountain, like the other, was steep and rugged. i was on the top of the second peak by two o'clock, but got there with extreme difficulty; every twenty yards i had the cramp in the upper part of both thighs, so that i was afraid i should not have been able to have got down again. it was also necessary to return by another road, as it was out of the question to pass over the saddle-back. i was therefore obliged to give up the two higher peaks. their altitude was but little greater, and every purpose of geology had been answered; so that the attempt was not worth the hazard of any further exertion. i presume the cause of the cramp was the great change in the kind of muscular action, from that of hard riding to that of still harder climbing. it is a lesson worth remembering, as in some cases it might cause much difficulty. i have already said the mountain is composed of white quartz rock, and with it a little glossy clay-slate is associated. at the height of a few hundred feet above the plain, patches of conglomerate adhered in several places to the solid rock. they resembled in hardness, and in the nature of the cement, the masses which may be seen daily forming on some coasts. i do not doubt these pebbles were in a similar manner aggregated, at a period when the great calcareous formation was depositing beneath the surrounding sea. we may believe that the jagged and battered forms of the hard quartz yet show the effects of the waves of an open ocean. i was, on the whole, disappointed with this ascent. even the view was insignificant;--a plain like the sea, but without its beautiful colour and defined outline. the scene, however, was novel, and a little danger, like salt to meat, gave it a relish. that the danger was very little was certain, for my two companions made a good fire--a thing which is never done when it is suspected that indians are near. i reached the place of our bivouac by sunset, and drinking much matâ��, and smoking several cigaritos, soon made up my bed for the night. the wind was very strong and cold, but i never slept more comfortably. september 10, 1833. in the morning, having fairly scudded before the gale, we arrived by the middle of the day at the sauce posta. on the road we saw great numbers of deer, and near the mountain a guanaco. the plain, which abuts against the sierra, is traversed by some curious gulleys, of which one was about twenty feet wide, and at least thirty deep; we were obliged in consequence to make a considerable circuit before we could find a pass. we stayed the night at the posta, the conversation, as was generally the case, being about the indians. the sierra ventana was formerly a great place of resort; and three or four years ago there was much fighting there. my guide had been present when many indians were killed: the women escaped to the top of the ridge, and fought most desperately with great stones; many thus saving themselves. september 11, 1833. proceeded to the third posta in company with the lieutenant who commanded it. the distance is called fifteen leagues; but it is only guess-work, and is generally overstated. the road was uninteresting, over a dry grassy plain; and on our left hand at a greater or less distance there were some low hills; a continuation of which we crossed close to the posta. before our arrival we met a large herd of cattle and horses, guarded by fifteen soldiers; but we were told many had been lost. it is very difficult to drive animals across the plains; for if in the night a puma, or even a fox, approaches, nothing can prevent the horses dispersing in every direction; and a storm will have the same effect. a short time since, an officer left buenos ayres with five hundred horses, and when he arrived at the army he had under twenty. soon afterwards we perceived by the cloud of dust, that a party of horsemen were coming towards us; when far distant my companions knew them to be indians, by their long hair streaming behind their backs. the indians generally have a fillet round their heads, but never any covering; and their black hair blowing across their swarthy faces, heightens to an uncommon degree the wildness of their appearance. they turned out to be a party of bernantio's friendly tribe, going to a salina for salt. the indians eat much salt, their children sucking it like sugar. this habit is very different from that of the spanish gauchos, who, leading the same kind of life, eat scarcely any: according to mungo park, it is people who live on vegetable food who have an unconquerable desire for salt. (6/2. "travels in africa" page 233.) the indians gave us good-humoured nods as they passed at full gallop, driving before them a troop of horses, and followed by a train of lanky dogs. september 12 and 13, 1833. i stayed at this posta two days, waiting for a troop of soldiers, which general rosas had the kindness to send to inform me would shortly travel to buenos ayres; and he advised me to take the opportunity of the escort. in the morning we rode to some neighbouring hills to view the country, and to examine the geology. after dinner the soldiers divided themselves into two parties for a trial of skill with the bolas. two spears were stuck in the ground twenty-five yards apart, but they were struck and entangled only once in four or five times. the balls can be thrown fifty or sixty yards, but with little certainty. this, however, does not apply to a man on horseback; for when the speed of the horse is added to the force of the arm, it is said that they can be whirled with effect to the distance of eighty yards. as a proof of their force, i may mention, that at the falkland islands, when the spaniards murdered some of their own countrymen and all the englishmen, a young friendly spaniard was running away, when a great tall man, by name luciano, came at full gallop after him, shouting to him to stop, and saying that he only wanted to speak to him. just as the spaniard was on the point of reaching the boat, luciano threw the balls: they struck him on the legs with such a jerk, as to throw him down and to render him for some time insensible. the man, after luciano had had his talk, was allowed to escape. he told us that his legs were marked by great weals, where the thong had wound round, as if he had been flogged with a whip. in the middle of the day two men arrived, who brought a parcel from the next posta to be forwarded to the general: so that besides these two, our party consisted this evening of my guide and self, the lieutenant, and his four soldiers. the latter were strange beings; the first a fine young negro; the second half indian and negro; and the two others nondescripts; namely, an old chilian miner, the colour of mahogany, and another partly a mulatto; but two such mongrels, with such detestable expressions, i never saw before. at night, when they were sitting round the fire, and playing at cards, i retired to view such a salvator rosa scene. they were seated under a low cliff, so that i could look down upon them; around the party were lying dogs, arms, remnants of deer and ostriches; and their long spears were stuck in the turf. farther in the dark background their horses were tied up, ready for any sudden danger. if the stillness of the desolate plain was broken by one of the dogs barking, a soldier, leaving the fire, would place his head close to the ground, and thus slowly scan the horizon. even if the noisy teru-tero uttered its scream, there would be a pause in the conversation, and every head, for a moment, a little inclined. what a life of misery these men appear to us to lead! they were at least ten leagues from the sauce posta, and since the murder committed by the indians, twenty from another. the indians are supposed to have made their attack in the middle of the night; for very early in the morning after the murder, they were luckily seen approaching this posta. the whole party here, however, escaped, together with the troop of horses; each one taking a line for himself, and driving with him as many animals as he was able to manage. the little hovel, built of thistle-stalks, in which they slept, neither kept out the wind nor rain; indeed in the latter case the only effect the roof had, was to condense it into larger drops. they had nothing to eat excepting what they could catch, such as ostriches, deer, armadilloes, etc., and their only fuel was the dry stalks of a small plant, somewhat resembling an aloe. the sole luxury which these men enjoyed was smoking the little paper cigars, and sucking matâ��. i used to think that the carrion vultures, man's constant attendants on these dreary plains, while seated on the little neighbouring cliffs, seemed by their very patience to say, "ah! when the indians come we shall have a feast." (plate 25. matã� pots and bambillio.) in the morning we all sallied forth to hunt, and although we had not much success, there were some animated chases. soon after starting the party separated, and so arranged their plans, that at a certain time of the day (in guessing which they show much skill) they should all meet from different points of the compass on a plain piece of ground, and thus drive together the wild animals. one day i went out hunting at bahia blanca, but the men there merely rode in a crescent, each being about a quarter of a mile apart from the other. a fine male ostrich being turned by the headmost riders, tried to escape on one side. the gauchos pursued at a reckless pace, twisting their horses about with the most admirable command, and each man whirling the balls round his head. at length the foremost threw them, revolving through the air: in an instant the ostrich rolled over and over, its legs fairly lashed together by the thong. the plains abound with three kinds of partridge, two of which are as large as hen pheasants. (6/3. two species of tinamus and eudromia elegans of a. d'orbigny, which can only be called a partridge with regard to its habits.) their destroyer, a small and pretty fox, was also singularly numerous; in the course of the day we could not have seen less than forty or fifty. they were generally near their earths, but the dogs killed one. when we returned to the posta, we found two of the party returned who had been hunting by themselves. they had killed a puma, and had found an ostrich's nest with twenty-seven eggs in it. each of these is said to equal in weight eleven hens' eggs; so that we obtained from this one nest as much food as 297 hens' eggs would have given. september 14, 1833. as the soldiers belonging to the next posta meant to return, and we should together make a party of five, and all armed, i determined not to wait for the expected troops. my host, the lieutenant, pressed me much to stop. as he had been very obliging--not only providing me with food, but lending me his private horses--i wanted to make him some remuneration. i asked my guide whether i might do so, but he told me certainly not; that the only answer i should receive probably would be, "we have meat for the dogs in our country, and therefore do not grudge it to a christian." it must not be supposed that the rank of lieutenant in such an army would at all prevent the acceptance of payment: it was only the high sense of hospitality, which every traveller is bound to acknowledge as nearly universal throughout these provinces. after galloping some leagues, we came to a low swampy country, which extends for nearly eighty miles northward, as far as the sierra tapalguen. in some parts there were fine damp plains, covered with grass, while others had a soft, black, and peaty soil. there were also many extensive but shallow lakes, and large beds of reeds. the country on the whole resembled the better parts of the cambridgeshire fens. at night we had some difficulty in finding, amidst the swamps, a dry place for our bivouac. september 15, 1833. rose very early in the morning, and shortly after passed the posta where the indians had murdered the five soldiers. the officer had eighteen chuzo wounds in his body. by the middle of the day, after a hard gallop, we reached the fifth posta: on account of some difficulty in procuring horses we stayed there the night. as this point was the most exposed on the whole line, twenty-one soldiers were stationed here; at sunset they returned from hunting, bringing with them seven deer, three ostriches, and many armadilloes and partridges. when riding through the country, it is a common practice to set fire to the plain; and hence at night, as on this occasion, the horizon was illuminated in several places by brilliant conflagrations. this is done partly for the sake of puzzling any stray indians, but chiefly for improving the pasture. in grassy plains unoccupied by the larger ruminating quadrupeds, it seems necessary to remove the superfluous vegetation by fire, so as to render the new year's growth serviceable. the rancho at this place did not boast even of a roof, but merely consisted of a ring of thistle-stalks, to break the force of the wind. it was situated on the borders of an extensive but shallow lake, swarming with wild fowl, among which the black-necked swan was conspicuous. the kind of plover which appears as if mounted on stilts (himantopus nigricollis), is here common in flocks of considerable size. it has been wrongfully accused of inelegance; when wading about in shallow water, which is its favourite resort, its gait is far from awkward. these birds in a flock utter a noise, that singularly resembles the cry of a pack of small dogs in full chase: waking in the night, i have more than once been for a moment startled at the distant sound. the teru-tero (vanellus cayanus) is another bird which often disturbs the stillness of the night. in appearance and habits it resembles in many respects our peewits; its wings, however, are armed with sharp spurs, like those on the legs of the common cock. as our peewit takes its name from the sound of its voice, so does the teru-tero. while riding over the grassy plains, one is constantly pursued by these birds, which appear to hate mankind, and i am sure deserve to be hated for their never-ceasing, unvaried, harsh screams. to the sportsman they are most annoying, by telling every other bird and animal of his approach: to the traveller in the country they may possibly, as molina says, do good, by warning him of the midnight robber. during the breeding season, they attempt, like our peewits, by feigning to be wounded, to draw away from their nests dogs and other enemies. the eggs of this bird are esteemed a great delicacy. september 16, 1833. to the seventh posta at the foot of the sierra tapalguen. the country was quite level, with a coarse herbage and a soft peaty soil. the hovel was here remarkably neat, the posts and rafters being made of about a dozen dry thistle-stalks bound together with thongs of hide; and by the support of these ionic-like columns, the roof and sides were thatched with reeds. we were here told a fact, which i would not have credited, if i had not had partly ocular proof of it; namely, that, during the previous night, hail as large as small apples, and extremely hard, had fallen with such violence as to kill the greater number of the wild animals. one of the men had already found thirteen deer (cervus campestris) lying dead, and i saw their fresh hides; another of the party, a few minutes after my arrival, brought in seven more. now i well know, that one man without dogs could hardly have killed seven deer in a week. the men believed they had seen about fifteen dead ostriches (part of one of which we had for dinner); and they said that several were running about evidently blind in one eye. numbers of smaller birds, as ducks, hawks, and partridges, were killed. i saw one of the latter with a black mark on its back, as if it had been struck with a paving-stone. a fence of thistle-stalks round the hovel was nearly broken down, and my informer, putting his head out to see what was the matter, received a severe cut, and now wore a bandage. the storm was said to have been of limited extent: we certainly saw from our last night's bivouac a dense cloud and lightning in this direction. it is marvellous how such strong animals as deer could thus have been killed; but i have no doubt, from the evidence i have given, that the story is not in the least exaggerated. i am glad, however, to have its credibility supported by the jesuit dobrizhoffen, who, speaking of a country much to the northward, says, hail fell of an enormous size and killed vast numbers of cattle (6/4. "history of the abipones" volume 2 page 6.): the indians hence called the place lalegraicavalca, meaning "the little white things." dr. malcolmson, also, informs me that he witnessed in 1831 in india a hail-storm, which killed numbers of large birds and much injured the cattle. these hail-stones were flat, and one was ten inches in circumference, and another weighed two ounces. they ploughed up a gravel-walk like musket-balls, and passed through glass-windows, making round holes, but not cracking them. having finished our dinner of hail-stricken meat, we crossed the sierra tapalguen; a low range of hills, a few hundred feet in height, which commences at cape corrientes. the rock in this part is pure quartz; farther eastward i understand it is granitic. the hills are of a remarkable form; they consist of flat patches of table-land, surrounded by low perpendicular cliffs, like the outliers of a sedimentary deposit. the hill which i ascended was very small, not above a couple of hundred yards in diameter; but i saw others larger. one which goes by the name of the "corral," is said to be two or three miles in diameter, and encompassed by perpendicular cliffs between thirty and forty feet high, excepting at one spot, where the entrance lies. falconer gives a curious account of the indians driving troops of wild horses into it, and then by guarding the entrance keeping them secure. (6/5. falconer's "patagonia" page 70.) i have never heard of any other instance of table-land in a formation of quartz, and which, in the hill i examined, had neither cleavage nor stratification. i was told that the rock of the "corral" was white, and would strike fire. we did not reach the posta on the rio tapalguen till after it was dark. at supper, from something which was said, i was suddenly struck with horror at thinking that i was eating one of the favourite dishes of the country, namely, a half formed calf, long before its proper time of birth. it turned out to be puma; the meat is very white, and remarkably like veal in taste. dr. shaw was laughed at for stating that "the flesh of the lion is in great esteem, having no small affinity with veal, both in colour, taste, and flavour." such certainly is the case with the puma. the gauchos differ in their opinion whether the jaguar is good eating, but are unanimous in saying that cat is excellent. september 17, 1833. we followed the course of the rio tapalguen, through a very fertile country, to the ninth posta. tapalguen itself, or the town of tapalguen, if it may be so called, consists of a perfectly level plain, studded over, as far as the eye can reach, with the toldos, or oven-shaped huts of the indians. the families of the friendly indians, who were fighting on the side of rosas, resided here. we met and passed many young indian women, riding by two or three together on the same horse: they, as well as many of the young men, were strikingly handsome,--their fine ruddy complexions being the picture of health. besides the toldos, there were three ranchos; one inhabited by the commandant, and the two others by spaniards with small shops. we were here able to buy some biscuit. i had now been several days without tasting anything besides meat: i did not at all dislike this new regimen; but i felt as if it would only have agreed with me with hard exercise. i have heard that patients in england, when desired to confine themselves exclusively to an animal diet, even with the hope of life before their eyes, have hardly been able to endure it. yet the gaucho in the pampas, for months together, touches nothing but beef. but they eat, i observe, a very large proportion of fat, which is of a less animalised nature; and they particularly dislike dry meat, such as that of the agouti. dr. richardson, also, has remarked, "that when people have fed for a long time solely upon lean animal food, the desire for fat becomes so insatiable, that they can consume a large quantity of unmixed and even oily fat without nausea" (6/6. "fauna boreali-americana" volume 1 page 35.): this appears to me a curious physiological fact. it is, perhaps, from their meat regimen that the gauchos, like other carnivorous animals, can abstain long from food. i was told that at tandeel some troops voluntarily pursued a party of indians for three days, without eating or drinking. we saw in the shops many articles, such as horsecloths, belts, and garters, woven by the indian women. the patterns were very pretty, and the colours brilliant; the workmanship of the garters was so good that an english merchant at buenos ayres maintained they must have been manufactured in england, till he found the tassels had been fastened by split sinew. september 18, 1833. we had a very long ride this day. at the twelfth posta, which is seven leagues south of the rio salado, we came to the first estancia with cattle and white women. afterwards we had to ride for many miles through a country flooded with water above our horses' knees. by crossing the stirrups, and riding arab-like with our legs bent up, we contrived to keep tolerably dry. it was nearly dark when we arrived at the salado; the stream was deep, and about forty yards wide; in summer, however, its bed becomes almost dry, and the little remaining water nearly as salt as that of the sea. we slept at one of the great estancias of general rosas. it was fortified, and of such an extent, that arriving in the dark i thought it was a town and fortress. in the morning we saw immense herds of cattle, the general here having seventy-four square leagues of land. formerly nearly three hundred men were employed about this estate, and they defied all the attacks of the indians. september 19, 1833. passed the guardia del monte. this is a nice scattered little town, with many gardens, full of peach and quince trees. the plain here looked like that around buenos ayres; the turf being short and bright green, with beds of clover and thistles, and with bizcacha holes. i was very much struck with the marked change in the aspect of the country after having crossed the salado. from a coarse herbage we passed on to a carpet of fine green verdure. i at first attributed this to some change in the nature of the soil, but the inhabitants assured me that here, as well as in banda oriental, where there is as great a difference between the country around monte video and the thinly-inhabited savannahs of colonia, the whole was to be attributed to the manuring and grazing of the cattle. exactly the same fact has been observed in the prairies of north america, where coarse grass, between five and six feet high, when grazed by cattle, changes into common pasture land. (6/7. see mr. atwater's "account of the prairies" in "silliman's north american journal" volume 1 page 117.) i am not botanist enough to say whether the change here is owing to the introduction of new species, to the altered growth of the same, or to a difference in their proportional numbers. azara has also observed with astonishment this change: he is likewise much perplexed by the immediate appearance of plants not occurring in the neighbourhood, on the borders of any track that leads to a newly-constructed hovel. in another part he says, "ces chevaux (sauvages) ont la manie de prã©fã©rer les chemins, et le bord des routes pour dã©poser leurs excrã©mens, dont on trouve des monceaux dans ces endroits." (6/8. azara's "voyage" volume 1 page 373.) does this not partly explain the circumstance? we thus have lines of richly manured land serving as channels of communication across wide districts. (plate 26. giant thistle of pampas.) (plate 27. cynara cardunculus or cardoon.) near the guardia we find the southern limit of two european plants, now become extraordinarily common. the fennel in great profusion covers the ditch-banks in the neighbourhood of buenos ayres, monte video, and other towns. but the cardoon (cynara cardunculus) has a far wider range: it occurs in these latitudes on both sides of the cordillera, across the continent. (6/9. m. a. d'orbigny volume 1 page 474, says that the cardoon and artichoke are both found wild. dr. hooker "botanical magazine" volume 40 page 2862, has described a variety of the cynara from this part of south america under the name of inermis. he states that botanists are now generally agreed that the cardoon and the artichoke are varieties of one plant. i may add, that an intelligent farmer assured me that he had observed in a deserted garden some artichokes changing into the common cardoon. dr. hooker believes that head's vivid description of the thistle of the pampas applies to the cardoon, but this is a mistake. captain head referred to the plant which i have mentioned a few lines lower down under the title of giant thistle. whether it is a true thistle, i do not know; but it is quite different from the cardoon; and more like a thistle properly so called.) i saw it in unfrequented spots in chile, entre rios, and banda oriental. in the latter country alone, very many (probably several hundred) square miles are covered by one mass of these prickly plants, and are impenetrable by man or beast. over the undulating plains, where these great beds occur, nothing else can now live. before their introduction, however, the surface must have supported, as in other parts, a rank herbage. i doubt whether any case is on record of an invasion on so grand a scale of one plant over the aborigines. as i have already said, i nowhere saw the cardoon south of the salado; but it is probable that in proportion as that country becomes inhabited, the cardoon will extend its limits. the case is different with the giant thistle (with variegated leaves) of the pampas, for i met with it in the valley of the sauce. according to the principles so well laid down by mr. lyell, few countries have undergone more remarkable changes, since the year 1535, when the first colonist of la plata landed with seventy-two horses. the countless herds of horses, cattle, and sheep, not only have altered the whole aspect of the vegetation, but they have almost banished the guanaco, deer, and ostrich. numberless other changes must likewise have taken place; the wild pig in some parts probably replaces the peccari; packs of wild dogs may be heard howling on the wooded banks of the less-frequented streams; and the common cat, altered into a large and fierce animal, inhabits rocky hills. as m. d'orbigny has remarked, the increase in numbers of the carrion-vulture, since the introduction of the domestic animals, must have been infinitely great; and we have given reasons for believing that they have extended their southern range. no doubt many plants, besides the cardoon and fennel, are naturalised; thus the islands near the mouth of the parana are thickly clothed with peach and orange trees, springing from seeds carried there by the waters of the river. while changing horses at the guardia several people questioned us much about the army,--i never saw anything like the enthusiasm for rosas, and for the success of the "most just of all wars, because against barbarians." this expression, it must be confessed, is very natural, for till lately, neither man, woman, nor horse was safe from the attacks of the indians. we had a long day's ride over the same rich green plain, abounding with various flocks, and with here and there a solitary estancia, and its one ombu tree. in the evening it rained heavily: on arriving at a post-house we were told by the owner that if we had not a regular passport we must pass on, for there were so many robbers he would trust no one. when he read, however, my passport, which began with "el naturalista don carlos," his respect and civility were as unbounded as his suspicions had been before. what a naturalist might be, neither he nor his countrymen, i suspect, had any idea; but probably my title lost nothing of its value from that cause. september 20, 1833. we arrived by the middle of the day at buenos ayres. the outskirts of the city looked quite pretty, with the agave hedges, and groves of olive, peach and willow trees, all just throwing out their fresh green leaves. i rode to the house of mr. lumb, an english merchant, to whose kindness and hospitality, during my stay in the country, i was greatly indebted. the city of buenos ayres is large; and i should think one of the most regular in the world. (6/10. it is said to contain 60,000 inhabitants. monte video, the second town of importance on the banks of the plata, has 15,000.) every street is at right angles to the one it crosses, and the parallel ones being equidistant, the houses are collected into solid squares of equal dimensions, which are called quadras. on the other hand, the houses themselves are hollow squares; all the rooms opening into a neat little courtyard. they are generally only one story high, with flat roofs, which are fitted with seats, and are much frequented by the inhabitants in summer. in the centre of the town is the plaza, where the public offices, fortress, cathedral, etc., stand. here also, the old viceroys, before the revolution, had their palaces. the general assemblage of buildings possesses considerable architectural beauty, although none individually can boast of any. the great corral, where the animals are kept for slaughter to supply food to this beef-eating population, is one of the spectacles best worth seeing. the strength of the horse as compared to that of the bullock is quite astonishing: a man on horseback having thrown his lazo round the horns of a beast, can drag it anywhere he chooses. the animal ploughing up the ground with outstretched legs, in vain efforts to resist the force, generally dashes at full speed to one side; but the horse, immediately turning to receive the shock, stands so firmly that the bullock is almost thrown down, and it is surprising that their necks are not broken. the struggle is not, however, one of fair strength; the horse's girth being matched against the bullock's extended neck. in a similar manner a man can hold the wildest horse, if caught with the lazo, just behind the ears. when the bullock has been dragged to the spot where it is to be slaughtered, the matador with great caution cuts the hamstrings. then is given the death bellow; a noise more expressive of fierce agony than any i know. i have often distinguished it from a long distance, and have always known that the struggle was then drawing to a close. the whole sight is horrible and revolting: the ground is almost made of bones; and the horses and riders are drenched with gore. (plate 28. evening camp, buenos ayres.) chapter vii. (plate 29. rozario.) excursion to st. fã©. thistle beds. habits of the bizcacha. little owl. saline streams. level plains. mastodon. st. fã©. change in landscape. geology. tooth of extinct horse. relation of the fossil and recent quadrupeds of north and south america. effects of a great drought. parana. habits of the jaguar. scissor-beak. kingfisher, parrot, and scissor-tail. revolution. buenos ayres. state of government. buenos ayres to st. fã�. september 27, 1833. in the evening i set out on an excursion to st. fã©, which is situated nearly three hundred english miles from buenos ayres, on the banks of the parana. the roads in the neighbourhood of the city, after the rainy weather, were extraordinarily bad. i should never have thought it possible for a bullock waggon to have crawled along: as it was, they scarcely went at the rate of a mile an hour, and a man was kept ahead, to survey the best line for making the attempt. the bullocks were terribly jaded: it is a great mistake to suppose that with improved roads, and an accelerated rate of travelling, the sufferings of the animals increase in the same proportion. we passed a train of waggons and a troop of beasts on their road to mendoza. the distance is about 580 geographical miles, and the journey is generally performed in fifty days. these waggons are very long, narrow, and thatched with reeds; they have only two wheels, the diameter of which in some cases is as much as ten feet. each is drawn by six bullocks, which are urged on by a goad at least twenty feet long: this is suspended from within the roof; for the wheel bullocks a smaller one is kept; and for the intermediate pair, a point projects at right angles from the middle of the long one. the whole apparatus looked like some implement of war. september 28, 1833. we passed the small town of luxan, where there is a wooden bridge over the river--a most unusual convenience in this country. we passed also areco. the plains appeared level, but were not so in fact; for in various places the horizon was distant. the estancias are here wide apart; for there is little good pasture, owing to the land being covered by beds either of an acrid clover, or of the great thistle. the latter, well known from the animated description given by sir f. head, were at this time of the year two-thirds grown; in some parts they were as high as the horse's back, but in others they had not yet sprung up, and the ground was bare and dusty as on a turnpike-road. the clumps were of the most brilliant green, and they made a pleasing miniature-likeness of broken forest land. when the thistles are full grown, the great beds are impenetrable, except by a few tracks, as intricate as those in a labyrinth. these are only known to the robbers, who at this season inhabit them, and sally forth at night to rob and cut throats with impunity. upon asking at a house whether robbers were numerous, i was answered, "the thistles are not up yet;"--the meaning of which reply was not at first very obvious. there is little interest in passing over these tracts, for they are inhabited by few animals or birds, excepting the bizcacha and its friend the little owl. the bizcacha is well known to form a prominent feature in the zoology of the pampas. (7/1. the bizcacha (lagostomus trichodactylus) somewhat resembles a large rabbit, but with bigger gnawing teeth and a long tail; it has, however, only three toes behind, like the agouti. during the last three or four years the skins of these animals have been sent to england for the sake of the fur.) it is found as far south as the rio negro, in latitude 41 degrees, but not beyond. it cannot, like the agouti, subsist on the gravelly and desert plains of patagonia, but prefers a clayey or sandy soil, which produces a different and more abundant vegetation. near mendoza, at the foot of the cordillera, it occurs in close neighbourhood with the allied alpine species. it is a very curious circumstance in its geographical distribution, that it has never been seen, fortunately for the inhabitants of banda oriental, to the eastward of the river uruguay: yet in this province there are plains which appear admirably adapted to its habits. the uruguay has formed an insuperable obstacle to its migration: although the broader barrier of the parana has been passed, and the bizcacha is common in entre rios, the province between these two great rivers. near buenos ayres these animals are exceedingly common. their most favourite resort appears to be those parts of the plain which during one-half of the year are covered with giant thistles, to the exclusion of other plants. the gauchos affirm that it lives on roots; which, from the great strength of its gnawing teeth, and the kind of places frequented by it, seems probable. in the evening the bizcachas come out in numbers, and quietly sit at the mouths of their burrows on their haunches. at such times they are very tame, and a man on horseback passing by seems only to present an object for their grave contemplation. they run very awkwardly, and when running out of danger, from their elevated tails and short front legs, much resemble great rats. their flesh, when cooked, is very white and good, but it is seldom used. the bizcacha has one very singular habit; namely, dragging every hard object to the mouth of its burrow: around each group of holes many bones of cattle, stones, thistle-stalks, hard lumps of earth, dry dung, etc., are collected into an irregular heap, which frequently amounts to as much as a wheelbarrow would contain. i was credibly informed that a gentleman, when riding on a dark night, dropped his watch; he returned in the morning, and by searching the neighbourhood of every bizcacha hole on the line of road, as he expected, he soon found it. this habit of picking up whatever may be lying on the ground anywhere near its habitation must cost much trouble. for what purpose it is done, i am quite unable to form even the most remote conjecture: it cannot be for defence, because the rubbish is chiefly placed above the mouth of the burrow, which enters the ground at a very small inclination. no doubt there must exist some good reason; but the inhabitants of the country are quite ignorant of it. the only fact which i know analogous to it, is the habit of that extraordinary australian bird, the calodera maculata, which makes an elegant vaulted passage of twigs for playing in, and which collects near the spot land and sea-shells, bones, and the feathers of birds, especially brightly coloured ones. mr. gould, who has described these facts, informs me, that the natives, when they lose any hard object, search the playing passages, and he has known a tobacco-pipe thus recovered. the little owl (athene cunicularia), which has been so often mentioned, on the plains of buenos ayres exclusively inhabits the holes of the bizcacha; but in banda oriental it is its own workman. during the open day, but more especially in the evening, these birds may be seen in every direction standing frequently by pairs on the hillock near their burrows. if disturbed they either enter the hole, or, uttering a shrill harsh cry, move with a remarkably undulatory flight to a short distance, and then turning round, steadily gaze at their pursuer. occasionally in the evening they may be heard hooting. i found in the stomachs of two which i opened the remains of mice, and i one day saw a small snake killed and carried away. it is said that snakes are their common prey during the daytime. i may here mention, as showing on what various kinds of food owls subsist, that a species killed among the islets of the chonos archipelago had its stomach full of good-sized crabs. in india there is a fishing genus of owls, which likewise catches crabs. (7/2. "journal of asiatic soc." volume 5 page 363.) in the evening we crossed the rio arrecife on a simple raft made of barrels lashed together, and slept at the post-house on the other side. i this day paid horse-hire for thirty-one leagues; and although the sun was glaring hot i was but little fatigued. when captain head talks of riding fifty leagues a day, i do not imagine the distance is equal to 150 english miles. at all events, the thirty-one leagues was only 76 miles in a straight line, and in an open country i should think four additional miles for turnings would be a sufficient allowance. september 29 and 30, 1833. (plate 30. parana river.) we continued to ride over plains of the same character. at san nicolas i first saw the noble river of the parana. at the foot of the cliff on which the town stands, some large vessels were at anchor. before arriving at rozario, we crossed the saladillo, a stream of fine clear running water, but too saline to drink. rozario is a large town built on a dead level plain, which forms a cliff about sixty feet high over the parana. the river here is very broad, with many islands, which are low and wooded, as is also the opposite shore. the view would resemble that of a great lake, if it were not for the linear-shaped islets, which alone give the idea of running water. the cliffs are the most picturesque part; sometimes they are absolutely perpendicular, and of a red colour; at other times in large broken masses, covered with cacti and mimosa-trees. the real grandeur, however, of an immense river like this is derived from reflecting how important a means of communication and commerce it forms between one nation and another; to what a distance it travels, and from how vast a territory it drains the great body of fresh water which flows past your feet. for many leagues north and south of san nicolas and rozario, the country is really level. scarcely anything which travellers have written about its extreme flatness can be considered as exaggeration. yet i could never find a spot where, by slowly turning round, objects were not seen at greater distances in some directions than in others; and this manifestly proves inequality in the plain. at sea, a person's eye being six feet above the surface of the water, his horizon is two miles and four-fifths distant. in like manner, the more level the plain, the more nearly does the horizon approach within these narrow limits; and this, in my opinion, entirely destroys that grandeur which one would have imagined that a vast level plain would have possessed. (plate 31. toxodon platensis. (found at saladillo.)) october 1, 1833. we started by moonlight and arrived at the rio tercero by sunrise. this river is also called the saladillo, and it deserves the name, for the water is brackish. i stayed here the greater part of the day, searching for fossil bones. besides a perfect tooth of the toxodon, and many scattered bones, i found two immense skeletons near each other, projecting in bold relief from the perpendicular cliff of the parana. they were, however, so completely decayed, that i could only bring away small fragments of one of the great molar teeth; but these are sufficient to show that the remains belonged to a mastodon, probably to the same species with that which formerly must have inhabited the cordillera in upper peru in such great numbers. the men who took me in the canoe said they had long known of these skeletons, and had often wondered how they had got there: the necessity of a theory being felt, they came to the conclusion that, like the bizcacha, the mastodon was formerly a burrowing animal! in the evening we rode another stage, and crossed the monge, another brackish stream, bearing the dregs of the washings of the pampas. october 2, 1833. we passed through corunda, which, from the luxuriance of its gardens, was one of the prettiest villages i saw. from this point to st. fã© the road is not very safe. the western side of the parana northward ceases to be inhabited; and hence the indians sometimes come down thus far, and waylay travellers. the nature of the country also favours this, for instead of a grassy plain, there is an open woodland, composed of low prickly mimosas. we passed some houses that had been ransacked and since deserted; we saw also a spectacle, which my guides viewed with high satisfaction; it was the skeleton of an indian with the dried skin hanging on the bones, suspended to the branch of a tree. in the morning we arrived at st. fã©. i was surprised to observe how great a change of climate a difference of only three degrees of latitude between this place and buenos ayres had caused. this was evident from the dress and complexion of the men--from the increased size of the ombu-trees--the number of new cacti and other plants--and especially from the birds. in the course of an hour i remarked half-a-dozen birds, which i had never seen at buenos ayres. considering that there is no natural boundary between the two places, and that the character of the country is nearly similar, the difference was much greater than i should have expected. october 3 and 4, 1833. i was confined for these two days to my bed by a headache. a good-natured old woman, who attended me, wished me to try many odd remedies. a common practice is, to bind an orange-leaf or a bit of black plaster to each temple: and a still more general plan is, to split a bean into halves, moisten them, and place one on each temple, where they will easily adhere. it is not thought proper ever to remove the beans or plaster, but to allow them to drop off, and sometimes, if a man, with patches on his head, is asked, what is the matter? he will answer, "i had a headache the day before yesterday." many of the remedies used by the people of the country are ludicrously strange, but too disgusting to be mentioned. one of the least nasty is to kill and cut open two puppies and bind them on each side of a broken limb. little hairless dogs are in great request to sleep at the feet of invalids. st. fã© is a quiet little town, and is kept clean and in good order. the governor, lopez, was a common soldier at the time of the revolution; but has now been seventeen years in power. this stability of government is owing to his tyrannical habits; for tyranny seems as yet better adapted to these countries than republicanism. the governor's favourite occupation is hunting indians: a short time since he slaughtered forty-eight, and sold the children at the rate of three or four pounds apiece. october 5, 1833. we crossed the parana to st. fã© bajada, a town on the opposite shore. the passage took some hours, as the river here consisted of a labyrinth of small streams, separated by low wooded islands. i had a letter of introduction to an old catalonian spaniard, who treated me with the most uncommon hospitality. the bajada is the capital of entre rios. in 1825 the town contained 6000 inhabitants, and the province 30,000; yet, few as the inhabitants are, no province has suffered more from bloody and desperate revolutions. they boast here of representatives, ministers, a standing army, and governors: so it is no wonder that they have their revolutions. at some future day this must be one of the richest countries of la plata. the soil is varied and productive; and its almost insular form gives it two grand lines of communication by the rivers parana and uruguay. i was delayed here five days, and employed myself in examining the geology of the surrounding country, which was very interesting. we here see at the bottom of the cliffs, beds containing sharks' teeth and sea-shells of extinct species, passing above into an indurated marl, and from that into the red clayey earth of the pampas, with its calcareous concretions and the bones of terrestrial quadrupeds. this vertical section clearly tells us of a large bay of pure salt-water, gradually encroached on, and at last converted into the bed of a muddy estuary, into which floating carcasses were swept. at punta gorda, in banda oriental, i found an alternation of the pampaean estuary deposit, with a limestone containing some of the same extinct sea-shells; and this shows either a change in the former currents, or more probably an oscillation of level in the bottom of the ancient estuary. until lately, my reasons for considering the pampaean formation to be an estuary deposit were, its general appearance, its position at the mouth of the existing great river the plata, and the presence of so many bones of terrestrial quadrupeds: but now professor ehrenberg has had the kindness to examine for me a little of the red earth, taken from low down in the deposit, close to the skeletons of the mastodon, and he finds in it many infusoria, partly salt-water and partly fresh-water forms, with the latter rather preponderating; and therefore, as he remarks, the water must have been brackish. m. a. d'orbigny found on the banks of the parana, at the height of a hundred feet, great beds of an estuary shell, now living a hundred miles lower down nearer the sea; and i found similar shells at a less height on the banks of the uruguay; this shows that just before the pampas was slowly elevated into dry land, the water covering it was brackish. below buenos ayres there are upraised beds of sea-shells of existing species, which also proves that the period of elevation of the pampas was within the recent period. in the pampaean deposit at the bajada i found the osseous armour of a gigantic armadillo-like animal, the inside of which, when the earth was removed, was like a great cauldron; i found also teeth of the toxodon and mastodon, and one tooth of a horse, in the same stained and decayed state. this latter tooth greatly interested me, and i took scrupulous care in ascertaining that it had been embedded contemporaneously with the other remains; for i was not then aware that amongst the fossils from bahia blanca there was a horse's tooth hidden in the matrix: nor was it then known with certainty that the remains of horses are common in north america. (7/3. i need hardly state here that there is good evidence against any horse living in america at the time of columbus.) mr. lyell has lately brought from the united states a tooth of a horse; and it is an interesting fact, that professor owen could find in no species, either fossil or recent, a slight but peculiar curvature characterising it, until he thought of comparing it with my specimen found here: he has named this american horse equus curvidens. certainly it is a marvellous fact in the history of the mammalia, that in south america a native horse should have lived and disappeared, to be succeeded in after ages by the countless herds descended from the few introduced with the spanish colonists! (plate 32. fossil tooth of horse, from bahia blanca.) the existence in south america of a fossil horse, of the mastodon, possibly of an elephant (7/4. cuvier "ossemens fossils" tome 1 page 158.), and of a hollow-horned ruminant, discovered by mm. lund and clausen in the caves of brazil, are highly interesting facts with respect to the geographical distribution of animals. at the present time, if we divide america, not by the isthmus of panama, but by the southern part of mexico in latitude 20 degrees, where the great table-land presents an obstacle to the migration of species, by affecting the climate, and by forming, with the exception of some valleys and of a fringe of low land on the coast, a broad barrier; we shall then have the two zoological provinces of north and south america strongly contrasted with each other. (7/5. this is the geographical division followed by lichtenstein, swainson, erichson, and richardson. the section from vera cruz to acapulco, given by humboldt in the "polit. essay on kingdom of n. spain" will show how immense a barrier the mexican table-land forms. dr. richardson, in his admirable "report on the zoology of n. america" read before the british association 1836 page 157, talking of the identification of a mexican animal with the synetheres prehensilis, says, "we do not know with what propriety, but if correct, it is, if not a solitary instance, at least very nearly so, of a rodent animal being common to north and south america.") some few species alone have passed the barrier, and may be considered as wanderers from the south, such as the puma, opossum, kinkajou, and peccari. south america is characterised by possessing many peculiar gnawers, a family of monkeys, the llama, peccari, tapir, opossums, and, especially, several genera of edentata, the order which includes the sloths, ant-eaters, and armadilloes. north america, on the other hand, is characterised (putting on one side a few wandering species) by numerous peculiar gnawers, and by four genera (the ox, sheep, goat, and antelope) of hollow-horned ruminants, of which great division south america is not known to possess a single species. formerly, but within the period when most of the now existing shells were living, north america possessed, besides hollow-horned ruminants, the elephant, mastodon, horse, and three genera of edentata, namely, the megatherium, megalonyx, and mylodon. within nearly this same period (as proved by the shells at bahia blanca) south america possessed, as we have just seen, a mastodon, horse, hollow-horned ruminant, and the same three genera (as well as several others) of the edentata. hence it is evident that north and south america, in having within a late geological period these several genera in common, were much more closely related in the character of their terrestrial inhabitants than they now are. the more i reflect on this case, the more interesting it appears: i know of no other instance where we can almost mark the period and manner of the splitting up of one great region into two well-characterised zoological provinces. the geologist, who is fully impressed with the vast oscillations of level which have affected the earth's crust within late periods, will not fear to speculate on the recent elevation of the mexican platform, or, more probably, on the recent submergence of land in the west indian archipelago, as the cause of the present zoological separation of north and south america. the south american character of the west indian mammals seems to indicate that this archipelago was formerly united to the southern continent, and that it has subsequently been an area of subsidence. (7/6. see dr. richardson's "report" page 157; also "l'institut" 1837 page 253. cuvier says the kinkajou is found in the larger antilles, but this is doubtful. m. gervais states that the didelphis crancrivora is found there. it is certain that the west indies possess some mammifers peculiar to themselves. a tooth of a mastodon has been brought from bahama; "edinburgh new philosophical journal" 1826 page 395.) (plate 33. mylodon. height, 7 feet 6 inches; girth round chest, 6 feet 6 inches; maximum breadth of pelvis, 3 feet 7 inches.) when america, and especially north america, possessed its elephants, mastodons, horse, and hollow-horned ruminants, it was much more closely related in its zoological characters to the temperate parts of europe and asia than it now is. as the remains of these genera are found on both sides of behring's straits and on the plains of siberia, we are led to look to the north-western side of north america as the former point of communication between the old and so-called new world. (7/7. see the admirable appendix by dr. buckland to beechey's "voyage"; also the writings of chamisso in kotzebue's "voyage.") and as so many species, both living and extinct, of these same genera inhabit and have inhabited the old world, it seems most probable that the north american elephants, mastodons, horse, and hollow-horned ruminants migrated, on land since submerged near behring's straits, from siberia into north america, and thence, on land since submerged in the west indies, into south america, where for a time they mingled with the forms characteristic of that southern continent, and have since become extinct. while travelling through the country, i received several vivid descriptions of the effects of a late great drought; and the account of this may throw some light on the cases where vast numbers of animals of all kinds have been embedded together. the period included between the years 1827 and 1830 is called the "gran seco," or the great drought. during this time so little rain fell, that the vegetation, even to the thistles, failed; the brooks were dried up, and the whole country assumed the appearance of a dusty high-road. this was especially the case in the northern part of the province of buenos ayres and the southern part of st. fã©. very great numbers of birds, wild animals, cattle, and horses perished from the want of food and water. a man told me that the deer used to come into his courtyard to the well, which he had been obliged to dig to supply his own family with water; and that the partridges had hardly strength to fly away when pursued. (7/8. in captain owen's "surveying voyage" volume 2 page 274, there is a curious account of the effects of a drought on the elephants, at benguela (west coast of africa). "a number of these animals had some time since entered the town, in a body, to possess themselves of the wells, not being able to procure any water in the country. the inhabitants mustered, when a desperate conflict ensued, which terminated in the ultimate discomfiture of the invaders, but not until they had killed one man, and wounded several others." the town is said to have a population of nearly three thousand! dr. malcolmson informs me, that during a great drought in india the wild animals entered the tents of some troops at ellore, and that a hare drank out of a vessel held by the adjutant of the regiment.) the lowest estimation of the loss of cattle in the province of buenos ayres alone, was taken at one million head. a proprietor at san pedro had previously to these years 20,000 cattle; at the end not one remained. san pedro is situated in the middle of the finest country; and even now abounds again with animals; yet during the latter part of the "gran seco," live cattle were brought in vessels for the consumption of the inhabitants. the animals roamed from their estancias, and, wandering far southward, were mingled together in such multitudes, that a government commission was sent from buenos ayres to settle the disputes of the owners. sir woodbine parish informed me of another and very curious source of dispute; the ground being so long dry, such quantities of dust were blown about, that in this open country the landmarks became obliterated, and people could not tell the limits of their estates. i was informed by an eye-witness that the cattle in herds of thousands rushed into the parana, and being exhausted by hunger they were unable to crawl up the muddy banks, and thus were drowned. the arm of the river which runs by san pedro was so full of putrid carcasses, that the master of a vessel told me that the smell rendered it quite impassable. without doubt several hundred thousand animals thus perished in the river: their bodies when putrid were seen floating down the stream; and many in all probability were deposited in the estuary of the plata. all the small rivers became highly saline, and this caused the death of vast numbers in particular spots; for when an animal drinks of such water it does not recover. azara describes the fury of the wild horses on a similar occasion, rushing into the marshes, those which arrived first being overwhelmed and crushed by those which followed. (7/9. "travels" volume 1 page 374.) he adds that more than once he has seen the carcasses of upwards of a thousand wild horses thus destroyed. i noticed that the smaller streams in the pampas were paved with a breccia of bones, but this probably is the effect of a gradual increase, rather than of the destruction at any one period. subsequently to the drought of 1827 to 1832, a very rainy season followed which caused great floods. hence it is almost certain that some thousands of the skeletons were buried by the deposits of the very next year. what would be the opinion of a geologist, viewing such an enormous collection of bones, of all kinds of animals and of all ages, thus embedded in one thick earthy mass? would he not attribute it to a flood having swept over the surface of the land, rather than to the common order of things? (7/10. these droughts to a certain degree seem to be almost periodical; i was told the dates of several others, and the intervals were about fifteen years.) october 12, 1833. i had intended to push my excursion farther, but not being quite well, i was compelled to return by a balandra, or one-masted vessel of about a hundred tons' burden, which was bound to buenos ayres. as the weather was not fair, we moored early in the day to a branch of a tree on one of the islands. the parana is full of islands, which undergo a constant round of decay and renovation. in the memory of the master several large ones had disappeared, and others again had been formed and protected by vegetation. they are composed of muddy sand, without even the smallest pebble, and were then about four feet above the level of the river; but during the periodical floods they are inundated. they all present one character; numerous willows and a few other trees are bound together by a great variety of creeping plants, thus forming a thick jungle. these thickets afford a retreat for capybaras and jaguars. the fear of the latter animal quite destroyed all pleasure in scrambling through the woods. this evening i had not proceeded a hundred yards, before, finding indubitable signs of the recent presence of the tiger, i was obliged to come back. on every island there were tracks; and as on the former excursion "el rastro de los indios" had been the subject of conversation, so in this was "el rastro del tigre." the wooded banks of the great rivers appear to be the favourite haunts of the jaguar; but south of the plata, i was told that they frequented the reeds bordering lakes: wherever they are, they seem to require water. their common prey is the capybara, so that it is generally said, where capybaras are numerous there is little danger from the jaguar. falconer states that near the southern side of the mouth of the plata there are many jaguars, and that they chiefly live on fish; this account i have heard repeated. on the parana they have killed many wood-cutters, and have even entered vessels at night. there is a man now living in the bajada, who, coming up from below when it was dark, was seized on the deck; he escaped, however, with the loss of the use of one arm. when the floods drive these animals from the islands, they are most dangerous. i was told that a few years since a very large one found its way into a church at st. fã©: two padres entering one after the other were killed, and a third, who came to see what was the matter, escaped with difficulty. the beast was destroyed by being shot from a corner of the building which was unroofed. they commit also at these times great ravages among cattle and horses. it is said that they kill their prey by breaking their necks. if driven from the carcass, they seldom return to it. the gauchos say that the jaguar, when wandering about at night, is much tormented by the foxes yelping as they follow him. this is a curious coincidence with the fact which is generally affirmed of the jackals accompanying, in a similarly officious manner, the east indian tiger. the jaguar is a noisy animal, roaring much by night, and especially before bad weather. one day, when hunting on the banks of the uruguay, i was shown certain trees, to which these animals constantly recur for the purpose, as it is said, of sharpening their claws. i saw three well-known trees; in front, the bark was worn smooth, as if by the breast of the animal, and on each side there were deep scratches, or rather grooves, extending in an oblique line, nearly a yard in length. the scars were of different ages. a common method of ascertaining whether a jaguar is in the neighbourhood is to examine these trees. i imagine this habit of the jaguar is exactly similar to one which may any day be seen in the common cat, as with outstretched legs and exserted claws it scrapes the leg of a chair; and i have heard of young fruit-trees in an orchard in england having been thus much injured. some such habit must also be common to the puma, for on the bare hard soil of patagonia i have frequently seen scores so deep that no other animal could have made them. the object of this practice is, i believe, to tear off the ragged points of their claws, and not, as the gauchos think, to sharpen them. the jaguar is killed, without much difficulty, by the aid of dogs baying and driving him up a tree, where he is despatched with bullets. owing to bad weather we remained two days at our moorings. our only amusement was catching fish for our dinner: there were several kinds, and all good eating. a fish called the "armado" (a silurus) is remarkable from a harsh grating noise which it makes when caught by hook and line, and which can be distinctly heard when the fish is beneath the water. this same fish has the power of firmly catching hold of any object, such as the blade of an oar or the fishing-line, with the strong spine both of its pectoral and dorsal fin. in the evening the weather was quite tropical, the thermometer standing at 79 degrees. numbers of fireflies were hovering about, and the musquitoes were very troublesome. i exposed my hand for five minutes, and it was soon black with them; i do not suppose there could have been less than fifty, all busy sucking. october 15, 1833. (plate 34. head of scissor-beak.) (plate 35. rhynchops nigra, or scissor-beak.) we got under way and passed punta gorda, where there is a colony of tame indians from the province of missiones. we sailed rapidly down the current, but before sunset, from a silly fear of bad weather, we brought-to in a narrow arm of the river. i took the boat and rowed some distance up this creek. it was very narrow, winding, and deep; on each side a wall thirty or forty feet high, formed by trees intwined with creepers, gave to the canal a singularly gloomy appearance. i here saw a very extraordinary bird, called the scissor-beak (rhynchops nigra). it has short legs, web feet, extremely long-pointed wings, and is of about the size of a tern. the beak is flattened laterally, that is, in a plane at right angles to that of a spoonbill or duck. it is as flat and elastic as an ivory paper-cutter, and the lower mandible, differently from every other bird, is an inch and a half longer than the upper. in a lake near maldonado, from which the water had been nearly drained, and which, in consequence, swarmed with small fry, i saw several of these birds, generally in small flocks, flying rapidly backwards and forwards close to the surface of the lake. they kept their bills wide open, and the lower mandible half buried in the water. thus skimming the surface, they ploughed it in their course: the water was quite smooth, and it formed a most curious spectacle to behold a flock, each bird leaving its narrow wake on the mirror-like surface. in their flight they frequently twist about with extreme quickness, and dexterously manage with their projecting lower mandible to plough up small fish, which are secured by the upper and shorter half of their scissor-like bills. this fact i repeatedly saw, as, like swallows, they continued to fly backwards and forwards close before me. occasionally when leaving the surface of the water their flight was wild, irregular, and rapid; they then uttered loud harsh cries. when these birds are fishing, the advantage of the long primary feathers of their wings, in keeping them dry, is very evident. when thus employed, their forms resemble the symbol by which many artists represent marine birds. their tails are much used in steering their irregular course. these birds are common far inland along the course of the rio parana; it is said that they remain here during the whole year, and breed in the marshes. during the day they rest in flocks on the grassy plains, at some distance from the water. being at anchor, as i have said, in one of the deep creeks between the islands of the parana, as the evening drew to a close, one of these scissor-beaks suddenly appeared. the water was quite still, and many little fish were rising. the bird continued for a long time to skim the surface, flying in its wild and irregular manner up and down the narrow canal, now dark with the growing night and the shadows of the overhanging trees. at monte video, i observed that some large flocks during the day remained on the mud-banks at the head of the harbour, in the same manner as on the grassy plains near the parana; and every evening they took flight seaward. from these facts i suspect that the rhynchops generally fishes by night, at which time many of the lower animals come most abundantly to the surface. m. lesson states that he has seen these birds opening the shells of the mactrae buried in the sand-banks on the coast of chile: from their weak bills, with the lower mandible so much projecting, their short legs and long wings, it is very improbable that this can be a general habit. in our course down the parana, i observed only three other birds, whose habits are worth mentioning. one is a small kingfisher (ceryle americana); it has a longer tail than the european species, and hence does not sit in so stiff and upright a position. its flight also, instead of being direct and rapid, like the course of an arrow, is weak and undulatory, as among the soft-billed birds. it utters a low note, like the clicking together of two small stones. a small green parrot (conurus murinus), with a grey breast, appears to prefer the tall trees on the islands to any other situation for its building-place. a number of nests are placed so close together as to form one great mass of sticks. these parrots always live in flocks, and commit great ravages on the corn-fields. i was told that near colonia 2500 were killed in the course of one year. a bird with a forked tail, terminated by two long feathers (tyrannus savana), and named by the spaniards scissor-tail, is very common near buenos ayres: it commonly sits on a branch of the ombu tree, near a house, and thence takes a short flight in pursuit of insects, and returns to the same spot. when on the wing it presents in its manner of flight and general appearance a caricature-likeness of the common swallow. it has the power of turning very shortly in the air, and in so doing opens and shuts its tail, sometimes in a horizontal or lateral and sometimes in a vertical direction, just like a pair of scissors. october 16, 1833. some leagues below rozario, the western shore of the parana is bounded by perpendicular cliffs, which extend in a long line to below san nicolas; hence it more resembles a sea-coast than that of a fresh-water river. it is a great drawback to the scenery of the parana, that, from the soft nature of its banks, the water is very muddy. the uruguay, flowing through a granitic country, is much clearer; and where the two channels unite at the head of the plata, the waters may for a long distance be distinguished by their black and red colours. in the evening, the wind being not quite fair, as usual we immediately moored, and the next day, as it blew rather freshly, though with a favouring current, the master was much too indolent to think of starting. at bajada, he was described to me as "hombre muy aflicto"--a man always miserable to get on; but certainly he bore all delays with admirable resignation. he was an old spaniard, and had been many years in this country. he professed a great liking to the english, but stoutly maintained that the battle of trafalgar was merely won by the spanish captains having been all bought over; and that the only really gallant action on either side was performed by the spanish admiral. it struck me as rather characteristic, that this man should prefer his countrymen being thought the worst of traitors, rather than unskilful or cowardly. october 18 and 19, 1833. we continued slowly to sail down the noble stream: the current helped us but little. we met, during our descent, very few vessels. one of the best gifts of nature, in so grand a channel of communication, seems here wilfully thrown away--a river in which ships might navigate from a temperate country, as surprisingly abundant in certain productions as destitute of others, to another possessing a tropical climate, and a soil which, according to the best of judges, m. bonpland, is perhaps unequalled in fertility in any part of the world. how different would have been the aspect of this river if english colonists had by good fortune first sailed up the plata! what noble towns would now have occupied its shores! till the death of francia, the dictator of paraguay, these two countries must remain distinct, as if placed on opposite sides of the globe. and when the old bloody-minded tyrant is gone to his long account, paraguay will be torn by revolutions, violent in proportion to the previous unnatural calm. that country will have to learn, like every other south american state, that a republic cannot succeed till it contains a certain body of men imbued with the principles of justice and honour. october 20, 1833. being arrived at the mouth of the parana, and as i was very anxious to reach buenos ayres, i went on shore at las conchas, with the intention of riding there. upon landing, i found to my great surprise that i was to a certain degree a prisoner. a violent revolution having broken out, all the ports were laid under an embargo. i could not return to my vessel, and as for going by land to the city, it was out of the question. after a long conversation with the commandant, i obtained permission to go the next day to general rolor, who commanded a division of the rebels on this side the capital. in the morning i rode to the encampment. the general, officers, and soldiers, all appeared, and i believe really were, great villains. the general, the very evening before he left the city, voluntarily went to the governor, and with his hand to his heart, pledged his word of honour that he at least would remain faithful to the last. the general told me that the city was in a state of close blockade, and that all he could do was to give me a passport to the commander-in-chief of the rebels at quilmes. we had therefore to take a great sweep round the city, and it was with much difficulty that we procured horses. my reception at the encampment was quite civil, but i was told it was impossible that i could be allowed to enter the city. i was very anxious about this, as i anticipated the "beagle's" departure from the rio plata earlier than it took place. having mentioned, however, general rosas's obliging kindness to me when at the colorado, magic itself could not have altered circumstances quicker than did this conversation. i was instantly told that though they could not give me a passport, if i chose to leave my guide and horses, i might pass their sentinels. i was too glad to accept of this, and an officer was sent with me to give directions that i should not be stopped at the bridge. the road for the space of a league was quite deserted. i met one party of soldiers, who were satisfied by gravely looking at an old passport: and at length i was not a little pleased to find myself within the city. this revolution was supported by scarcely any pretext of grievances: but in a state which, in the course of nine months (from february to october, 1820), underwent fifteen changes in its government--each governor, according to the constitution, being elected for three years--it would be very unreasonable to ask for pretexts. in this case, a party of men--who, being attached to rosas, were disgusted with the governor balcarce--to the number of seventy left the city, and with the cry of rosas the whole country took arms. the city was then blockaded, no provisions, cattle or horses, were allowed to enter; besides this, there was only a little skirmishing, and a few men daily killed. the outside party well knew that by stopping the supply of meat they would certainly be victorious. general rosas could not have known of this rising; but it appears to be quite consonant with the plans of his party. a year ago he was elected governor, but he refused it, unless the sala would also confer on him extraordinary powers. this was refused, and since then his party have shown that no other governor can keep his place. the warfare on both sides was avowedly protracted till it was possible to hear from rosas. a note arrived a few days after i left buenos ayres, which stated that the general disapproved of peace having been broken, but that he thought the outside party had justice on their side. on the bare reception of this the governor, ministers, and part of the military, to the number of some hundreds, fled from the city. the rebels entered, elected a new governor, and were paid for their services to the number of 5500 men. from these proceedings, it was clear that rosas ultimately would become the dictator: to the term king, the people in this, as in other republics, have a particular dislike. since leaving south america, we have heard that rosas has been elected, with powers and for a time altogether opposed to the constitutional principles of the republic. (plate 36. buenos ayres bullock-waggons.) chapter viii. (plate 37. fuegians and wigwams.) excursion to colonia del sacramiento. value of an estancia. cattle, how counted. singular breed of oxen. perforated pebbles. shepherd-dogs. horses broken-in, gauchos riding. character of inhabitants. rio plata. flocks of butterflies. aeronaut spiders. phosphorescence of the sea. port desire. guanaco. port st. julian. geology of patagonia. fossil gigantic animal. types of organisation constant. change in the zoology of america. causes of extinction. banda oriental and patagonia. having been delayed for nearly a fortnight in the city, i was glad to escape on board a packet bound for monte video. a town in a state of blockade must always be a disagreeable place of residence; in this case moreover there were constant apprehensions from robbers within. the sentinels were the worst of all; for, from their office and from having arms in their hands, they robbed with a degree of authority which other men could not imitate. our passage was a very long and tedious one. the plata looks like a noble estuary on the map; but is in truth a poor affair. a wide expanse of muddy water has neither grandeur nor beauty. at one time of the day, the two shores, both of which are extremely low, could just be distinguished from the deck. on arriving at monte video i found that the "beagle" would not sail for some time, so i prepared for a short excursion in this part of banda oriental. everything which i have said about the country near maldonado is applicable to monte video; but the land, with the one exception of the green mount, 450 feet high, from which it takes its name, is far more level. very little of the undulating grassy plain is enclosed; but near the town there are a few hedge-banks, covered with agaves, cacti, and fennel. november 14, 1833. we left monte video in the afternoon. i intended to proceed to colonia del sacramiento, situated on the northern bank of the plata and opposite to buenos ayres, and thence, following up the uruguay, to the village of mercedes on the rio negro (one of the many rivers of this name in south america), and from this point to return direct to monte video. we slept at the house of my guide at canelones. in the morning we rose early, in the hopes of being able to ride a good distance; but it was a vain attempt, for all the rivers were flooded. we passed in boats the streams of canelones, st. lucia, and san josâ��, and thus lost much time. on a former excursion i crossed the lucia near its mouth, and i was surprised to observe how easily our horses, although not used to swim, passed over a width of at least six hundred yards. on mentioning this at monte video, i was told that a vessel containing some mountebanks and their horses, being wrecked in the plata, one horse swam seven miles to the shore. in the course of the day i was amused by the dexterity with which a gaucho forced a restive horse to swim a river. he stripped off his clothes, and jumping on its back, rode into the water till it was out of its depth; then slipping off over the crupper, he caught hold of the tail, and as often as the horse turned round the man frightened it back by splashing water in its face. as soon as the horse touched the bottom on the other side, the man pulled himself on, and was firmly seated, bridle in hand, before the horse gained the bank. a naked man on a naked horse is a fine spectacle; i had no idea how well the two animals suited each other. the tail of a horse is a very useful appendage; i have passed a river in a boat with four people in it, which was ferried across in the same way as the gaucho. if a man and horse have to cross a broad river, the best plan is for the man to catch hold of the pommel or mane, and help himself with the other arm. we slept and stayed the following day at the post of cufre. in the evening the postman or letter-carrier arrived. he was a day after his time, owing to the rio rozario being flooded. it would not, however, be of much consequence; for, although he had passed through some of the principal towns in banda oriental, his luggage consisted of two letters! the view from the house was pleasing; an undulating green surface, with distant glimpses of the plata. i find that i look at this province with very different eyes from what i did upon my first arrival. i recollect i then thought it singularly level; but now, after galloping over the pampas, my only surprise is, what could have induced me ever to have called it level. the country is a series of undulations, in themselves perhaps not absolutely great, but, as compared to the plains of st. fã©, real mountains. from these inequalities there is an abundance of small rivulets, and the turf is green and luxuriant. november 17, 1833. we crossed the rozario, which was deep and rapid, and passing the village of colla, arrived at mid-day at colonia del sacramiento. the distance is twenty leagues, through a country covered with fine grass, but poorly stocked with cattle or inhabitants. i was invited to sleep at colonia, and to accompany on the following day a gentleman to his estancia, where there were some limestone rocks. the town is built on a stony promontory something in the same manner as at monte video. it is strongly fortified, but both fortifications and town suffered much in the brazilian war. it is very ancient; and the irregularity of the streets, and the surrounding groves of old orange and peach trees, gave it a pretty appearance. the church is a curious ruin; it was used as a powder-magazine, and was struck by lightning in one of the ten thousand thunderstorms of the rio plata. two-thirds of the building were blown away to the very foundation; and the rest stands a shattered and curious monument of the united powers of lightning and gunpowder. in the evening i wandered about the half-demolished walls of the town. it was the chief seat of the brazilian war--a war most injurious to this country, not so much in its immediate effects, as in being the origin of a multitude of generals and all other grades of officers. more generals are numbered (but not paid) in the united provinces of la plata than in the united kingdom of great britain. these gentlemen have learned to like power, and do not object to a little skirmishing. hence there are many always on the watch to create disturbance and to overturn a government which as yet has never rested on any stable foundation. i noticed, however, both here and in other places, a very general interest in the ensuing election for the president; and this appears a good sign for the prosperity of this little country. the inhabitants do not require much education in their representatives; i heard some men discussing the merits of those for colonia; and it was said that, "although they were not men of business, they could all sign their names:" with this they seemed to think every reasonable man ought to be satisfied. november 18, 1833. rode with my host to his estancia, at the arroyo de san juan. in the evening we took a ride round the estate: it contained two square leagues and a half, and was situated in what is called a rincon; that is, one side was fronted by the plata, and the two others guarded by impassable brooks. there was an excellent port for little vessels, and an abundance of small wood, which is valuable as supplying fuel to buenos ayres. i was curious to know the value of so complete an estancia. of cattle there were 3000, and it would well support three or four times that number; of mares 800, together with 150 broken-in horses, and 600 sheep. there was plenty of water and limestone, a rough house, excellent corrals, and a peach orchard. for all this he had been offered 2000 pounds sterling, and he only wanted 500 pounds sterling additional, and probably would sell it for less. the chief trouble with an estancia is driving the cattle twice a week to a central spot, in order to make them tame, and to count them. this latter operation would be thought difficult, where there are ten or fifteen thousand head together. it is managed on the principle that the cattle invariably divide themselves into little troops of from forty to one hundred. each troop is recognised by a few peculiarly marked animals, and its number is known: so that, one being lost out of ten thousand, it is perceived by its absence from one of the tropillas. during a stormy night the cattle all mingle together; but the next morning the tropillas separate as before; so that each animal must know its fellow out of ten thousand others. on two occasions i met with in this province some oxen of a very curious breed, called nã£ta or niata. they appear externally to hold nearly the same relation to other cattle, which bull or pug dogs do to other dogs. their forehead is very short and broad, with the nasal end turned up, and the upper lip much drawn back; their lower jaws project beyond the upper, and have a corresponding upward curve; hence their teeth are always exposed. their nostrils are seated high up and are very open; their eyes project outwards. when walking they carry their heads low, on a short neck; and their hinder legs are rather longer compared with the front legs than is usual. their bare teeth, their short heads, and upturned nostrils give them the most ludicrous self-confident air of defiance imaginable. since my return, i have procured a skeleton head, through the kindness of my friend captain sulivan, r.n., which is now deposited in the college of surgeons. (8/1. mr. waterhouse has drawn up a detailed description of this head, which i hope he will publish in some journal.) don f. muniz, of luxan, has kindly collected for me all the information which he could respecting this breed. from his account it seems that about eighty or ninety years ago, they were rare and kept as curiosities at buenos ayres. the breed is universally believed to have originated amongst the indians southward of the plata; and that it was with them the commonest kind. even to this day, those reared in the provinces near the plata show their less civilised origin, in being fiercer than common cattle, and in the cow easily deserting her first calf, if visited too often or molested. it is a singular fact that an almost similar structure to the abnormal one of the niata breed, characterises, as i am informed by dr. falconer, that great extinct ruminant of india, the sivatherium. (8/2. a nearly similar abnormal, but i do not know whether hereditary, structure has been observed in the carp, and likewise in the crocodile of the ganges: "histoire des anomalies" par m. isid. geoffroy st. hilaire tome 1 page 244.) the breed is very true; and a niata bull and cow invariably produce niata calves. a niata bull with a common cow, or the reverse cross, produces offspring having an intermediate character, but with the niata characters strongly displayed: according to seâ¤or muniz, there is the clearest evidence, contrary to the common belief of agriculturists in analogous cases, that the niata cow when crossed with a common bull transmits her peculiarities more strongly than the niata bull when crossed with a common cow. when the pasture is tolerably long, the niata cattle feed with the tongue and palate as well as common cattle; but during the great droughts, when so many animals perish, the niata breed is under a great disadvantage, and would be exterminated if not attended to; for the common cattle, like horses, are able just to keep alive, by browsing with their lips on twigs of trees and reeds; this the niatas cannot so well do, as their lips do not join, and hence they are found to perish before the common cattle. this strikes me as a good illustration of how little we are able to judge from the ordinary habits of life, on what circumstances, occurring only at long intervals, the rarity or extinction of a species may be determined. november 19, 1833. passing the valley of las vacas, we slept at a house of a north american, who worked a lime-kiln on the arroyo de las vivoras. in the morning we rode to a projecting headland on the banks of the river, called punta gorda. on the way we tried to find a jaguar. there were plenty of fresh tracks, and we visited the trees on which they are said to sharpen their claws; but we did not succeed in disturbing one. from this point the rio uruguay presented to our view a noble volume of water. from the clearness and rapidity of the stream, its appearance was far superior to that of its neighbour the parana. on the opposite coast, several branches from the latter river entered the uruguay. as the sun was shining, the two colours of the waters could be seen quite distinct. in the evening we proceeded on our road towards mercedes on the rio negro. at night we asked permission to sleep at an estancia at which we happened to arrive. it was a very large estate, being ten leagues square, and the owner is one of the greatest landowners in the country. his nephew had charge of it, and with him there was a captain in the army, who the other day ran away from buenos ayres. considering their station, their conversation was rather amusing. they expressed, as was usual, unbounded astonishment at the globe being round, and could scarcely credit that a hole would, if deep enough, come out on the other side. they had, however, heard of a country where there were six months of light and six of darkness, and where the inhabitants were very tall and thin! they were curious about the price and condition of horses and cattle in england. upon finding out we did not catch our animals with the lazo, they cried out, "ah, then, you use nothing but the bolas:" the idea of an enclosed country was quite new to them. the captain at last said, he had one question to ask me, which he should be very much obliged if i would answer with all truth. i trembled to think how deeply scientific it would be: it was, "whether the ladies of buenos ayres were not the handsomest in the world." i replied, like a renegade, "charmingly so." he added, "i have one other question: do ladies in any other part of the world wear such large combs?" i solemnly assured him that they did not. they were absolutely delighted. the captain exclaimed, "look there! a man who has seen half the world says it is the case; we always thought so, but now we know it." my excellent judgment in combs and beauty procured me a most hospitable reception; the captain forced me to take his bed, and he would sleep on his recado. november 21, 1833. started at sunrise, and rode slowly during the whole day. the geological nature of this part of the province was different from the rest, and closely resembled that of the pampas. in consequence, there were immense beds of the thistle, as well as of the cardoon: the whole country, indeed, may be called one great bed of these plants. the two sorts grow separate, each plant in company with its own kind. the cardoon is as high as a horse's back, but the pampas thistle is often higher than the crown of the rider's head. to leave the road for a yard is out of the question; and the road itself is partly, and in some cases entirely, closed. pasture, of course, there is none; if cattle or horses once enter the bed, they are for the time completely lost. hence it is very hazardous to attempt to drive cattle at this season of the year; for when jaded enough to face the thistles, they rush among them, and are seen no more. in these districts there are very few estancias, and these few are situated in the neighbourhood of damp valleys, where fortunately neither of these overwhelming plants can exist. as night came on before we arrived at our journey's end, we slept at a miserable little hovel inhabited by the poorest people. the extreme though rather formal courtesy of our host and hostess, considering their grade of life, was quite delightful. november 22, 1833. arrived at an estancia on the berquelo belonging to a very hospitable englishman, to whom i had a letter of introduction from my friend mr. lumb. i stayed here three days. one morning i rode with my host to the sierra del pedro flaco, about twenty miles up the rio negro. nearly the whole country was covered with good though coarse grass, which was as high as a horse's belly; yet there were square leagues without a single head of cattle. the province of banda oriental, if well stocked, would support an astonishing number of animals, at present the annual export of hides from monte video amounts to three hundred thousand; and the home consumption, from waste, is very considerable. an estanciero told me that he often had to send large herds of cattle a long journey to a salting establishment, and that the tired beasts were frequently obliged to be killed and skinned; but that he could never persuade the gauchos to eat of them, and every evening a fresh beast was slaughtered for their suppers! the view of the rio negro from the sierra was more picturesque than any other which i saw in this province. the river, broad, deep, and rapid, wound at the foot of a rocky precipitous cliff: a belt of wood followed its course, and the horizon terminated in the distant undulations of the turf-plain. when in this neighbourhood, i several times heard of the sierra de las cuentas: a hill distant many miles to the northward. the name signifies hill of beads. i was assured that vast numbers of little round stones, of various colours, each with a small cylindrical hole, are found there. formerly the indians used to collect them, for the purpose of making necklaces and bracelets--a taste, i may observe, which is common to all savage nations, as well as to the most polished. i did not know what to understand from this story, but upon mentioning it at the cape of good hope to dr. andrew smith, he told me that he recollected finding on the south-eastern coast of africa, about one hundred miles to the eastward of st. john's river, some quartz crystals with their edges blunted from attrition, and mixed with gravel on the sea-beach. each crystal was about five lines in diameter, and from an inch to an inch and a half in length. many of them had a small canal extending from one extremity to the other, perfectly cylindrical, and of a size that readily admitted a coarse thread or a piece of fine catgut. their colour was red or dull white. the natives were acquainted with this structure in crystals. i have mentioned these circumstances because, although no crystallised body is at present known to assume this form, it may lead some future traveller to investigate the real nature of such stones. while staying at this estancia, i was amused with what i saw and heard of the shepherd-dogs of the country. (8/3. m. a. d'orbigny has given nearly a similar account of these dogs, tome 1 page 175.) when riding, it is a common thing to meet a large flock of sheep guarded by one or two dogs, at the distance of some miles from any house or man. i often wondered how so firm a friendship had been established. the method of education consists in separating the puppy, while very young, from the bitch, and in accustoming it to its future companions. an ewe is held three or four times a day for the little thing to suck, and a nest of wool is made for it in the sheep-pen; at no time is it allowed to associate with other dogs, or with the children of the family. the puppy is, moreover, generally castrated; so that, when grown up, it can scarcely have any feelings in common with the rest of its kind. from this education it has no wish to leave the flock, and just as another dog will defend its master, man, so will these the sheep. it is amusing to observe, when approaching a flock, how the dog immediately advances barking, and the sheep all close in his rear, as if round the oldest ram. these dogs are also easily taught to bring home the flock at a certain hour in the evening. their most troublesome fault, when young, is their desire of playing with the sheep; for in their sport they sometimes gallop their poor subjects most unmercifully. the shepherd-dog comes to the house every day for some meat, and as soon as it is given him, he skulks away as if ashamed of himself. on these occasions the house-dogs are very tyrannical, and the least of them will attack and pursue the stranger. the minute, however, the latter has reached the flock, he turns round and begins to bark, and then all the house-dogs take very quickly to their heels. in a similar manner a whole pack of the hungry wild dogs will scarcely ever (and i was told by some never) venture to attack a flock guarded by even one of these faithful shepherds. the whole account appears to me a curious instance of the pliability of the affections in the dog; and yet, whether wild or however educated, he has a feeling of respect or fear for those that are fulfilling their instinct of association. for we can understand on no principle the wild dogs being driven away by the single one with its flock, except that they consider, from some confused notion, that the one thus associated gains power, as if in company with its own kind. f. cuvier has observed that all animals that readily enter into domestication consider man as a member of their own society, and thus fulfil their instinct of association. in the above case the shepherd-dog ranks the sheep as its fellow-brethren, and thus gains confidence; and the wild dogs, though knowing that the individual sheep are not dogs, but are good to eat, yet partly consent to this view when seeing them in a flock with a shepherd-dog at their head. one evening a "domidor" (a subduer of horses) came for the purpose of breaking-in some colts. i will describe the preparatory steps, for i believe they have not been mentioned by other travellers. a troop of wild young horses is driven into the corral, or large enclosure of stakes, and the door is shut. we will suppose that one man alone has to catch and mount a horse, which as yet had never felt bridle or saddle. i conceive, except by a gaucho, such a feat would be utterly impracticable. the gaucho picks out a full-grown colt; and as the beast rushes round the circus, he throws his lazo so as to catch both the front legs. instantly the horse rolls over with a heavy shock, and whilst struggling on the ground, the gaucho, holding the lazo tight, makes a circle, so as to catch one of the hind legs just beneath the fetlock, and draws it close to the two front legs: he then hitches the lazo, so that the three are bound together. then sitting on the horse's neck, he fixes a strong bridle, without a bit, to the lower jaw: this he does by passing a narrow thong through the eye-holes at the end of the reins, and several times round both jaw and tongue. the two front legs are now tied closely together with a strong leathern thong, fastened by a slip-knot. the lazo, which bound the three together, being then loosed, the horse rises with difficulty. the gaucho, now holding fast the bridle fixed to the lower jaw, leads the horse outside the corral. if a second man is present (otherwise the trouble is much greater) he holds the animal's head, whilst the first puts on the horsecloths and saddle, and girths the whole together. during this operation, the horse, from dread and astonishment at thus being bound round the waist, throws himself over and over again on the ground, and, till beaten, is unwilling to rise. at last, when the saddling is finished, the poor animal can hardly breathe from fear, and is white with foam and sweat. the man now prepares to mount by pressing heavily on the stirrup, so that the horse may not lose its balance; and at the moment that he throws his leg over the animal's back, he pulls the slip-knot binding the front legs, and the beast is free. some "domidors" pull the knot while the animal is lying on the ground, and, standing over the saddle, allow him to rise beneath them. the horse, wild with dread, gives a few most violent bounds, and then starts off at full gallop: when quite exhausted, the man, by patience, brings him back to the corral, where, reeking hot and scarcely alive, the poor beast is let free. those animals which will not gallop away, but obstinately throw themselves on the ground, are by far the most troublesome. this process is tremendously severe, but in two or three trials the horse is tamed. it is not, however, for some weeks that the animal is ridden with the iron bit and solid ring, for it must learn to associate the will of its rider with the feel of the rein, before the most powerful bridle can be of any service. animals are so abundant in these countries, that humanity and self-interest are not closely united; therefore i fear it is that the former is here scarcely known. one day, riding in the pampas with a very respectable "estanciero," my horse, being tired, lagged behind. the man often shouted to me to spur him. when i remonstrated that it was a pity, for the horse was quite exhausted, he cried out, "why not?--never mind--spur him--it is my horse." i had then some difficulty in making him comprehend that it was for the horse's sake, and not on his account, that i did not choose to use my spurs. he exclaimed, with a look of great surprise, "ah, don carlos, que cosa!" it was clear that such an idea had never before entered his head. the gauchos are well known to be perfect riders. the idea of being thrown, let the horse do what it likes; never enters their head. their criterion of a good rider is, a man who can manage an untamed colt, or who, if his horse falls, alights on his own feet, or can perform other such exploits. i have heard of a man betting that he would throw his horse down twenty times, and that nineteen times he would not fall himself. i recollect seeing a gaucho riding a very stubborn horse, which three times successively reared so high as to fall backwards with great violence. the man judged with uncommon coolness the proper moment for slipping off, not an instant before or after the right time; and as soon as the horse got up, the man jumped on his back, and at last they started at a gallop. the gaucho never appears to exert any muscular force. i was one day watching a good rider, as we were galloping along at a rapid pace, and thought to myself, "surely if the horse starts, you appear so careless on your seat, you must fall." at this moment a male ostrich sprang from its nest right beneath the horse's nose: the young colt bounded on one side like a stag; but as for the man, all that could be said was, that he started and took fright with his horse. in chile and peru more pains are taken with the mouth of the horse than in la plata, and this is evidently a consequence of the more intricate nature of the country. in chile a horse is not considered perfectly broken till he can be brought up standing, in the midst of his full speed, on any particular spot,--for instance, on a cloak thrown on the ground: or, again, he will charge a wall, and rearing, scrape the surface with his hoofs. i have seen an animal bounding with spirit, yet merely reined by a forefinger and thumb, taken at full gallop across a courtyard, and then made to wheel round the post of a veranda with great speed, but at so equal a distance, that the rider, with outstretched arm, all the while kept one finger rubbing the post. then making a demi-volte in the air, with the other arm outstretched in a like manner, he wheeled round, with astonishing force, in an opposite direction. such a horse is well broken; and although this at first may appear useless, it is far otherwise. it is only carrying that which is daily necessary into perfection. when a bullock is checked and caught by the lazo, it will sometimes gallop round and round in a circle, and the horse being alarmed at the great strain, if not well broken, will not readily turn like the pivot of a wheel. in consequence many men have been killed; for if the lazo once takes a twist round a man's body, it will instantly, from the power of the two opposed animals, almost cut him in twain. on the same principle the races are managed; the course is only two or three hundred yards long, the wish being to have horses that can make a rapid dash. the racehorses are trained not only to stand with their hoofs touching a line, but to draw all four feet together, so as at the first spring to bring into play the full action of the hind-quarters. in chile i was told an anecdote, which i believe was true; and it offers a good illustration of the use of a well-broken animal. a respectable man riding one day met two others, one of whom was mounted on a horse, which he knew to have been stolen from himself. he challenged them; they answered him by drawing their sabres and giving chase. the man, on his good and fleet beast, kept just ahead: as he passed a thick bush he wheeled round it, and brought up his horse to a dead check. the pursuers were obliged to shoot on one side and ahead. then instantly dashing on, right behind them, he buried his knife in the back of one, wounded the other, recovered his horse from the dying robber, and rode home. for these feats of horsemanship two things are necessary: a most severe bit, like the mameluke, the power of which, though seldom used, the horse knows full well; and large blunt spurs, that can be applied either as a mere touch, or as an instrument of extreme pain. i conceive that with english spurs, the slightest touch of which pricks the skin, it would be impossible to break in a horse after the south american fashion. at an estancia near las vacas large numbers of mares are weekly slaughtered for the sake of their hides, although worth only five paper dollars, or about half a crown apiece. it seems at first strange that it can answer to kill mares for such a trifle; but as it is thought ridiculous in this country ever to break in or ride a mare, they are of no value except for breeding. the only thing for which i ever saw mares used, was to tread out wheat from the ear, for which purpose they were driven round a circular enclosure, where the wheat-sheaves were strewed. the man employed for slaughtering the mares happened to be celebrated for his dexterity with the lazo. standing at the distance of twelve yards from the mouth of the corral, he has laid a wager that he would catch by the legs every animal, without missing one, as it rushed past him. there was another man who said he would enter the corral on foot, catch a mare, fasten her front legs together, drive her out, throw her down, kill, skin, and stake the hide for drying (which latter is a tedious job); and he engaged that he would perform this whole operation on twenty-two animals in one day. or he would kill and take the skin off fifty in the same time. this would have been a prodigious task, for it is considered a good day's work to skin and stake the hides of fifteen or sixteen animals. november 26, 1833. i set out on my return in a direct line for monte video. having heard of some giant's bones at a neighbouring farmhouse on the sarandis, a small stream entering the rio negro, i rode there accompanied by my host, and purchased for the value of eighteenpence the head of the toxodon. (8/4. i must express my obligation to mr. keane, at whose house i was staying on the berquelo, and to mr. lumb at buenos ayres, for without their assistance these valuable remains would never have reached england.) when found it was quite perfect; but the boys knocked out some of the teeth with stones, and then set up the head as a mark to throw at. by a most fortunate chance i found a perfect tooth, which exactly fitted one of the sockets in this skull, embedded by itself on the banks of the rio tercero, at the distance of about 180 miles from this place. i found remains of this extraordinary animal at two other places, so that it must formerly have been common. i found here, also, some large portions of the armour of a gigantic armadillo-like animal, and part of the great head of a mylodon. the bones of this head are so fresh, that they contain, according to the analysis by mr. t. reeks, seven per cent of animal matter; and when placed in a spirit-lamp, they burn with a small flame. the number of the remains embedded in the grand estuary deposit which forms the pampas and covers the granitic rocks of banda oriental, must be extraordinarily great. i believe a straight line drawn in any direction through the pampas would cut through some skeleton or bones. besides those which i found during my short excursions, i heard of many others, and the origin of such names as "the stream of the animal," "the hill of the giant," is obvious. at other times i heard of the marvellous property of certain rivers, which had the power of changing small bones into large; or, as some maintained, the bones themselves grew. as far as i am aware, not one of these animals perished, as was formerly supposed, in the marshes or muddy river-beds of the present land, but their bones have been exposed by the streams intersecting the subaqueous deposit in which they were originally embedded. we may conclude that the whole area of the pampas is one wide sepulchre of these extinct gigantic quadrupeds. by the middle of the day, on the 28th, we arrived at monte video, having been two days and a half on the road. the country for the whole way was of a very uniform character, some parts being rather more rocky and hilly than near the plata. not far from monte video we passed through the village of las pietras, so named from some large rounded masses of syenite. its appearance was rather pretty. in this country a few fig-trees round a group of houses, and a site elevated a hundred feet above the general level, ought always to be called picturesque. during the last six months i have had an opportunity of seeing a little of the character of the inhabitants of these provinces. the gauchos, or countrymen, are very superior to those who reside in the towns. the gaucho is invariably most obliging, polite, and hospitable: i did not meet with even one instance of rudeness or inhospitality. he is modest, both respecting himself and country, but at the same time a spirited, bold fellow. on the other hand, many robberies are committed, and there is much bloodshed: the habit of constantly wearing the knife is the chief cause of the latter. it is lamentable to hear how many lives are lost in trifling quarrels. in fighting, each party tries to mark the face of his adversary by slashing his nose or eyes; as is often attested by deep and horrid-looking scars. robberies are a natural consequence of universal gambling, much drinking, and extreme indolence. at mercedes i asked two men why they did not work. one gravely said the days were too long; the other that he was too poor. the number of horses and the profusion of food are the destruction of all industry. moreover, there are so many feast-days; and again, nothing can succeed without it be begun when the moon is on the increase; so that half the month is lost from these two causes. police and justice are quite inefficient. if a man who is poor commits murder and is taken, he will be imprisoned, and perhaps even shot; but if he is rich and has friends, he may rely on it no very severe consequence will ensue. it is curious that the most respectable inhabitants of the country invariably assist a murderer to escape: they seem to think that the individual sins against the government, and not against the people. a traveller has no protection besides his firearms; and the constant habit of carrying them is the main check to more frequent robberies. the character of the higher and more educated classes who reside in the towns, partakes, but perhaps in a lesser degree, of the good parts of the gaucho, but is, i fear, stained by many vices of which he is free. sensuality, mockery of all religion, and the grossest corruption, are far from uncommon. nearly every public officer can be bribed. the head man in the post-office sold forged government franks. the governor and prime minister openly combined to plunder the state. justice, where gold came into play, was hardly expected by any one. i knew an englishman who went to the chief justice (he told me that, not then understanding the ways of the place, he trembled as he entered the room), and said, "sir, i have come to offer you two hundred (paper) dollars (value about five pounds sterling) if you will arrest before a certain time a man who has cheated me. i know it is against the law, but my lawyer (naming him) recommended me to take this step." the chief justice smiled acquiescence, thanked him, and the man before night was safe in prison. with this entire want of principle in many of the leading men, with the country full of ill-paid turbulent officers, the people yet hope that a democratic form of government can succeed! on first entering society in these countries, two or three features strike one as particularly remarkable. the polite and dignified manners pervading every rank of life, the excellent taste displayed by the women in their dresses, and the equality amongst all ranks. at the rio colorado some men who kept the humblest shops used to dine with general rosas. a son of a major at bahia blanca gained his livelihood by making paper cigars, and he wished to accompany me, as guide or servant, to buenos ayres, but his father objected on the score of the danger alone. many officers in the army can neither read nor write, yet all meet in society as equals. in entre rios, the sala consisted of only six representatives. one of them kept a common shop, and evidently was not degraded by the office. all this is what would be expected in a new country; nevertheless the absence of gentlemen by profession appears to an englishman something strange. when speaking of these countries, the manner in which they have been brought up by their unnatural parent, spain, should always be borne in mind. on the whole, perhaps, more credit is due for what has been done, than blame for that which may be deficient. it is impossible to doubt but that the extreme liberalism of these countries must ultimately lead to good results. the very general toleration of foreign religions, the regard paid to the means of education, the freedom of the press, the facilities offered to all foreigners, and especially, as i am bound to add, to every one professing the humblest pretensions to science, should be recollected with gratitude by those who have visited spanish south america. december 6, 1833. the "beagle" sailed from the rio plata, never again to enter its muddy stream. our course was directed to port desire, on the coast of patagonia. before proceeding any farther, i will here put together a few observations made at sea. several times when the ship has been some miles off the mouth of the plata, and at other times when off the shores of northern patagonia, we have been surrounded by insects. one evening, when we were about ten miles from the bay of san blas, vast numbers of butterflies, in bands or flocks of countless myriads, extended as far as the eye could range. even by the aid of a telescope it was not possible to see a space free from butterflies. the seamen cried out "it was snowing butterflies," and such in fact was the appearance. more species than one were present, but the main part belonged to a kind very similar to, but not identical with, the common english colias edusa. some moths and hymenoptera accompanied the butterflies; and a fine beetle (calosoma) flew on board. other instances are known of this beetle having been caught far out at sea; and this is the more remarkable, as the greater number of the carabidae seldom or never take wing. the day had been fine and calm, and the one previous to it equally so, with light and variable airs. hence we cannot suppose that the insects were blown off the land, but we must conclude that they voluntarily took flight. the great bands of the colias seem at first to afford an instance like those on record of the migrations of another butterfly, vanessa cardui (8/5. lyell's "principles of geology" volume 3 page 63.); but the presence of other insects makes the case distinct, and even less intelligible. before sunset a strong breeze sprung up from the north, and this must have caused tens of thousands of the butterflies and other insects to have perished. on another occasion, when seventeen miles off cape corrientes, i had a net overboard to catch pelagic animals. upon drawing it up, to my surprise i found a considerable number of beetles in it, and although in the open sea, they did not appear much injured by the salt water. i lost some of the specimens, but those which i preserved belonged to the genera colymbetes, hydroporus, hydrobius (two species), notaphus, cynucus, adimonia, and scarabaeus. at first i thought that these insects had been blown from the shore; but upon reflecting that out of the eight species four were aquatic, and two others partly so in their habits, it appeared to me most probable that they were floated into the sea by a small stream which drains a lake near cape corrientes. on any supposition it is an interesting circumstance to find live insects swimming in the open ocean seventeen miles from the nearest point of land. there are several accounts of insects having been blown off the patagonian shore. captain cook observed it, as did more lately captain king of the "adventure." the cause probably is due to the want of shelter, both of trees and hills, so that an insect on the wing with an offshore breeze, would be very apt to be blown out to sea. the most remarkable instance i have known of an insect being caught far from the land, was that of a large grasshopper (acrydium), which flew on board, when the "beagle" was to windward of the cape de verd islands, and when the nearest point of land, not directly opposed to the trade-wind, was cape blanco on the coast of africa, 370 miles distant. (8/6. the flies which frequently accompany a ship for some days on its passage from harbour to harbour, wandering from the vessel, are soon lost, and all disappear.) on several occasions, when the "beagle" has been within the mouth of the plata, the rigging has been coated with the web of the gossamer spider. one day (november 1st, 1832) i paid particular attention to this subject. the weather had been fine and clear, and in the morning the air was full of patches of the flocculent web, as on an autumnal day in england. the ship was sixty miles distant from the land, in the direction of a steady though light breeze. vast numbers of a small spider, about one-tenth of an inch in length, and of a dusky red colour, were attached to the webs. there must have been, i should suppose, some thousands on the ship. the little spider, when first coming in contact with the rigging, was always seated on a single thread, and not on the flocculent mass. this latter seems merely to be produced by the entanglement of the single threads. the spiders were all of one species, but of both sexes, together with young ones. these latter were distinguished by their smaller size and more dusky colour. i will not give the description of this spider, but merely state that it does not appear to me to be included in any of latreille's genera. the little aeronaut as soon as it arrived on board was very active, running about, sometimes letting itself fall, and then reascending the same thread; sometimes employing itself in making a small and very irregular mesh in the corners between the ropes. it could run with facility on the surface of water. when disturbed it lifted up its front legs, in the attitude of attention. on its first arrival it appeared very thirsty, and with exserted maxillae drank eagerly of drops of water; this same circumstance has been observed by strack: may it not be in consequence of the little insect having passed through a dry and rarefied atmosphere? its stock of web seemed inexhaustible. while watching some that were suspended by a single thread, i several times observed that the slightest breath of air bore them away out of sight, in a horizontal line. on another occasion (25th) under similar circumstances, i repeatedly observed the same kind of small spider, either when placed or having crawled on some little eminence, elevate its abdomen, send forth a thread, and then sail away horizontally, but with a rapidity which was quite unaccountable. i thought i could perceive that the spider, before performing the above preparatory steps, connected its legs together with the most delicate threads, but i am not sure whether this observation was correct. one day, at st. fã©, i had a better opportunity of observing some similar facts. a spider which was about three-tenths of an inch in length, and which in its general appearance resembled a citigrade (therefore quite different from the gossamer), while standing on the summit of a post, darted forth four or five threads from its spinners. these, glittering in the sunshine, might be compared to diverging rays of light; they were not, however, straight, but in undulations like films of silk blown by the wind. they were more than a yard in length, and diverged in an ascending direction from the orifices. the spider then suddenly let go its hold of the post, and was quickly borne out of sight. the day was hot and apparently quite calm; yet under such circumstances, the atmosphere can never be so tranquil as not to affect a vane so delicate as the thread of a spider's web. if during a warm day we look either at the shadow of any object cast on a bank, or over a level plain at a distant landmark, the effect of an ascending current of heated air is almost always evident: such upward currents, it has been remarked, are also shown by the ascent of soap-bubbles, which will not rise in an indoors room. hence i think there is not much difficulty in understanding the ascent of the fine lines projected from a spider's spinners, and afterwards of the spider itself; the divergence of the lines has been attempted to be explained, i believe by mr. murray, by their similar electrical condition. the circumstance of spiders of the same species, but of different sexes and ages, being found on several occasions at the distance of many leagues from the land, attached in vast numbers to the lines, renders it probable that the habit of sailing through the air is as characteristic of this tribe, as that of diving is of the argyroneta. we may then reject latreille's supposition, that the gossamer owes its origin indifferently to the young of several genera of spiders: although, as we have seen, the young of other spiders do possess the power of performing aerial voyages. (8/7. mr. blackwall in his "researches in zoology" has many excellent observations on the habits of spiders.) during our different passages south of the plata, i often towed astern a net made of bunting, and thus caught many curious animals. of crustacea there were many strange and undescribed genera. one, which in some respects is allied to the notopods (or those crabs which have their posterior legs placed almost on their backs, for the purpose of adhering to the under side of rocks), is very remarkable from the structure of its hind pair of legs. the penultimate joint, instead of terminating in a simple claw, ends in three bristle-like appendages of dissimilar lengths--the longest equalling that of the entire leg. these claws are very thin, and are serrated with the finest teeth, directed backwards: their curved extremities are flattened, and on this part five most minute cups are placed which seem to act in the same manner as the suckers on the arms of the cuttle-fish. as the animal lives in the open sea, and probably wants a place of rest, i suppose this beautiful and most anomalous structure is adapted to take hold of floating marine animals. in deep water, far from the land, the number of living creatures is extremely small: south of the latitude 35 degrees, i never succeeded in catching anything besides some beroe, and a few species of minute entomostracous crustacea. in shoaler water, at the distance of a few miles from the coast, very many kinds of crustacea and some other animals are numerous, but only during the night. between latitudes 56 and 57 degrees south of cape horn, the net was put astern several times; it never, however, brought up anything besides a few of two extremely minute species of entomostraca. yet whales and seals, petrels and albatross, are exceedingly abundant throughout this part of the ocean. it has always been a mystery to me on what the albatross, which lives far from the shore, can subsist; i presume that, like the condor, it is able to fast long; and that one good feast on the carcass of a putrid whale lasts for a long time. the central and intertropical parts of the atlantic swarm with pteropoda, crustacea, and radiata, and with their devourers the flying-fish, and again with their devourers the bonitos and albicores; i presume that the numerous lower pelagic animals feed on the infusoria, which are now known, from the researches of ehrenberg, to abound in the open ocean: but on what, in the clear blue water, do these infusoria subsist? while sailing a little south of the plata on one very dark night, the sea presented a wonderful and most beautiful spectacle. there was a fresh breeze, and every part of the surface, which during the day is seen as foam, now glowed with a pale light. the vessel drove before her bows two billows of liquid phosphorus, and in her wake she was followed by a milky train. as far as the eye reached, the crest of every wave was bright, and the sky above the horizon, from the reflected glare of these livid flames, was not so utterly obscure as over the vault of the heavens. as we proceed farther southward the sea is seldom phosphorescent; and off cape horn i do not recollect more than once having seen it so, and then it was far from being brilliant. this circumstance probably has a close connection with the scarcity of organic beings in that part of the ocean. after the elaborate paper by ehrenberg, on the phosphorescence of the sea, it is almost superfluous on my part to make any observations on the subject. (8/8. an abstract is given in no. 4 of the "magazine of zoology and botany.") i may however add, that the same torn and irregular particles of gelatinous matter, described by ehrenberg, seem in the southern as well as in the northern hemisphere to be the common cause of this phenomenon. the particles were so minute as easily to pass through fine gauze; yet many were distinctly visible by the naked eye. the water when placed in a tumbler and agitated gave out sparks, but a small portion in a watch-glass scarcely ever was luminous. ehrenberg states that these particles all retain a certain degree of irritability. my observations, some of which were made directly after taking up the water, gave a different result. i may also mention, that having used the net during one night, i allowed it to become partially dry, and having occasion twelve hours afterwards to employ it again, i found the whole surface sparkled as brightly as when first taken out of the water. it does not appear probable in this case that the particles could have remained so long alive. on one occasion having kept a jelly-fish of the genus dianaea till it was dead, the water in which it was placed became luminous. when the waves scintillate with bright green sparks, i believe it is generally owing to minute crustacea. but there can be no doubt that very many other pelagic animals, when alive, are phosphorescent. on two occasions i have observed the sea luminous at considerable depths beneath the surface. near the mouth of the plata some circular and oval patches, from two to four yards in diameter, and with defined outlines, shone with a steady but pale light; while the surrounding water only gave out a few sparks. the appearance resembled the reflection of the moon, or some luminous body; for the edges were sinuous from the undulations of the surface. the ship, which drew thirteen feet water, passed over, without disturbing these patches. therefore we must suppose that some animals were congregated together at a greater depth than the bottom of the vessel. near fernando noronha the sea gave out light in flashes. the appearance was very similar to that which might be expected from a large fish moving rapidly through a luminous fluid. to this cause the sailors attributed it; at the time, however, i entertained some doubts, on account of the frequency and rapidity of the flashes. i have already remarked that the phenomenon is very much more common in warm than in cold countries; and i have sometimes imagined that a disturbed electrical condition of the atmosphere was most favourable to its production. certainly i think the sea is most luminous after a few days of more calm weather than ordinary, during which time it has swarmed with various animals. observing that the water charged with gelatinous particles is in an impure state, and that the luminous appearance in all common cases is produced by the agitation of the fluid in contact with the atmosphere, i am inclined to consider that the phosphorescence is the result of the decomposition of the organic particles, by which process (one is tempted almost to call it a kind of respiration) the ocean becomes purified. december 23, 1833. we arrived at port desire, situated in latitude 47 degrees, on the coast of patagonia. the creek runs for about twenty miles inland, with an irregular width. the "beagle" anchored a few miles within the entrance, in front of the ruins of an old spanish settlement. the same evening i went on shore. the first landing in any new country is very interesting, and especially when, as in this case, the whole aspect bears the stamp of a marked and individual character. at the height of between two and three hundred feet above some masses of porphyry a wide plain extends, which is truly characteristic of patagonia. the surface is quite level, and is composed of well-rounded shingle mixed with a whitish earth. here and there scattered tufts of brown wiry grass are supported, and still more rarely, some low thorny bushes. the weather is dry and pleasant, and the fine blue sky is but seldom obscured. when standing in the middle of one of these desert plains and looking towards the interior, the view is generally bounded by the escarpment of another plain, rather higher, but equally level and desolate; and in every other direction the horizon is indistinct from the trembling mirage which seems to rise from the heated surface. in such a country the fate of the spanish settlement was soon decided; the dryness of the climate during the greater part of the year, and the occasional hostile attacks of the wandering indians, compelled the colonists to desert their half-finished buildings. the style, however, in which they were commenced shows the strong and liberal hand of spain in the old time. the result of all the attempts to colonise this side of america south of 41 degrees has been miserable. port famine expresses by its name the lingering and extreme sufferings of several hundred wretched people, of whom one alone survived to relate their misfortunes. at st. joseph's bay, on the coast of patagonia, a small settlement was made; but during one sunday the indians made an attack and massacred the whole party, excepting two men, who remained captives during many years. at the rio negro i conversed with one of these men, now in extreme old age. (plate 38. opuntia darwinii.) the zoology of patagonia is as limited as its flora. (8/9. i found here a species of cactus, described by professor henslow, under the name of opuntia darwinii "magazine of zoology and botany" volume 1 page 466, which was remarkable for the irritability of the stamens, when i inserted either a piece of stick or the end of my finger in the flower. the segments of the perianth also closed on the pistil, but more slowly than the stamens. plants of this family, generally considered as tropical, occur in north america "lewis and clarke's travels" page 221, in the same high latitude as here, namely, in both cases, in 47 degrees.) on the arid plains a few black beetles (heteromera) might be seen slowly crawling about, and occasionally a lizard darted from side to side. of birds we have three carrion hawks, and in the valleys a few finches and insect-feeders. an ibis (theristicus melanops--a species said to be found in central africa) is not uncommon on the most desert parts: in their stomachs i found grasshoppers, cicadae, small lizards, and even scorpions. (8/10. these insects were not uncommon beneath stones. i found one cannibal scorpion quietly devouring another.) at one time of the year these birds go in flocks, at another in pairs, their cry is very loud and singular, like the neighing of the guanaco. the guanaco, or wild llama, is the characteristic quadruped of the plains of patagonia; it is the south american representative of the camel of the east. it is an elegant animal in a state of nature, with a long slender neck and fine legs. it is very common over the whole of the temperate parts of the continent, as far south as the islands near cape horn. it generally lives in small herds of from half a dozen to thirty in each; but on the banks of the st. cruz we saw one herd which must have contained at least five hundred. they are generally wild and extremely wary. mr. stokes told me that he one day saw through a glass a herd of these animals which evidently had been frightened, and were running away at full speed, although their distance was so great that he could not distinguish them with his naked eye. the sportsman frequently receives the first notice of their presence, by hearing from a long distance their peculiar shrill neighing note of alarm. if he then looks attentively, he will probably see the herd standing in a line on the side of some distant hill. on approaching nearer, a few more squeals are given, and off they set at an apparently slow, but really quick canter, along some narrow beaten track to a neighbouring hill. if, however, by chance he abruptly meets a single animal, or several together, they will generally stand motionless and intently gaze at him; then perhaps move on a few yards, turn round, and look again. what is the cause of this difference in their shyness? do they mistake a man in the distance for their chief enemy the puma? or does curiosity overcome their timidity? that they are curious is certain; for if a person lies on the ground, and plays strange antics, such as throwing up his feet in the air, they will almost always approach by degrees to reconnoitre him. it was an artifice that was repeatedly practised by our sportsmen with success, and it had moreover the advantage of allowing several shots to be fired, which were all taken as parts of the performance. on the mountains of tierra del fuego, i have more than once seen a guanaco, on being approached, not only neigh and squeal, but prance and leap about in the most ridiculous manner, apparently in defiance as a challenge. these animals are very easily domesticated, and i have seen some thus kept in northern patagonia near a house, though not under any restraint. they are in this state very bold, and readily attack a man by striking him from behind with both knees. it is asserted that the motive for these attacks is jealousy on account of their females. the wild guanacos, however, have no idea of defence; even a single dog will secure one of these large animals, till the huntsman can come up. in many of their habits they are like sheep in a flock. thus when they see men approaching in several directions on horseback, they soon become bewildered, and know not which way to run. this greatly facilitates the indian method of hunting, for they are thus easily driven to a central point, and are encompassed. the guanacos readily take to the water: several times at port valdes they were seen swimming from island to island. byron, in his voyage, says he saw them drinking salt water. some of our officers likewise saw a herd apparently drinking the briny fluid from a salina near cape blanco. i imagine in several parts of the country, if they do not drink salt water, they drink none at all. in the middle of the day they frequently roll in the dust, in saucer-shaped hollows. the males fight together; two one day passed quite close to me, squealing and trying to bite each other; and several were shot with their hides deeply scored. herds sometimes appear to set out on exploring parties: at bahia blanca, where, within thirty miles of the coast, these animals are extremely unfrequent, i one day saw the tracks of thirty or forty, which had come in a direct line to a muddy salt-water creek. they then must have perceived that they were approaching the sea, for they had wheeled with the regularity of cavalry, and had returned back in as straight a line as they had advanced. the guanacos have one singular habit, which is to me quite inexplicable; namely, that on successive days they drop their dung in the same defined heap. i saw one of these heaps which was eight feet in diameter, and was composed of a large quantity. this habit, according to m. a. d'orbigny, is common to all the species of the genus; it is very useful to the peruvian indians, who use the dung for fuel, and are thus saved the trouble of collecting it. the guanacos appear to have favourite spots for lying down to die. on the banks of the st. cruz, in certain circumscribed spaces, which were generally bushy and all near the river, the ground was actually white with bones. on one such spot i counted between ten and twenty heads. i particularly examined the bones; they did not appear, as some scattered ones which i had seen, gnawed or broken, as if dragged together by beasts of prey. the animals in most cases must have crawled, before dying, beneath and amongst the bushes. mr. bynoe informs me that during a former voyage he observed the same circumstance on the banks of the rio gallegos. i do not at all understand the reason of this, but i may observe, that the wounded guanacos at the st. cruz invariably walked towards the river. at st. jago in the cape de verd islands, i remember having seen in a ravine a retired corner covered with bones of the goat; we at the time exclaimed that it was the burial-ground of all the goats in the island. i mention these trifling circumstances, because in certain cases they might explain the occurrence of a number of uninjured bones in a cave, or buried under alluvial accumulations; and likewise the cause why certain animals are more commonly embedded than others in sedimentary deposits. "none can reply--all seems eternal now. the wilderness has a mysterious tongue, which teaches awful doubt." (8/11. shelley, lines on mt. blanc.) one day the yawl was sent under the command of mr. chaffers with three days' provisions to survey the upper part of the harbour. in the morning we searched for some watering-places mentioned in an old spanish chart. we found one creek, at the head of which there was a trickling rill (the first we had seen) of brackish water. here the tide compelled us to wait several hours; and in the interval i walked some miles into the interior. the plain as usual consisted of gravel, mingled with soil resembling chalk in appearance, but very different from it in nature. from the softness of these materials it was worn into many gulleys. there was not a tree, and, excepting the guanaco, which stood on the hilltop a watchful sentinel over its herd, scarcely an animal or a bird. all was stillness and desolation. yet in passing over these scenes, without one bright object near, an ill-defined but strong sense of pleasure is vividly excited. one asked how many ages the plain had thus lasted, and how many more it was doomed thus to continue. in the evening we sailed a few miles farther up, and then pitched the tents for the night. by the middle of the next day the yawl was aground, and from the shoalness of the water could not proceed any higher. the water being found partly fresh, mr. chaffers took the dingey and went up two or three miles farther, where she also grounded, but in a fresh-water river. the water was muddy, and though the stream was most insignificant in size, it would be difficult to account for its origin, except from the melting snow on the cordillera. at the spot where we bivouacked, we were surrounded by bold cliffs and steep pinnacles of porphyry. i do not think i ever saw a spot which appeared more secluded from the rest of the world than this rocky crevice in the wide plain. the second day after our return to the anchorage, a party of officers and myself went to ransack an old indian grave, which i had found on the summit of a neighbouring hill. two immense stones, each probably weighing at least a couple of tons, had been placed in front of a ledge of rock about six feet high. at the bottom of the grave on the hard rock there was a layer of earth about a foot deep, which must have been brought up from the plain below. above it a pavement of flat stones was placed, on which others were piled, so as to fill up the space between the ledge and the two great blocks. to complete the grave, the indians had contrived to detach from the ledge a huge fragment, and to throw it over the pile so as to rest on the two blocks. we undermined the grave on both sides, but could not find any relics, or even bones. the latter probably had decayed long since (in which case the grave must have been of extreme antiquity), for i found in another place some smaller heaps, beneath which a very few crumbling fragments could yet be distinguished as having belonged to a man. falconer states, that where an indian dies he is buried, but that subsequently his bones are carefully taken up and carried, let the distance be ever so great, to be deposited near the sea-coast. this custom, i think, may be accounted for by recollecting that, before the introduction of horses, these indians must have led nearly the same life as the fuegians now do, and therefore generally have resided in the neighbourhood of the sea. the common prejudice of lying where one's ancestors have lain, would make the now roaming indians bring the less perishable part of their dead to their ancient burial-ground on the coast. january 9, 1834. before it was dark the "beagle" anchored in the fine spacious harbour of port st. julian, situated about one hundred and ten miles to the south of port desire. we remained here eight days. the country is nearly similar to that of port desire, but perhaps rather more sterile. one day a party accompanied captain fitz roy on a long walk round the head of the harbour. we were eleven hours without tasting any water, and some of the party were quite exhausted. from the summit of a hill (since well named thirsty hill) a fine lake was spied, and two of the party proceeded with concerted signals to show whether it was fresh water. what was our disappointment to find a snow-white expanse of salt, crystallised in great cubes! we attributed our extreme thirst to the dryness of the atmosphere; but whatever the cause might be, we were exceedingly glad late in the evening to get back to the boats. although we could nowhere find, during our whole visit, a single drop of fresh water, yet some must exist; for by an odd chance i found on the surface of the salt water, near the head of the bay, a colymbetes not quite dead, which must have lived in some not far distant pool. three other insects (a cincindela, like hybrida, a cymindis, and a harpalus, which all live on muddy flats occasionally overflowed by the sea), and one other found dead on the plain, complete the list of the beetles. a good-sized fly (tabanus) was extremely numerous, and tormented us by its painful bite. the common horsefly, which is so troublesome in the shady lanes of england, belongs to this same genus. we here have the puzzle that so frequently occurs in the case of musquitoes--on the blood of what animals do these insects commonly feed? the guanaco is nearly the only warm-blooded quadruped, and it is found in quite inconsiderable numbers compared with the multitude of flies. the geology of patagonia is interesting. differently from europe, where the tertiary formations appear to have accumulated in bays, here along hundreds of miles of coast we have one great deposit, including many tertiary shells, all apparently extinct. the most common shell is a massive gigantic oyster, sometimes even a foot in diameter. these beds are covered by others of a peculiar soft white stone, including much gypsum, and resembling chalk, but really of a pumiceous nature. it is highly remarkable, from being composed, to at least one-tenth part of its bulk, of infusoria: professor ehrenberg has already ascertained in it thirty oceanic forms. this bed extends for 500 miles along the coast, and probably for a considerably greater distance. at port st. julian its thickness is more than 800 feet! these white beds are everywhere capped by a mass of gravel, forming probably one of the largest beds of shingle in the world: it certainly extends from near the rio colorado to between 600 and 700 nautical miles southward, at santa cruz (a river a little south of st. julian) it reaches to the foot of the cordillera; half way up the river its thickness is more than 200 feet; it probably everywhere extends to this great chain, whence the well-rounded pebbles of porphyry have been derived: we may consider its average breadth as 200 miles, and its average thickness as about 50 feet. if this great bed of pebbles, without including the mud necessarily derived from their attrition, was piled into a mound, it would form a great mountain chain! when we consider that all these pebbles, countless as the grains of sand in the desert, have been derived from the slow falling of masses of rock on the old coast-lines and banks of rivers, and that these fragments have been dashed into smaller pieces, and that each of them has since been slowly rolled, rounded, and far transported, the mind is stupefied in thinking over the long, absolutely necessary, lapse of years. yet all this gravel has been transported, and probably rounded, subsequently to the deposition of the white beds, and long subsequently to the underlying beds with the tertiary shells. everything in this southern continent has been effected on a grand scale: the land, from the rio plata to tierra del fuego, a distance of 1200 miles, has been raised in mass (and in patagonia to a height of between 300 and 400 feet), within the period of the now existing sea-shells. the old and weathered shells left on the surface of the upraised plain still partially retain their colours. the uprising movement has been interrupted by at least eight long periods of rest, during which the sea ate deeply back into the land, forming at successive levels the long lines of cliffs or escarpments, which separate the different plains as they rise like steps one behind the other. the elevatory movement, and the eating-back power of the sea during the periods of rest, have been equable over long lines of coast; for i was astonished to find that the step-like plains stand at nearly corresponding heights at far distant points. the lowest plain is 90 feet high; and the highest, which i ascended near the coast, is 950 feet; and of this only relics are left in the form of flat gravel-capped hills. the upper plain of santa cruz slopes up to a height of 3000 feet at the foot of the cordillera. i have said that within the period of existing sea-shells, patagonia has been upraised 300 to 400 feet: i may add, that within the period when icebergs transported boulders over the upper plain of santa cruz, the elevation has been at least 1500 feet. nor has patagonia been affected only by upward movements: the extinct tertiary shells from port st. julian and santa cruz cannot have lived, according to professor e. forbes, in a greater depth of water than from 40 to 250 feet; but they are now covered with sea-deposited strata from 800 to 1000 feet in thickness: hence the bed of the sea, on which these shells once lived, must have sunk downwards several hundred feet, to allow of the accumulation of the superincumbent strata. what a history of geological changes does the simply-constructed coast of patagonia reveal! (plate 39. raised beaches, patagonia.) at port st. julian, in some red mud capping the gravel on the 90-feet plain, i found half the skeleton of the macrauchenia patachonica, a remarkable quadruped, full as large as a camel. (8/12. i have lately heard that captain sulivan, r.n., has found numerous fossil bones, embedded in regular strata, on the banks of the r. gallegos, in latitude 51 degrees 4'. some of the bones are large; others are small, and appear to have belonged to an armadillo. this is a most interesting and important discovery.) it belongs to the same division of the pachydermata with the rhinoceros, tapir, and palaeotherium; but in the structure of the bones of its long neck it shows a clear relation to the camel, or rather to the guanaco and llama. from recent sea-shells being found on two of the higher step-formed plains, which must have been modelled and upraised before the mud was deposited in which the macrauchenia was intombed, it is certain that this curious quadruped lived long after the sea was inhabited by its present shells. i was at first much surprised how a large quadruped could so lately have subsisted, in latitude 49 degrees 15', on these wretched gravel plains with their stunted vegetation; but the relationship of the macrauchenia to the guanaco, now an inhabitant of the most sterile parts, partly explains this difficulty. the relationship, though distant, between the macrauchenia and the guanaco, between the toxodon and the capybara,--the closer relationship between the many extinct edentata and the living sloths, ant-eaters, and armadillos, now so eminently characteristic of south american zoology,--and the still closer relationship between the fossil and living species of ctenomys and hydrochaerus, are most interesting facts. this relationship is shown wonderfully--as wonderfully as between the fossil and extinct marsupial animals of australia--by the great collection lately brought to europe from the caves of brazil by mm. lund and clausen. in this collection there are extinct species of all the thirty-two genera, excepting four, of the terrestrial quadrupeds now inhabiting the provinces in which the caves occur; and the extinct species are much more numerous than those now living: there are fossil ant-eaters, armadillos, tapirs, peccaries, guanacos, opossums, and numerous south american gnawers and monkeys, and other animals. this wonderful relationship in the same continent between the dead and the living, will, i do not doubt, hereafter throw more light on the appearance of organic beings on our earth, and their disappearance from it, than any other class of facts. it is impossible to reflect on the changed state of the american continent without the deepest astonishment. formerly it must have swarmed with great monsters: now we find mere pigmies, compared with the antecedent allied races. if buffon had known of the gigantic sloth and armadillo-like animals, and of the lost pachydermata, he might have said with a greater semblance of truth that the creative force in america had lost its power, rather than that it had never possessed great vigour. the greater number, if not all, of these extinct quadrupeds lived at a late period, and were the contemporaries of most of the existing sea-shells. since they lived, no very great change in the form of the land can have taken place. what, then, has exterminated so many species and whole genera? the mind at first is irresistibly hurried into the belief of some great catastrophe; but thus to destroy animals, both large and small, in southern patagonia, in brazil, on the cordillera of peru, in north america up to behring's straits, we must shake the entire framework of the globe. an examination, moreover, of the geology of la plata and patagonia, leads to the belief that all the features of the land result from slow and gradual changes. it appears from the character of the fossils in europe, asia, australia, and in north and south america, that those conditions which favour the life of the larger quadrupeds were lately coextensive with the world: what those conditions were, no one has yet even conjectured. it could hardly have been a change of temperature, which at about the same time destroyed the inhabitants of tropical, temperate, and arctic latitudes on both sides of the globe. in north america we positively know from mr. lyell that the large quadrupeds lived subsequently to that period, when boulders were brought into latitudes at which icebergs now never arrive: from conclusive but indirect reasons we may feel sure, that in the southern hemisphere the macrauchenia, also, lived long subsequently to the ice-transporting boulder-period. did man, after his first inroad into south america, destroy, as has been suggested, the unwieldy megatherium and the other edentata? we must at least look to some other cause for the destruction of the little tucutuco at bahia blanca, and of the many fossil mice and other small quadrupeds in brazil. no one will imagine that a drought, even far severer than those which cause such losses in the provinces of la plata, could destroy every individual of every species from southern patagonia to behring's straits. what shall we say of the extinction of the horse? did those plains fail of pasture, which have since been overrun by thousands and hundreds of thousands of the descendants of the stock introduced by the spaniards? have the subsequently introduced species consumed the food of the great antecedent races? can we believe that the capybara has taken the food of the toxodon, the guanaco of the macrauchenia, the existing small edentata of their numerous gigantic prototypes? certainly, no fact in the long history of the world is so startling as the wide and repeated exterminations of its inhabitants. nevertheless, if we consider the subject under another point of view, it will appear less perplexing. we do not steadily bear in mind how profoundly ignorant we are of the conditions of existence of every animal; nor do we always remember that some check is constantly preventing the too rapid increase of every organised being left in a state of nature. the supply of food, on an average, remains constant, yet the tendency in every animal to increase by propagation is geometrical; and its surprising effects have nowhere been more astonishingly shown, than in the case of the european animals run wild during the last few centuries in america. every animal in a state of nature regularly breeds; yet in a species long established, any great increase in numbers is obviously impossible, and must be checked by some means. we are, nevertheless, seldom able with certainty to tell in any given species, at what period of life, or at what period of the year, or whether only at long intervals, the check falls; or, again, what is the precise nature of the check. hence probably it is that we feel so little surprise at one, of two species closely allied in habits, being rare and the other abundant in the same district; or, again, that one should be abundant in one district, and another, filling the same place in the economy of nature, should be abundant in a neighbouring district, differing very little in its conditions. if asked how this is, one immediately replies that it is determined by some slight difference in climate, food, or the number of enemies: yet how rarely, if ever, we can point out the precise cause and manner of action of the check! we are therefore, driven to the conclusion that causes generally quite inappreciable by us, determine whether a given species shall be abundant or scanty in numbers. in the cases where we can trace the extinction of a species through man, either wholly or in one limited district, we know that it becomes rarer and rarer, and is then lost: it would be difficult to point out any just distinction between a species destroyed by man or by the increase of its natural enemies. (8/13. see the excellent remarks on this subject by mr. lyell in his "principles of geology.") the evidence of rarity preceding extinction is more striking in the successive tertiary strata, as remarked by several able observers; it has often been found that a shell very common in a tertiary stratum is now most rare, and has even long been thought to be extinct. if then, as appears probable, species first become rare and then extinct--if the too rapid increase of every species, even the most favoured, is steadily checked, as we must admit, though how and when it is hard to say--and if we see, without the smallest surprise, though unable to assign the precise reason, one species abundant and another closely-allied species rare in the same district--why should we feel such great astonishment at the rarity being carried a step farther to extinction? an action going on, on every side of us, and yet barely appreciable, might surely be carried a little farther without exciting our observation. who would feel any great surprise at hearing that the magalonyx was formerly rare compared with the megatherium, or that one of the fossil monkeys was few in number compared with one of the now living monkeys? and yet in this comparative rarity, we should have the plainest evidence of less favourable conditions for their existence. to admit that species generally become rare before they become extinct--to feel no surprise at the comparative rarity of one species with another, and yet to call in some extraordinary agent and to marvel greatly when a species ceases to exist, appears to me much the same as to admit that sickness in the individual is the prelude to death--to feel no surprise at sickness--but when the sick man dies to wonder, and to believe that he died through violence. (plate 40. ladies' combs, banda oriental.) chapter ix. (plate 41. condor (sarcorhamphus gryphus).) santa cruz. expedition up the river. indians. immense streams of basaltic lava. fragments not transported by the river. excavation of the valley. condor, habits of. cordillera. erratic boulders of great size. indian relics. return to the ship. falkland islands. wild horses, cattle, rabbits. wolf-like fox. fire made of bones. manner of hunting wild cattle. geology. streams of stones. scenes of violence. penguin. geese. eggs of doris. compound animals. santa cruz, patagonia, and the falkland islands. april 13, 1834. the "beagle" anchored within the mouth of the santa cruz. this river is situated about sixty miles south of port st. julian. during the last voyage captain stokes proceeded thirty miles up it, but then, from the want of provisions, was obliged to return. excepting what was discovered at that time, scarcely anything was known about this large river. captain fitz roy now determined to follow its course as far as time would allow. on the 18th three whale-boats started, carrying three weeks' provisions; and the party consisted of twenty-five souls--a force which would have been sufficient to have defied a host of indians. with a strong flood-tide and a fine day we made a good run, soon drank some of the fresh water, and were at night nearly above the tidal influence. the river here assumed a size and appearance which, even at the highest point we ultimately reached, was scarcely diminished. it was generally from three to four hundred yards broad, and in the middle about seventeen feet deep. the rapidity of the current, which in its whole course runs at the rate of from four to six knots an hour, is perhaps its most remarkable feature. the water is of a fine blue colour, but with a slight milky tinge, and not so transparent as at first sight would have been expected. it flows over a bed of pebbles, like those which compose the beach and the surrounding plains. it runs in a winding course through a valley, which extends in a direct line westward. this valley varies from five to ten miles in breadth; it is bounded by step-formed terraces, which rise in most parts, one above the other, to the height of five hundred feet, and have on the opposite sides a remarkable correspondence. april 19, 1834. against so strong a current it was, of course, quite impossible to row or sail: consequently the three boats were fastened together head and stern, two hands left in each, and the rest came on shore to track. as the general arrangements made by captain fitz roy were very good for facilitating the work of all, and as all had a share in it, i will describe the system. the party, including every one, was divided into two spells, each of which hauled at the tracking line alternately for an hour and a half. the officers of each boat lived with, ate the same food, and slept in the same tent with their crew, so that each boat was quite independent of the others. after sunset the first level spot where any bushes were growing was chosen for our night's lodging. each of the crew took it in turns to be cook. immediately the boat was hauled up, the cook made his fire; two others pitched the tent; the coxswain handed the things out of the boat; the rest carried them up to the tents and collected firewood. by this order, in half an hour everything was ready for the night. a watch of two men and an officer was always kept, whose duty it was to look after the boats, keep up the fire, and guard against indians. each in the party had his one hour every night. during this day we tracked but a short distance, for there were many islets, covered by thorny bushes, and the channels between them were shallow. april 20, 1834. we passed the islands and set to work. our regular day's march, although it was hard enough, carried us on an average only ten miles in a straight line, and perhaps fifteen or twenty altogether. beyond the place where we slept last night, the country is completely terra incognita, for it was there that captain stokes turned back. we saw in the distance a great smoke, and found the skeleton of a horse, so we knew that indians were in the neighbourhood. on the next morning (21st) tracks of a party of horse, and marks left by the trailing of the chuzos, or long spears, were observed on the ground. it was generally thought that the indians had reconnoitred us during the night. shortly afterwards we came to a spot where, from the fresh footsteps of men, children, and horses, it was evident that the party had crossed the river. april 22, 1834. the country remained the same, and was extremely uninteresting. the complete similarity of the productions throughout patagonia is one of its most striking characters. the level plains of arid shingle support the same stunted and dwarf plants; and in the valleys the same thorn-bearing bushes grow. everywhere we see the same birds and insects. even the very banks of the river and of the clear streamlets which entered it, were scarcely enlivened by a brighter tint of green. the curse of sterility is on the land, and the water flowing over a bed of pebbles partakes of the same curse. hence the number of waterfowl is very scanty; for there is nothing to support life in the stream of this barren river. patagonia, poor as she is in some respects, can however boast of a greater stock of small rodents than perhaps any other country in the world. (9/1. the desserts of syria are characterised, according to volney tome 1 page 351, by woody bushes, numerous rats, gazelles and hares. in the landscape of patagonia the guanaco replaces the gazelle, and the agouti the hare.) several species of mice are externally characterised by large thin ears and a very fine fur. these little animals swarm amongst the thickets in the valleys, where they cannot for months together taste a drop of water excepting the dew. they all seem to be cannibals; for no sooner was a mouse caught in one of my traps than it was devoured by others. a small and delicately-shaped fox, which is likewise very abundant, probably derives its entire support from these small animals. the guanaco is also in his proper district, herds of fifty or a hundred were common; and, as i have stated, we saw one which must have contained at least five hundred. the puma, with the condor and other carrion-hawks in its train, follows and preys upon these animals. the footsteps of the puma were to be seen almost everywhere on the banks of the river; and the remains of several guanacos, with their necks dislocated and bones broken, showed how they had met their death. april 24, 1834. like the navigators of old when approaching an unknown land, we examined and watched for the most trivial sign of a change. the drifted trunk of a tree, or a boulder of primitive rock, was hailed with joy, as if we had seen a forest growing on the flanks of the cordillera. the top, however, of a heavy bank of clouds, which remained almost constantly in one position, was the most promising sign, and eventually turned out a true harbinger. at first the clouds were mistaken for the mountains themselves, instead of the masses of vapour condensed by their icy summits. april 26, 1834. we this day met with a marked change in the geological structure of the plains. from the first starting i had carefully examined the gravel in the river, and for the two last days had noticed the presence of a few small pebbles of a very cellular basalt. these gradually increased in number and in size, but none were as large as a man's head. this morning, however, pebbles of the same rock, but more compact, suddenly became abundant, and in the course of half an hour we saw, at the distance of five or six miles, the angular edge of a great basaltic platform. when we arrived at its base we found the stream bubbling among the fallen blocks. for the next twenty-eight miles the river-course was encumbered with these basaltic masses. above that limit immense fragments of primitive rocks, derived from the surrounding boulder-formation, were equally numerous. none of the fragments of any considerable size had been washed more than three or four miles down the river below their parent-source: considering the singular rapidity of the great body of water in the santa cruz, and that no still reaches occur in any part, this example is a most striking one, of the inefficiency of rivers in transporting even moderately-sized fragments. the basalt is only lava which has flowed beneath the sea; but the eruptions must have been on the grandest scale. at the point where we first met this formation it was 120 feet in thickness; following up the river-course, the surface imperceptibly rose and the mass became thicker, so that at forty miles above the first station it was 320 feet thick. what the thickness may be close to the cordillera, i have no means of knowing, but the platform there attains a height of about three thousand feet above the level of the sea: we must therefore look to the mountains of that great chain for its source; and worthy of such a source are streams that have flowed over the gently inclined bed of the sea to a distance of one hundred miles. at the first glance of the basaltic cliffs on the opposite sides of the valley it was evident that the strata once were united. what power, then, has removed along a whole line of country a solid mass of very hard rock, which had an average thickness of nearly three hundred feet, and a breadth varying from rather less than two miles to four miles? the river, though it has so little power in transporting even inconsiderable fragments, yet in the lapse of ages might produce by its gradual erosion an effect, of which it is difficult to judge the amount. but in this case, independently of the insignificance of such an agency, good reasons can be assigned for believing that this valley was formerly occupied by an arm of the sea. it is needless in this work to detail the arguments leading to this conclusion, derived from the form and the nature of the step-formed terraces on both sides of the valley, from the manner in which the bottom of the valley near the andes expands into a great estuary-like plain with sand-hillocks on it, and from the occurrence of a few sea-shells lying in the bed of the river. if i had space i could prove that south america was formerly here cut off by a strait, joining the atlantic and pacific oceans, like that of magellan. but it may yet be asked, how has the solid basalt been removed? geologists formerly would have brought into play the violent action of some overwhelming debacle; but in this case such a supposition would have been quite inadmissible; because, the same step-like plains with existing sea-shells lying on their surface, which front the long line of the patagonian coast, sweep up on each side of the valley of santa cruz. no possible action of any flood could thus have modelled the land, either within the valley or along the open coast; and by the formation of such step-like plains or terraces the valley itself has been hollowed out. although we know that there are tides which run within the narrows of the strait of magellan at the rate of eight knots an hour, yet we must confess that it makes the head almost giddy to reflect on the number of years, century after century, which the tides, unaided by a heavy surf, must have required to have corroded so vast an area and thickness of solid basaltic lava. nevertheless, we must believe that the strata undermined by the waters of this ancient strait were broken up into huge fragments, and these lying scattered on the beach were reduced first to smaller blocks, then to pebbles, and lastly to the most impalpable mud, which the tides drifted far into the eastern or western ocean. with the change in the geological structure of the plains the character of the landscape likewise altered. while rambling up some of the narrow and rocky defiles, i could almost have fancied myself transported back again to the barren valleys of the island of st. jago. among the basaltic cliffs i found some plants which i had seen nowhere else, but others i recognised as being wanderers from tierra del fuego. these porous rocks serve as a reservoir for the scanty rain-water; and consequently on the line where the igneous and sedimentary formations unite, some small springs (most rare occurrences in patagonia) burst forth; and they could be distinguished at a distance by the circumscribed patches of bright green herbage. (plate 42. basaltic glen, santa cruz (rio negro). april 27, 1834. the bed of the river became rather narrower, and hence the stream more rapid. it here ran at the rate of six knots an hour. from this cause, and from the many great angular fragments, tracking the boats became both dangerous and laborious. this day i shot a condor. it measured from tip to tip of the wings eight and a half feet, and from beak to tail four feet. this bird is known to have a wide geographical range, being found on the west coast of south america, from the strait of magellan along the cordillera as far as eight degrees north of the equator. the steep cliff near the mouth of the rio negro is its northern limit on the patagonian coast; and they have there wandered about four hundred miles from the great central line of their habitation in the andes. further south, among the bold precipices at the head of port desire, the condor is not uncommon; yet only a few stragglers occasionally visit the sea-coast. a line of cliff near the mouth of the santa cruz is frequented by these birds, and about eighty miles up the river, where the sides of the valley are formed by steep basaltic precipices, the condor reappears. from these facts, it seems that the condors require perpendicular cliffs. in chile, they haunt, during the greater part of the year, the lower country near the shores of the pacific, and at night several roost together in one tree; but in the early part of summer they retire to the most inaccessible parts of the inner cordillera, there to breed in peace. with respect to their propagation, i was told by the country people in chile that the condor makes no sort of nest, but in the months of november and december lays two large white eggs on a shelf of bare rock. it is said that the young condors cannot fly for an entire year; and long after they are able, they continue to roost by night, an hunt by day with their parents. the old birds generally live in pairs; but among the inland basaltic cliffs of the santa cruz i found a spot where scores must usually haunt. on coming suddenly to the brow of the precipice, it was a grand spectacle to see between twenty and thirty of these great birds start heavily from their resting-place, and wheel away in majestic circles. from the quantity of dung on the rocks, they must long have frequented this cliff for roosting and breeding. having gorged themselves with carrion on the plains below, they retire to these favourite ledges to digest their food. from these facts, the condor, like the gallinazo must to a certain degree be considered as a gregarious bird. in this part of the country they live altogether on the guanacos which have died a natural death, or as more commonly happens, have been killed by the pumas. i believe, from what i saw in patagonia, that they do not on ordinary occasions extend their daily excursions to any great distance from their regular sleeping-places. the condors may oftentimes be seen at a great height, soaring over a certain spot in the most graceful circles. on some occasions i am sure that they do this only for pleasure, but on others, the chileno countryman tells you that they are watching a dying animal, or the puma devouring its prey. if the condors glide down, and then suddenly all rise together, the chileno knows that it is the puma which, watching the carcass, has sprung out to drive away the robbers. besides feeding on carrion, the condors frequently attack young goats and lambs; and the shepherd-dogs are trained, whenever they pass over, to run out, and looking upwards to bark violently. the chilenos destroy and catch numbers. two methods are used; one is to place a carcass on a level piece of ground within an enclosure of sticks with an opening, and when the condors are gorged, to gallop up on horseback to the entrance, and thus enclose them: for when this bird has not space to run, it cannot give its body sufficient momentum to rise from the ground. the second method is to mark the trees in which, frequently to the number of five or six together, they roost, and then at night to climb up and noose them. they are such heavy sleepers, as i have myself witnessed, that this is not a difficult task. at valparaiso i have seen a living condor sold for sixpence, but the common price is eight or ten shillings. one which i saw brought in, had been tied with rope, and was much injured; yet, the moment the line was cut by which its bill was secured, although surrounded by people, it began ravenously to tear a piece of carrion. in a garden at the same place, between twenty and thirty were kept alive. they were fed only once a week, but they appeared in pretty good health. the chileno countrymen assert that the condor will live, and retain its vigour, between five and six weeks without eating: i cannot answer for the truth of this, but it is a cruel experiment, which very likely has been tried. (9/2. i noticed that several hours before any one of the condors died, all the lice, with which it was infested, crawled to the outside feathers. i was assured that this always happens.) when an animal is killed in the country, it is well known that the condors, like other carrion-vultures, soon gain intelligence of it, and congregate in an inexplicable manner. in most cases it must not be overlooked, that the birds have discovered their prey, and have picked the skeleton clean, before the flesh is in the least degree tainted. remembering the experiments of m. audubon, on the little smelling powers of carrion-hawks, i tried in the above-mentioned garden the following experiment: the condors were tied, each by a rope, in a long row at the bottom of a wall; and having folded up a piece of meat in white paper, i walked backwards and forwards, carrying it in my hand at the distance of about three yards from them, but no notice whatever was taken. i then threw it on the ground, within one yard of an old male bird; he looked at it for a moment with attention, but then regarded it no more. with a stick i pushed it closer and closer, until at last he touched it with his beak; the paper was then instantly torn off with fury, and at the same moment, every bird in the long row began struggling and flapping its wings. under the same circumstances it would have been quite impossible to have deceived a dog. the evidence in favour of and against the acute smelling powers of carrion-vultures is singularly balanced. professor owen has demonstrated that the olfactory nerves of the turkey-buzzard (cathartes aura) are highly developed, and on the evening when mr. owen's paper was read at the zoological society, it was mentioned by a gentleman that he had seen the carrion-hawks in the west indies on two occasions collect on the roof of a house, when a corpse had become offensive from not having been buried: in this case, the intelligence could hardly have been acquired by sight. on the other hand, besides the experiments of audubon and that one by myself, mr. bachman has tried in the united states many varied plans, showing that neither the turkey-buzzard (the species dissected by professor owen) nor the gallinazo find their food by smell. he covered portions of highly-offensive offal with a thin canvas cloth, and strewed pieces of meat on it: these the carrion-vultures ate up, and then remained quietly standing, with their beaks within the eighth of an inch of the putrid mass, without discovering it. a small rent was made in the canvas, and the offal was immediately discovered; the canvas was replaced by a fresh piece, and meat again put on it, and was again devoured by the vultures without their discovering the hidden mass on which they were trampling. these facts are attested by the signatures of six gentlemen, besides that of mr. bachman. (9/3. loudon's "magazine of natural history" volume 7.) often when lying down to rest on the open plains, on looking upwards, i have seen carrion-hawks sailing through the air at a great height. where the country is level i do not believe a space of the heavens, of more than fifteen degrees above the horizon, is commonly viewed with any attention by a person either walking or on horseback. if such be the case, and the vulture is on the wing at a height of between three and four thousand feet, before it could come within the range of vision, its distance in a straight line from the beholder's eye would be rather more than two british miles. might it not thus readily be overlooked? when an animal is killed by the sportsman in a lonely valley, may he not all the while be watched from above by the sharp-sighted bird? and will not the manner of its descent proclaim throughout the district to the whole family of carrion-feeders, that their prey is at hand? when the condors are wheeling in a flock round an round any spot, their flight is beautiful. except when rising from the ground, i do not recollect ever having seen one of these birds flap its wings. near lima, i watched several for nearly half an hour, without once taking off my eyes: they moved in large curves, sweeping in circles, descending and ascending without giving a single flap. as they glided close over my head, i intently watched from an oblique position the outlines of the separate and great terminal feathers of each wing; and these separate feathers, if there had been the least vibratory movement, would have appeared as if blended together; but they were seen distinct against the blue sky. the head and neck were moved frequently, and apparently with force; and the extended wings seemed to form the fulcrum on which the movements of the neck, body and tail acted. if the bird wished to descend, the wings were for a moment collapsed; and when again expanded with an altered inclination, the momentum gained by the rapid descent seemed to urge the bird upwards with the even and steady movement of a paper kite. in the case of any bird soaring, its motion must be sufficiently rapid, so that the action of the inclined surface of its body on the atmosphere may counterbalance its gravity. the force to keep up the momentum of a body moving in a horizontal plane in the air (in which there is so little friction) cannot be great, and this force is all that is wanted. the movement of the neck and body of the condor, we must suppose is sufficient for this. however this may be, it is truly wonderful and beautiful to see so great a bird, hour after hour, without any apparent exertion, wheeling and gliding over mountain and river. april 29, 1834. from some high land we hailed with joy the white summits of the cordillera, as they were seen occasionally peeping through their dusky envelope of clouds. during the few succeeding days we continued to get on slowly, for we found the river-course very tortuous, and strewed with immense fragments of various ancient slaty rocks, and of granite. the plain bordering the valley had here attained an elevation of about 1100 feet above the river, and its character was much altered. the well-rounded pebbles of porphyry were mingled with many immense angular fragments of basalt and of primary rocks. the first of these erratic boulders which i noticed was sixty-seven miles distant from the nearest mountain; another which i measured was five yards square, and projected five feet above the gravel. its edges were so angular, and its size so great, that i at first mistook it for a rock in situ, and took out my compass to observe the direction of its cleavage. the plain here was not quite so level as that nearer the coast, but yet it betrayed no signs of any great violence. under these circumstances it is, i believe, quite impossible to explain the transportal of these gigantic masses of rock so many miles from their parent-source, on any theory except by that of floating icebergs. during the two last days we met with signs of horses, and with several small articles which had belonged to the indians--such as parts of a mantle and a bunch of ostrich feathers--but they appeared to have been lying long on the ground. between the place where the indians had so lately crossed the river and this neighbourhood, though so many miles apart, the country appears to be quite unfrequented. at first, considering the abundance of the guanacos, i was surprised at this; but it is explained by the stony nature of the plains, which would soon disable an unshod horse from taking part in the chase. nevertheless, in two places in this very central region, i found small heaps of stones, which i do not think could have been accidentally thrown together. they were placed on points projecting over the edge of the highest lava cliff, and they resembled, but on a small scale, those near port desire. may 4, 1834. captain fitz roy determined to take the boats no higher. the river had a winding course, and was very rapid; and the appearance of the country offered no temptation to proceed any farther. everywhere we met with the same productions, and the same dreary landscape. we were now one hundred and forty miles distant from the atlantic, and about sixty from the nearest arm of the pacific. the valley in this upper part expanded into a wide basin, bounded on the north and south by the basaltic platforms, and fronted by the long range of the snow-clad cordillera. but we viewed these grand mountains with regret, for we were obliged to imagine their nature and productions, instead of standing, as we had hoped, on their summits. besides the useless loss of time which an attempt to ascend the river any higher would have cost us, we had already been for some days on half allowance of bread. this, although really enough for reasonable men, was, after a hard day's march, rather scanty food: a light stomach and an easy digestion are good things to talk about, but very unpleasant in practice. may 5, 1834. before sunrise we commenced our descent. we shot down the stream with great rapidity, generally at the rate of ten knots an hour. in this one day we effected what had cost us five and a half hard days' labour in ascending. on the 8th we reached the "beagle" after our twenty-one days' expedition. every one, excepting myself, had cause to be dissatisfied; but to me the ascent afforded a most interesting section of the great tertiary formation of patagonia. on march 1st, 1833, and again on march 16th, 1834, the "beagle" anchored in berkeley sound, in east falkland island. this archipelago is situated in nearly the same latitude with the mouth of the strait of magellan; it covers a space of one hundred and twenty by sixty geographical miles, and is a little more than half the size of ireland. after the possession of these miserable islands had been contested by france, spain, and england, they were left uninhabited. the government of buenos ayres then sold them to a private individual, but likewise used them, as old spain had done before, for a penal settlement. england claimed her right an seized them. the englishman who was left in charge of the flag was consequently murdered. a british officer was next sent, unsupported by any power: and when we arrived, we found him in charge of a population, of which rather more than half were runaway rebels and murderers. the theatre is worthy of the scenes acted on it. an undulating land, with a desolate and wretched aspect, is everywhere covered by a peaty soil and wiry grass, of one monotonous brown colour. here and there a peak or ridge of grey quartz rock breaks through the smooth surface. every one has heard of the climate of these regions; it may be compared to that which is experienced at the height of between one and two thousand feet, on the mountains of north wales; having however less sunshine and less frost, but more wind and rain. (9/4. from accounts published since our voyage, and more especially from several interesting letters from captain sulivan, r.n., employed on the survey, it appears that we took an exaggerated view of the badness of the climate on these islands. but when i reflect on the almost universal covering of peat, and on the fact of wheat seldom ripening here, i can hardly believe that the climate in summer is so fine and dry as it has lately been represented.) may 16, 1834. i will now describe a short excursion which i made round a part of this island. in the morning i started with six horses and two gauchos: the latter were capital men for the purpose, and well accustomed to living on their own resources. the weather was very boisterous and cold, with heavy hail-storms. we got on, however, pretty well, but, except the geology, nothing could be less interesting than our day's ride. the country is uniformly the same undulating moorland; the surface being covered by light brown withered grass and a few very small shrubs, all springing out of an elastic peaty soil. in the valleys here and there might be seen a small flock of wild geese, and everywhere the ground was so soft that the snipe were able to feed. besides these two birds there were few others. there is one main range of hills, nearly two thousand feet in height, and composed of quartz rock, the rugged and barren crests of which gave us some trouble to cross. on the south side we came to the best country for wild cattle; we met, however, no great number, for they had been lately much harassed. in the evening we came across a small herd. one of my companions, st. jago by name, soon separated a fat cow; he threw the bolas, and it struck her legs, but failed in becoming entangled. then dropping his hat to mark the spot where the balls were left, while at full gallop he uncoiled his lazo, and after a most severe chase again came up to the cow, and caught her round the horns. the other gaucho had gone on ahead with the spare horses, so that st. jago had some difficulty in killing the furious beast. he managed to get her on a level piece of ground, by taking advantage of her as often as she rushed at him; and when she would not move, my horse, from having been trained, would canter up, and with his chest give her a violent push. but when on level ground it does not appear an easy job for one man to kill a beast mad with terror. nor would it be so if the horse, when left to itself without its rider, did not soon learn, for its own safety, to keep the lazo tight; so that, if the cow or ox moves forward, the horse moves just as quickly forward; otherwise, it stands motionless leaning on one side. this horse, however, was a young one, and would not stand still, but gave in to the cow as she struggled. it was admirable to see with what dexterity st. jago dodged behind the beast, till at last he contrived to give the fatal touch to the main tendon of the hind leg; after which, without much difficulty, he drove his knife into the head of the spinal marrow, and the cow dropped as if struck by lightning. he cut off pieces of flesh with the skin to it, but without any bones, sufficient for our expedition. we then rode on to our sleeping-place, and had for supper "carne con cuero," or meat roasted with the skin on it. this is as superior to common beef as venison is to mutton. a large circular piece taken from the back is roasted on the embers with the hide downwards and in the form of a saucer, so that none of the gravy is lost. if any worthy alderman had supped with us that evening, "carne con cuero," without doubt, would soon have been celebrated in london. during the night it rained, and the next day (17th) was very stormy, with much hail and snow. we rode across the island to the neck of land which joins the rincon del tor (the great peninsula at the south-west extremity) to the rest of the island. from the great number of cows which have been killed, there is a large proportion of bulls. these wander about single, or two and three together, and are very savage. i never saw such magnificent beasts; they equalled in the size of their huge heads and necks the grecian marble sculptures. captain sulivan informs me that the hide of an average-sized bull weighs forty-seven pounds, whereas a hide of this weight, less thoroughly dried, is considered as a very heavy one at monte video. the young bulls generally run away for a short distance; but the old ones do not stir a step, except to rush at man and horse; and many horses have been thus killed. an old bull crossed a boggy stream, and took his stand on the opposite side to us; we in vain tried to drive him away, and failing, were obliged to make a large circuit. the gauchos in revenge determined to emasculate him and render him for the future harmless. it was very interesting to see how art completely mastered force. one lazo was thrown over his horns as he rushed at the horse, and another round his hind legs: in a minute the monster was stretched powerless on the ground. after the lazo has once been drawn tightly round the horns of a furious animal, it does not at first appear an easy thing to disengage it again without killing the beast: nor, i apprehend, would it be so if the man was by himself. by the aid, however, of a second person throwing his lazo so as to catch both hind legs, it is quickly managed: for the animal, as long as its hind legs are kept outstretched, is quite helpless, and the first man can with his hands loosen his lazo from the horns, and then quietly mount his horse; but the moment the second man, by backing ever so little, relaxes the strain, the lazo slips off the legs of the struggling beast which then rises free, shakes himself, and vainly rushes at his antagonist. during our whole ride we saw only one troop of wild horses. these animals, as well as the cattle, were introduced by the french in 1764, since which time both have greatly increased. it is a curious fact that the horses have never left the eastern end of the island, although there is no natural boundary to prevent them from roaming, and that part of the island is not more tempting than the rest. the gauchos whom i asked, though asserting this to be the case, were unable to account for it, except from the strong attachment which horses have to any locality to which they are accustomed. considering that the island does not appear fully stocked, and that there are no beasts of prey, i was particularly curious to know what has checked their originally rapid increase. that in a limited island some check would sooner or later supervene, is inevitable; but why has the increase of the horse been checked sooner than that of the cattle? captain sulivan has taken much pains for me in this inquiry. the gauchos employed here attribute it chiefly to the stallions constantly roaming from place to place, and compelling the mares to accompany them, whether or not the young foals are able to follow. one gaucho told captain sulivan that he had watched a stallion for a whole hour, violently kicking and biting a mare till he forced her to leave her foal to its fate. captain sulivan can so far corroborate this curious account, that he has several times found young foals dead, whereas he has never found a dead calf. moreover, the dead bodies of full-grown horses are more frequently found, as if more subject to disease or accidents than those of the cattle. from the softness of the ground their hoofs often grow irregularly to a great length, and this causes lameness. the predominant colours are roan and iron-grey. all the horses bred here, both tame and wild, are rather small-sized, though generally in good condition; and they have lost so much strength, that they are unfit to be used in taking wild cattle with the lazo: in consequence, it is necessary to go to the great expense of importing fresh horses from the plata. at some future period the southern hemisphere probably will have its breed of falkland ponies, as the northern has its shetland breed. the cattle, instead of having degenerated like the horses, seem, as before remarked, to have increased in size; and they are much more numerous than the horses. captain sulivan informs me that they vary much less in the general form of their bodies and in the shape of their horns than english cattle. in colour they differ much; and it is a remarkable circumstance, that in different parts of this one small island, different colours predominate. round mount usborne, at a height of from 1000 to 1500 feet above the sea, about half of some of the herds are mouse or lead coloured, a tint which is not common in other parts of the island. near port pleasant dark brown prevails, whereas south of choiseul sound (which almost divides the island into two parts) white beasts with black heads and feet are the most common: in all parts black, and some spotted animals may be observed. captain sulivan remarks that the difference in the prevailing colours was so obvious, that in looking for the herds near port pleasant, they appeared from a long distance like black spots, whilst south of choiseul sound they appeared like white spots on the hill-sides. captain sulivan thinks that the herds do not mingle; and it is a singular fact, that the mouse-coloured cattle, though living on the high land, calve about a month earlier in the season than the other coloured beasts on the lower land. it is interesting thus to find the once domesticated cattle breaking into three colours, of which some one colour would in all probability ultimately prevail over the others, if the herd were left undisturbed for the next several centuries. the rabbit is another animal which has been introduced, and has succeeded very well; so that they abound over large parts of the island. yet, like the horses, they are confined within certain limits; for they have not crossed the central chain of hills, nor would they have extended even so far as its base, if, as the gauchos informed me, small colonies had not been carried there. i should not have supposed that these animals, natives of northern africa, could have existed in a climate so humid as this, and which enjoys so little sunshine that even wheat ripens only occasionally. it is asserted that in sweden, which any one would have thought a more favourable climate, the rabbit cannot live out of doors. the first few pairs, moreover, had here to contend against pre-existing enemies, in the fox and some large hawks. the french naturalists have considered the black variety a distinct species, and called it lepus magellanicus. (9/5. lesson's "zoology of the voyage of the coquille" tome 1 page 168. all the early voyagers, and especially bougainville, distinctly state that the wolf-like fox was the only native animal on the island. the distinction of the rabbit as a species is taken from peculiarities in the fur, from the shape of the head, and from the shortness of the ears. i may here observe that the difference between the irish and english hare rests upon nearly similar characters, only more strongly marked.) they imagined that magellan, when talking of an animal under the name of "conejos" in the strait of magellan, referred to this species; but he was alluding to a small cavy, which to this day is thus called by the spaniards. the gauchos laughed at the idea of the black kind being different from the grey, and they said that at all events it had not extended its range any farther than the grey kind; that the two were never found separate; and that they readily bred together, and produced piebald offspring. of the latter i now possess a specimen, and it is marked about the head differently from the french specific description. this circumstance shows how cautious naturalists should be in making species; for even cuvier, on looking at the skull of one of these rabbits, thought it was probably distinct! the only quadruped native to the island is a large wolf-like fox (canis antarcticus), which is common to both east and west falkland. (9/6. i have reason, however, to suspect that there is a field-mouse. the common european rat and mouse have roamed far from the habitations of the settlers. the common hog has also run wild on one islet; all are of a black colour: the boars are very fierce, and have great tusks.) i have no doubt it is a peculiar species, and confined to this archipelago; because many sealers, gauchos, and indians, who have visited these islands, all maintain that no such animal is found in any part of south america. molina, from a similarity in habits, thought that this was the same with his "culpeu" (9/7. the "culpeu" is the canis magellanicus brought home by captain king from the strait of magellan. it is common in chile.); but i have seen both, and they are quite distinct. these wolves are well known from byron's account of their tameness and curiosity, which the sailors, who ran into the water to avoid them, mistook for fierceness. to this day their manners remain the same. they have been observed to enter a tent, and actually pull some meat from beneath the head of a sleeping seaman. the gauchos also have frequently in the evening killed them, by holding out a piece of meat in one hand, and in the other a knife ready to stick them. as far as i am aware, there is no other instance in any part of the world, of so small a mass of broken land, distant from a continent, possessing so large an aboriginal quadruped peculiar to itself. their numbers have rapidly decreased; they are already banished from that half of the island which lies to the eastward of the neck of land between st. salvador bay and berkeley sound. within a very few years after these islands shall have become regularly settled, in all probability this fox will be classed with the dodo, as an animal which has perished from the face of the earth. at night (17th) we slept on the neck of land at the head of choiseul sound, which forms the south-west peninsula. the valley was pretty well sheltered from the cold wind; but there was very little brushwood for fuel. the gauchos, however, soon found what, to my great surprise, made nearly as hot a fire as coals; this was the skeleton of a bullock lately killed, from which the flesh had been picked by the carrion-hawks. they told me that in winter they often killed a beast, cleaned the flesh from the bones with their knives and then with these same bones roasted the meat for their suppers. may 18, 1834. it rained during nearly the whole day. at night we managed, however, with our saddle-cloths to keep ourselves pretty well dry and warm; but the ground on which we slept was on each occasion nearly in the state of a bog, and there was not a dry spot to sit down on after our day's ride. i have in another part stated how singular it is that there should be absolutely no trees on these islands, although tierra del fuego is covered by one large forest. the largest bush in the island (belonging to the family of compositae) is scarcely so tall as our gorse. the best fuel is afforded by a green little bush about the size of common heath, which has the useful property of burning while fresh and green. it was very surprising to see the gauchos, in the midst of rain and everything soaking wet, with nothing more than a tinder-box and a piece of rag, immediately make a fire. they sought beneath the tufts of grass and bushes for a few dry twigs, and these they rubbed into fibres; then surrounding them with coarser twigs, something like a bird's nest, they put the rag with its spark of fire in the middle and covered it up. the nest being then held up to the wind, by degrees it smoked more and more, and at last burst out in flames. i do not think any other method would have had a chance of succeeding with such damp materials. may 19, 1834. each morning, from not having ridden for some time previously, i was very stiff. i was surprised to hear the gauchos, who have from infancy almost lived on horseback, say that, under similar circumstances, they always suffer. st. jago told me, that having been confined for three months by illness, he went out hunting wild cattle, and in consequence, for the next two days, his thighs were so stiff that he was obliged to lie in bed. this shows that the gauchos, although they do not appear to do so, yet really must exert much muscular effort in riding. the hunting wild cattle, in a country so difficult to pass as this is on account of the swampy ground, must be very hard work. the gauchos say they often pass at full speed over ground which would be impassable at a slower pace; in the same manner as a man is able to skate over thin ice. when hunting, the party endeavours to get as close as possible to the herd without being discovered. each man carries four or five pair of the bolas; these he throws one after the other at as many cattle, which, when once entangled, are left for some days, till they become a little exhausted by hunger and struggling. they are then let free and driven towards a small herd of tame animals, which have been brought to the spot on purpose. from their previous treatment, being too much terrified to leave the herd, they are easily driven, if their strength last out, to the settlement. the weather continued so very bad that we determine to make a push, and try to reach the vessel before night. from the quantity of rain which had fallen, the surface of the whole country was swampy. i suppose my horse fell at least a dozen times, and sometimes the whole six horses were floundering in the mud together. all the little streams are bordered by soft peat, which makes it very difficult for the horses to leap them without falling. to complete our discomforts we were obliged to cross the head of a creek of the sea, in which the water was as high as our horses' backs; and the little waves, owing to the violence of the wind, broke over us, and made us very wet and cold. even the iron-framed gauchos professed themselves glad when they reached the settlement, after our little excursion. the geological structure of these islands is in most respects simple. the lower country consists of clay-slate and sandstone, containing fossils, very closely related to, but not identical with, those found in the silurian formations of europe; the hills are formed of white granular quartz rock. the strata of the latter are frequently arched with perfect symmetry, and the appearance of some of the masses is in consequence most singular. pernety has devoted several pages to the description of a hill of ruins, the successive strata of which he has justly compared to the seats of an amphitheatre. (9/8. pernety "voyage aux isles malouines" page 526.) the quartz rock must have been quite pasty when it underwent such remarkable flexures without being shattered into fragments. as the quartz insensibly passes into the sandstone, it seems probable that the former owes its origin to the sandstone having been heated to such a degree that it became viscid, and upon cooling crystallised. while in the soft state it must have been pushed up through the overlying beds. in many parts of the island the bottoms of the valleys are covered in an extraordinary manner by myriads of great loose angular fragments of the quartz rock, forming "streams of stones." these have been mentioned with surprise by every voyager since the time of pernety. the blocks are not waterworn, their angles being only a little blunted; they vary in size from one or two feet in diameter to ten, or even more than twenty times as much. they are not thrown together into irregular piles, but are spread out into level sheets or great streams. it is not possible to ascertain their thickness, but the water of small streamlets can be heard trickling through the stones many feet below the surface. the actual depth is probably great, because the crevices between the lower fragments must long ago have been filled up with sand. the width of these sheets of stones varies from a few hundred feet to a mile; but the peaty soil daily encroaches on the borders, and even forms islets wherever a few fragments happen to lie close together. in a valley south of berkeley sound, which some of our party called the "great valley of fragments," it was necessary to cross an uninterrupted band half a mile wide, by jumping from one pointed stone to another. so large were the fragments, that being overtaken by a shower of rain, i readily found shelter beneath one of them. their little inclination is the most remarkable circumstance in these "streams of stones." on the hill-sides i have seen them sloping at an angle of ten degrees with the horizon; but in some of the level, broad-bottomed valleys, the inclination is only just sufficient to be clearly perceived. on so rugged a surface there was no means of measuring the angle; but to give a common illustration, i may say that the slope would not have checked the speed of an english mail-coach. in some places a continuous stream of these fragments followed up the course of a valley, and even extended to the very crest of the hill. on these crests huge masses, exceeding in dimensions any small building, seemed to stand arrested in their headlong course: there, also, the curved strata of the archways lay piled on each other, like the ruins of some vast and ancient cathedral. in endeavouring to describe these scenes of violence one is tempted to pass from one simile to another. we may imagine that streams of white lava had flowed from many parts of the mountains into the lower country, and that when solidified they had been rent by some enormous convulsion into myriads of fragments. the expression "streams of stones," which immediately occurred to every one, conveys the same idea. these scenes are on the spot rendered more striking by the contrast of the low, rounded forms of the neighbouring hills. i was interested by finding on the highest peak of one range (about 700 feet above the sea) a great arched fragment, lying on its convex side, or back downwards. must we believe that it was fairly pitched up in the air, and thus turned? or, with more probability, that there existed formerly a part of the same range more elevated than the point on which this monument of a great convulsion of nature now lies. as the fragments in the valleys are neither rounded nor the crevices filled up with sand, we must infer that the period of violence was subsequent to the land having been raised above the waters of the sea. in a transverse section within these valleys the bottom is nearly level, or rises but very little towards either side. hence the fragments appear to have travelled from the head of the valley; but in reality it seems more probable that they have been hurled down from the nearest slopes; and that since, by a vibratory movement of overwhelming force, the fragments have been levelled into one continuous sheet. (9/9. "nous n'avons pas ã©tã© moins saisis d'ã©tonnement ã  la vã»e de l'innombrable quantitã© de pierres de toutes grandeurs, bouleversã©es les unes sur les autres, et cependant rangã©es, comme si elles avoient ã©tã© amoncelã©es nã©gligemment pour remplir des ravins. on ne se lassoit pas d'admirer les effets prodigieux de la nature." "pernety" page 526.) if during the earthquake which in 1835 overthrew concepcion, in chile, it was thought wonderful that small bodies should have been pitched a few inches from the ground, what must we say to a movement which has caused fragments many tons in weight to move onwards like so much sand on a vibrating board, and find their level? (9/10. an inhabitant of mendoza, and hence well capable of judging, assured me that, during the several years he had resided on these islands, he had never felt the slightest shock of an earthquake.) i have seen, in the cordillera of the andes, the evident marks where stupendous mountains have been broken into pieces like so much thin crust, and the strata thrown on their vertical edges; but never did any scene, like these "streams of stones," so forcibly convey to my mind the idea of a convulsion, of which in historical records we might in vain seek for any counterpart: yet the progress of knowledge will probably some day give a simple explanation of this phenomenon, as it already has of the so long thought inexplicable transportal of the erratic boulders which are strewed over the plains of europe. i have little to remark on the zoology of these islands. i have before described the carrion-vulture of polyborus. there are some other hawks, owls, and a few small land-birds. the waterfowl are particularly numerous, and they must formerly, from the accounts of the old navigators, have been much more so. one day i observed a cormorant playing with a fish which it had caught. eight times successively the bird let its prey go, then dived after it, and although in deep water, brought it each time to the surface. in the zoological gardens i have seen the otter treat a fish in the same manner, much as a cat does a mouse: i do not know of any other instance where dame nature appears so wilfully cruel. another day, having placed myself between a penguin (aptenodytes demersa) and the water, i was much amused by watching its habits. it was a brave bird; and till reaching the sea, it regularly fought and drove me backwards. nothing less than heavy blows would have stopped him; every inch he gained he firmly kept, standing close before me erect and determined. when thus opposed he continually rolled his head from side to side, in a very odd manner, as if the power of distinct vision lay only in the anterior and basal part of each eye. this bird is commonly called the jackass penguin, from its habit, while on shore, of throwing its head backwards, and making a loud strange noise, very like the braying of an ass; but while at sea, and undisturbed, its note is very deep and solemn, and is often heard in the night-time. in diving, its little wings are used as fins; but on the land, as front legs. when crawling, it may be said on four legs, through the tussocks or on the side of a grassy cliff, it moves so very quickly that it might easily be mistaken for a quadruped. when at sea and fishing, it comes to the surface for the purpose of breathing with such a spring, and dives again so instantaneously, that i defy any one at first sight to be sure that it was not a fish leaping for sport. two kinds of geese frequent the falklands. the upland species (anas magellanica) is common, in pairs and in small flocks, throughout the island. they do not migrate, but build on the small outlying islets. this is supposed to be from fear of the foxes: and it is perhaps from the same cause that these birds, though very tame by day, are shy and wild in the dusk of the evening. they live entirely on vegetable matter. the rock-goose, so called from living exclusively on the sea-beach (anas antarctica), is common both here and on the west coast of america, as far north as chile. in the deep and retired channels of tierra del fuego, the snow-white gander, invariably accompanied by his darker consort, and standing close by each other on some distant rocky point, is a common feature in the landscape. in these islands a great loggerheaded duck or goose (anas brachyptera), which sometimes weighs twenty-two pounds, is very abundant. these birds were in former days called, from their extraordinary manner of paddling and splashing upon the water, racehorses; but now they are named, much more appropriately, steamers. their wings are too small and weak to allow of flight, but by their aid, partly swimming and partly flapping the surface of the water, they move very quickly. the manner is something like that by which the common house-duck escapes when pursued by a dog; but i am nearly sure that the steamer moves its wings alternately, instead of both together, as in other birds. these clumsy, loggerheaded ducks make such a noise and splashing, that the effect is exceedingly curious. thus we find in south america three birds which use their wings for other purposes besides flight; the penguin as fins, the steamer as paddles, and the ostrich as sails: and the apteryx of new zealand, as well as its gigantic extinct prototype the deinornis, possess only rudimentary representatives of wings. the steamer is able to dive only to a very short distance. it feeds entirely on shell-fish from the kelp and tidal rocks; hence the beak and head, for the purpose of breaking them, are surprisingly heavy and strong: the head is so strong that i have scarcely been able to fracture it with my geological hammer; and all our sportsmen soon discovered how tenacious these birds were of life. when in the evening pluming themselves in a flock, they make the same odd mixture of sounds which bull-frogs do within the tropics. in tierra del fuego, as well as in the falkland islands, i made many observations on the lower marine animals, but they are of little general interest. (9/11. i was surprised to find, on counting the eggs of a large white doris (this sea-slug was three and a half inches long), how extraordinarily numerous they were. from two to five eggs (each three-thousandths of an inch in diameter) were contained in spherical little case. these were arranged two deep in transverse rows forming a ribbon. the ribbon adhered by its edge to the rock in an oval spire. one which i found measured nearly twenty inches in length and half in breadth. by counting how many balls were contained in a tenth of an inch in the row, and how many rows in an equal length of the ribbon, on the most moderate computation there were six hundred thousand eggs. yet this doris was certainly not very common: although i was often searching under the stones, i saw only seven individuals. no fallacy is more common with naturalists, than that the numbers of an individual species depend on its powers of propagation.) i will mention only one class of facts, relating to certain zoophytes in the more highly organised division of that class. several genera (flustra, eschara, cellaria, crisia, and others) agree in having singular movable organs (like those of flustra avicularia, found in the european seas) attached to their cells. the organ, in the greater number of cases, very closely resembles the head of a vulture; but the lower mandible can be opened much wider than in a real bird's beak. the head itself possesses considerable powers of movement, by means of a short neck. in one zoophyte the head itself was fixed, but the lower jaw free: in another it was replaced by a triangular hood, with a beautifully-fitted trap-door, which evidently answered to the lower mandible. in the greater number of species, each cell was provided with one head, but in others each cell had two. the young cells at the end of the branches of these corallines contain quite immature polypi, yet the vulture-heads attached to them, though small, are in every respect perfect. when the polypus was removed by a needle from any of the cells, these organs did not appear in the least affected. when one of the vulture-like heads was cut off from the cell, the lower mandible retained its power of opening and closing. perhaps the most singular part of their structure is, that when there were more than two rows of cells on a branch, the central cells were furnished with these appendages, of only one-fourth the size of the outside ones. their movements varied according to the species; but in some i never saw the least motion; while others, with the lower mandible generally wide open, oscillated backwards and forwards at the rate of about five seconds each turn; others moved rapidly and by starts. when touched with a needle, the beak generally seized the point so firmly that the whole branch might be shaken. these bodies have no relation whatever with the production of the eggs or gemmules, as they are formed before the young polypi appear in the cells at the end of the growing branches; as they move independently of the polypi, and do not appear to be in any way connected with them; and as they differ in size on the outer and inner rows of cells, i have little doubt that in their functions they are related rather to the horny axis of the branches than to the polypi in the cells. the fleshy appendage at the lower extremity of the sea-pen (described at bahia blanca) also forms part of the zoophyte, as a whole, in the same manner as the roots of a tree form part of the whole tree, and not of the individual leaf or flower-buds. in another elegant little coralline (crisia?) each cell was furnished with a long-toothed bristle, which had the power of moving quickly. each of these bristles and each of the vulture-like heads generally moved quite independently of the others, but sometimes all on both sides of a branch, sometimes only those on one side, moved together coinstantaneously; sometimes each moved in regular order one after another. in these actions we apparently behold as perfect a transmission of will in the zoophyte, though composed of thousands of distinct polypi, as in any single animal. the case, indeed, is not different from that of the sea-pens, which, when touched, drew themselves into the sand on the coast of bahia blanca. i will state one other instance of uniform action, though of a very different nature, in a zoophyte closely allied to clytia, and therefore very simply organised. having kept a large tuft of it in a basin of salt-water, when it was dark i found that as often as i rubbed any part of a branch, the whole became strongly phosphorescent with a green light: i do not think i ever saw any object more beautifully so. but the remarkable circumstance was, that the flashes of light always proceeded up the branches, from the base towards the extremities. the examination of these compound animals was always very interesting to me. what can be more remarkable than to see a plant-like body producing an egg, capable of swimming about and of choosing a proper place to adhere to, which then sprouts into branches, each crowded with innumerable distinct animals, often of complicated organisations. the branches, moreover, as we have just seen, sometimes possess organs capable of movement and independent of the polypi. surprising as this union of separate individuals in a common stock must always appear, every tree displays the same fact, for buds must be considered as individual plants. it is, however, natural to consider a polypus, furnished with a mouth, intestines, and other organs, as a distinct individual, whereas the individuality of a leaf-bud is not easily realised; so that the union of separate individuals in a common body is more striking in a coralline than in a tree. our conception of a compound animal, where in some respects the individuality of each is not completed, may be aided, by reflecting on the production of two distinct creatures by bisecting a single one with a knife, or where nature herself performs the task of bisection. we may consider the polypi in a zoophyte, or the buds in a tree, as cases where the division of the individual has not been completely effected. certainly in the case of trees, and judging from analogy in that of corallines, the individuals propagated by buds seem more intimately related to each other, than eggs or seeds are to their parents. it seems now pretty well established that plants propagated by buds all partake of a common duration of life; and it is familiar to every one, what singular and numerous peculiarities are transmitted with certainty, by buds, layers, and grafts, which by seminal propagation never or only casually reappear. (plate 43. berkeley sound, falkland islands.) chapter x. (plate 44. york minster (bearing south 66 degrees east.) tierra del fuego, first arrival. good success bay. an account of the fuegians on board. interview with the savages. scenery of the forests. cape horn. wigwam cove. miserable condition of the savages. famines. cannibals. matricide. religious feelings. great gale. beagle channel. ponsonby sound. build wigwams and settle the fuegians. bifurcation of the beagle channel. glaciers. return to the ship. second visit in the ship to the settlement. equality of condition amongst the natives. tierra del fuego. december 17, 1832. having now finished with patagonia and the falkland islands, i will describe our first arrival in tierra del fuego. a little after noon we doubled cape st. diego, and entered the famous strait of le maire. we kept close to the fuegian shore, but the outline of the rugged, inhospitable staten-land was visible amidst the clouds. in the afternoon we anchored in the bay of good success. while entering we were saluted in a manner becoming the inhabitants of this savage land. a group of fuegians partly concealed by the entangled forest, were perched on a wild point overhanging the sea; and as we passed by, they sprang up and waving their tattered cloaks sent forth a loud and sonorous shout. the savages followed the ship, and just before dark we saw their fire, and again heard their wild cry. the harbour consists of a fine piece of water half surrounded by low rounded mountains of clay-slate, which are covered to the water's edge by one dense gloomy forest. a single glance at the landscape was sufficient to show me how widely different it was from anything i had ever beheld. at night it blew a gale of wind, and heavy squalls from the mountains swept past us. it would have been a bad time out at sea, and we, as well as others, may call this good success bay. in the morning the captain sent a party to communicate with the fuegians. when we came within hail, one of the four natives who were present advanced to receive us, and began to shout most vehemently, wishing to direct us where to land. when we were on shore the party looked rather alarmed, but continued talking and making gestures with great rapidity. it was without exception the most curious and interesting spectacle i ever beheld: i could not have believed how wide was the difference between savage and civilised man: it is greater than between a wild and domesticated animal, inasmuch as in man there is a greater power of improvement. the chief spokesman was old, and appeared to be the head of the family; the three others were powerful young men, about six feet high. the women and children had been sent away. these fuegians are a very different race from the stunted, miserable wretches farther westward; and they seem closely allied to the famous patagonians of the strait of magellan. their only garment consists of a mantle made of guanaco skin, with the wool outside: this they wear just thrown over their shoulders, leaving their persons as often exposed as covered. their skin is of a dirty coppery-red colour. the old man had a fillet of white feathers tied round his head, which partly confined his black, coarse, and entangled hair. his face was crossed by two broad transverse bars; one, painted bright red, reached from ear to ear and included the upper lip; the other, white like chalk, extended above and parallel to the first, so that even his eyelids were thus coloured. the other two men were ornamented by streaks of black powder, made of charcoal. the party altogether closely resembled the devils which come on the stage in plays like der freischutz. their very attitudes were abject, and the expression of their countenances distrustful, surprised, and startled. after we had presented them with some scarlet cloth, which they immediately tied round their necks, they became good friends. this was shown by the old man patting our breasts, and making a chuckling kind of noise, as people do when feeding chickens. i walked with the old man, and this demonstration of friendship was repeated several times; it was concluded by three hard slaps, which were given me on the breast and back at the same time. he then bared his bosom for me to return the compliment, which being done, he seemed highly pleased. the language of these people, according to our notions, scarcely deserves to be called articulate. captain cook has compared it to a man clearing his throat, but certainly no european ever cleared his throat with so many hoarse, guttural, and clicking sounds. they are excellent mimics: as often as we coughed or yawned, or made any odd motion, they immediately imitated us. some of our party began to squint and look awry; but one of the young fuegians (whose whole face was painted black, excepting a white band across his eyes) succeeded in making far more hideous grimaces. they could repeat with perfect correctness each word in any sentence we addressed them, and they remembered such words for some time. yet we europeans all know how difficult it is to distinguish apart the sounds in a foreign language. which of us, for instance, could follow an american indian through a sentence of more than three words? all savages appear to possess, to an uncommon degree, this power of mimicry. i was told, almost in the same words, of the same ludicrous habit among the caffres; the australians, likewise, have long been notorious for being able to imitate and describe the gait of any man, so that he may be recognised. how can this faculty be explained? is it a consequence of the more practised habits of perception and keener senses, common to all men in a savage state, as compared with those long civilised? when a song was struck up by our party, i thought the fuegians would have fallen down with astonishment. with equal surprise they viewed our dancing; but one of the young men, when asked, had no objection to a little waltzing. little accustomed to europeans as they appeared to be, yet they knew and dreaded our firearms; nothing would tempt them to take a gun in their hands. they begged for knives, calling them by the spanish word "cuchilla." they explained also what they wanted, by acting as if they had a piece of blubber in their mouth, and then pretending to cut instead of tear it. i have not as yet noticed the fuegians whom we had on board. during the former voyage of the "adventure" and "beagle" in 1826 to 1830, captain fitz roy seized on a party of natives, as hostages for the loss of a boat, which had been stolen, to the great jeopardy of a party employed on the survey; and some of these natives, as well as a child whom he bought for a pearl-button, he took with him to england, determining to educate them and instruct them in religion at his own expense. to settle these natives in their own country was one chief inducement to captain fitz roy to undertake our present voyage; and before the admiralty had resolved to send out this expedition, captain fitz roy had generously chartered a vessel, and would himself have taken them back. the natives were accompanied by a missionary, r. matthews; of whom and of the natives, captain fitz roy has published a full and excellent account. two men, one of whom died in england of the smallpox, a boy and a little girl, were originally taken; and we had now on board, york minster, jemmy button (whose name expresses his purchase-money), and fuegia basket. york minster was a full-grown, short, thick, powerful man: his disposition was reserved, taciturn, morose, and when excited violently passionate; his affections were very strong towards a few friends on board; his intellect good. jemmy button was a universal favourite, but likewise passionate; the expression of his face at once showed his nice disposition. he was merry and often laughed, and was remarkably sympathetic with any one in pain: when the water was rough, i was often a little sea-sick, and he used to come to me and say in a plaintive voice, "poor, poor fellow!" but the notion, after his aquatic life, of a man being sea-sick, was too ludicrous, and he was generally obliged to turn on one side to hide a smile or laugh, and then he would repeat his "poor, poor fellow!" he was of a patriotic disposition; and he liked to praise his own tribe and country, in which he truly said there were "plenty of trees," and he abused all the other tribes: he stoutly declared that there was no devil in his land. jemmy was short, thick, and fat, but vain of his personal appearance; he used always to wear gloves, his hair was neatly cut, and he was distressed if his well-polished shoes were dirtied. he was fond of admiring himself in a looking glass; and a merry-faced little indian boy from the rio negro, whom we had for some months on board, soon perceived this, and used to mock him: jemmy, who was always rather jealous of the attention paid to this little boy, did not at all like this, and used to say, with rather a contemptuous twist of his head, "too much skylark." it seems yet wonderful to me, when i think over all his many good qualities, that he should have been of the same race, and doubtless partaken of the same character, with the miserable, degraded savages whom we first met here. lastly, fuegia basket was a nice, modest, reserved young girl, with a rather pleasing but sometimes sullen expression, and very quick in learning anything, especially languages. this she showed in picking up some portuguese and spanish, when left on shore for only a short time at rio de janeiro and monte video, and in her knowledge of english. york minster was very jealous of any attention paid to her; for it was clear he determined to marry her as soon as they were settled on shore. although all three could both speak and understand a good deal of english, it was singularly difficult to obtain much information from them concerning the habits of their countrymen; this was partly owing to their apparent difficulty in understanding the simplest alternative. every one accustomed to very young children knows how seldom one can get an answer even to so simple a question as whether a thing is black or white; the idea of black or white seems alternately to fill their minds. so it was with these fuegians, and hence it was generally impossible to find out, by cross-questioning, whether one had rightly understood anything which they had asserted. their sight was remarkably acute; it is well known that sailors, from long practice, can make out a distant object much better than a landsman; but both york and jemmy were much superior to any sailor on board: several times they have declared what some distant object has been, and though doubted by every one, they have proved right when it has been examined through a telescope. they were quite conscious of this power; and jemmy, when he had any little quarrel with the officer on watch, would say, "me see ship, me no tell." it was interesting to watch the conduct of the savages, when we landed, towards jemmy button: they immediately perceived the difference between him and ourselves, and held much conversation one with another on the subject. the old man addressed a long harangue to jemmy, which it seems was to invite him to stay with them. but jemmy understood very little of their language, and was, moreover, thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen. when york minster afterwards came on shore, they noticed him in the same way, and told him he ought to shave; yet he had not twenty dwarf hairs on his face, whilst we all wore our untrimmed beards. they examined the colour of his skin, and compared it with ours. one of our arms being bared, they expressed the liveliest surprise and admiration at its whiteness, just in the same way in which i have seen the ourang-outang do at the zoological gardens. we thought that they mistook two or three of the officers, who were rather shorter and fairer, though adorned with large beards, for the ladies of our party. the tallest amongst the fuegians was evidently much pleased at his height being noticed. when placed back to back with the tallest of the boat's crew, he tried his best to edge on higher ground, and to stand on tiptoe. he opened his mouth to show his teeth, and turned his face for a side view; and all this was done with such alacrity, that i daresay he thought himself the handsomest man in tierra del fuego. after our first feeling of grave astonishment was over, nothing could be more ludicrous than the odd mixture of surprise and imitation which these savages every moment exhibited. the next day i attempted to penetrate some way into the country. tierra del fuego may be described as a mountainous land, partly submerged in the sea, so that deep inlets and bays occupy the place where valleys should exist. the mountain sides, except on the exposed western coast, are covered from the water's edge upwards by one great forest. the trees reach to an elevation of between 1000 and 1500 feet, and are succeeded by a band of peat, with minute alpine plants; and this again is succeeded by the line of perpetual snow, which, according to captain king, in the strait of magellan descends to between 3000 and 4000 feet. to find an acre of level land in any part of the country is most rare. i recollect only one little flat piece near port famine, and another of rather larger extent near goeree road. in both places, and everywhere else, the surface is covered by a thick bed of swampy peat. even within the forest, the ground is concealed by a mass of slowly putrefying vegetable matter, which, from being soaked with water, yields to the foot. finding it nearly hopeless to push my way through the wood, i followed the course of a mountain torrent. at first, from the waterfalls and number of dead trees, i could hardly crawl along; but the bed of the stream soon became a little more open, from the floods having swept the sides. i continued slowly to advance for an hour along the broken and rocky banks, and was amply repaid by the grandeur of the scene. the gloomy depth of the ravine well accorded with the universal signs of violence. on every side were lying irregular masses of rock and torn-up trees; other trees, though still erect, were decayed to the heart and ready to fall. the entangled mass of the thriving and the fallen reminded me of the forests within the tropics--yet there was a difference: for in these still solitudes, death, instead of life, seemed the predominant spirit. i followed the watercourse till i came to a spot where a great slip had cleared a straight space down the mountain side. by this road i ascended to a considerable elevation, and obtained a good view of the surrounding woods. the trees all belong to one kind, the fagus betuloides; for the number of the other species of fagus and of the winter's bark is quite inconsiderable. this beech keeps its leaves throughout the year; but its foliage is of a peculiar brownish-green colour, with a tinge of yellow. as the whole landscape is thus coloured, it has a sombre, dull appearance; nor is it often enlivened by the rays of the sun. december 20, 1832. one side of the harbour is formed by a hill about 1500 feet high, which captain fitz roy has called after sir j. banks, in commemoration of his disastrous excursion which proved fatal to two men of his party, and nearly so to dr. solander. the snow-storm, which was the cause of their misfortune, happened in the middle of january, corresponding to our july, and in the latitude of durham! i was anxious to reach the summit of this mountain to collect alpine plants; for flowers of any kind in the lower parts are few in number. we followed the same watercourse as on the previous day, till it dwindled away, and we were then compelled to crawl blindly among the trees. these, from the effects of the elevation and of the impetuous winds, were low, thick and crooked. at length we reached that which from a distance appeared like a carpet of fine green turf, but which, to our vexation, turned out to be a compact mass of little beech-trees about four or five feet high. they were as thick together as box in the border of a garden, and we were obliged to struggle over the flat but treacherous surface. after a little more trouble we gained the peat, and then the bare slate rock. a ridge connected this hill with another, distant some miles, and more lofty, so that patches of snow were lying on it. as the day was not far advanced, i determined to walk there and collect plants along the road. it would have been very hard work, had it not been for a well-beaten and straight path made by the guanacos; for these animals, like sheep, always follow the same line. when we reached the hill we found it the highest in the immediate neighbourhood, and the waters flowed to the sea in opposite directions. we obtained a wide view over the surrounding country: to the north a swampy moorland extended, but to the south we had a scene of savage magnificence, well becoming tierra del fuego. there was a degree of mysterious grandeur in mountain behind mountain, with the deep intervening valleys, all covered by one thick, dusky mass of forest. the atmosphere, likewise, in this climate, where gale succeeds gale, with rain, hail, and sleet, seems blacker than anywhere else. in the strait of magellan, looking due southward from port famine, the distant channels between the mountains appeared from their gloominess to lead beyond the confines of this world. december 21, 1832. (plate 45. cape horn.) (plate 46. cape horn (another view).) the "beagle" got under way: and on the succeeding day, favoured to an uncommon degree by a fine easterly breeze, we closed in with the barnevelts, and running past cape deceit with its stony peaks, about three o'clock doubled the weather-beaten cape horn. the evening was calm and bright, and we enjoyed a fine view of the surrounding isles. cape horn, however, demanded his tribute, and before night sent us a gale of wind directly in our teeth. we stood out to sea, and on the second day again made the land, when we saw on our weather-bow this notorious promontory in its proper form--veiled in a mist, and its dim outline surrounded by a storm of wind and water. great black clouds were rolling across the heavens, and squalls of rain, with hail, swept by us with such extreme violence, that the captain determined to run into wigwam cove. this is a snug little harbour, not far from cape horn; and here, at christmas-eve, we anchored in smooth water. the only thing which reminded us of the gale outside was every now and then a puff from the mountains, which made the ship surge at her anchors. december 25, 1832. close by the cove, a pointed hill, called kater's peak, rises to the height of 1700 feet. the surrounding islands all consist of conical masses of greenstone, associated sometimes with less regular hills of baked and altered clay-slate. this part of tierra del fuego may be considered as the extremity of the submerged chain of mountains already alluded to. the cove takes its name of "wigwam" from some of the fuegian habitations; but every bay in the neighbourhood might be so called with equal propriety. the inhabitants, living chiefly upon shell-fish, are obliged constantly to change their place of residence; but they return at intervals to the same spots, as is evident from the piles of old shells, which must often amount to many tons in weight. these heaps can be distinguished at a long distance by the bright green colour of certain plants, which invariably grow on them. among these may be enumerated the wild celery and scurvy grass, two very serviceable plants, the use of which has not been discovered by the natives. the fuegian wigwam resembles, in size and dimensions, a haycock. it merely consists of a few broken branches stuck in the ground, and very imperfectly thatched on one side with a few tufts of grass and rushes. the whole cannot be the work of an hour, and it is only used for a few days. at goeree roads i saw a place where one of these naked men had slept, which absolutely offered no more cover than the form of a hare. the man was evidently living by himself, and york minster said he was "very bad man," and that probably he had stolen something. on the west coast, however, the wigwams are rather better, for they are covered with seal-skins. we were detained here several days by the bad weather. the climate is certainly wretched: the summer solstice was now past, yet every day snow fell on the hills, and in the valleys there was rain, accompanied by sleet. the thermometer generally stood about 45 degrees, but in the night fell to 38 or 40 degrees. from the damp and boisterous state of the atmosphere, not cheered by a gleam of sunshine, one fancied the climate even worse than it really was. while going one day on shore near wollaston island, we pulled alongside a canoe with six fuegians. these were the most abject and miserable creatures i anywhere beheld. on the east coast the natives, as we have seen, have guanaco cloaks, and on the west they possess seal-skins. amongst these central tribes the men generally have an otter-skin, or some small scrap about as large as a pocket-handkerchief, which is barely sufficient to cover their backs as low down as their loins. it is laced across the breast by strings, and according as the wind blows, it is shifted from side to side. but these fuegians in the canoe were quite naked, and even one full-grown woman was absolutely so. it was raining heavily, and the fresh water, together with the spray, trickled down her body. in another harbour not far distant, a woman, who was suckling a recently-born child, came one day alongside the vessel, and remained there out of mere curiosity, whilst the sleet fell and thawed on her naked bosom, and on the skin of her naked baby! these poor wretches were stunted in their growth, their hideous faces bedaubed with white paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their hair entangled, their voices discordant, and their gestures violent. viewing such men, one can hardly make oneself believe that they are fellow-creatures, and inhabitants of the same world. it is a common subject of conjecture what pleasure in life some of the lower animals can enjoy: how much more reasonably the same question may be asked with respect to these barbarians! at night five or six human beings, naked and scarcely protected from the wind and rain of this tempestuous climate, sleep on the wet ground coiled up like animals. whenever it is low water, winter or summer, night or day, they must rise to pick shellfish from the rocks; and the women either dive to collect sea-eggs, or sit patiently in their canoes, and with a baited hair-line without any hook, jerk out little fish. if a seal is killed, or the floating carcass of a putrid whale is discovered, it is a feast; and such miserable food is assisted by a few tasteless berries and fungi. they often suffer from famine: i heard mr. low, a sealing-master intimately acquainted with the natives of this country, give a curious account of the state of a party of one hundred and fifty natives on the west coast, who were very thin and in great distress. a succession of gales prevented the women from getting shell-fish on the rocks, and they could not go out in their canoes to catch seal. a small party of these men one morning set out, and the other indians explained to him that they were going a four days' journey for food: on their return, low went to meet them, and he found them excessively tired, each man carrying a great square piece of putrid whales-blubber with a hole in the middle, through which they put their heads, like the gauchos do through their ponchos or cloaks. as soon as the blubber was brought into a wigwam, an old man cut off thin slices, and muttering over them, broiled them for a minute, and distributed them to the famished party, who during this time preserved a profound silence. mr. low believes that whenever a whale is cast on shore, the natives bury large pieces of it in the sand, as a resource in time of famine; and a native boy, whom he had on board, once found a stock thus buried. the different tribes when at war are cannibals. from the concurrent, but quite independent evidence of the boy taken by mr. low, and of jemmy button, it is certainly true, that when pressed in winter by hunger they kill and devour their old women before they kill their dogs: the boy, being asked by mr. low why they did this, answered, "doggies catch otters, old women no." this boy described the manner in which they are killed by being held over smoke and thus choked; he imitated their screams as a joke, and described the parts of their bodies which are considered best to eat. horrid as such a death by the hands of their friends and relatives must be, the fears of the old women, when hunger begins to press, are more painful to think of; we were told that they then often run away into the mountains, but that they are pursued by the men and brought back to the slaughter-house at their own firesides! captain fitz roy could never ascertain that the fuegians have any distinct belief in a future life. they sometimes bury their dead in caves, and sometimes in the mountain forests; we do not know what ceremonies they perform. jemmy button would not eat land-birds, because "eat dead men"; they are unwilling even to mention their dead friends. we have no reason to believe that they perform any sort of religious worship; though perhaps the muttering of the old man before he distributed the putrid blubber to his famished party may be of this nature. each family or tribe has a wizard or conjuring doctor, whose office we could never clearly ascertain. jemmy believed in dreams, though not, as i have said, in the devil: i do not think that our fuegians were much more superstitious than some of the sailors; for an old quartermaster firmly believed that the successive heavy gales, which we encountered off cape horn, were caused by our having the fuegians on board. the nearest approach to a religious feeling which i heard of, was shown by york minster, who, when mr. bynoe shot some very young ducklings as specimens, declared in the most solemn manner, "oh, mr. bynoe, much rain, snow, blow much." this was evidently a retributive punishment for wasting human food. in a wild and excited manner he also related that his brother one day, whilst returning to pick up some dead birds which he had left on the coast, observed some feathers blown by the wind. his brother said (york imitating his manner), "what that?" and crawling onwards, he peeped over the cliff, and saw "wild man" picking his birds; he crawled a little nearer, and then hurled down a great stone and killed him. york declared for a long time afterwards storms raged, and much rain and snow fell. as far as we could make out, he seemed to consider the elements themselves as the avenging agents: it is evident in this case, how naturally, in a race a little more advanced in culture, the elements would become personified. what the "bad wild men" were, has always appeared to me most mysterious: from what york said, when we found the place like the form of a hare, where a single man had slept the night before, i should have thought that they were thieves who had been driven from their tribes; but other obscure speeches made me doubt this; i have sometimes imagined that the most probable explanation was that they were insane. the different tribes have no government or chief; yet each is surrounded by other hostile tribes, speaking different dialects, and separated from each other only by a deserted border or neutral territory: the cause of their warfare appears to be the means of subsistence. their country is a broken mass of wild rocks, lofty hills, and useless forests: and these are viewed through mists and endless storms. the habitable land is reduced to the stones on the beach; in search of food they are compelled unceasingly to wander from spot to spot, and so steep is the coast, that they can only move about in their wretched canoes. they cannot know the feeling of having a home, and still less that of domestic affection; for the husband is to the wife a brutal master to a laborious slave. was a more horrid deed ever perpetrated, than that witnessed on the west coast by byron, who saw a wretched mother pick up her bleeding dying infant-boy, whom her husband had mercilessly dashed on the stones for dropping a basket of sea-eggs! how little can the higher powers of the mind be brought into play: what is there for imagination to picture, for reason to compare, for judgment to decide upon? to knock a limpet from the rock does not require even cunning, that lowest power of the mind. their skill in some respects may be compared to the instinct of animals; for it is not improved by experience: the canoe, their most ingenious work, poor as it is, has remained the same, as we know from drake, for the last two hundred and fifty years. whilst beholding these savages, one asks, whence have they come? what could have tempted, or what change compelled, a tribe of men, to leave the fine regions of the north, to travel down the cordillera or backbone of america, to invent and build canoes, which are not used by the tribes of chile, peru, and brazil, and then to enter on one of the most inhospitable countries within the limits of the globe? although such reflections must at first seize on the mind, yet we may feel sure that they are partly erroneous. there is no reason to believe that the fuegians decrease in number; therefore we must suppose that they enjoy a sufficient share of happiness, of whatever kind it may be, to render life worth having. nature by making habit omnipotent, and its effects hereditary, has fitted the fuegian to the climate and the productions of his miserable country. (plate 47. bad weather, magellan straits.) after having been detained six days in wigwam cove by very bad weather, we put to sea on the 30th of december. captain fitz roy wished to get westward to land york and fuegia in their own country. when at sea we had a constant succession of gales, and the current was against us: we drifted to 57 degrees 23' south. on the 11th of january, 1833, by carrying a press of sail, we fetched within a few miles of the great rugged mountain of york minster (so called by captain cook, and the origin of the name of the elder fuegian), when a violent squall compelled us to shorten sail and stand out to sea. the surf was breaking fearfully on the coast, and the spray was carried over a cliff estimated at 200 feet in height. on the 12th the gale was very heavy, and we did not know exactly where we were: it was a most unpleasant sound to hear constantly repeated, "keep a good lookout to leeward." on the 13th the storm raged with its full fury: our horizon was narrowly limited by the sheets of spray borne by the wind. the sea looked ominous, like a dreary waving plain with patches of drifted snow: whilst the ship laboured heavily, the albatross glided with its expanded wings right up the wind. at noon a great sea broke over us, and filled one of the whale-boats, which was obliged to be instantly cut away. the poor "beagle" trembled at the shock, and for a few minutes would not obey her helm; but soon, like a good ship that she was, she righted and came up to the wind again. had another sea followed the first, our fate would have been decided soon, and for ever. we had now been twenty-four days trying in vain to get westward; the men were worn out with fatigue, and they had not had for many nights or days a dry thing to put on. captain fitz roy gave up the attempt to get westward by the outside coast. in the evening we ran in behind false cape horn, and dropped our anchor in forty-seven fathoms, fire flashing from the windlass as the chain rushed round it. how delightful was that still night, after having been so long involved in the din of the warring elements! (plate 48. fuegian basket and bone weapons.) (plate 49. false horn, cape horn.) january 15, 1833. the "beagle" anchored in goeree roads. captain fitz roy having resolved to settle the fuegians, according to their wishes, in ponsonby sound, four boats were equipped to carry them there through the beagle channel. this channel, which was discovered by captain fitz roy during the last voyage, is a most remarkable feature in the geography of this, or indeed of any other country: it may be compared to the valley of loch ness in scotland, with its chain of lakes and friths. it is about one hundred and twenty miles long, with an average breadth, not subject to any very great variation, of about two miles; and is throughout the greater part so perfectly straight, that the view, bounded on each side by a line of mountains, gradually becomes indistinct in the long distance. it crosses the southern part of tierra del fuego in an east and west line, and in the middle is joined at right angles on the south side by an irregular channel, which has been called ponsonby sound. this is the residence of jemmy button's tribe and family. january 19, 1833. three whale-boats and the yawl, with a party of twenty-eight, started under the command of captain fitz roy. in the afternoon we entered the eastern mouth of the channel, and shortly afterwards found a snug little cove concealed by some surrounding islets. here we pitched our tents and lighted our fires. nothing could look more comfortable than this scene. the glassy water of the little harbour, with the branches of the trees hanging over the rocky beach, the boats at anchor, the tents supported by the crossed oars, and the smoke curling up the wooded valley, formed a picture of quiet retirement. the next day (20th) we smoothly glided onwards in our little fleet, and came to a more inhabited district. few if any of these natives could ever have seen a white man; certainly nothing could exceed their astonishment at the apparition of the four boats. fires were lighted on every point (hence the name of tierra del fuego, or the land of fire), both to attract our attention and to spread far and wide the news. some of the men ran for miles along the shore. i shall never forget how wild and savage one group appeared: suddenly four or five men came to the edge of an overhanging cliff; they were absolutely naked, and their long hair streamed about their faces; they held rugged staffs in their hands, and, springing from the ground, they waved their arms round their heads, and sent forth the most hideous yells. at dinner-time we landed among a party of fuegians. at first they were not inclined to be friendly; for until the captain pulled in ahead of the other boats, they kept their slings in their hands. we soon, however, delighted them by trifling presents, such as tying red tape round their heads. they liked our biscuit: but one of the savages touched with his finger some of the meat preserved in tin cases which i was eating, and feeling it soft and cold, showed as much disgust at it, as i should have done at putrid blubber. jemmy was thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen, and declared his own tribe were quite different, in which he was woefully mistaken. it was as easy to please as it was difficult to satisfy these savages. young and old, men and children, never ceased repeating the word "yammerschooner," which means "give me." after pointing to almost every object, one after the other, even to the buttons on our coats, and saying their favourite word in as many intonations as possible, they would then use it in a neuter sense, and vacantly repeat "yammerschooner." after yammerschoonering for any article very eagerly, they would by a simple artifice point to their young women or little children, as much as to say, "if you will not give it me, surely you will to such as these." at night we endeavoured in vain to find an uninhabited cove; and at last were obliged to bivouac not far from a party of natives. they were very inoffensive as long as they were few in numbers, but in the morning (21st) being joined by others they showed symptoms of hostility, and we thought that we should have come to a skirmish. an european labours under great disadvantages when treating with savages like these who have not the least idea of the power of firearms. in the very act of levelling his musket he appears to the savage far inferior to a man armed with a bow and arrow, a spear, or even a sling. nor is it easy to teach them our superiority except by striking a fatal blow. like wild beasts, they do not appear to compare numbers; for each individual, if attacked, instead of retiring, will endeavour to dash your brains out with a stone, as certainly as a tiger under similar circumstances would tear you. captain fitz roy, on one occasion being very anxious, from good reasons, to frighten away a small party, first flourished a cutlass near them, at which they only laughed; he then twice fired his pistol close to a native. the man both times looked astounded, and carefully but quickly rubbed his head; he then stared awhile, and gabbled to his companions, but he never seemed to think of running away. we can hardly put ourselves in the position of these savages, and understand their actions. in the case of this fuegian, the possibility of such a sound as the report of a gun close to his ear could never have entered his mind. he perhaps literally did not for a second know whether it was a sound or a blow, and therefore very naturally rubbed his head. in a similar manner, when a savage sees a mark struck by a bullet, it may be some time before he is able at all to understand how it is effected; for the fact of a body being invisible from its velocity would perhaps be to him an idea totally inconceivable. moreover, the extreme force of a bullet that penetrates a hard substance without tearing it, may convince the savage that it has no force at all. certainly i believe that many savages of the lowest grade, such as these of tierra del fuego, have seen objects struck, and even small animals killed by the musket, without being in the least aware how deadly an instrument it is. january 22, 1833. after having passed an unmolested night, in what would appear to be neutral territory between jemmy's tribe and the people whom we saw yesterday, we sailed pleasantly along. i do not know anything which shows more clearly the hostile state of the different tribes, than these wide border or neutral tracts. although jemmy button well knew the force of our party, he was, at first, unwilling to land amidst the hostile tribe nearest to his own. he often told us how the savage oens men "when the leaf red," crossed the mountains from the eastern coast of tierra del fuego, and made inroads on the natives of this part of the country. it was most curious to watch him when thus talking, and see his eyes gleaming and his whole face assume a new and wild expression. as we proceeded along the beagle channel, the scenery assumed a peculiar and very magnificent character; but the effect was much lessened from the lowness of the point of view in a boat, and from looking along the valley, and thus losing all the beauty of a succession of ridges. the mountains were here about three thousand feet high, and terminated in sharp and jagged points. they rose in one unbroken sweep from the water's edge, and were covered to the height of fourteen or fifteen hundred feet by the dusky-coloured forest. it was most curious to observe, as far as the eye could range, how level and truly horizontal the line on the mountain side was, at which trees ceased to grow: it precisely resembled the high-water mark of driftweed on a sea-beach. at night we slept close to the junction of ponsonby sound with the beagle channel. a small family of fuegians, who were living in the cove, were quiet and inoffensive, and soon joined our party round a blazing fire. we were well clothed, and though sitting close to the fire were far from too warm; yet these naked savages, though farther off, were observed, to our great surprise, to be streaming with perspiration at undergoing such a roasting. they seemed, however, very well pleased, and all joined in the chorus of the seamen's songs: but the manner in which they were invariably a little behindhand was quite ludicrous. during the night the news had spread, and early in the morning (23rd) a fresh party arrived, belonging to the tekenika, or jemmy's tribe. several of them had run so fast that their noses were bleeding, and their mouths frothed from the rapidity with which they talked; and with their naked bodies all bedaubed with black, white, and red, they looked like so many demoniacs who had been fighting. (10/1. this substance, when dry, is tolerably compact, and of little specific gravity: professor ehrenberg has examined it: he states "konig akad. der wissen" berlin february 1845, that it is composed of infusoria, including fourteen polygastrica and four phytolitharia. he says that they are all inhabitants of fresh water; this is a beautiful example of the results obtainable through professor ehrenberg's microscopic researches; for jemmy button told me that it is always collected at the bottoms of mountain-brooks. it is, moreover, a striking fact in the geographical distribution of the infusoria, which are well known to have very wide ranges, that all the species in this substance, although brought from the extreme southern point of tierra del fuego, are old, known forms.) we then proceeded (accompanied by twelve canoes, each holding four or five people) down ponsonby sound to the spot where poor jemmy expected to find his mother and relatives. he had already heard that his father was dead; but as he had had a "dream in his head" to that effect, he did not seem to care much about it, and repeatedly comforted himself with the very natural reflection--"me no help it." he was not able to learn any particulars regarding his father's death, as his relations would not speak about it. jemmy was now in a district well known to him, and guided the boats to a quiet pretty cove named woollya, surrounded by islets, every one of which and every point had its proper native name. we found here a family of jemmy's tribe, but not his relations: we made friends with them; and in the evening they sent a canoe to inform jemmy's mother and brothers. the cove was bordered by some acres of good sloping land, not covered (as elsewhere) either by peat or by forest-trees. captain fitz roy originally intended, as before stated, to have taken york minster and fuegia to their own tribe on the west coast; but as they expressed a wish to remain here, and as the spot was singularly favourable, captain fitz roy determined to settle here the whole party, including matthews, the missionary. five days were spent in building for them three large wigwams, in landing their goods, in digging two gardens, and sowing seeds. the next morning after our arrival (the 24th) the fuegians began to pour in, and jemmy's mother and brothers arrived. jemmy recognised the stentorian voice of one of his brothers at a prodigious distance. the meeting was less interesting than that between a horse, turned out into a field, when he joins an old companion. there was no demonstration of affection; they simply stared for a short time at each other; and the mother immediately went to look after her canoe. we heard, however, through york that the mother had been inconsolable for the loss of jemmy, and had searched everywhere for him, thinking that he might have been left after having been taken in the boat. the women took much notice of and were very kind to fuegia. we had already perceived that jemmy had almost forgotten his own language. i should think there was scarcely another human being with so small a stock of language, for his english was very imperfect. it was laughable, but almost pitiable, to hear him speak to his wild brother in english, and then ask him in spanish ("no sabe?") whether he did not understand him. everything went on peaceably during the three next days, whilst the gardens were digging and wigwams building. we estimated the number of natives at about one hundred and twenty. the women worked hard, whilst the men lounged about all day long, watching us. they asked for everything they saw, and stole what they could. they were delighted at our dancing and singing, and were particularly interested at seeing us wash in a neighbouring brook; they did not pay much attention to anything else, not even to our boats. of all the things which york saw, during his absence from his country, nothing seems more to have astonished him than an ostrich, near maldonado: breathless with astonishment he came running to mr. bynoe, with whom he was out walking--"oh, mr. bynoe, oh, bird all same horse!" much as our white skins surprised the natives, by mr. low's account a negro-cook to a sealing vessel did so more effectually, and the poor fellow was so mobbed and shouted at that he would never go on shore again. everything went on so quietly, that some of the officers and myself took long walks in the surrounding hills and woods. suddenly, however, on the 27th, every woman and child disappeared. we were all uneasy at this, as neither york nor jemmy could make out the cause. it was thought by some that they had been frightened by our cleaning and firing off our muskets on the previous evening: by others, that it was owing to offence taken by an old savage, who, when told to keep farther off, had coolly spit in the sentry's face, and had then, by gestures acted over a sleeping fuegian, plainly showed, as it was said, that he should like to cut up and eat our man. captain fitz roy, to avoid the chance of an encounter, which would have been fatal to so many of the fuegians, thought it advisable for us to sleep at a cove a few miles distant. matthews, with his usual quiet fortitude (remarkable in a man apparently possessing little energy of character), determined to stay with the fuegians, who evinced no alarm for themselves; and so we left them to pass their first awful night. on our return in the morning (28th) we were delighted to find all quiet, and the men employed in their canoes spearing fish. captain fitz roy determined to send the yawl and one whale-boat back to the ship; and to proceed with the two other boats, one under his own command (in which he most kindly allowed me to accompany him), and one under mr. hammond, to survey the western parts of the beagle channel, and afterwards to return and visit the settlement. the day to our astonishment was overpoweringly hot, so that our skins were scorched; with this beautiful weather, the view in the middle of the beagle channel was very remarkable. looking towards either hand, no object intercepted the vanishing points of this long canal between the mountains. the circumstance of its being an arm of the sea was rendered very evident by several huge whales spouting in different directions. (10/2. one day, off the east coast of tierra del fuego, we saw a grand sight in several spermaceti whales jumping upright quite out of the water, with the exception of their tail-fins. as they fell down sideways, they splashed the water high up, and the sound reverberated like a distant broadside.) on one occasion i saw two of these monsters, probably male and female, slowly swimming one after the other, within less than a stone's throw of the shore, over which the beech-tree extended its branches. we sailed on till it was dark, and then pitched our tents in a quiet creek. the greatest luxury was to find for our beds a beach of pebbles, for they were dry and yielded to the body. peaty soil is damp; rock is uneven and hard; sand gets into one's meat, when cooked and eaten boat-fashion; but when lying in our blanket-bags, on a good bed of smooth pebbles, we passed most comfortable nights. it was my watch till one o'clock. there is something very solemn in these scenes. at no time does the consciousness in what a remote corner of the world you are then standing come so strongly before the mind. everything tends to this effect; the stillness of the night is interrupted only by the heavy breathing of the seamen beneath the tents, and sometimes by the cry of a night-bird. the occasional barking of a dog, heard in the distance, reminds one that it is the land of the savage. january 29, 1833. early in the morning we arrived at the point where the beagle channel divides into two arms; and we entered the northern one. the scenery here becomes even grander than before. the lofty mountains on the north side compose the granitic axis, or backbone of the country, and boldly rise to a height of between three and four thousand feet, with one peak above six thousand feet. they are covered by a wide mantle of perpetual snow, and numerous cascades pour their waters, through the woods, into the narrow channel below. in many parts, magnificent glaciers extend from the mountain side to the water's edge. it is scarcely possible to imagine anything more beautiful than the beryl-like blue of these glaciers, and especially as contrasted with the dead white of the upper expanse of snow. the fragments which had fallen from the glacier into the water were floating away, and the channel with its icebergs presented, for the space of a mile, a miniature likeness of the polar sea. the boats being hauled on shore at our dinner-hour, we were admiring from the distance of half a mile a perpendicular cliff of ice, and were wishing that some more fragments would fall. at last, down came a mass with a roaring noise, and immediately we saw the smooth outline of a wave travelling towards us. the men ran down as quickly as they could to the boats; for the chance of their being dashed to pieces was evident. one of the seamen just caught hold of the bows, as the curling breaker reached it: he was knocked over and over, but not hurt, and the boats, though thrice lifted on high and let fall again, received no damage. this was most fortunate for us, for we were a hundred miles distant from the ship, and we should have been left without provisions or firearms. i had previously observed that some large fragments of rock on the beach had been lately displaced; but until seeing this wave i did not understand the cause. one side of the creek was formed by a spur of mica-slate; the head by a cliff of ice about forty feet high; and the other side by a promontory fifty feet high, built up of huge rounded fragments of granite and mica-slate, out of which old trees were growing. this promontory was evidently a moraine, heaped up at a period when the glacier had greater dimensions. when we reached the western mouth of this northern branch of the beagle channel, we sailed amongst many unknown desolate islands, and the weather was wretchedly bad. we met with no natives. the coast was almost everywhere so steep that we had several times to pull many miles before we could find space enough to pitch our two tents: one night we slept on large round boulders, with putrefying sea-weed between them; and when the tide rose, we had to get up and move our blanket-bags. the farthest point westward which we reached was stewart island, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles from our ship. we returned into the beagle channel by the southern arm, and thence proceeded, with no adventure, back to ponsonby sound. february 6, 1833. we arrived at woollya. matthews gave so bad an account of the conduct of the fuegians, that captain fitz roy determined to take him back to the "beagle"; and ultimately he was left at new zealand, where his brother was a missionary. from the time of our leaving, a regular system of plunder commenced; fresh parties of the natives kept arriving: york and jemmy lost many things, and matthews almost everything which had not been concealed underground. every article seemed to have been torn up and divided by the natives. matthews described the watch he was obliged always to keep as most harassing; night and day he was surrounded by the natives, who tried to tire him out by making an incessant noise close to his head. one day an old man, whom matthews asked to leave his wigwam, immediately returned with a large stone in his hand: another day a whole party came armed with stones and stakes, and some of the younger men and jemmy's brother were crying: matthews met them with presents. another party showed by signs that they wished to strip him naked and pluck all the hairs out of his face and body. i think we arrived just in time to save his life. jemmy's relatives had been so vain and foolish, that they had showed to strangers their plunder, and their manner of obtaining it. it was quite melancholy leaving the three fuegians with their savage countrymen; but it was a great comfort that they had no personal fears. york, being a powerful resolute man, was pretty sure to get on well, together with his wife fuegia. poor jemmy looked rather disconsolate, and would then, i have little doubt, have been glad to have returned with us. his own brother had stolen many things from him; and as he remarked, "what fashion call that:" he abused his countrymen, "all bad men, no sabe (know) nothing" and, though i never heard him swear before, "damned fools." our three fuegians, though they had been only three years with civilised men, would, i am sure, have been glad to have retained their new habits; but this was obviously impossible. i fear it is more than doubtful whether their visit will have been of any use to them. in the evening, with matthews on board, we made sail back to the ship, not by the beagle channel, but by the southern coast. the boats were heavily laden and the sea rough, and we had a dangerous passage. by the evening of the 7th we were on board the "beagle" after an absence of twenty days, during which time we had gone three hundred miles in the open boats. on the 11th captain fitz roy paid a visit by himself to the fuegians and found them going on well; and that they had lost very few more things. on the last day of february in the succeeding year (1834) the "beagle" anchored in a beautiful little cove at the eastern entrance of the beagle channel. captain fitz roy determined on the bold, and as it proved successful, attempt to beat against the westerly winds by the same route which we had followed in the boats to the settlement at woollya. we did not see many natives until we were near ponsonby sound, where we were followed by ten or twelve canoes. the natives did not at all understand the reason of our tacking, and, instead of meeting us at each tack, vainly strove to follow us in our zigzag course. i was amused at finding what a difference the circumstance of being quite superior in force made, in the interest of beholding these savages. while in the boats i got to hate the very sound of their voices, so much trouble did they give us. the first and last word was "yammerschooner." when, entering some quiet little cove, we have looked round and thought to pass a quiet night, the odious word "yammerschooner" has shrilly sounded from some gloomy nook, and then the little signal-smoke has curled up to spread the news far and wide. on leaving some place we have said to each other, "thank heaven, we have at last fairly left these wretches!" when one more faint halloo from an all-powerful voice, heard at a prodigious distance, would reach our ears, and clearly could we distinguish--"yammerschooner." but now, the more fuegians the merrier; and very merry work it was. both parties laughing, wondering, gaping at each other; we pitying them, for giving us good fish and crabs for rags, etc.; they grasping at the chance of finding people so foolish as to exchange such splendid ornaments for a good supper. it was most amusing to see the undisguised smile of satisfaction with which one young woman with her face painted black, tied several bits of scarlet cloth round her head with rushes. her husband, who enjoyed the very universal privilege in this country of possessing two wives, evidently became jealous of all the attention paid to his young wife; and, after a consultation with his naked beauties, was paddled away by them. some of the fuegians plainly showed that they had a fair notion of barter. i gave one man a large nail (a most valuable present) without making any signs for a return; but he immediately picked out two fish, and handed them up on the point of his spear. if any present was designed for one canoe, and it fell near another, it was invariably given to the right owner. the fuegian boy, whom mr. low had on board, showed, by going into the most violent passion, that he quite understood the reproach of being called a liar, which in truth he was. we were this time, as on all former occasions, much surprised at the little notice, or rather none whatever, which was taken of many things, the use of which must have been evident to the natives. simple circumstances--such as the beauty of scarlet cloth or blue beads, the absence of women, our care in washing ourselves,--excited their admiration far more than any grand or complicated object, such as our ship. bougainville has well remarked concerning these people, that they treat the "chefs d'oeuvre de l'industrie humaine, comme ils traitent les loix de la nature et ses phã©nomã¨nes." on the 5th of march we anchored in a cove at woollya, but we saw not a soul there. we were alarmed at this, for the natives in ponsonby sound showed by gestures that there had been fighting; and we afterwards heard that the dreaded oens men had made a descent. soon a canoe, with a little flag flying, was seen approaching, with one of the men in it washing the paint off his face. this man was poor jemmy,--now a thin, haggard savage, with long disordered hair, and naked, except a bit of blanket round his waist. we did not recognize him till he was close to us, for he was ashamed of himself, and turned his back to the ship. we had left him plump, fat, clean, and well-dressed;--i never saw so complete and grievous a change. as soon however as he was clothed, and the first flurry was over, things wore a good appearance. he dined with captain fitz roy, and ate his dinner as tidily as formerly. he told us that he had "too much" (meaning enough) to eat, that he was not cold, that his relations were very good people, and that he did not wish to go back to england: in the evening we found out the cause of this great change in jemmy's feelings, in the arrival of his young and nice-looking wife. with his usual good feeling, he brought two beautiful otter-skins for two of his best friends, and some spear-heads and arrows made with his own hands for the captain. he said he had built a canoe for himself, and he boasted that he could talk a little of his own language! but it is a most singular fact, that he appears to have taught all his tribe some english: an old man spontaneously announced "jemmy button's wife." jemmy had lost all his property. he told us that york minster had built a large canoe, and with his wife fuegia, had several months since gone to his own country, and had taken farewell by an act of consummate villainy; he persuaded jemmy and his mother to come with him, and then on the way deserted them by night, stealing every article of their property. (10/3. captain sulivan, who, since his voyage in the "beagle," has been employed on the survey of the falkland islands, heard from a sealer in (1842?), that when in the western part of the strait of magellan, he was astonished by a native woman coming on board, who could talk some english. without doubt this was fuegia basket. she lived (i fear the term probably bears a double interpretation) some days on board.) jemmy went to sleep on shore, and in the morning returned, and remained on board till the ship got under weigh, which frightened his wife, who continued crying violently till he got into his canoe. he returned loaded with valuable property. every soul on board was heartily sorry to shake hands with him for the last time. i do not now doubt that he will be as happy as, perhaps happier than, if he had never left his own country. every one must sincerely hope that captain fitz roy's noble hope may be fulfilled, of being rewarded for the many generous sacrifices which he made for these fuegians, by some shipwrecked sailor being protected by the descendants of jemmy button and his tribe! when jemmy reached the shore, he lighted a signal fire, and the smoke curled up, bidding us a last and long farewell, as the ship stood on her course into the open sea. the perfect equality among the individuals composing the fuegian tribes must for a long time retard their civilisation. as we see those animals, whose instinct compels them to live in society and obey a chief, are most capable of improvement, so is it with the races of mankind. whether we look at it as a cause or a consequence, the more civilised always have the most artificial governments. for instance, the inhabitants of otaheite, who, when first discovered, were governed by hereditary kings, had arrived at a far higher grade than another branch of the same people, the new zealanders,--who, although benefited by being compelled to turn their attention to agriculture, were republicans in the most absolute sense. in tierra del fuego, until some chief shall arise with power sufficient to secure any acquired advantage, such as the domesticated animals, it seems scarcely possible that the political state of the country can be improved. at present, even a piece of cloth given to one is torn into shreds and distributed; and no one individual becomes richer than another. on the other hand, it is difficult to understand how a chief can arise till there is property of some sort by which he might manifest his superiority and increase his power. i believe, in this extreme part of south america, man exists in a lower state of improvement than in any other part of the world. the south sea islanders, of the two races inhabiting the pacific, are comparatively civilised. the esquimaux, in his subterranean hut, enjoys some of the comforts of life, and in his canoe, when fully equipped, manifests much skill. some of the tribes of southern africa, prowling about in search of roots, and living concealed on the wild and arid plains, are sufficiently wretched. the australian, in the simplicity of the arts of life, comes nearest the fuegian: he can, however, boast of his boomerang, his spear and throwing-stick, his method of climbing trees, of tracking animals, and of hunting. although the australian may be superior in acquirements, it by no means follows that he is likewise superior in mental capacity: indeed, from what i saw of the fuegians when on board and from what i have read of the australians, i should think the case was exactly the reverse. chapter xi. (plate 50. wollaston island, tierra del fuego.) (plate 51. patagonians from cape gregory.) strait of magellan. port famine. ascent of mount tarn. forests. edible fungus. zoology. great seaweed. leave tierra del fuego. climate. fruit-trees and productions of the southern coasts. height of snow-line on the cordillera. descent of glaciers to the sea. icebergs formed. transportal of boulders. climate and productions of the antarctic islands. preservation of frozen carcasses. recapitulation. strait of magellan.--climate of the southern coasts. in the end of may 1834 we entered for a second time the eastern mouth of the strait of magellan. the country on both sides of this part of the strait consists of nearly level plains, like those of patagonia. cape negro, a little within the second narrows, may be considered as the point where the land begins to assume the marked features of tierra del fuego. on the east coast, south of the strait, broken park-like scenery in a like manner connects these two countries, which are opposed to each other in almost every feature. it is truly surprising to find in a space of twenty miles such a change in the landscape. if we take a rather greater distance, as between port famine and gregory bay, that is about sixty miles, the difference is still more wonderful. at the former place we have rounded mountains concealed by impervious forests, which are drenched with the rain brought by an endless succession of gales; while at cape gregory there is a clear and bright blue sky over the dry and sterile plains. the atmospheric currents, although rapid, turbulent, and unconfined by any apparent limits, yet seem to follow, like a river in its bed, a regularly determined course. (11/1. the south-westerly breezes are generally very dry. january 29th, being at anchor under cape gregory: a very hard gale from west by south, clear sky with few cumuli; temperature 57 degrees, dew-point 36 degrees,--difference 21 degrees. on january 15th, at port st. julian: in the morning light winds with much rain, followed by a very heavy squall with rain,--settled into heavy gale with large cumuli,--cleared up, blowing very strong from south-south-west. temperature 60 degrees, dew-point 42 degrees,--difference 18 degrees.) during our previous visit (in january), we had an interview at cape gregory with the famous so-called gigantic patagonians, who gave us a cordial reception. their height appears greater than it really is, from their large guanaco mantles, their long flowing hair, and general figure: on an average their height is about six feet, with some men taller and only a few shorter; and the women are also tall; altogether they are certainly the tallest race which we anywhere saw. in features they strikingly resemble the more northern indians whom i saw with rosas, but they have a wilder and more formidable appearance: their faces were much painted with red and black, and one man was ringed and dotted with white like a fuegian. captain fitz roy offered to take any three of them on board, and all seemed determined to be of the three. it was long before we could clear the boat; at last we got on board with our three giants, who dined with the captain, and behaved quite like gentlemen, helping themselves with knives, forks, and spoons: nothing was so much relished as sugar. this tribe has had so much communication with sealers and whalers, that most of the men can speak a little english and spanish; and they are half civilised, and proportionally demoralised. the next morning a large party went on shore, to barter for skins and ostrich-feathers; fire-arms being refused, tobacco was in greatest request, far more so than axes or tools. the whole population of the toldos, men, women, and children, were arranged on a bank. it was an amusing scene, and it was impossible not to like the so-called giants, they were so thoroughly good-humoured and unsuspecting: they asked us to come again. they seem to like to have europeans to live with them; and old maria, an important woman in the tribe, once begged mr. low to leave any one of his sailors with them. they spend the greater part of the year here; but in summer they hunt along the foot of the cordillera: sometimes they travel as far as the rio negro, 750 miles to the north. they are well stocked with horses, each man having, according to mr. low, six or seven, and all the women, and even children, their one own horse. in the time of sarmiento (1580) these indians had bows and arrows, now long since disused; they then also possessed some horses. this is a very curious fact, showing the extraordinarily rapid multiplication of horses in south america. the horse was first landed at buenos ayres in 1537, and the colony being then for a time deserted, the horse ran wild (11/2. rengger "natur. der saugethiere von paraguay" s. 334.); in 1580, only forty-three years afterwards, we hear of them at the strait of magellan! mr. low informs me, that a neighbouring tribe of foot-indians is now changing into horse-indians: the tribe at gregory bay giving them their worn-out horses, and sending in winter a few of their best skilled men to hunt for them. june 1, 1834. (plate 52. port famine, magellan.) we anchored in the fine bay of port famine. it was now the beginning of winter, and i never saw a more cheerless prospect; the dusky woods, piebald with snow, could be only seen indistinctly through a drizzling hazy atmosphere. we were, however, lucky in getting two fine days. on one of these, mount sarmiento, a distant mountain 6800 feet high, presented a very noble spectacle. i was frequently surprised, in the scenery of tierra del fuego, at the little apparent elevation of mountains really lofty. i suspect it is owing to a cause which would not at first be imagined, namely, that the whole mass, from the summit to the water's edge, is generally in full view. i remember having seen a mountain, first from the beagle channel, where the whole sweep from the summit to the base was full in view, and then from ponsonby sound across several successive ridges; and it was curious to observe in the latter case, as each fresh ridge afforded fresh means of judging of the distance, how the mountain rose in height. before reaching port famine, two men were seen running along the shore and hailing the ship. a boat was sent for them. they turned out to be two sailors who had run away from a sealing-vessel, and had joined the patagonians. these indians had treated them with their usual disinterested hospitality. they had parted company through accident, and were then proceeding to port famine in hopes of finding some ship. i daresay they were worthless vagabonds, but i never saw more miserable-looking ones. they had been living for some days on mussel-shells and berries, and their tattered clothes had been burnt by sleeping so near their fires. they had been exposed night and day, without any shelter, to the late incessant gales, with rain, sleet, and snow, and yet they were in good health. (plate 53. patagonian bolas.) (plate 54. patagonian spurs and pipe.) during our stay at port famine, the fuegians twice came and plagued us. as there were many instruments, clothes, and men on shore, it was thought necessary to frighten them away. the first time a few great guns were fired, when they were far distant. it was most ludicrous to watch through a glass the indians, as often as the shot struck the water, take up stones, and, as a bold defiance, throw them towards the ship, though about a mile and a half distant! a boat was then sent with orders to fire a few musket-shots wide of them. the fuegians hid themselves behind the trees, and for every discharge of the muskets they fired their arrows; all, however, fell short of the boat, and the officer as he pointed at them laughed. this made the fuegians frantic with passion, and they shook their mantles in vain rage. at last, seeing the balls cut and strike the trees, they ran away, and we were left in peace and quietness. during the former voyage the fuegians were here very troublesome, and to frighten them a rocket was fired at night over their wigwams; it answered effectually, and one of the officers told me that the clamour first raised, and the barking of the dogs, was quite ludicrous in contrast with the profound silence which in a minute or two afterwards prevailed. the next morning not a single fuegian was in the neighbourhood. when the "beagle" was here in the month of february, i started one morning at four o'clock to ascend mount tarn, which is 2600 feet high, and is the most elevated point in this immediate district. we went in a boat to the foot of the mountain (but unluckily not to the best part), and then began our ascent. the forest commences at the line of high-water mark, and during the first two hours i gave over all hopes of reaching the summit. so thick was the wood, that it was necessary to have constant recourse to the compass; for every landmark, though in a mountainous country, was completely shut out. in the deep ravines the death-like scene of desolation exceeded all description; outside it was blowing a gale, but in these hollows not even a breath of wind stirred the leaves of the tallest trees. so gloomy, cold, and wet was every part, that not even the fungi, mosses, or ferns could flourish. in the valleys it was scarcely possible to crawl along, they were so completely barricaded by great mouldering trunks, which had fallen down in every direction. when passing over these natural bridges, one's course was often arrested by sinking knee deep into the rotten wood; at other times, when attempting to lean against a firm tree, one was startled by finding a mass of decayed matter ready to fall at the slightest touch. we at last found ourselves among the stunted trees, and then soon reached the bare ridge, which conducted us to the summit. here was a view characteristic of tierra del fuego; irregular chains of hills, mottled with patches of snow, deep yellowish-green valleys, and arms of the sea intersecting the land in many directions. the strong wind was piercingly cold, and the atmosphere rather hazy, so that we did not stay long on the top of the mountain. our descent was not quite so laborious as our ascent, for the weight of the body forced a passage, and all the slips and falls were in the right direction. i have already mentioned the sombre and dull character of the evergreen forests, in which two or three species of trees grow, to the exclusion of all others. (11/3. captain fitz roy informs me that in april (our october) the leaves of those trees which grow near the base of the mountains change colour, but not those on the more elevated parts. i remember having read some observations, showing that in england the leaves fall earlier in a warm and fine autumn than in a late and cold one. the change in the colour being here retarded in the more elevated, and therefore colder situations, must be owing to the same general law of vegetation. the trees of tierra del fuego during no part of the year entirely shed their leaves.) above the forest land there are many dwarf alpine plants, which all spring from the mass of peat, and help to compose it: these plants are very remarkable from their close alliance with the species growing on the mountains of europe, though so many thousand miles distant. the central part of tierra del fuego, where the clay-slate formation occurs, is most favourable to the growth of trees; on the outer coast the poorer granitic soil, and a situation more exposed to the violent winds, do not allow of their attaining any great size. near port famine i have seen more large trees than anywhere else: i measured a winter's bark which was four feet six inches in girth, and several of the beech were as much as thirteen feet. captain king also mentions a beech which was seven feet in diameter seventeen feet above the roots. (plate 55. cyttaria darwinii.) there is one vegetable production deserving notice from its importance as an article of food to the fuegians. it is a globular, bright-yellow fungus, which grows in vast numbers on the beech-trees. when young it is elastic and turgid, with a smooth surface; but when mature, it shrinks, becomes tougher, and has its entire surface deeply pitted or honeycombed, as represented in plate 55. this fungus belongs to a new and curious genus (11/4. described from my specimens and notes by the reverend j.m. berkeley in the "linnean transactions" volume 19 page 37, under the name of cyttaria darwinii: the chilean species is the c. berteroii. this genus is allied to bulgaria.); i found a second species on another species of beech in chile: and dr. hooker informs me that just lately a third species has been discovered on a third species of beech in van dieman's land. how singular is this relationship between parasitical fungi and the trees on which they grow, in distant parts of the world! in tierra del fuego the fungus in its tough and mature state is collected in large quantities by the women and children, and is eaten un-cooked. it has a mucilaginous, slightly sweet taste, with a faint smell like that of a mushroom. with the exception of a few berries, chiefly of a dwarf arbutus, the natives eat no vegetable food besides this fungus. in new zealand, before the introduction of the potato, the roots of the fern were largely consumed; at the present time, i believe, tierra del fuego is the only country in the world where a cryptogamic plant affords a staple article of food. the zoology of tierra del fuego, as might have been expected from the nature of its climate and vegetation, is very poor. of mammalia, besides whales and seals, there is one bat, a kind of mouse (reithrodon chinchilloides), two true mice, a ctenomys allied to or identical with the tucutuco, two foxes (canis magellanicus and c. azarae), a sea-otter, the guanaco, and a deer. most of these animals inhabit only the drier eastern parts of the country; and the deer has never been seen south of the strait of magellan. observing the general correspondence of the cliffs of soft sandstone, mud, and shingle, on the opposite sides of the strait, and on some intervening islands, one is strongly tempted to believe that the land was once joined, and thus allowed animals so delicate and helpless as the tucutuco and reithrodon to pass over. the correspondence of the cliffs is far from proving any junction; because such cliffs generally are formed by the intersection of sloping deposits, which, before the elevation of the land, had been accumulated near the then existing shores. it is, however, a remarkable coincidence, that in the two large islands cut off by the beagle channel from the rest of tierra del fuego, one has cliffs composed of matter that may be called stratified alluvium, which front similar ones on the opposite side of the channel,--while the other is exclusively bordered by old crystalline rocks; in the former, called navarin island, both foxes and guanacos occur; but in the latter, hoste island, although similar in every respect, and only separated by a channel a little more than half a mile wide, i have the word of jemmy button for saying that neither of these animals is found. the gloomy woods are inhabited by few birds: occasionally the plaintive note of a white-tufted tyrant-flycatcher (myiobius albiceps) may be heard, concealed near the summit of the most lofty trees; and more rarely the loud strange cry of a black woodpecker, with a fine scarlet crest on its head. a little, dusky-coloured wren (scytalopus magellanicus) hops in a skulking manner among the entangled mass of the fallen and decaying trunks. but the creeper (oxyurus tupinieri) is the commonest bird in the country. throughout the beech forests, high up and low down, in the most gloomy, wet, and impenetrable ravines, it may be met with. this little bird no doubt appears more numerous than it really is, from its habit of following with seeming curiosity any person who enters these silent woods: continually uttering a harsh twitter, it flutters from tree to tree, within a few feet of the intruder's face. it is far from wishing for the modest concealment of the true creeper (certhia familiaris); nor does it, like that bird, run up the trunks of trees, but industriously, after the manner of a willow-wren, hops about, and searches for insects on every twig and branch. in the more open parts, three or four species of finches, a thrush, a starling (or icterus), two opetiorhynchi, and several hawks and owls occur. the absence of any species whatever in the whole class of reptiles is a marked feature in the zoology of this country, as well as in that of the falkland islands. i do not ground this statement merely on my own observation, but i heard it from the spanish inhabitants of the latter place, and from jemmy button with regard to tierra del fuego. on the banks of the santa cruz, in 50 degrees south, i saw a frog; and it is not improbable that these animals, as well as lizards, may be found as far south as the strait of magellan, where the country retains the character of patagonia; but within the damp and cold limit of tierra del fuego not one occurs. that the climate would not have suited some of the orders, such as lizards, might have been foreseen; but with respect to frogs, this was not so obvious. beetles occur in very small numbers: it was long before i could believe that a country as large as scotland, covered with vegetable productions and with a variety of stations, could be so unproductive. the few which i found were alpine species (harpalidae and heteromidae) living under stones. the vegetable-feeding chrysomelidae, so eminently characteristic of the tropics, are here almost entirely absent (11/5. i believe i must except one alpine haltica, and a single specimen of a melasoma. mr. waterhouse informs me, that of the harpalidae there are eight or nine species--the forms of the greater number being very peculiar; of heteromera, four or five species; of rhyncophora, six or seven; and of the following families one species in each: staphylinidae, elateridae, cebrionidae, melolonthidae. the species in the other orders are even fewer. in all the orders, the scarcity of the individuals is even more remarkable than that of the species. most of the coleoptera have been carefully described by mr. waterhouse in the "annals of natural history."); i saw very few flies, butterflies, or bees, and no crickets or orthoptera. in the pools of water i found but few aquatic beetles, and not any fresh-water shells: succinea at first appears an exception; but here it must be called a terrestrial shell, for it lives on the damp herbage far from water. land-shells could be procured only in the same alpine situations with the beetles. i have already contrasted the climate as well as the general appearance of tierra del fuego with that of patagonia; and the difference is strongly exemplified in the entomology. i do not believe they have one species in common; certainly the general character of the insects is widely different. if we turn from the land to the sea, we shall find the latter as abundantly stocked with living creatures as the former is poorly so. in all parts of the world a rocky and partially protected shore perhaps supports, in a given space, a greater number of individual animals than any other station. there is one marine production which, from its importance, is worthy of a particular history. it is the kelp, or macrocystis pyrifera. this plant grows on every rock from low-water mark to a great depth, both on the outer coast and within the channels. (11/6. its geographical range is remarkably wide; it is found from the extreme southern islets near cape horn, as far north on the eastern coast (according to information given me by mr. stokes) as latitude 43 degrees,--but on the western coast, as dr. hooker tells me, it extends to the r. san francisco in california, and perhaps even to kamtschatka. we thus have an immense range in latitude; and as cook, who must have been well acquainted with the species, found it at kerguelen land, no less than 140 degrees in longitude.) i believe, during the voyages of the "adventure" and "beagle," not one rock near the surface was discovered which was not buoyed by this floating weed. the good service it thus affords to vessels navigating near this stormy land is evident; and it certainly has saved many a one from being wrecked. i know few things more surprising than to see this plant growing and flourishing amidst those great breakers of the western ocean, which no mass of rock, let it be ever so hard, can long resist. the stem is round, slimy, and smooth, and seldom has a diameter of so much as an inch. a few taken together are sufficiently strong to support the weight of the large loose stones, to which in the inland channels they grow attached; and yet some of these stones were so heavy that when drawn to the surface, they could scarcely be lifted into a boat by one person. captain cook, in his second voyage, says that this plant at kerguelen land rises from a greater depth than twenty-four fathoms; "and as it does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very acute angle with the bottom, and much of it afterwards spreads many fathoms on the surface of the sea, i am well warranted to say that some of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upwards." i do not suppose the stem of any other plant attains so great a length as three hundred and sixty feet, as stated by captain cook. captain fitz roy, moreover, found it growing up from the greater depth of forty-five fathoms. (11/7. "voyages of the 'adventure' and 'beagle'" volume 1 page 363. it appears that seaweed grows extremely quick. mr. stephenson found wilson's "voyage round scotland" volume 2 page 228, that a rock uncovered only at spring-tides, which had been chiselled smooth in november, on the following may, that is, within six months afterwards, was thickly covered with fucus digitatus two feet, and f. esculentus six feet, in length.) the beds of this sea-weed, even when of not great breadth, make excellent natural floating breakwaters. it is quite curious to see, in an exposed harbour, how soon the waves from the open sea, as they travel through the straggling stems, sink in height, and pass into smooth water. the number of living creatures of all orders, whose existence intimately depends on the kelp, is wonderful. a great volume might be written, describing the inhabitants of one of these beds of seaweed. almost all the leaves, excepting those that float on the surface, are so thickly incrusted with corallines as to be of a white colour. we find exquisitely delicate structures, some inhabited by simple hydra-like polypi, others by more organised kinds, and beautiful compound ascidiae. on the leaves, also, various patelliform shells, trochi, uncovered molluscs, and some bivalves are attached. innumerable crustacea frequent every part of the plant. on shaking the great entangled roots, a pile of small fish, shells, cuttlefish, crabs of all orders, sea-eggs, starfish, beautiful holothuriae, planariae, and crawling nereidous animals of a multitude of forms, all fall out together. often as i recurred to a branch of the kelp, i never failed to discover animals of new and curious structures. in chiloe, where the kelp does not thrive very well, the numerous shells, corallines, and crustacea are absent; but there yet remain a few of the flustraceae, and some compound ascidiae; the latter, however, are of different species from those in tierra del fuego; we see here the fucus possessing a wider range than the animals which use it as an abode. i can only compare these great aquatic forests of the southern hemisphere with the terrestrial ones in the intertropical regions. yet if in any country a forest was destroyed, i do not believe nearly so many species of animals would perish as would here, from the destruction of the kelp. amidst the leaves of this plant numerous species of fish live, which nowhere else could find food or shelter; with their destruction the many cormorants and other fishing birds, the otters, seals, and porpoises, would soon perish also; and lastly, the fuegian savage, the miserable lord of this miserable land, would redouble his cannibal feast, decrease in numbers, and perhaps cease to exist. june 8, 1834. we weighed anchor early in the morning and left port famine. captain fitz roy determined to leave the strait of magellan by the magdalen channel, which had not long been discovered. our course lay due south, down that gloomy passage which i have before alluded to as appearing to lead to another and worse world. the wind was fair, but the atmosphere was very thick; so that we missed much curious scenery. the dark ragged clouds were rapidly driven over the mountains, from their summits nearly down to their bases. the glimpses which we caught through the dusky mass were highly interesting; jagged points, cones of snow, blue glaciers, strong outlines, marked on a lurid sky, were seen at different distances and heights. in the midst of such scenery we anchored at cape turn, close to mount sarmiento, which was then hidden in the clouds. at the base of the lofty and almost perpendicular sides of our little cove there was one deserted wigwam, and it alone reminded us that man sometimes wandered into these desolate regions. but it would be difficult to imagine a scene where he seemed to have fewer claims or less authority. the inanimate works of nature--rock, ice, snow, wind, and water, all warring with each other, yet combined against man--here reigned in absolute sovereignty. june 9, 1834. in the morning we were delighted by seeing the veil of mist gradually rise from sarmiento, and display it to our view. this mountain, which is one of the highest in tierra del fuego, has an altitude of 6800 feet. its base, for about an eighth of its total height, is clothed by dusky woods, and above this a field of snow extends to the summit. these vast piles of snow, which never melt, and seem destined to last as long as the world holds together, present a noble and even sublime spectacle. the outline of the mountain was admirably clear and defined. owing to the abundance of light reflected from the white and glittering surface, no shadows were cast on any part; and those lines which intersected the sky could alone be distinguished: hence the mass stood out in the boldest relief. several glaciers descended in a winding course from the upper great expanse of snow to the sea-coast: they may be likened to great frozen niagaras; and perhaps these cataracts of blue ice are full as beautiful as the moving ones of water. by night we reached the western part of the channel; but the water was so deep that no anchorage could be found. we were in consequence obliged to stand off and on in this narrow arm of the sea, during a pitch-dark night of fourteen hours long. june 10, 1834. in the morning we made the best of our way into the open pacific. the western coast generally consists of low, rounded, quite barren hills of granite and greenstone. sir j. narborough called one part south desolation, because it is "so desolate a land to behold:" and well indeed might he say so. outside the main islands there are numberless scattered rocks on which the long swell of the open ocean incessantly rages. we passed out between the east and west furies; and a little farther northward there are so many breakers that the sea is called the milky way. one sight of such a coast is enough to make a landsman dream for a week about shipwrecks, peril, and death; and with this sight we bade farewell for ever to tierra del fuego. the following discussion on the climate of the southern parts of the continent with relation to its productions, on the snow-line, on the extraordinarily low descent of the glaciers, and on the zone of perpetual congelation in the antarctic islands, may be passed over by any one not interested in these curious subjects, or the final recapitulation alone may be read. i shall, however, here give only an abstract, and must refer for details to the thirteenth chapter and the appendix of the former edition of this work. on the climate and productions of tierra del fuego and of the south-west coast. the following table gives the mean temperature of tierra del fuego, the falkland islands, and, for comparison, that of dublin:- latitude summer winter mean of summer degrees ' temp. temp. and winter deg. f. deg. f. deg. f. -------------------------------------------------------------- tierra del fuego 53 38 s. 50 33.08 41.54 falkland islands 51 38 s. 51 - - dublin 53 21 n. 59.54 39.2 49.37 hence we see that the central part of tierra del fuego is colder in winter, and no less than 9 1/2 degrees less hot in summer, than dublin. according to von buch the mean temperature of july (not the hottest month in the year) at saltenfiord in norway, is as high as 57.8 degrees, and this place is actually 13 degrees nearer the pole than port famine! (11/8. with respect to tierra del fuego, the results are deduced from the observations of captain king "geographical journal" 1830, and those taken on board the "beagle." for the falkland islands, i am indebted to captain sulivan for the mean of the mean temperature (reduced from careful observation at midnight, 8 a.m., noon, and 8 p.m.) of the three hottest months, namely, december, january, and february. the temperature of dublin is taken from barton.) inhospitable as this climate appears to our feelings, evergreen trees flourish luxuriantly under it. humming-birds may be seen sucking the flowers, and parrots feeding on the seeds of the winter's bark, in latitude 55 degrees south. i have already remarked to what a degree the sea swarms with living creatures; and the shells (such as the patellae, fissurellae, chitons, and barnacles), according to mr. g.b. sowerby, are of a much larger size, and of a more vigorous growth, than the analogous species in the northern hemisphere. a large voluta is abundant in southern tierra del fuego and the falkland islands. at bahia blanca, in latitude 39 degrees south, the most abundant shells were three species of oliva (one of large size), one or two volutas, and a terebra. now these are amongst the best characterised tropical forms. it is doubtful whether even one small species of oliva exists on the southern shores of europe, and there are no species of the two other genera. if a geologist were to find in latitude 39 degrees on the coast of portugal a bed containing numerous shells belonging to three species of oliva, to a voluta, and terebra, he would probably assert that the climate at the period of their existence must have been tropical; but, judging from south america, such an inference might be erroneous. the equable, humid, and windy climate of tierra del fuego extends, with only a small increase of heat, for many degrees along the west coast of the continent. the forests for 600 miles northward of cape horn, have a very similar aspect. as a proof of the equable climate, even for 300 or 400 miles still farther northward, i may mention that in chiloe (corresponding in latitude with the northern parts of spain) the peach seldom produces fruit, whilst strawberries and apples thrive to perfection. even the crops of barley and wheat are often brought into the houses to be dried and ripened. (11/9. agã¼eros "descrip. hist. de la prov. de chiloã©" 1791 page 94.) at valdivia (in the same latitude of 40 degrees with madrid) grapes and figs ripen, but are not common; olives seldom ripen even partially, and oranges not at all. these fruits, in corresponding latitudes in europe, are well known to succeed to perfection; and even in this continent, at the rio negro, under nearly the same parallel with valdivia, sweet potatoes (convolvulus) are cultivated; and grapes, figs, olives, oranges, water and musk melons, produce abundant fruit. although the humid and equable climate of chiloe, and of the coast northward and southward of it, is so unfavourable to our fruits, yet the native forests, from latitude 45 to 38 degrees, almost rival in luxuriance those of the glowing intertropical regions. stately trees of many kinds, with smooth and highly coloured barks, are loaded by parasitical monocotyledonous plants; large and elegant ferns are numerous, and arborescent grasses entwine the trees into one entangled mass to the height of thirty or forty feet above the ground. palm-trees grow in latitude 37 degrees; an arborescent grass, very like a bamboo, in 40 degrees; and another closely allied kind, of great length, but not erect, flourishes even as far south as 45 degrees south. on the height of the snow-line, and on the descent of the glaciers, in south america. for the detailed authorities for the following table, i must refer to the former edition:- height in feet latitude of snow-line observer --------------------------------------------------------------- equatorial region; mean result 15,748 humboldt. bolivia, latitude 16 to 18 degrees south 17,000 pentland. central chile, latitude 33 degrees south 14,500 to 15,000 gillies and the author. chiloe, latitude 41 to 43 degrees south 6,000 officers of the "beagle" and the author. tierra del fuego 54 degrees south 3,500 4,000 king. an equable climate, evidently due to the large area of sea compared with the land, seems to extend over the greater part of the southern hemisphere; and as a consequence, the vegetation partakes of a semi-tropical character. tree-ferns thrive luxuriantly in van diemen's land (latitude 45 degrees), and i measured one trunk no less than six feet in circumference. an arborescent fern was found by forster in new zealand in 46 degrees, where orchideous plants are parasitical on the trees. in the auckland islands, ferns, according to dr. dieffenbach have trunks so thick and high that they may be almost called tree-ferns; and in these islands, and even as far south as latitude 55 degrees in the macquarie islands, parrots abound. (11/10. see the german translation of this journal; and for the other facts mr. brown's appendix to flinders's "voyage.") as the height of the plane of perpetual snow seems chiefly to be determined by the extreme heat of the summer, rather than by the mean temperature of the year, we ought not to be surprised at its descent in the strait of magellan, where the summer is so cool, to only 3500 or 4000 feet above the level of the sea; although in norway, we must travel to between latitude 67 and 70 degrees north, that is, about 14 degrees nearer the pole, to meet with perpetual snow at this low level. the difference in height, namely, about 9000 feet, between the snow-line on the cordillera behind chiloe (with its highest points ranging from only 5600 to 7500 feet) and in central chile (a distance of only 9 degrees of latitude), is truly wonderful. (11/11. on the cordillera of central chile, i believe the snow-line varies exceedingly in height in different summers. i was assured that during one very dry and long summer, all the snow disappeared from aconcagua, although it attains the prodigious height of 23,000 feet. it is probable that much of the snow at these great heights is evaporated, rather than thawed.) the land from the southward of chiloe to near concepcion (latitude 37 degrees) is hidden by one dense forest dripping with moisture. the sky is cloudy, and we have seen how badly the fruits of southern europe succeed. in central chile, on the other hand, a little northward of concepcion, the sky is generally clear, rain does not fall for the seven summer months, and southern european fruits succeed admirably; and even the sugar-cane has been cultivated. (11/12. miers's "chile" volume 1 page 415. it is said that the sugar-cane grew at ingenio, latitude 32 to 33 degrees, but not in sufficient quantity to make the manufacture profitable. in the valley of quillota, south of ingenio, i saw some large date-palm trees.) no doubt the plane of perpetual snow undergoes the above remarkable flexure of 9000 feet, unparalleled in other parts of the world, not far from the latitude of concepcion, where the land ceases to be covered with forest-trees; for trees in south america indicate a rainy climate, and rain a clouded sky and little heat in summer. (plate 56. eyre sound.) the descent of glaciers to the sea must, i conceive, mainly depend (subject, of course, to a proper supply of snow in the upper region) on the lowness of the line of perpetual snow on steep mountains near the coast. as the snow-line is so low in tierra del fuego, we might have expected that many of the glaciers would have reached the sea. nevertheless i was astonished when i first saw a range, only from 3000 to 4000 feet in height, in the latitude of cumberland, with every valley filled with streams of ice descending to the sea-coast. almost every arm of the sea, which penetrates to the interior higher chain, not only in tierra del fuego, but on the coast for 650 miles northwards, is terminated by "tremendous and astonishing glaciers," as described by one of the officers on the survey. great masses of ice frequently fall from these icy cliffs, and the crash reverberates like the broadside of a man-of-war through the lonely channels. these falls, as noticed in the last chapter, produce great waves which break on the adjoining coasts. it is known that earthquakes frequently cause masses of earth to fall from sea-cliffs: how terrific, then, would be the effect of a severe shock (and such occur here (11/13. bulkeley's and cummin's "faithful narrative of the loss of the wager." the earthquake happened august 25, 1741.)) on a body like a glacier, already in motion, and traversed by fissures! i can readily believe that the water would be fairly beaten back out of the deepest channel, and then, returning with an overwhelming force, would whirl about huge masses of rock like so much chaff. in eyre's sound, in the latitude of paris, there are immense glaciers, and yet the loftiest neighbouring mountain is only 6200 feet high. in this sound, about fifty icebergs were seen at one time floating outwards, and one of them must have been at least 168 feet in total height. some of the icebergs were loaded with blocks of no inconsiderable size, of granite and other rocks, different from the clay-slate of the surrounding mountains. (plate 57. glacier in gulf of penas.) the glacier farthest from the pole, surveyed during the voyages of the "adventure" and "beagle," is in latitude 46 degrees 50', in the gulf of penas. it is 15 miles long, and in one part 7 broad, and descends to the sea-coast. but even a few miles northward of this glacier, in the laguna de san rafael, some spanish missionaries encountered "many icebergs, some great, some small, and others middle-sized," in a narrow arm of the sea, on the 22 of the month corresponding with our june, and in a latitude corresponding with that of the lake of geneva! (11/14. agã¼eros "desc. hist. de chiloã©" page 227.) in europe, the most southern glacier which comes down to the sea is met with, according to von buch, on the coast of norway, in latitude 67 degrees. now, this is more than 20 degrees of latitude, or 1230 miles, nearer the pole than the laguna de san rafael. the position of the glaciers at this place and in the gulf of penas may be put even in a more striking point of view, for they descend to the sea-coast within 7 1/2 degrees of latitude, or 450 miles, of a harbour, where three species of oliva, a voluta, and a terebra, are the commonest shells, within less than 9 degrees from where palms grow, within 4 1/2 degrees of a region where the jaguar and puma range over the plains, less than 2 1/2 degrees from arborescent grasses, and (looking to the westward in the same hemisphere) less than 2 degrees from orchideous parasites, and within a single degree of tree-ferns! these facts are of high geological interest with respect to the climate of the northern hemisphere, at the period when boulders were transported. i will not here detail how simply the theory of icebergs being charged with fragments of rock explains the origin and position of the gigantic boulders of eastern tierra del fuego, on the high plain of santa cruz, and on the island of chiloe. in tierra del fuego the greater number of boulders lie on the lines of old sea-channels, now converted into dry valleys by the elevation of the land. they are associated with a great unstratified formation of mud and sand, containing rounded and angular fragments of all sizes, which has originated in the repeated ploughing up of the sea-bottom by the stranding of icebergs, and by the matter transported on them. (11/15. "geological transactions" volume 6 page 415.) few geologists now doubt that those erratic boulders which lie near lofty mountains have been pushed forward by the glaciers themselves, and that those distant from mountains, and embedded in subaqueous deposits, have been conveyed thither either on icebergs, or frozen in coast-ice. the connection between the transportal of boulders and the presence of ice in some form, is strikingly shown by their geographical distribution over the earth. in south america they are not found farther than 48 degrees of latitude, measured from the southern pole; in north america it appears that the limit of their transportal extends to 53 1/2 degrees from the northern pole; but in europe to not more than 40 degrees of latitude, measured from the same point. on the other hand, in the intertropical parts of america, asia, and africa, they have never been observed; nor at the cape of good hope, nor in australia. (11/16. i have given details (the first, i believe, published) on this subject in the first edition, and in the appendix to it. i have there shown that the apparent exceptions to the absence of erratic boulders in certain hot countries are due to erroneous observations; several statements there given i have since found confirmed by various authors.) on the climate and productions of the antarctic islands. considering the rankness of the vegetation in tierra del fuego, and on the coast northward of it, the condition of the islands south and south-west of america is truly surprising. sandwich land, in the latitude of the north part of scotland, was found by cook, during the hottest month of the year, "covered many fathoms thick with everlasting snow;" and there seems to be scarcely any vegetation. georgia, an island 96 miles long and 10 broad, in the latitude of yorkshire, "in the very height of summer, is in a manner wholly covered with frozen snow." it can boast only of moss, some tufts of grass, and wild burnet; it has only one land-bird (anthus correndera), yet iceland, which is 10 degrees nearer the pole, has, according to mackenzie, fifteen land-birds. the south shetland islands, in the same latitude as the southern half of norway, possess only some lichens, moss, and a little grass; and lieutenant kendall found the bay in which he was at anchor, beginning to freeze at a period corresponding with our 8th of september. (11/17. "geographical journal" 1830 pages 65, 66.) the soil here consists of ice and volcanic ashes interstratified; and at a little depth beneath the surface it must remain perpetually congealed, for lieutenant kendall found the body of a foreign sailor which had long been buried, with the flesh and all the features perfectly preserved. it is a singular fact that on the two great continents in the northern hemisphere (but not in the broken land of europe between them) we have the zone of perpetually frozen under-soil in a low latitude--namely, in 56 degrees in north america at the depth of three feet (11/18. richardson's "append. to back's exped." and humboldt's "fragm. asiat." tome 2 page 386.), and in 62 degrees in siberia at the depth of twelve to fifteen feet--as the result of a directly opposite condition of things to those of the southern hemisphere. on the northern continents, the winter is rendered excessively cold by the radiation from a large area of land into a clear sky, nor is it moderated by the warmth-bringing currents of the sea; the short summer, on the other hand, is hot. in the southern ocean the winter is not so excessively cold, but the summer is far less hot, for the clouded sky seldom allows the sun to warm the ocean, itself a bad absorbent of heat: and hence the mean temperature of the year, which regulates the zone of perpetually congealed under-soil, is low. it is evident that a rank vegetation, which does not so much require heat as it does protection from intense cold, would approach much nearer to this zone of perpetual congelation under the equable climate of the southern hemisphere, than under the extreme climate of the northern continents. the case of the sailor's body perfectly preserved in the icy soil of the south shetland islands (latitude 62 to 63 degrees south), in a rather lower latitude than that (latitude 64 degrees north) under which pallas found the frozen rhinoceros in siberia, is very interesting. although it is a fallacy, as i have endeavoured to show in a former chapter, to suppose that the larger quadrupeds require a luxuriant vegetation for their support, nevertheless it is important to find in the south shetland islands a frozen under-soil within 360 miles of the forest-clad islands near cape horn, where, as far as the bulk of vegetation is concerned, any number of great quadrupeds might be supported. the perfect preservation of the carcasses of the siberian elephants and rhinoceroses is certainly one of the most wonderful facts in geology; but independently of the imagined difficulty of supplying them with food from the adjoining countries, the whole case is not, i think, so perplexing as it has generally been considered. the plains of siberia, like those of the pampas, appear to have been formed under the sea, into which rivers brought down the bodies of many animals; of the greater number of these only the skeletons have been preserved, but of others the perfect carcass. now it is known that in the shallow sea on the arctic coast of america the bottom freezes (11/19. messrs. dease and simpson, in "geographical journal" volume 8 pages 218 and 220.), and does not thaw in spring so soon as the surface of the land, moreover, at greater depths, where the bottom of the sea does not freeze, the mud a few feet beneath the top layer might remain even in summer below 32 degrees, as is the case on the land with the soil at the depth of a few feet. at still greater depths the temperature of the mud and water would probably not be low enough to preserve the flesh; and hence, carcasses drifted beyond the shallow parts near an arctic coast, would have only their skeletons preserved: now in the extreme northern parts of siberia bones are infinitely numerous, so that even islets are said to be almost composed of them (11/20. cuvier "ossemens fossiles" tome 1 page 151, from billing's "voyage."); and those islets lie no less than ten degrees of latitude north of the place where pallas found the frozen rhinoceros. on the other hand, a carcass washed by a flood into a shallow part of the arctic sea, would be preserved for an indefinite period, if it were soon afterwards covered with mud sufficiently thick to prevent the heat of the summer water penetrating to it; and if, when the sea-bottom was upraised into land, the covering was sufficiently thick to prevent the heat of the summer air and sun thawing and corrupting it. (plate 58. flora of magellan.) (plate 59. macrocystis pyrifera, or magellan kelp.) recapitulation. i will recapitulate the principal facts with regard to the climate, ice-action, and organic productions of the southern hemisphere, transposing the places in imagination to europe, with which we are so much better acquainted. then, near lisbon, the commonest sea-shells, namely, three species of oliva, a voluta, and a terebra, would have a tropical character. in the southern provinces of france, magnificent forests, intwined by arborescent grasses and with the trees loaded with parasitical plants, would hide the face of the land. the puma and the jaguar would haunt the pyrenees. in the latitude of mont blanc, but on an island as far westward as central north america, tree-ferns and parasitical orchideae would thrive amidst the thick woods. even as far north as central denmark humming-birds would be seen fluttering about delicate flowers, and parrots feeding amidst the evergreen woods; and in the sea there we should have a voluta, and all the shells of large size and vigorous growth. nevertheless, on some islands only 360 miles northward of our new cape horn in denmark, a carcass buried in the soil (or if washed into a shallow sea, and covered up with mud) would be preserved perpetually frozen. if some bold navigator attempted to penetrate northward of these islands, he would run a thousand dangers amidst gigantic icebergs, on some of which he would see great blocks of rock borne far away from their original site. another island of large size in the latitude of southern scotland, but twice as far to the west, would be "almost wholly covered with everlasting snow," and would have each bay terminated by ice-cliffs, whence great masses would be yearly detached: this island would boast only of a little moss, grass, and burnet, and a titlark would be its only land inhabitant. from our new cape horn in denmark, a chain of mountains, scarcely half the height of the alps, would run in a straight line due southward; and on its western flank every deep creek of the sea, or fiord, would end in "bold and astonishing glaciers." these lonely channels would frequently reverberate with the falls of ice, and so often would great waves rush along their coasts; numerous icebergs, some as tall as cathedrals, and occasionally loaded with "no inconsiderable blocks of rock," would be stranded on the outlying islets; at intervals violent earthquakes would shoot prodigious masses of ice into the waters below. lastly, some missionaries attempting to penetrate a long arm of the sea, would behold the not lofty surrounding mountains, sending down their many grand icy streams to the sea-coast, and their progress in the boats would be checked by the innumerable floating icebergs, some small and some great; and this would have occurred on our twenty-second of june, and where the lake of geneva is now spread out! (11/21. in the former edition and appendix, i have given some facts on the transportal of erratic boulders and icebergs in the antarctic ocean. this subject has lately been treated excellently by mr. hayes, in the "boston journal" volume 4 page 426. the author does not appear aware of a case published by me "geographical journal" volume 9 page 528, of a gigantic boulder embedded in an iceberg in the antarctic ocean, almost certainly one hundred miles distant from any land, and perhaps much more distant. in the appendix i have discussed at length the probability (at that time hardly thought of) of icebergs, when stranded, grooving and polishing rocks, like glaciers. this is now a very commonly received opinion; and i cannot still avoid the suspicion that it is applicable even to such cases as that of the jura. dr. richardson has assured me that the icebergs off north america push before them pebbles and sand, and leave the submarine rocky flats quite bare; it is hardly possible to doubt that such ledges must be polished and scored in the direction of the set of the prevailing currents. since writing that appendix i have seen in north wales "london philosophical magazine" volume 21 page 180) the adjoining action of glaciers and floating icebergs. chapter xii. (plate 60. trochilus forficatus.) valparaiso. excursion to the foot of the andes. structure of the land. ascend the bell of quillota. shattered masses of greenstone. immense valleys. mines. state of miners. santiago. hot-baths of cauquenes. gold-mines. grinding-mills. perforated stones. habits of the puma. el turco and tapacolo. humming-birds. central chile. july 23, 1834. the "beagle" anchored late at night in the bay of valparaiso, the chief seaport of chile. when morning came, everything appeared delightful. after tierra del fuego, the climate felt quite delicious--the atmosphere so dry, and the heavens so clear and blue with the sun shining brightly, that all nature seemed sparkling with life. the view from the anchorage is very pretty. the town is built at the very foot of a range of hills, about 1600 feet high, and rather steep. from its position, it consists of one long, straggling street, which runs parallel to the beach, and wherever a ravine comes down, the houses are piled up on each side of it. the rounded hills, being only partially protected by a very scanty vegetation, are worn into numberless little gullies, which expose a singularly bright red soil. from this cause, and from the low whitewashed houses with tile roofs, the view reminded me of st. cruz in teneriffe. in a north-easterly direction there are some fine glimpses of the andes: but these mountains appear much grander when viewed from the neighbouring hills: the great distance at which they are situated can then more readily be perceived. the volcano of aconcagua is particularly magnificent. this huge and irregularly conical mass has an elevation greater than that of chimborazo; for, from measurements made by the officers in the "beagle," its height is no less than 23,000 feet. the cordillera, however, viewed from this point, owe the greater part of their beauty to the atmosphere through which they are seen. when the sun was setting in the pacific, it was admirable to watch how clearly their rugged outlines could be distinguished, yet how varied and how delicate were the shades of their colour. i had the good fortune to find living here mr. richard corfield, an old schoolfellow and friend, to whose hospitality and kindness i was greatly indebted, in having afforded me a most pleasant residence during the "beagle's" stay in chile. the immediate neighbourhood of valparaiso is not very productive to the naturalist. during the long summer the wind blows steadily from the southward, and a little off shore, so that rain never falls; during the three winter months, however, it is sufficiently abundant. the vegetation in consequence is very scanty: except in some deep valleys there are no trees, and only a little grass and a few low bushes are scattered over the less steep parts of the hills. when we reflect that at the distance of 350 miles to the south, this side of the andes is completely hidden by one impenetrable forest, the contrast is very remarkable. i took several long walks while collecting objects of natural history. the country is pleasant for exercise. there are many very beautiful flowers; and, as in most other dry climates, the plants and shrubs possess strong and peculiar odours--even one's clothes by brushing through them became scented. i did not cease from wonder at finding each succeeding day as fine as the foregoing. what a difference does climate make in the enjoyment of life! how opposite are the sensations when viewing black mountains half-enveloped in clouds, and seeing another range through the light blue haze of a fine day! the one for a time may be very sublime; the other is all gaiety and happy life. august 14, 1834. i set out on a riding excursion, for the purpose of geologising the basal parts of the andes, which alone at this time of the year are not shut up by the winter snow. our first day's ride was northward along the sea-coast. after dark we reached the hacienda of quintero, the estate which formerly belonged to lord cochrane. my object in coming here was to see the great beds of shells which stand some yards above the level of the sea, and are burnt for lime. the proofs of the elevation of this whole line of coast are unequivocal: at the height of a few hundred feet old-looking shells are numerous, and i found some at 1300 feet. these shells either lie loose on the surface, or are embedded in a reddish-black vegetable mould. i was much surprised to find under the microscope that this vegetable mould is really marine mud, full of minute particles of organic bodies. august 15, 1834. we returned towards the valley of quillota. the country was exceedingly pleasant; just such as poets would call pastoral: green open lawns, separated by small valleys with rivulets, and the cottages, we may suppose of the shepherds, scattered on the hill-sides. we were obliged to cross the ridge of the chilicauquen. at its base there were many fine evergreen forest-trees, but these flourished only in the ravines, where there was running water. any person who had seen only the country near valparaiso would never have imagined that there had been such picturesque spots in chile. as soon as we reached the brow of the sierra, the valley of quillota was immediately under our feet. the prospect was one of remarkable artificial luxuriance. the valley is very broad and quite flat, and is thus easily irrigated in all parts. the little square gardens are crowded with orange and olive trees and every sort of vegetable. on each side huge bare mountains rise, and this from the contrast renders the patchwork valley the more pleasing. whoever called "valparaiso" the "valley of paradise," must have been thinking of quillota. we crossed over to the hacienda de san isidro, situated at the very foot of the bell mountain. (plate 61. hacienda, condor, cactus, etc.) chile, as may be seen in the maps, is a narrow strip of land between the cordillera and the pacific; and this strip is itself traversed by several mountain-lines, which in this part run parallel to the great range. between these outer lines and the main cordillera, a succession of level basins, generally opening into each other by narrow passages, extend far to the southward: in these, the principal towns are situated, as san felipe, santiago, san fernando. these basins or plains, together with the transverse flat valleys (like that of quillota) which connect them with the coast, i have no doubt are the bottoms of ancient inlets and deep bays, such as at the present day intersect every part of tierra del fuego and the western coast. chile must formerly have resembled the latter country in the configuration of its land and water. the resemblance was occasionally shown strikingly when a level fog-bank covered, as with a mantle, all the lower parts of the country: the white vapour curling into the ravines, beautifully represented little coves and bays; and here and there a solitary hillock peeping up showed that it had formerly stood there as an islet. the contrast of these flat valleys and basins with the irregular mountains gave the scenery a character which to me was new and very interesting. from the natural slope to seaward of these plains, they are very easily irrigated, and in consequence singularly fertile. without this process the land would produce scarcely anything, for during the whole summer the sky is cloudless. the mountains and hills are dotted over with bushes and low trees, and excepting these the vegetation is very scanty. each landowner in the valley possesses a certain portion of hill-country, where his half-wild cattle, in considerable numbers, manage to find sufficient pasture. once every year there is a grand "rodeo," when all the cattle are driven down, counted, and marked, and a certain number separated to be fattened in the irrigated fields. wheat is extensively cultivated, and a good deal of indian corn: a kind of bean is, however, the staple article of food for the common labourers. the orchards produce an overflowing abundance of peaches, figs, and grapes. with all these advantages the inhabitants of the country ought to be much more prosperous than they are. august 16, 1834. the mayor-domo of the hacienda was good enough to give me a guide and fresh horses; and in the morning we set out to ascend the campana, or bell mountain, which is 6400 feet high. the paths were very bad, but both the geology and scenery amply repaid the trouble. we reached, by the evening, a spring called the agua del guanaco, which is situated at a great height. this must be an old name, for it is very many years since a guanaco drank its waters. during the ascent i noticed that nothing but bushes grew on the northern slope, whilst on the southern slope there was a bamboo about fifteen feet high. in a few places there were palms, and i was surprised to see one at an elevation of at least 4500 feet. these palms are, for their family, ugly trees. their stem is very large, and of a curious form, being thicker in the middle than at the base or top. they are excessively numerous in some parts of chile, and valuable on account of a sort of treacle made from the sap. on one estate near petorca they tried to count them, but failed, after having numbered several hundred thousand. every year in the early spring, in august, very many are cut down, and when the trunk is lying on the ground, the crown of leaves is lopped off. the sap then immediately begins to flow from the upper end, and continues so doing for some months: it is, however, necessary that a thin slice should be shaved off from that end every morning, so as to expose a fresh surface. a good tree will give ninety gallons, and all this must have been contained in the vessels of the apparently dry trunk. it is said that the sap flows much more quickly on those days when the sun is powerful; and likewise, that it is absolutely necessary to take care, in cutting down the tree, that it should fall with its head upwards on the side of the hill; for if it falls down the slope, scarcely any sap will flow; although in that case one would have thought that the action would have been aided, instead of checked, by the force of gravity. the sap is concentrated by boiling, and is then called treacle, which it very much resembles in taste. we unsaddled our horses near the spring, and prepared to pass the night. the evening was fine, and the atmosphere so clear that the masts of the vessels at anchor in the bay of valparaiso, although no less than twenty-six geographical miles distant, could be distinguished clearly as little black streaks. a ship doubling the point under sail appeared as a bright white speck. anson expresses much surprise, in his voyage, at the distance at which his vessels were discovered from the coast; but he did not sufficiently allow for the height of the land and the great transparency of the air. the setting of the sun was glorious; the valleys being black, whilst the snowy peaks of the andes yet retained a ruby tint. when it was dark, we made a fire beneath a little arbour of bamboos, fried our charqui (or dried slips of beef), took our matã©, and were quite comfortable. there is an inexpressible charm in thus living in the open air. the evening was calm and still;--the shrill noise of the mountain bizcacha, and the faint cry of a goatsucker, were occasionally to be heard. besides these, few birds, or even insects, frequent these dry, parched mountains. august 17, 1834. in the morning we climbed up the rough mass of greenstone which crowns the summit. this rock, as frequently happens, was much shattered and broken into huge angular fragments. i observed, however, one remarkable circumstance, namely, that many of the surfaces presented every degree of freshness--some appearing as if broken the day before, whilst on others lichens had either just become, or had long grown, attached. i so fully believed that this was owing to the frequent earthquakes, that i felt inclined to hurry from below each loose pile. as one might very easily be deceived in a fact of this kind, i doubted its accuracy, until ascending mount wellington, in van diemen's land, where earthquakes do not occur; and there i saw the summit of the mountain similarly composed and similarly shattered, but all the blocks appeared as if they had been hurled into their present position thousands of years ago. we spent the day on the summit, and i never enjoyed one more thoroughly. chile, bounded by the andes and the pacific, was seen as in a map. the pleasure from the scenery, in itself beautiful, was heightened by the many reflections which arose from the mere view of the campana range with its lesser parallel ones, and of the broad valley of quillota directly intersecting them. who can avoid wondering at the force which has upheaved these mountains, and even more so at the countless ages which it must have required to have broken through, removed, and levelled whole masses of them? it is well in this case to call to mind the vast shingle and sedimentary beds of patagonia, which, if heaped on the cordillera, would increase its height by so many thousand feet. when in that country, i wondered how any mountain-chain could have supplied such masses, and not have been utterly obliterated. we must not now reverse the wonder, and doubt whether all-powerful time can grind down mountains--even the gigantic cordillera--into gravel and mud. the appearance of the andes was different from that which i had expected. the lower line of the snow was of course horizontal, and to this line the even summits of the range seemed quite parallel. only at long intervals a group of points or a single cone showed where a volcano had existed, or does now exist. hence the range resembled a great solid wall, surmounted here and there by a tower, and making a most perfect barrier to the country. almost every part of the hill had been drilled by attempts to open gold-mines: the rage for mining has left scarcely a spot in chile unexamined. i spent the evening as before, talking round the fire with my two companions. the guasos of chile, who correspond to the gauchos of the pampas, are, however, a very different set of beings. chile is the more civilised of the two countries, and the inhabitants, in consequence, have lost much individual character. gradations in rank are much more strongly marked: the guaso does not by any means consider every man his equal; and i was quite surprised to find that my companions did not like to eat at the same time with myself. this feeling of inequality is a necessary consequence of the existence of an aristocracy of wealth. it is said that some few of the greater landowners possess from five to ten thousand pounds sterling per annum: an inequality of riches which i believe is not met with in any of the cattle-breeding countries eastward of the andes. a traveller does not here meet that unbounded hospitality which refuses all payment, but yet is so kindly offered that no scruples can be raised in accepting it. almost every house in chile will receive you for the night, but a trifle is expected to be given in the morning; even a rich man will accept two or three shillings. the gaucho, although he may be a cutthroat, is a gentleman; the guaso is in few respects better, but at the same time a vulgar, ordinary fellow. the two men, although employed much in the same manner, are different in their habits and attire; and the peculiarities of each are universal in their respective countries. the gaucho seems part of his horse, and scorns to exert himself excepting when on its back; the guaso may be hired to work as a labourer in the fields. the former lives entirely on animal food; the latter almost wholly on vegetable. we do not here see the white boots, the broad drawers, and scarlet chilipa; the picturesque costume of the pampas. here, common trousers are protected by black and green worsted leggings. the poncho, however, is common to both. the chief pride of the guaso lies in his spurs, which are absurdly large. i measured one which was six inches in the diameter of the rowel, and the rowel itself contained upwards of thirty points. the stirrups are on the same scale, each consisting of a square, carved block of wood, hollowed out, yet weighing three or four pounds. the guaso is perhaps more expert with the lazo than the gaucho; but, from the nature of the country, he does not know the use of the bolas. august 18, 1834. we descended the mountain, and passed some beautiful little spots, with rivulets and fine trees. having slept at the same hacienda as before, we rode during the two succeeding days up the valley, and passed through quillota, which is more like a collection of nursery-gardens than a town. the orchards were beautiful, presenting one mass of peach-blossoms. i saw, also, in one or two places the date-palm; it is a most stately tree; and i should think a group of them in their native asiatic or african deserts must be superb. we passed likewise san felipe, a pretty straggling town like quillota. the valley in this part expands into one of those great bays or plains, reaching to the foot of the cordillera, which have been mentioned as forming so curious a part of the scenery of chile. in the evening we reached the mines of jajuel, situated in a ravine at the flank of the great chain. i stayed here five days. my host, the superintendent of the mine, was a shrewd but rather ignorant cornish miner. he had married a spanish woman, and did not mean to return home; but his admiration for the mines of cornwall remained unbounded. amongst many other questions, he asked me, "now that george rex is dead, how many more of the family of rexes are yet alive?" this rex certainly must be a relation of the great author finis, who wrote all books! these mines are of copper, and the ore is all shipped to swansea, to be smelted. hence the mines have an aspect singularly quiet, as compared to those in england: here no smoke, furnaces, or great steam-engines, disturb the solitude of the surrounding mountains. the chilian government, or rather the old spanish law, encourages by every method the searching for mines. the discoverer may work a mine on any ground, by paying five shillings; and before paying this he may try, even in the garden of another man, for twenty days. it is now well known that the chilian method of mining is the cheapest. my host says that the two principal improvements introduced by foreigners have been, first, reducing by previous roasting the copper pyrites--which, being the common ore in cornwall, the english miners were astounded on their arrival to find thrown away as useless: secondly, stamping and washing the scoriae from the old furnaces--by which process particles of metal are recovered in abundance. i have actually seen mules carrying to the coast, for transportation to england, a cargo of such cinders. but the first case is much the most curious. the chilian miners were so convinced that copper pyrites contained not a particle of copper, that they laughed at the englishmen for their ignorance, who laughed in turn, and bought their richest veins for a few dollars. it is very odd that, in a country where mining had been extensively carried on for many years, so simple a process as gently roasting the ore to expel the sulphur previous to smelting it, had never been discovered. a few improvements have likewise been introduced in some of the simple machinery; but even to the present day, water is removed from some mines by men carrying it up the shaft in leathern bags! (plate 62. chilian miner.) the labouring men work very hard. they have little time allowed for their meals, and during summer and winter they begin when it is light, and leave off at dark. they are paid one pound sterling a month, and their food is given them: this for breakfast consists of sixteen figs and two small loaves of bread; for dinner, boiled beans; for supper, broken roasted wheat grain. they scarcely ever taste meat; as, with the twelve pounds per annum, they have to clothe themselves and support their families. the miners who work in the mine itself have twenty-five shillings per month, and are allowed a little charqui. but these men come down from their bleak habitations only once in every fortnight or three weeks. (plate 63. cactus (cereus peruviana).) during my stay here i thoroughly enjoyed scrambling about these huge mountains. the geology, as might have been expected, was very interesting. the shattered and baked rocks, traversed by innumerable dikes of greenstone, showed what commotions had formerly taken place. the scenery was much the same as that near the bell of quillota--dry barren mountains, dotted at intervals by bushes with a scanty foliage. the cactuses, or rather opuntias, were here very numerous. i measured one of a spherical figure, which, including the spines, was six feet and four inches in circumference. the height of the common cylindrical, branching kind, is from twelve to fifteen feet, and the girth (with spines) of the branches between three and four feet. a heavy fall of snow on the mountains prevented me, during the last two days, from making some interesting excursions. i attempted to reach a lake which the inhabitants, from some unaccountable reason, believe to be an arm of the sea. during a very dry season, it was proposed to attempt cutting a channel from it for the sake of the water, but the padre, after a consultation, declared it was too dangerous, as all chile would be inundated, if, as generally supposed, the lake was connected with the pacific. we ascended to a great height, but becoming involved in the snow-drifts failed in reaching this wonderful lake, and had some difficulty in returning. i thought we should have lost our horses; for there was no means of guessing how deep the drifts were, and the animals, when led, could only move by jumping. the black sky showed that a fresh snowstorm was gathering, and we therefore were not a little glad when we escaped. by the time we reached the base the storm commenced, and it was lucky for us that this did not happen three hours earlier in the day. august 26, 1834. we left jajuel and again crossed the basin of san felipe. the day was truly chilian: glaringly bright, and the atmosphere quite clear. the thick and uniform covering of newly-fallen snow rendered the view of the volcano of aconcagua and the main chain quite glorious. we were now on the road to santiago, the capital of chile. we crossed the cerro del talguen, and slept at a little rancho. the host, talking about the state of chile as compared to other countries, was very humble: "some see with two eyes, and some with one, but for my part i do not think that chile sees with any." august 27, 1834. after crossing many low hills we descended into the small land-locked plain of guitron. in the basins, such as this one, which are elevated from one thousand to two thousand feet above the sea, two species of acacia, which are stunted in their forms, and stand wide apart from each other, grow in large numbers. these trees are never found near the sea-coast; and this gives another characteristic feature to the scenery of these basins. we crossed a low ridge which separates guitron from the great plain on which santiago stands. the view was here pre-eminently striking: the dead level surface, covered in parts by woods of acacia, and with the city in the distance, abutting horizontally against the base of the andes, whose snowy peaks were bright with the evening sun. at the first glance of this view, it was quite evident that the plain represented the extent of a former inland sea. as soon as we gained the level road we pushed our horses into a gallop, and reached the city before it was dark. i stayed a week in santiago and enjoyed myself very much. in the morning i rode to various places on the plain, and in the evening dined with several of the english merchants, whose hospitality at this place is well known. a never-failing source of pleasure was to ascend the little hillock of rock (st. lucia) which projects in the middle of the city. the scenery certainly is most striking, and, as i have said, very peculiar. i am informed that this same character is common to the cities on the great mexican platform. of the town i have nothing to say in detail: it is not so fine or so large as buenos ayres, but is built after the same model. i arrived here by a circuit to the north; so i resolved to return to valparaiso by a rather longer excursion to the south of the direct road. september 5, 1834. by the middle of the day we arrived at one of the suspension bridges made of hide, which cross the maypu, a large turbulent river a few leagues southward of santiago. these bridges are very poor affairs. the road, following the curvature of the suspending ropes, is made of bundles of sticks placed close together. it was full of holes, and oscillated rather fearfully, even with the weight of a man leading his horse. in the evening we reached a comfortable farm-house, where there were several very pretty seã±oritas. they were much horrified at my having entered one of their churches out of mere curiosity. they asked me, "why do you not become a christian--for our religion is certain?" i assured them i was a sort of christian; but they would not hear of it--appealing to my own words, "do not your padres, your very bishops, marry?" the absurdity of a bishop having a wife particularly struck them: they scarcely knew whether to be most amused or horror-struck at such an enormity. september 6, 1834. we proceeded due south, and slept at rancagua. the road passed over the level but narrow plain, bounded on one side by lofty hills, and on the other by the cordillera. the next day we turned up the valley of the rio cachapual, in which the hot-baths of cauquenes, long celebrated for their medicinal properties, are situated. the suspension bridges, in the less frequented parts, are generally taken down during the winter when the rivers are low. such was the case in this valley, and we were therefore obliged to cross the stream on horseback. this is rather disagreeable, for the foaming water, though not deep, rushes so quickly over the bed of large rounded stones, that one's head becomes quite confused, and it is difficult even to perceive whether the horse is moving onward or standing still. in summer, when the snow melts, the torrents are quite impassable; their strength and fury are then extremely great, as might be plainly seen by the marks which they had left. we reached the baths in the evening, and stayed there five days, being confined the two last by heavy rain. the buildings consist of a square of miserable little hovels, each with a single table and bench. they are situated in a narrow deep valley just without the central cordillera. it is a quiet, solitary spot, with a good deal of wild beauty. the mineral springs of cauquenes burst forth on a line of dislocation, crossing a mass of stratified rock, the whole of which betrays the action of heat. a considerable quantity of gas is continually escaping from the same orifices with the water. though the springs are only a few yards apart, they have very different temperatures; and this appears to be the result of an unequal mixture of cold water: for those with the lowest temperature have scarcely any mineral taste. after the great earthquake of 1822 the springs ceased, and the water did not return for nearly a year. they were also much affected by the earthquake of 1835; the temperature being suddenly changed from 118 to 92 degrees. (12/1. caldcleugh in "philosophical transactions" 1836.) it seems probable that mineral waters rising deep from the bowels of the earth would always be more deranged by subterranean disturbances than those nearer the surface. the man who had charge of the baths assured me that in summer the water is hotter and more plentiful than in winter. the former circumstance i should have expected, from the less mixture, during the dry season, of cold water; but the latter statement appears very strange and contradictory. the periodical increase during the summer, when rain never falls, can, i think, only be accounted for by the melting of the snow: yet the mountains which are covered by snow during that season are three or four leagues distant from the springs. i have no reason to doubt the accuracy of my informer, who, having lived on the spot for several years, ought to be well acquainted with the circumstance,--which, if true, certainly is very curious: for we must suppose that the snow-water, being conducted through porous strata to the regions of heat, is again thrown up to the surface by the line of dislocated and injected rocks at cauquenes; and the regularity of the phenomenon would seem to indicate that in this district heated rock occurred at a depth not very great. one day i rode up the valley to the farthest inhabited spot. shortly above that point, the cachapual divides into two deep tremendous ravines, which penetrate directly into the great range. i scrambled up a peaked mountain, probably more than six thousand feet high. here, as indeed everywhere else, scenes of the highest interest presented themselves. it was by one of these ravines that pincheira entered chile and ravaged the neighbouring country. this is the same man whose attack on an estancia at the rio negro i have described. he was a renegade half-caste spaniard, who collected a great body of indians together and established himself by a stream in the pampas, which place none of the forces sent after him could ever discover. from this point he used to sally forth, and crossing the cordillera by passes hitherto unattempted, he ravaged the farm-houses and drove the cattle to his secret rendezvous. pincheira was a capital horseman, and he made all around him equally good, for he invariably shot any one who hesitated to follow him. it was against this man, and other wandering indian tribes, that rosas waged the war of extermination. september 13, 1834. (plate 64. cordilleras from santiago de chile.) we left the baths of cauquenes, and, rejoining the main road, slept at the rio claro. from this place we rode to the town of san fernando. before arriving there, the last land-locked basin had expanded into a great plain, which extended so far to the south that the snowy summits of the more distant andes were seen as if above the horizon of the sea. san fernando is forty leagues from santiago; and it was my farthest point southward; for we here turned at right angles towards the coast. we slept at the gold-mines of yaquil, which are worked by mr. nixon, an american gentleman, to whose kindness i was much indebted during the four days i stayed at his house. the next morning we rode to the mines, which are situated at the distance of some leagues, near the summit of a lofty hill. on the way we had a glimpse of the lake tagua-tagua, celebrated for its floating islands, which have been described by m. gay. (12/2. "annales des sciences naturelles" march, 1833. m. gay, a zealous and able naturalist, was then occupied in studying every branch of natural history throughout the kingdom of chile.) they are composed of the stalks of various dead plants intertwined together, and on the surface of which other living ones take root. their form is generally circular, and their thickness from four to six feet, of which the greater part is immersed in the water. as the wind blows, they pass from one side of the lake to the other, and often carry cattle and horses as passengers. when we arrived at the mine, i was struck by the pale appearance of many of the men, and inquired from mr. nixon respecting their condition. the mine is 450 feet deep, and each man brings up about 200 pounds weight of stone. with this load they have to climb up the alternate notches cut in the trunks of trees, placed in a zigzag line up the shaft. even beardless young men, eighteen and twenty years old, with little muscular development of their bodies (they are quite naked excepting drawers) ascend with this great load from nearly the same depth. a strong man, who is not accustomed to this labour, perspires most profusely, with merely carrying up his own body. with this very severe labour, they live entirely on boiled beans and bread. they would prefer having bread alone; but their masters, finding that they cannot work so hard upon this, treat them like horses, and make them eat the beans. their pay is here rather more than at the mines of jajuel, being from 24 to 28 shillings per month. they leave the mine only once in three weeks; when they stay with their families for two days. one of the rules of this mine sounds very harsh, but answers pretty well for the master. the only method of stealing gold is to secrete pieces of the ore, and take them out as occasion may offer. whenever the major-domo finds a lump thus hidden, its full value is stopped out of the wages of all the men; who thus, without they all combine, are obliged to keep watch over each other. when the ore is brought to the mill, it is ground into an impalpable powder; the process of washing removes all the lighter particles, and amalgamation finally secures the gold-dust. the washing, when described, sounds a very simple process; but it is beautiful to see how the exact adaptation of the current of water to the specific gravity of the gold so easily separates the powdered matrix from the metal. the mud which passes from the mills is collected into pools, where it subsides, and every now and then is cleared out, and thrown into a common heap. a great deal of chemical action then commences, salts of various kinds effloresce on the surface, and the mass becomes hard. after having been left for a year or two, and then rewashed, it yields gold; and this process may be repeated even six or seven times; but the gold each time becomes less in quantity, and the intervals required (as the inhabitants say, to generate the metal) are longer. there can be no doubt that the chemical action, already mentioned, each time liberates fresh gold from some combination. the discovery of a method to effect this before the first grinding would without doubt raise the value of gold-ores many fold. it is curious to find how the minute particles of gold, being scattered about and not corroding, at last accumulate in some quantity. a short time since a few miners, being out of work, obtained permission to scrape the ground round the house and mill; they washed the earth thus got together, and so procured thirty dollars worth of gold. this is an exact counterpart of what takes place in nature. mountains suffer degradation and wear away, and with them the metallic veins which they contain. the hardest rock is worn into impalpable mud, the ordinary metals oxidate, and both are removed; but gold, platina, and a few others are nearly indestructible, and from their weight, sinking to the bottom, are left behind. after whole mountains have passed through this grinding mill, and have been washed by the hand of nature, the residue becomes metalliferous, and man finds it worth his while to complete the task of separation. bad as the above treatment of the miners appears, it is gladly accepted of by them; for the condition of the labouring agriculturists is much worse. their wages are lower, and they live almost exclusively on beans. this poverty must be chiefly owing to the feudal-like system on which the land is tilled: the landowner gives a small plot of ground to the labourer, for building on and cultivating, and in return has his services (or those of a proxy) for every day of his life, without any wages. until a father has a grown-up son, who can by his labour pay the rent, there is no one, except on occasional days, to take care of his own patch of ground. hence extreme poverty is very common among the labouring classes in this country. there are some old indian ruins in this neighbourhood, and i was shown one of the perforated stones, which molina mentions as being found in many places in considerable numbers. they are of a circular flattened form, from five to six inches in diameter, with a hole passing quite through the centre. it has generally been supposed that they were used as heads to clubs, although their form does not appear at all well adapted for that purpose. burchell states that some of the tribes in southern africa dig up roots by the aid of a stick pointed at one end, the force and weight of which are increased by a round stone with a hole in it, into which the other end is firmly wedged. (12/3. burchell's "travels" volume 2 page 45.) it appears probable that the indians of chile formerly used some such rude agricultural instrument. one day, a german collector in natural history, of the name of renous, called, and nearly at the same time an old spanish lawyer. i was amused at being told the conversation which took place between them. renous speaks spanish so well that the old lawyer mistook him for a chilian. renous alluding to me, asked him what he thought of the king of england sending out a collector to their country, to pick up lizards and beetles, and to break stones? the old gentleman thought seriously for some time, and then said, "it is not well,--hay un gato encerrado aqui (there is a cat shut up here). no man is so rich as to send out people to pick up such rubbish. i do not like it: if one of us were to go and do such things in england, do not you think the king of england would very soon send us out of his country?" and this old gentleman, from his profession, belongs to the better informed and more intelligent classes! renous himself, two or three years before, left in a house at san fernando some caterpillars, under charge of a girl to feed, that they might turn into butterflies. this was rumoured through the town, and at last the padres and governor consulted together, and agreed it must be some heresy. accordingly, when renous returned, he was arrested. september 19, 1834. we left yaquil, and followed the flat valley, formed like that of quillota, in which the rio tinderidica flows. even at these few miles south of santiago the climate is much damper; in consequence there were fine tracts of pasturage which were not irrigated. (20th.) we followed this valley till it expanded into a great plain, which reaches from the sea to the mountains west of rancagua. we shortly lost all trees and even bushes; so that the inhabitants are nearly as badly off for firewood as those in the pampas. never having heard of these plains, i was much surprised at meeting with such scenery in chile. the plains belong to more than one series of different elevations, and they are traversed by broad flat-bottomed valleys; both of which circumstances, as in patagonia, bespeak the action of the sea on gently rising land. in the steep cliffs bordering these valleys there are some large caves, which no doubt were originally formed by the waves: one of these is celebrated under the name of cueva del obispo; having formerly been consecrated. during the day i felt very unwell, and from that time till the end of october did not recover. september 22, 1834. we continued to pass over green plains without a tree. the next day we arrived at a house near navedad, on the sea-coast, where a rich haciendero gave us lodgings. i stayed here the two ensuing days, and although very unwell, managed to collect from the tertiary formation some marine shells. september 24, 1834. our course was now directed towards valparaiso, which with great difficulty i reached on the 27th, and was there confined to my bed till the end of october. during this time i was an inmate in mr. corfield's house, whose kindness to me i do not know how to express. i will here add a few observations on some of the animals and birds of chile. the puma, or south american lion, is not uncommon. this animal has a wide geographical range; being found from the equatorial forests, throughout the deserts of patagonia, as far south as the damp and cold latitudes (53 to 54 degrees) of tierra del fuego. i have seen its footsteps in the cordillera of central chile, at an elevation of at least 10,000 feet. in la plata the puma preys chiefly on deer, ostriches, bizcacha, and other small quadrupeds; it there seldom attacks cattle or horses, and most rarely man. in chile, however, it destroys many young horses and cattle, owing probably to the scarcity of other quadrupeds: i heard, likewise, of two men and a woman who had been thus killed. it is asserted that the puma always kills its prey by springing on the shoulders, and then drawing back the head with one of its paws, until the vertebrae break: i have seen in patagonia the skeletons of guanacos, with their necks thus dislocated. the puma, after eating its fill, covers the carcass with many large bushes, and lies down to watch it. this habit is often the cause of its being discovered; for the condors wheeling in the air, every now and then descend to partake of the feast, and being angrily driven away, rise all together on the wing. the chileno guaso then knows there is a lion watching his prey--the word is given--and men and dogs hurry to the chase. sir f. head says that a gaucho in the pampas, upon merely seeing some condors wheeling in the air, cried "a lion!" i could never myself meet with any one who pretended to such powers of discrimination. it is asserted that if a puma has once been betrayed by thus watching the carcass, and has then been hunted, it never resumes this habit; but that having gorged itself, it wanders far away. the puma is easily killed. in an open country it is first entangled with the bolas, then lazoed, and dragged along the ground till rendered insensible. at tandeel (south of the plata), i was told that within three months one hundred were thus destroyed. in chile they are generally driven up bushes or trees, and are then either shot, or baited to death by dogs. the dogs employed in this chase belong to a particular breed, called leoneros: they are weak, slight animals, like long-legged terriers, but are born with a particular instinct for this sport. the puma is described as being very crafty: when pursued, it often returns on its former track, and then suddenly making a spring on one side, waits there till the dogs have passed by. it is a very silent animal, uttering no cry even when wounded, and only rarely during the breeding season. of birds, two species of the genus pteroptochos (megapodius and albicollis of kittlitz) are perhaps the most conspicuous. the former, called by the chilenos "el turco," is as large as a fieldfare, to which bird it has some alliance; but its legs are much longer, tail shorter, and beak stronger: its colour is a reddish brown. the turco is not uncommon. it lives on the ground, sheltered among the thickets which are scattered over the dry and sterile hills. with its tail erect, and stilt-like legs, it may be seen every now and then popping from one bush to another with uncommon quickness. it really requires little imagination to believe that the bird is ashamed of itself, and is aware of its most ridiculous figure. on first seeing it, one is tempted to exclaim, "a vilely stuffed specimen has escaped from some museum, and has come to life again!" it cannot be made to take flight without the greatest trouble, nor does it run, but only hops. the various loud cries which it utters when concealed amongst the bushes are as strange as its appearance. it is said to build its nest in a deep hole beneath the ground. i dissected several specimens: the gizzard, which was very muscular, contained beetles, vegetable fibres, and pebbles. from this character, from the length of its legs, scratching feet, membranous covering to the nostrils, short and arched wings, this bird seems in a certain degree to connect the thrushes with the gallinaceous order. the second species (or p. albicollis) is allied to the first in its general form. it is called tapacolo, or "cover your posterior;" and well does the shameless little bird deserve its name; for it carries its tail more than erect, that is, inclined backwards towards its head. it is very common, and frequents the bottoms of hedgerows, and the bushes scattered over the barren hills, where scarcely another bird can exist. in its general manner of feeding, of quickly hopping out of the thickets and back again, in its desire of concealment, unwillingness to take flight, and nidification, it bears a close resemblance to the turco; but its appearance is not quite so ridiculous. the tapacolo is very crafty: when frightened by any person, it will remain motionless at the bottom of a bush, and will then, after a little while, try with much address to crawl away on the opposite side. it is also an active bird, and continually making a noise: these noises are various and strangely odd; some are like the cooing of doves, others like the bubbling of water, and many defy all similes. the country people say it changes its cry five times in the year--according to some change of season, i suppose. (12/4. it is a remarkable fact that molina, though describing in detail all the birds and animals of chile, never once mentions this genus, the species of which are so common, and so remarkable in their habits. was he at a loss how to classify them, and did he consequently think that silence was the more prudent course? it is one more instance of the frequency of omissions by authors on those very subjects where it might have been least expected.) two species of humming-birds are common; trochilus forficatus is found over a space of 2500 miles on the west coast, from the hot dry country of lima to the forests of tierra del fuego--where it may be seen flitting about in snow-storms. in the wooded island of chiloe, which has an extremely humid climate, this little bird, skipping from side to side amidst the dripping foliage, is perhaps more abundant than almost any other kind. i opened the stomachs of several specimens, shot in different parts of the continent, and in all, remains of insects were as numerous as in the stomach of a creeper. when this species migrates in the summer southward, it is replaced by the arrival of another species coming from the north. this second kind (trochilus gigas) is a very large bird for the delicate family to which it belongs: when on the wing its appearance is singular. like others of the genus, it moves from place to place with a rapidity which may be compared to that of syrphus amongst flies, and sphinx among moths; but whilst hovering over a flower, it flaps its wings with a very slow and powerful movement, totally different from that vibratory one common to most of the species, which produces the humming noise. i never saw any other bird where the force of its wings appeared (as in a butterfly) so powerful in proportion to the weight of its body. when hovering by a flower, its tail is constantly expanded and shut like a fan, the body being kept in a nearly vertical position. this action appears to steady and support the bird, between the slow movements of its wings. although flying from flower to flower in search of food, its stomach generally contained abundant remains of insects, which i suspect are much more the object of its search than honey. the note of this species, like that of nearly the whole family, is extremely shrill. (plate 65. chilian spurs, stirrup, etc.) chapter xiii. (plate 66. old church, castro, chiloe.) chiloe. general aspect. boat excursion. native indians. castro. tame fox. ascend san pedro. chonos archipelago. peninsula of tres montes. granitic range. boat-wrecked sailors. low's harbour. wild potato. formation of peat. myopotamus, otter and mice. cheucau and barking-bird. opetiorhynchus. singular character of ornithology. petrels. chiloe and chonos islands. november 10, 1834. the "beagle" sailed from valparaiso to the south, for the purpose of surveying the southern part of chile, the island of chiloe, and the broken land called the chonos archipelago, as far south as the peninsula of tres montes. on the 21st we anchored in the bay of s. carlos, the capital of chiloe. this island is about ninety miles long, with a breadth of rather less than thirty. the land is hilly, but not mountainous, and is covered by one great forest, except where a few green patches have been cleared round the thatched cottages. from a distance the view somewhat resembles that of tierra del fuego; but the woods, when seen nearer, are incomparably more beautiful. many kinds of fine evergreen trees, and plants with a tropical character, here take the place of the gloomy beech of the southern shores. in winter the climate is detestable, and in summer it is only a little better. i should think there are few parts of the world, within the temperate regions, where so much rain falls. the winds are very boisterous, and the sky almost always clouded: to have a week of fine weather is something wonderful. it is even difficult to get a single glimpse of the cordillera: during our first visit, once only the volcano of osorno stood out in bold relief, and that was before sunrise; it was curious to watch, as the sun rose, the outline gradually fading away in the glare of the eastern sky. the inhabitants, from their complexion and low stature, appear to have three-fourths of indian blood in their veins. they are an humble, quiet, industrious set of men. although the fertile soil, resulting from the decomposition of the volcanic rocks, supports a rank vegetation, yet the climate is not favourable to any production which requires much sunshine to ripen it. there is very little pasture for the larger quadrupeds; and in consequence, the staple articles of food are pigs, potatoes, and fish. the people all dress in strong woollen garments, which each family makes for itself, and dyes with indigo of a dark blue colour. the arts, however, are in the rudest state;--as may be seen in their strange fashion of ploughing, their method of spinning, grinding corn, and in the construction of their boats. the forests are so impenetrable that the land is nowhere cultivated except near the coast and on the adjoining islets. even where paths exist, they are scarcely passable from the soft and swampy state of the soil. the inhabitants, like those of tierra del fuego, move about chiefly on the beach or in boats. although with plenty to eat, the people are very poor: there is no demand for labour, and consequently the lower orders cannot scrape together money sufficient to purchase even the smallest luxuries. there is also a great deficiency of a circulating medium. i have seen a man bringing on his back a bag of charcoal, with which to buy some trifle, and another carrying a plank to exchange for a bottle of wine. hence every tradesman must also be a merchant, and again sell the goods which he takes in exchange. november 24, 1834. the yawl and whale-boat were sent under the command of mr. (now captain) sulivan to survey the eastern or inland coast of chiloe; and with orders to meet the "beagle" at the southern extremity of the island; to which point she would proceed by the outside, so as thus to circumnavigate the whole. i accompanied this expedition, but instead of going in the boats the first day, i hired horses to take me to chacao, at the northern extremity of the island. the road followed the coast; every now and then crossing promontories covered by fine forests. in these shaded paths it is absolutely necessary that the whole road should be made of logs of wood, which are squared and placed by the side of each other. from the rays of the sun never penetrating the evergreen foliage, the ground is so damp and soft, that except by this means neither man nor horse would be able to pass along. i arrived at the village of chacao shortly after the tents belonging to the boats were pitched for the night. the land in this neighbourhood has been extensively cleared, and there were many quiet and most picturesque nooks in the forest. chacao was formerly the principal port in the island; but many vessels having been lost, owing to the dangerous currents and rocks in the straits, the spanish government burnt the church, and thus arbitrarily compelled the greater number of inhabitants to migrate to s. carlos. we had not long bivouacked, before the barefooted son of the governor came down to reconnoitre us. seeing the english flag hoisted at the yawl's masthead, he asked with the utmost indifference, whether it was always to fly at chacao. in several places the inhabitants were much astonished at the appearance of men-of-war's boats, and hoped and believed it was the forerunner of a spanish fleet, coming to recover the island from the patriot government of chile. all the men in power, however, had been informed of our intended visit, and were exceedingly civil. while we were eating our supper, the governor paid us a visit. he had been a lieutenant-colonel in the spanish service, but now was miserably poor. he gave us two sheep, and accepted in return two cotton handkerchiefs, some brass trinkets, and a little tobacco. november 25, 1834. torrents of rain: we managed, however, to run down the coast as far as huapi-lenou. the whole of this eastern side of chiloe has one aspect; it is a plain, broken by valleys and divided into little islands, and the whole thickly covered with one impervious blackish-green forest. on the margins there are some cleared spaces, surrounding the high-roofed cottages. november 26, 1834. the day rose splendidly clear. the volcano of orsono was spouting out volumes of smoke. this most beautiful mountain, formed like a perfect cone, and white with snow, stands out in front of the cordillera. another great volcano, with a saddle-shaped summit, also emitted from its immense crater little jets of steam. subsequently we saw the lofty-peaked corcovado--well deserving the name of "el famoso corcovado." thus we beheld, from one point of view, three great active volcanoes, each about seven thousand feet high. in addition to this, far to the south there were other lofty cones covered with snow, which, although not known to be active, must be in their origin volcanic. the line of the andes is not, in this neighbourhood, nearly so elevated as in chile; neither does it appear to form so perfect a barrier between the regions of the earth. this great range, although running in a straight north and south line, owing to an optical deception always appeared more or less curved; for the lines drawn from each peak to the beholder's eye necessarily converged like the radii of a semicircle, and as it was not possible (owing to the clearness of the atmosphere and the absence of all intermediate objects) to judge how far distant the farthest peaks were off, they appeared to stand in a flattish semicircle. landing at midday, we saw a family of pure indian extraction. the father was singularly like york minster; and some of the younger boys, with their ruddy complexions, might have been mistaken for pampas indians. everything i have seen convinces me of the close connexion of the different american tribes, who nevertheless speak distinct languages. this party could muster but little spanish, and talked to each other in their own tongue. it is a pleasant thing to see the aborigines advanced to the same degree of civilisation, however low that may be, which their white conquerors have attained. more to the south we saw many pure indians: indeed, all the inhabitants of some of the islets retain their indian surnames. in the census of 1832 there were in chiloe and its dependencies forty-two thousand souls: the greater number of these appear to be of mixed blood. eleven thousand retain their indian surnames, but it is probable that not nearly all of these are of a pure breed. their manner of life is the same with that of the other poor inhabitants, and they are all christians; but it is said that they yet retain some strange superstitious ceremonies, and that they pretend to hold communication with the devil in certain caves. formerly, every one convicted of this offence was sent to the inquisition at lima. many of the inhabitants who are not included in the eleven thousand with indian surnames, cannot be distinguished by their appearance from indians. gomez, the governor of lemuy, is descended from noblemen of spain on both sides; but by constant intermarriages with the natives the present man is an indian. on the other hand, the governor of quinchao boasts much of his purely kept spanish blood. we reached at night a beautiful little cove, north of the island of caucahue. the people here complained of want of land. this is partly owing to their own negligence in not clearing the woods, and partly to restrictions by the government, which makes it necessary, before buying ever so small a piece, to pay two shillings to the surveyor for measuring each quadra (150 yards square), together with whatever price he fixes for the value of the land. after his valuation the land must be put up three times to auction, and if no one bids more, the purchaser can have it at that rate. all these exactions must be a serious check to clearing the ground, where the inhabitants are so extremely poor. in most countries, forests are removed without much difficulty by the aid of fire; but in chiloe, from the damp nature of the climate, and the sort of trees, it is necessary first to cut them down. this is a heavy drawback to the prosperity of chiloe. in the time of the spaniards the indians could not hold land; and a family, after having cleared a piece of ground, might be driven away, and the property seized by the government. the chilian authorities are now performing an act of justice by making retribution to these poor indians, giving to each man, according to his grade of life, a certain portion of land. the value of uncleared ground is very little. the government gave mr. douglas (the present surveyor, who informed me of these circumstances) eight and a half square miles of forest near s. carlos, in lieu of a debt; and this he sold for 350 dollars, or about 70 pounds sterling. the two succeeding days were fine, and at night we reached the island of quinchao. this neighbourhood is the most cultivated part of the archipelago; for a broad strip of land on the coast of the main island, as well as on many of the smaller adjoining ones, is almost completely cleared. some of the farmhouses seemed very comfortable. i was curious to ascertain how rich any of these people might be, but mr. douglas says that no one can be considered as possessing a regular income. one of the richest landowners might possibly accumulate, in a long industrious life, as much as 1000 pounds sterling; but should this happen, it would all be stowed away in some secret corner, for it is the custom of almost every family to have a jar or treasure-chest buried in the ground. november 30, 1834. early on sunday morning we reached castro, the ancient capital of chiloe, but now a most forlorn and deserted place. the usual quadrangular arrangement of spanish towns could be traced, but the streets and plaza were coated with fine green turf, on which sheep were browsing. the church, which stands in the middle, is entirely built of plank, and has a picturesque and venerable appearance. the poverty of the place may be conceived from the fact, that although containing some hundreds of inhabitants, one of our party was unable anywhere to purchase either a pound of sugar or an ordinary knife. no individual possessed either a watch or a clock; and an old man who was supposed to have a good idea of time, was employed to strike the church bell by guess. the arrival of our boats was a rare event in this quiet retired corner of the world; and nearly all the inhabitants came down to the beach to see us pitch our tents. they were very civil, and offered us a house; and one man even sent us a cask of cider as a present. in the afternoon we paid our respects to the governor--a quiet old man, who, in his appearance and manner of life, was scarcely superior to an english cottager. at night heavy rain set in, which was hardly sufficient to drive away from our tents the large circle of lookers on. an indian family, who had come to trade in a canoe from caylen, bivouacked near us. they had no shelter during the rain. in the morning i asked a young indian, who was wet to the skin, how he had passed the night. he seemed perfectly content, and answered, "muy bien, seã±or." december 1, 1834. we steered for the island of lemuy. i was anxious to examine a reported coal-mine which turned out to be lignite of little value, in the sandstone (probably of an ancient tertiary epoch) of which these islands are composed. when we reached lemuy we had much difficulty in finding any place to pitch our tents, for it was spring-tide, and the land was wooded down to the water's edge. in a short time we were surrounded by a large group of the nearly pure indian inhabitants. they were much surprised at our arrival, and said one to the other, "this is the reason we have seen so many parrots lately; the cheucau (an odd red-breasted little bird, which inhabits the thick forest, and utters very peculiar noises) has not cried 'beware' for nothing." they were soon anxious for barter. money was scarcely worth anything, but their eagerness for tobacco was something quite extraordinary. after tobacco, indigo came next in value; then capsicum, old clothes, and gunpowder. the latter article was required for a very innocent purpose: each parish has a public musket, and the gunpowder was wanted for making a noise on their saint or feast days. the people here live chiefly on shell-fish and potatoes. at certain seasons they catch also, in "corrales," or hedges under water, many fish which are left on the mud-banks as the tide falls. they occasionally possess fowls, sheep, goats, pigs, horses, and cattle; the order in which they are here mentioned, expressing their respective numbers. i never saw anything more obliging and humble than the manners of these people. they generally began with stating that they were poor natives of the place, and not spaniards and that they were in sad want of tobacco and other comforts. at caylen, the most southern island, the sailors bought with a stick of tobacco, of the value of three-halfpence, two fowls, one of which, the indian stated, had skin between its toes, and turned out to be a fine duck; and with some cotton handkerchiefs, worth three shillings, three sheep and a large bunch of onions were procured. the yawl at this place was anchored some way from the shore, and we had fears for her safety from robbers during the night. our pilot, mr. douglas, accordingly told the constable of the district that we always placed sentinels with loaded arms, and not understanding spanish, if we saw any person in the dark, we should assuredly shoot him. the constable, with much humility, agreed to the perfect propriety of this arrangement, and promised us that no one should stir out of his house during that night. during the four succeeding days we continued sailing southward. the general features of the country remained the same, but it was much less thickly inhabited. on the large island of tanqui there was scarcely one cleared spot, the trees on every side extending their branches over the sea-beach. i one day noticed, growing on the sandstone cliffs, some very fine plants of the panke (gunnera scabra), which somewhat resembles the rhubarb on a gigantic scale. the inhabitants eat the stalks, which are subacid, and tan leather with the roots, and prepare a black dye from them. the leaf is nearly circular, but deeply indented on its margin. i measured one which was nearly eight feet in diameter, and therefore no less than twenty-four in circumference! the stalk is rather more than a yard high, and each plant sends out four or five of these enormous leaves, presenting together a very noble appearance. december 6, 1834. we reached caylen, called "el fin del cristiandad." in the morning we stopped for a few minutes at a house on the northern end of laylec, which was the extreme point of south american christendom, and a miserable hovel it was. the latitude is 43 degrees 10', which is two degrees farther south than the rio negro on the atlantic coast. these extreme christians were very poor, and, under the plea of their situation, begged for some tobacco. as a proof of the poverty of these indians, i may mention that shortly before this we had met a man, who had travelled three days and a half on foot, and had as many to return, for the sake of recovering the value of a small axe and a few fish. how very difficult it must be to buy the smallest article, when such trouble is taken to recover so small a debt. in the evening we reached the island of san pedro, where we found the "beagle" at anchor. in doubling the point, two of the officers landed to take a round of angles with the theodolite. a fox (canis fulvipes), of a kind said to be peculiar to the island, and very rare in it, and which is a new species, was sitting on the rocks. he was so intently absorbed in watching the work of the officers, that i was able, by quietly walking up behind, to knock him on the head with my geological hammer. this fox, more curious or more scientific, but less wise, than the generality of his brethren, is now mounted in the museum of the zoological society. we stayed three days in this harbour, on one of which captain fitz roy, with a party, attempted to ascend to the summit of san pedro. the woods here had rather a different appearance from those on the northern part of the island. the rock, also, being micaceous slate, there was no beach, but the steep sides dipped directly beneath the water. the general aspect in consequence was more like that of tierra del fuego than of chiloe. in vain we tried to gain the summit: the forest was so impenetrable, that no one who has not beheld it can imagine so entangled a mass of dying and dead trunks. i am sure that often, for more than ten minutes together, our feet never touched the ground, and we were frequently ten or fifteen feet above it, so that the seamen as a joke called out the soundings. at other times we crept one after another, on our hands and knees, under the rotten trunks. in the lower part of the mountain, noble trees of the winter's bark, and a laurel like the sassafras with fragrant leaves, and others, the names of which i do not know, were matted together by a trailing bamboo or cane. here we were more like fishes struggling in a net than any other animal. on the higher parts, brushwood takes the place of larger trees, with here and there a red cedar or an alerce pine. i was also pleased to see, at an elevation of a little less than 1000 feet, our old friend the southern beech. they were, however, poor stunted trees, and i should think that this must be nearly their northern limit. we ultimately gave up the attempt in despair. december 10, 1834. (plate 67. inside chonos archipelago.) the yawl and whale-boat, with mr. sulivan, proceeded on their survey, but i remained on board the "beagle," which the next day left san pedro for the southward. on the 13th we ran into an opening in the southern part of guayatecas, or the chonos archipelago; and it was fortunate we did so, for on the following day a storm, worthy of tierra del fuego, raged with great fury. white massive clouds were piled up against a dark blue sky, and across them black ragged sheets of vapour were rapidly driven. the successive mountain ranges appeared like dim shadows, and the setting sun cast on the woodland a yellow gleam, much like that produced by the flame of spirits of wine. the water was white with the flying spray, and the wind lulled and roared again through the rigging: it was an ominous, sublime scene. during a few minutes there was a bright rainbow, and it was curious to observe the effect of the spray, which, being carried along the surface of the water, changed the ordinary semicircle into a circle--a band of prismatic colours being continued, from both feet of the common arch across the bay, close to the vessel's side: thus forming a distorted, but very nearly entire ring. we stayed here three days. the weather continued bad: but this did not much signify, for the surface of the land in all these islands is all but impassable. the coast is so very rugged that to attempt to walk in that direction requires continued scrambling up and down over the sharp rocks of mica-slate; and as for the woods, our faces, hands, and shin-bones all bore witness to the maltreatment we received, in merely attempting to penetrate their forbidden recesses. december 18, 1834. we stood out to sea. on the 20th we bade farewell to the south, and with a fair wind turned the ship's head northward. from cape tres montes we sailed pleasantly along the lofty weather-beaten coast, which is remarkable for the bold outline of its hills, and the thick covering of forest even on the almost precipitous flanks. the next day a harbour was discovered, which on this dangerous coast might be of great service to a distressed vessel. it can easily be recognised by a hill 1600 feet high, which is even more perfectly conical than the famous sugar-loaf at rio de janeiro. the next day, after anchoring, i succeeded in reaching the summit of this hill. it was a laborious undertaking, for the sides were so steep that in some parts it was necessary to use the trees as ladders. there were also several extensive brakes of the fuchsia, covered with its beautiful drooping flowers, but very difficult to crawl through. in these wild countries it gives much delight to gain the summit of any mountain. there is an indefinite expectation of seeing something very strange, which, however often it may be balked, never failed with me to recur on each successive attempt. every one must know the feeling of triumph and pride which a grand view from a height communicates to the mind. in these little frequented countries there is also joined to it some vanity, that you perhaps are the first man who ever stood on this pinnacle or admired this view. a strong desire is always felt to ascertain whether any human being has previously visited an unfrequented spot. a bit of wood with a nail in it is picked up and studied as if it were covered with hieroglyphics. possessed with this feeling, i was much interested by finding, on a wild part of the coast, a bed made of grass beneath a ledge of rock. close by it there had been a fire, and the man had used an axe. the fire, bed, and situation showed the dexterity of an indian; but he could scarcely have been an indian, for the race is in this part extinct, owing to the catholic desire of making at one blow christians and slaves. i had at the time some misgivings that the solitary man who had made his bed on this wild spot, must have been some poor shipwrecked sailor, who, in trying to travel up the coast, had here laid himself down for his dreary night. december 28, 1834. the weather continued very bad, but it at last permitted us to proceed with the survey. the time hung heavy on our hands, as it always did when we were delayed from day to day by successive gales of wind. in the evening another harbour was discovered, where we anchored. directly afterwards a man was seen waving his shirt, and a boat was sent which brought back two seamen. a party of six had run away from an american whaling vessel, and had landed a little to the southward in a boat, which was shortly afterwards knocked to pieces by the surf. they had now been wandering up and down the coast for fifteen months, without knowing which way to go, or where they were. what a singular piece of good fortune it was that this harbour was now discovered! had it not been for this one chance, they might have wandered till they had grown old men, and at last have perished on this wild coast. their sufferings had been very great, and one of their party had lost his life by falling from the cliffs. they were sometimes obliged to separate in search of food, and this explained the bed of the solitary man. considering what they had undergone, i think they had kept a very good reckoning of time, for they had lost only four days. december 30, 1834. we anchored in a snug little cove at the foot of some high hills, near the northern extremity of tres montes. after breakfast the next morning a party ascended one of these mountains, which was 2400 feet high. the scenery was remarkable. the chief part of the range was composed of grand, solid, abrupt masses of granite, which appeared as if they had been coeval with the beginning of the world. the granite was capped with mica-slate, and this in the lapse of ages had been worn into strange finger-shaped points. these two formations, thus differing in their outlines, agree in being almost destitute of vegetation. this barrenness had to our eyes a strange appearance, from having been so long accustomed to the sight of an almost universal forest of dark-green trees. i took much delight in examining the structure of these mountains. the complicated and lofty ranges bore a noble aspect of durability--equally profitless, however, to man and to all other animals. granite to the geologist is classic ground: from its widespread limits, and its beautiful and compact texture, few rocks have been more anciently recognised. granite has given rise, perhaps, to more discussion concerning its origin than any other formation. we generally see it constituting the fundamental rock, and, however formed, we know it is the deepest layer in the crust of this globe to which man has penetrated. the limit of man's knowledge in any subject possesses a high interest, which is perhaps increased by its close neighbourhood to the realms of imagination. january 1, 1835. the new year is ushered in with the ceremonies proper to it in these regions. she lays out no false hopes: a heavy north-western gale, with steady rain, bespeaks the rising year. thank god, we are not destined here to see the end of it, but hope then to be in the pacific ocean, where a blue sky tells one there is a heaven,--a something beyond the clouds above our heads. the north-west winds prevailing for the next four days, we only managed to cross a great bay, and then anchored in another secure harbour. i accompanied the captain in a boat to the head of a deep creek. on the way the number of seals which we saw was quite astonishing: every bit of flat rock and parts of the beach were covered with them. they appeared to be of a loving disposition, and lay huddled together, fast asleep, like so many pigs; but even pigs would have been ashamed of their dirt, and of the foul smell which came from them. each herd was watched by the patient but inauspicious eyes of the turkey-buzzard. this disgusting bird, with its bald scarlet head, formed to wallow in putridity, is very common on the west coast, and their attendance on the seals shows on what they rely for their food. we found the water (probably only that of the surface) nearly fresh: this was caused by the number of torrents which, in the form of cascades, came tumbling over the bold granite mountains into the sea. the fresh water attracts the fish, and these bring many terns, gulls, and two kinds of cormorant. we saw also a pair of the beautiful black-necked swans, and several small sea-otters, the fur of which is held in such high estimation. in returning, we were again amused by the impetuous manner in which the heap of seals, old and young, tumbled into the water as the boat passed. they did not remain long under water, but rising, followed us with outstretched necks, expressing great wonder and curiosity. january 7, 1835. having run up the coast, we anchored near the northern end of the chonos archipelago, in low's harbour, where we remained a week. the islands were here, as in chiloe, composed of a stratified, soft, littoral deposit; and the vegetation in consequence was beautifully luxuriant. the woods came down to the sea-beach, just in the manner of an evergreen shrubbery over a gravel walk. we also enjoyed from the anchorage a splendid view of four great snowy cones of the cordillera, including "el famoso corcovado;" the range itself had in this latitude so little height, that few parts of it appeared above the tops of the neighbouring islets. we found here a party of five men from caylen, "el fin del cristiandad," who had most adventurously crossed in their miserable boat-canoe, for the purpose of fishing, the open space of sea which separates chonos from chiloe. these islands will, in all probability, in a short time become peopled like those adjoining the coast of chiloe. the wild potato grows on these islands in great abundance, on the sandy, shelly soil near the sea-beach. the tallest plant was four feet in height. the tubers were generally small, but i found one, of an oval shape, two inches in diameter: they resembled in every respect, and had the same smell as english potatoes; but when boiled they shrunk much, and were watery and insipid, without any bitter taste. they are undoubtedly here indigenous: they grow as far south, according to mr. low, as latitude 50 degrees, and are called aquinas by the wild indians of that part: the chilotan indians have a different name for them. professor henslow, who has examined the dried specimens which i brought home, says that they are the same with those described by mr. sabine from valparaiso, but that they form a variety which by some botanists has been considered as specifically distinct. (13/1. "horticultural transactions" volume 5 page 249. mr. caldeleugh sent home two tubers, which, being well manured, even the first season produced numerous potatoes and an abundance of leaves. see humboldt's interesting discussion on this plant, which it appears was unknown in mexico,--in "political essay on new spain" book 4 chapter 9.) it is remarkable that the same plant should be found on the sterile mountains of central chile, where a drop of rain does not fall for more than six months, and within the damp forests of these southern islands. in the central parts of the chonos archipelago (latitude 45 degrees), the forest has very much the same character with that along the whole west coast, for 600 miles southward to cape horn. the arborescent grass of chiloe is not found here; while the beech of tierra del fuego grows to a good size, and forms a considerable proportion of the wood; not, however, in the same exclusive manner as it does farther southward. cryptogamic plants here find a most congenial climate. in the strait of magellan, as i have before remarked, the country appears too cold and wet to allow of their arriving at perfection; but in these islands, within the forest, the number of species and great abundance of mosses, lichens, and small ferns, is quite extraordinary. (13/2. by sweeping with my insect-net, i procured from these situations a considerable number of minute insects, of the family of staphylinidae, and others allied to pselaphus, and minute hymenoptera. but the most characteristic family in number, both of individuals and species, throughout the more open parts of chiloe and chonos is that of telephoridae.) in tierra del fuego trees grow only on the hillsides; every level piece of land being invariably covered by a thick bed of peat; but in chiloe flat land supports the most luxuriant forests. here, within the chonos archipelago, the nature of the climate more closely approaches that of tierra del fuego than that of northern chiloe; for every patch of level ground is covered by two species of plants (astelia pumila and donatia magellanica), which by their joint decay compose a thick bed of elastic peat. in tierra del fuego, above the region of woodland, the former of these eminently sociable plants is the chief agent in the production of peat. fresh leaves are always succeeding one to the other round the central tap-root, the lower ones soon decay, and in tracing a root downwards in the peat, the leaves, yet holding their place, can be observed passing through every stage of decomposition, till the whole becomes blended in one confused mass. the astelia is assisted by a few other plants,--here and there a small creeping myrtus (m. nummularia), with a woody stem like our cranberry and with a sweet berry,--an empetrum (e. rubrum), like our heath,--a rush (juncus grandiflorus), are nearly the only ones that grow on the swampy surface. these plants, though possessing a very close general resemblance to the english species of the same genera, are different. in the more level parts of the country, the surface of the peat is broken up into little pools of water, which stand at different heights, and appear as if artificially excavated. small streams of water, flowing underground, complete the disorganisation of the vegetable matter, and consolidate the whole. the climate of the southern part of america appears particularly favourable to the production of peat. in the falkland islands almost every kind of plant, even the coarse grass which covers the whole surface of the land, becomes converted into this substance: scarcely any situation checks its growth; some of the beds are as much as twelve feet thick, and the lower part becomes so solid when dry, that it will hardly burn. although every plant lends its aid, yet in most parts the astelia is the most efficient. it is rather a singular circumstance, as being so very different from what occurs in europe, that i nowhere saw moss forming by its decay any portion of the peat in south america. with respect to the northern limit at which the climate allows of that peculiar kind of slow decomposition which is necessary for its production, i believe that in chiloe (latitude 41 to 42 degrees), although there is much swampy ground, no well-characterised peat occurs: but in the chonos islands, three degrees farther southward, we have seen that it is abundant. on the eastern coast in la plata (latitude 35 degrees) i was told by a spanish resident who had visited ireland, that he had often sought for this substance, but had never been able to find any. he showed me, as the nearest approach to it which he had discovered, a black peaty soil, so penetrated with roots as to allow of an extremely slow and imperfect combustion. the zoology of these broken islets of the chonos archipelago is, as might have been expected, very poor. of quadrupeds two aquatic kinds are common. the myopotamus coypus (like a beaver, but with a round tail) is well known from its fine fur, which is an object of trade throughout the tributaries of la plata. it here, however, exclusively frequents salt water; which same circumstance has been mentioned as sometimes occurring with the great rodent, the capybara. a small sea-otter is very numerous; this animal does not feed exclusively on fish, but, like the seals, draws a large supply from a small red crab, which swims in shoals near the surface of the water. mr. bynoe saw one in tierra del fuego eating a cuttle-fish; and at low's harbour, another was killed in the act of carrying to its hole a large volute shell. at one place i caught in a trap a singular little mouse (m. brachiotis); it appeared common on several of the islets, but the chilotans at low's harbour said that it was not found in all. what a succession of chances, or what changes of level must have been brought into play, thus to spread these small animals throughout this broken archipelago! (13/3. it is said that some rapacious birds bring their prey alive to their nests. if so, in the course of centuries, every now and then, one might escape from the young birds. some such agency is necessary, to account for the distribution of the smaller gnawing animals on islands not very near each other.) in all parts of chiloe and chonos, two very strange birds occur, which are allied to, and replace, the turco and tapacolo of central chile. one is called by the inhabitants "cheucau" (pteroptochos rubecula): it frequents the most gloomy and retired spots within the damp forests. sometimes, although its cry may be heard close at hand, let a person watch ever so attentively he will not see the cheucau; at other times let him stand motionless and the red-breasted little bird will approach within a few feet in the most familiar manner. it then busily hops about the entangled mass of rotting canes and branches, with its little tail cocked upwards. the cheucau is held in superstitious fear by the chilotans, on account of its strange and varied cries. there are three very distinct cries: one is called "chiduco," and is an omen of good; another, "huitreu," which is extremely unfavourable; and a third, which i have forgotten. these words are given in imitation of the noises; and the natives are in some things absolutely governed by them. the chilotans assuredly have chosen a most comical little creature for their prophet. an allied species, but rather larger, is called by the natives "guid-guid" (pteroptochos tarnii), and by the english the barking-bird. this latter name is well given; for i defy any one at first to feel certain that a small dog is not yelping somewhere in the forest. just as with the cheucau, a person will sometimes hear the bark close by, but in vain may endeavour by watching, and with still less chance by beating the bushes, to see the bird; yet at other times the guid-guid fearlessly comes near. its manner of feeding and its general habits are very similar to those of the cheucau. on the coast, a small dusky-coloured bird (opetiorhynchus patagonicus) is very common. (13/4. i may mention, as a proof of how great a difference there is between the seasons of the wooded and the open parts of this coast, that on september 20th, in latitude 34 degrees, these birds had young ones in the nest, while among the chonos islands, three months later in the summer, they were only laying, the difference in latitude between these two places being about 700 miles.) it is remarkable from its quiet habits; it lives entirely on the sea-beach, like a sandpiper. besides these birds only few others inhabit this broken land. in my rough notes i describe the strange noises, which, although frequently heard within these gloomy forests, yet scarcely disturb the general silence. the yelping of the guid-guid, and the sudden whew-whew of the cheucau, sometimes come from afar off, and sometimes from close at hand; the little black wren of tierra del fuego occasionally adds its cry; the creeper (oxyurus) follows the intruder screaming and twittering; the humming-bird may be seen every now and then darting from side to side, and emitting, like an insect, its shrill chirp; lastly, from the top of some lofty tree the indistinct but plaintive note of the white-tufted tyrant-flycatcher (myiobius) may be noticed. from the great preponderance in most countries of certain common genera of birds, such as the finches, one feels at first surprised at meeting with the peculiar forms above enumerated, as the commonest birds in any district. in central chile two of them, namely, the oxyurus and scytalopus, occur, although most rarely. when finding, as in this case, animals which seem to play so insignificant a part in the great scheme of nature, one is apt to wonder why they were created. but it should always be recollected, that in some other country perhaps they are essential members of society, or at some former period may have been so. if america south of 37 degrees were sunk beneath the waters of the ocean, these two birds might continue to exist in central chile for a long period, but it is very improbable that their numbers would increase. we should then see a case which must inevitably have happened with very many animals. these southern seas are frequented by several species of petrels: the largest kind, procellaria gigantea, or nelly (quebrantahuesos, or break-bones, of the spaniards), is a common bird, both in the inland channels and on the open sea. in its habits and manner of flight there is a very close resemblance with the albatross; and as with the albatross, a person may watch it for hours together without seeing on what it feeds. the "break-bones" is, however, a rapacious bird, for it was observed by some of the officers at port st. antonio chasing a diver, which tried to escape by diving and flying, but was continually struck down, and at last killed by a blow on its head. at port st. julian these great petrels were seen killing and devouring young gulls. a second species (puffinus cinereus), which is common to europe, cape horn, and the coast of peru, is of a much smaller size than the p. gigantea, but, like it, of a dirty black colour. it generally frequents the inland sounds in very large flocks: i do not think i ever saw so many birds of any other sort together, as i once saw of these behind the island of chiloe. hundreds of thousands flew in an irregular line for several hours in one direction. when part of the flock settled on the water the surface was blackened, and a noise proceeded from them as of human beings talking in the distance. there are several other species of petrels, but i will only mention one other kind, the pelacanoides berardi, which offers an example of those extraordinary cases, of a bird evidently belonging to one well-marked family, yet both in its habits and structure allied to a very distinct tribe. this bird never leaves the quiet inland sounds. when disturbed it dives to a distance, and on coming to the surface, with the same movement takes flight. after flying by the rapid movement of its short wings for a space in a straight line, it drops, as if struck dead, and dives again. the form of its beak and nostrils, length of foot, and even the colouring of its plumage, show that this bird is a petrel: on the other hand, its short wings and consequent little power of flight, its form of body and shape of tail, the absence of a hind toe to its foot, its habit of living, and its choice of situation, make it at first doubtful whether its relationship is not equally close with the auks. it would undoubtedly be mistaken for an auk, when seen from a distance, either on the wing, or when diving and quietly swimming about the retired channels of tierra del fuego. chapter xiv. (plate 69. antuco volcano, near talcahuano.) san carlos, chiloe. osorno in eruption, contemporaneously with aconcagua and coseguina. ride to cucao. impenetrable forests. valdivia. indians. earthquake. concepcion. great earthquake. rocks fissured. appearance of the former towns. the sea black and boiling. direction of the vibrations. stones twisted round. great wave. permanent elevation of the land. area of volcanic phenomena. the connection between the elevatory and eruptive forces. cause of earthquakes. slow elevation of mountain-chains. chiloe and concepcion: great earthquake. (plate 70. panoramic view of coast, chiloe. osorno and quellaypo.) (plate 71. inside island of chiloe. san carlos.) (plate 68. gunnera scabra, chiloe.) on january the 15th, 1835 we sailed from low's harbour, and three days afterwards anchored a second time in the bay of s. carlos in chiloe. on the night of the 19th the volcano of osorno was in action. at midnight the sentry observed something like a large star, which gradually increased in size till about three o'clock, when it presented a very magnificent spectacle. by the aid of a glass, dark objects, in constant succession, were seen, in the midst of a great glare of red light, to be thrown up and to fall down. the light was sufficient to cast on the water a long bright reflection. large masses of molten matter seem very commonly to be cast out of the craters in this part of the cordillera. i was assured that when the corcovado is in eruption, great masses are projected upwards and are seen to burst in the air, assuming many fantastical forms, such as trees: their size must be immense, for they can be distinguished from the high land behind s. carlos, which is no less than ninety-three miles from the corcovado. in the morning the volcano became tranquil. i was surprised at hearing afterwards that aconcagua in chile, 480 miles northwards, was in action on the same night; and still more surprised to hear that the great eruption of coseguina (2700 miles north of aconcagua), accompanied by an earthquake felt over 1000 miles, also occurred within six hours of this same time. this coincidence is the more remarkable, as coseguina had been dormant for twenty-six years: and aconcagua most rarely shows any signs of action. it is difficult even to conjecture whether this coincidence was accidental, or shows some subterranean connection. if vesuvius, etna, and hecla in iceland (all three relatively nearer each other than the corresponding points in south america), suddenly burst forth in eruption on the same night, the coincidence would be thought remarkable; but it is far more remarkable in this case, where the three vents fall on the same great mountain-chain, and where the vast plains along the entire eastern coast, and the upraised recent shells along more than 2000 miles on the western coast, show in how equable and connected a manner the elevatory forces have acted. captain fitz roy being anxious that some bearings should be taken on the outer coast of chiloe, it was planned that mr. king and myself should ride to castro, and thence across the island to the capella de cucao, situated on the west coast. having hired horses and a guide, we set out on the morning of the 22nd. we had not proceeded far, before we were joined by a woman and two boys, who were bent on the same journey. every one on this road acts on a "hail-fellow-well-met" fashion; and one may here enjoy the privilege, so rare in south america, of travelling without firearms. at first the country consisted of a succession of hills and valleys: nearer to castro it became very level. the road itself is a curious affair; it consists in its whole length, with the exception of very few parts, of great logs of wood, which are either broad and laid longitudinally, or narrow and placed transversely. in summer the road is not very bad: but in winter, when the wood is rendered slippery from rain, travelling is exceedingly difficult. at that time of the year, the ground on each side becomes a morass, and is often overflowed: hence it is necessary that the longitudinal logs should be fastened down by transverse poles, which are pegged on each side into the earth. these pegs render a fall from a horse dangerous, as the chance of alighting on one of them is not small. it is remarkable, however, how active custom has made the chilotan horses. in crossing bad parts, where the logs had been displaced, they skipped from one to the other, almost with the quickness and certainty of a dog. on both hands the road is bordered by the lofty forest-trees, with their bases matted together by canes. when occasionally a long reach of this avenue could be beheld, it presented a curious scene of uniformity: the white line of logs, narrowing in perspective, became hidden by the gloomy forest, or terminated in a zigzag which ascended some steep hill. although the distance from s. carlos to castro is only twelve leagues in a straight line, the formation of the road must have been a great labour. i was told that several people had formerly lost their lives in attempting to cross the forest. the first who succeeded was an indian, who cut his way through the canes in eight days, and reached s. carlos: he was rewarded by the spanish government with a grant of land. during the summer, many of the indians wander about the forests (but chiefly in the higher parts, where the woods are not quite so thick), in search of the half-wild cattle which live on the leaves of the cane and certain trees. it was one of these huntsmen who by chance discovered, a few years since, an english vessel, which had been wrecked on the outer coast. the crew were beginning to fail in provisions, and it is not probable that, without the aid of this man, they would ever have extricated themselves from these scarcely penetrable woods. as it was, one seaman died on the march, from fatigue. the indians in these excursions steer by the sun; so that if there is a continuance of cloudy weather, they cannot travel. the day was beautiful, and the number of trees which were in full flower perfumed the air; yet even this could hardly dissipate the effect of the gloomy dampness of the forest. moreover, the many dead trunks that stand like skeletons, never fail to give to these primeval woods a character of solemnity, absent in those of countries long civilised. shortly after sunset we bivouacked for the night. our female companion, who was rather good-looking, belonged to one of the most respectable families in castro: she rode, however, astride, and without shoes or stockings. i was surprised at the total want of pride shown by her and her brother. they brought food with them, but at all our meals sat watching mr. king and myself whilst eating, till we were fairly shamed into feeding the whole party. the night was cloudless; and while lying in our beds, we enjoyed the sight (and it is a high enjoyment) of the multitude of stars which illumined the darkness of the forest. january 23, 1835. we rose early in the morning, and reached the pretty quiet town of castro by two o'clock. the old governor had died since our last visit, and a chileno was acting in his place. we had a letter of introduction to don pedro, whom we found exceedingly hospitable and kind, and more disinterested than is usual on this side of the continent. the next day don pedro procured us fresh horses, and offered to accompany us himself. we proceeded to the south--generally following the coast, and passing through several hamlets, each with its large barn-like chapel built of wood. at vilipilli, don pedro asked the commandant to give us a guide to cucao. the old gentleman offered to come himself; but for a long time nothing would persuade him that two englishmen really wished to go to such an out-of-the-way place as cucao. we were thus accompanied by the two greatest aristocrats in the country, as was plainly to be seen in the manner of all the poorer indians towards them. at chonchi we struck across the island, following intricate winding paths, sometimes passing through magnificent forests, and sometimes through pretty cleared spots, abounding with corn and potato crops. this undulating woody country, partially cultivated, reminded me of the wilder parts of england, and therefore had to my eye a most fascinating aspect. at vilinco, which is situated on the borders of the lake of cucao, only a few fields were cleared; and all the inhabitants appeared to be indians. this lake is twelve miles long, and runs in an east and west direction. from local circumstances, the sea-breeze blows very regularly during the day, and during the night it falls calm: this has given rise to strange exaggerations, for the phenomenon, as described to us at s. carlos, was quite a prodigy. the road to cucao was so very bad that we determined to embark in a periagua. the commandant, in the most authoritative manner, ordered six indians to get ready to pull us over, without deigning to tell them whether they would be paid. the periagua is a strange rough boat, but the crew were still stranger: i doubt if six uglier little men ever got into a boat together. they pulled, however, very well and cheerfully. the stroke-oarsman gabbled indian, and uttered strange cries, much after the fashion of a pig-driver driving his pigs. we started with a light breeze against us, but yet reached the capella de cucao before it was late. the country on each side of the lake was one unbroken forest. in the same periagua with us a cow was embarked. to get so large an animal into a small boat appears at first a difficulty, but the indians managed it in a minute. they brought the cow alongside the boat, which was heeled towards her; then placing two oars under her belly, with their ends resting on the gunwale, by the aid of these levers they fairly tumbled the poor beast heels over head into the bottom of the boat, and then lashed her down with ropes. at cucao we found an uninhabited hovel (which is the residence of the padre when he pays this capella a visit), where, lighting a fire, we cooked our supper, and were very comfortable. the district of cucao is the only inhabited part on the whole west coast of chiloe. it contains about thirty or forty indian families, who are scattered along four or five miles of the shore. they are very much secluded from the rest of chiloe, and have scarcely any sort of commerce, except sometimes in a little oil, which they get from seal-blubber. they are tolerably dressed in clothes of their own manufacture, and they have plenty to eat. they seemed, however, discontented, yet humble to a degree which it was quite painful to witness. these feelings are, i think, chiefly to be attributed to the harsh and authoritative manner in which they are treated by their rulers. our companions, although so very civil to us, behaved to the poor indians as if they had been slaves, rather than free men. they ordered provisions and the use of their horses, without ever condescending to say how much, or indeed whether the owners should be paid at all. in the morning, being left alone with these poor people, we soon ingratiated ourselves by presents of cigars and matã©. a lump of white sugar was divided between all present, and tasted with the greatest curiosity. the indians ended all their complaints by saying, "and it is only because we are poor indians, and know nothing; but it was not so when we had a king." the next day after breakfast we rode a few miles northward to punta huantamã³. the road lay along a very broad beach, on which, even after so many fine days, a terrible surf was breaking. i was assured that after a heavy gale, the roar can be heard at night even at castro, a distance of no less than twenty-one sea-miles across a hilly and wooded country. we had some difficulty in reaching the point, owing to the intolerably bad paths; for everywhere in the shade the ground soon becomes a perfect quagmire. the point itself is a bold rocky hill. it is covered by a plant allied, i believe, to bromelia, and called by the inhabitants chepones. in scrambling through the beds, our hands were very much scratched. i was amused by observing the precaution our indian guide took, in turning up his trousers, thinking that they were more delicate than his own hard skin. this plant bears a fruit, in shape like an artichoke, in which a number of seed-vessels are packed: these contain a pleasant sweet pulp, here much esteemed. i saw at low's harbour the chilotans making chichi, or cider, with this fruit: so true is it, as humboldt remarks, that almost everywhere man finds means of preparing some kind of beverage from the vegetable kingdom. the savages, however, of tierra del fuego, and i believe of australia, have not advanced thus far in the arts. the coast to the north of punta huantamã³ is exceedingly rugged and broken, and is fronted by many breakers, on which the sea is eternally roaring. mr. king and myself were anxious to return, if it had been possible, on foot along this coast; but even the indians said it was quite impracticable. we were told that men have crossed by striking directly through the woods from cucao to s. carlos, but never by the coast. on these expeditions, the indians carry with them only roasted corn, and of this they eat sparingly twice a day. january 26, 1835. re-embarking in the periagua, we returned across the lake, and then mounted our horses. the whole of chiloe took advantage of this week of unusually fine weather, to clear the ground by burning. in every direction volumes of smoke were curling upwards. although the inhabitants were so assiduous in setting fire to every part of the wood, yet i did not see a single fire which they had succeeded in making extensive. we dined with our friend the commandant, and did not reach castro till after dark. the next morning we started very early. after having ridden for some time, we obtained from the brow of a steep hill an extensive view (and it is a rare thing on this road) of the great forest. over the horizon of trees, the volcano of corcovado, and the great flat-topped one to the north, stood out in proud pre-eminence: scarcely another peak in the long range showed its snowy summit. i hope it will be long before i forget this farewell view of the magnificent cordillera fronting chiloe. at night we bivouacked under a cloudless sky, and the next morning reached s. carlos. we arrived on the right day, for before evening heavy rain commenced. february 4, 1835. sailed from chiloe. during the last week i made several short excursions. one was to examine a great bed of now-existing shells, elevated 350 feet above the level of the sea: from among these shells, large forest-trees were growing. another ride was to p. huechucucuy. i had with me a guide who knew the country far too well; for he would pertinaciously tell me endless indian names for every little point, rivulet, and creek. in the same manner as in tierra del fuego, the indian language appears singularly well adapted for attaching names to the most trivial features of the land. i believe every one was glad to say farewell to chiloe; yet if we could forget the gloom and ceaseless rain of winter, chiloe might pass for a charming island. there is also something very attractive in the simplicity and humble politeness of the poor inhabitants. we steered northward along shore, but owing to thick weather did not reach valdivia till the night of the 8th. the next morning the boat proceeded to the town, which is distant about ten miles. we followed the course of the river, occasionally passing a few hovels, and patches of ground cleared out of the otherwise unbroken forest; and sometimes meeting a canoe with an indian family. the town is situated on the low banks of the stream, and is so completely buried in a wood of apple-trees that the streets are merely paths in an orchard. i have never seen any country where apple-trees appeared to thrive so well as in this damp part of south america: on the borders of the roads there were many young trees evidently self-sown. in chiloe the inhabitants possess a marvellously short method of making an orchard. at the lower part of almost every branch, small, conical, brown, wrinkled points project: these are always ready to change into roots, as may sometimes be seen, where any mud has been accidentally splashed against the tree. a branch as thick as a man's thigh is chosen in the early spring, and is cut off just beneath a group of these points, all the smaller branches are lopped off, and it is then placed about two feet deep in the ground. during the ensuing summer the stump throws out long shoots, and sometimes even bears fruit: i was shown one which had produced as many as twenty-three apples, but this was thought very unusual. in the third season the stump is changed (as i have myself seen) into a well-wooded tree, loaded with fruit. an old man near valdivia illustrated his motto, "necesidad es la madre del invencion," by giving an account of the several useful things he manufactured from his apples. after making cider, and likewise wine, he extracted from the refuse a white and finely flavoured spirit; by another process he procured a sweet treacle, or, as he called it, honey. his children and pigs seemed almost to live, during this season of the year, in his orchard. february 11, 1835. i set out with a guide on a short ride, in which, however, i managed to see singularly little, either of the geology of the country or of its inhabitants. there is not much cleared land near valdivia: after crossing a river at the distance of a few miles, we entered the forest, and then passed only one miserable hovel, before reaching our sleeping-place for the night. the short difference in latitude, of 150 miles, has given a new aspect to the forest compared with that of chiloe. this is owing to a slightly different proportion in the kinds of trees. the evergreens do not appear to be quite so numerous, and the forest in consequence has a brighter tint. as in chiloe, the lower parts are matted together by canes: here also another kind (resembling the bamboo of brazil and about twenty feet in height) grows in clusters, and ornaments the banks of some of the streams in a very pretty manner. it is with this plant that the indians make their chuzos, or long tapering spears. our resting-house was so dirty that i preferred sleeping outside: on these journeys the first night is generally very uncomfortable, because one is not accustomed to the tickling and biting of the fleas. i am sure, in the morning, there was not a space on my legs of the size of a shilling which had not its little red mark where the flea had feasted. february 12, 1835. we continued to ride through the uncleared forest; only occasionally meeting an indian on horseback, or a troop of fine mules bringing alerce-planks and corn from the southern plains. in the afternoon one of the horses knocked up; we were then on a brow of a hill, which commanded a fine view of the llanos. the view of these open plains was very refreshing, after being hemmed in and buried in the wilderness of trees. the uniformity of a forest soon becomes very wearisome. this west coast makes me remember with pleasure the free, unbounded plains of patagonia; yet, with the true spirit of contradiction, i cannot forget how sublime is the silence of the forest. the llanos are the most fertile and thickly peopled parts of the country, as they possess the immense advantage of being nearly free from trees. before leaving the forest we crossed some flat little lawns, around which single trees stood, as in an english park: i have often noticed with surprise, in wooded undulatory districts, that the quite level parts have been destitute of trees. on account of the tired horse, i determined to stop at the mission of cudico, to the friar of which i had a letter of introduction. cudico is an intermediate district between the forest and the llanos. there are a good many cottages, with patches of corn and potatoes, nearly all belonging to indians. the tribes dependent on valdivia are "reducidos y cristianos." the indians farther northward, about arauco and imperial, are still very wild, and not converted; but they have all much intercourse with the spaniards. the padre said that the christian indians did not much like coming to mass, but that otherwise they showed respect for religion. the greatest difficulty is in making them observe the ceremonies of marriage. the wild indians take as many wives as they can support, and a cacique will sometimes have more than ten: on entering his house, the number may be told by that of the separate fires. each wife lives a week in turn with the cacique; but all are employed in weaving ponchos, etc., for his profit. to be the wife of a cacique is an honour much sought after by the indian women. the men of all these tribes wear a coarse woolen poncho: those south of valdivia wear short trousers, and those north of it a petticoat, like the chilipa of the gauchos. all have their long hair bound by a scarlet fillet, but with no other covering on their heads. these indians are good-sized men; their cheek-bones are prominent, and in general appearance they resemble the great american family to which they belong; but their physiognomy seemed to me to be slightly different from that of any other tribe which i had before seen. their expression is generally grave, and even austere, and possesses much character: this may pass either for honest bluntness or fierce determination. the long black hair, the grave and much-lined features, and the dark complexion, called to my mind old portraits of james i. on the road we met with none of that humble politeness so universal in chiloe. some gave their "mari-mari" (good morning) with promptness, but the greater number did not seem inclined to offer any salute. this independence of manners is probably a consequence of their long wars, and the repeated victories which they alone, of all the tribes in america, have gained over the spaniards. i spent the evening very pleasantly, talking with the padre. he was exceedingly kind and hospitable; and coming from santiago, had contrived to surround himself with some few comforts. being a man of some little education, he bitterly complained of the total want of society. with no particular zeal for religion, no business or pursuit, how completely must this man's life be wasted! the next day, on our return, we met seven very wild-looking indians, of whom some were caciques that had just received from the chilian government their yearly small stipend for having long remained faithful. they were fine-looking men, and they rode one after the other, with most gloomy faces. an old cacique, who headed them, had been, i suppose, more excessively drunk than the rest, for he seemed both extremely grave and very crabbed. shortly before this, two indians joined us, who were travelling from a distant mission to valdivia concerning some lawsuit. one was a good-humoured old man, but from his wrinkled beardless face looked more like an old woman than a man. i frequently presented both of them with cigars; and though ready to receive them, and i daresay grateful, they would hardly condescend to thank me. a chilotan indian would have taken off his hat, and given his "dios le page!" the travelling was very tedious, both from the badness of the roads and from the number of great fallen trees, which it was necessary either to leap over or to avoid by making long circuits. we slept on the road, and next morning reached valdivia, whence i proceeded on board. a few days afterwards i crossed the bay with a party of officers, and landed near the fort called niebla. the buildings were in a most ruinous state, and the gun-carriages quite rotten. mr. wickham remarked to the commanding officer, that with one discharge they would certainly all fall to pieces. the poor man, trying to put a good face upon it, gravely replied, "no, i am sure, sir, they would stand two!" the spaniards must have intended to have made this place impregnable. there is now lying in the middle of the courtyard a little mountain of mortar, which rivals in hardness the rock on which it is placed. it was brought from chile, and cost 7000 dollars. the revolution having broken out prevented its being applied to any purpose, and now it remains a monument of the fallen greatness of spain. i wanted to go to a house about a mile and a half distant, but my guide said it was quite impossible to penetrate the wood in a straight line. he offered, however, to lead me, by following obscure cattle-tracks, the shortest way: the walk, nevertheless, took no less than three hours! this man is employed in hunting strayed cattle; yet, well as he must know the woods, he was not long since lost for two whole days, and had nothing to eat. these facts convey a good idea of the impracticability of the forests of these countries. a question often occurred to me--how long does any vestige of a fallen tree remain? this man showed me one which a party of fugitive royalists had cut down fourteen years ago; and taking this as a criterion, i should think a bole a foot and a half in diameter would in thirty years be changed into a heap of mould. february 20,, 1835. this day has been memorable in the annals of valdivia, for the most severe earthquake experienced by the oldest inhabitant. i happened to be on shore, and was lying down in the wood to rest myself. it came on suddenly, and lasted two minutes, but the time appeared much longer. the rocking of the ground was very sensible. the undulations appeared to my companion and myself to come from due east, whilst others thought they proceeded from south-west: this shows how difficult it sometimes is to perceive the direction of the vibrations. there was no difficulty in standing upright, but the motion made me almost giddy: it was something like the movement of a vessel in a little cross-ripple, or still more like that felt by a person skating over thin ice, which bends under the weight of his body. a bad earthquake at once destroys our oldest associations: the earth, the very emblem of solidity, has moved beneath our feet like a thin crust over a fluid;--one second of time has created in the mind a strange idea of insecurity, which hours of reflection would not have produced. in the forest, as a breeze moved the trees, i felt only the earth tremble, but saw no other effect. captain fitz roy and some officers were at the town during the shock, and there the scene was more striking; for although the houses, from being built of wood, did not fall, they were violently shaken, and the boards creaked and rattled together. the people rushed out of doors in the greatest alarm. it is these accompaniments that create that perfect horror of earthquakes, experienced by all who have thus seen, as well as felt, their effects. within the forest it was a deeply interesting, but by no means an awe-exciting phenomenon. the tides were very curiously affected. the great shock took place at the time of low water; and an old woman who was on the beach told me that the water flowed very quickly, but not in great waves, to high-water mark, and then as quickly returned to its proper level; this was also evident by the line of wet sand. the same kind of quick but quiet movement in the tide happened a few years since at chiloe, during a slight earthquake, and created much causeless alarm. in the course of the evening there were many weaker shocks, which seemed to produce in the harbour the most complicated currents, and some of great strength. march 4, 1835. we entered the harbour of concepcion. while the ship was beating up to the anchorage, i landed on the island of quiriquina. the mayor-domo of the estate quickly rode down to tell me the terrible news of the great earthquake of the 20th:--"that not a house in concepcion or talcahuano (the port) was standing; that seventy villages were destroyed; and that a great wave had almost washed away the ruins of talcahuano." of this latter statement i soon saw abundant proofs--the whole coast being strewed over with timber and furniture as if a thousand ships had been wrecked. besides chairs, tables, book-shelves, etc., in great numbers, there were several roofs of cottages, which had been transported almost whole. the storehouses at talcahuano had been burst open, and great bags of cotton, yerba, and other valuable merchandise were scattered on the shore. during my walk round the island, i observed that numerous fragments of rock, which, from the marine productions adhering to them, must recently have been lying in deep water, had been cast up high on the beach; one of these was six feet long, three broad, and two thick. the island itself as plainly showed the overwhelming power of the earthquake, as the beach did that of the consequent great wave. the ground in many parts was fissured in north and south lines, perhaps caused by the yielding of the parallel and steep sides of this narrow island. some of the fissures near the cliffs were a yard wide. many enormous masses had already fallen on the beach; and the inhabitants thought that when the rains commenced far greater slips would happen. the effect of the vibration on the hard primary slate, which composes the foundation of the island, was still more curious: the superficial parts of some narrow ridges were as completely shivered as if they had been blasted by gunpowder. this effect, which was rendered conspicuous by the fresh fractures and displaced soil, must be confined to near the surface, for otherwise there would not exist a block of solid rock throughout chile; nor is this improbable, as it is known that the surface of a vibrating body is affected differently from the central part. it is, perhaps, owing to this same reason that earthquakes do not cause quite such terrific havoc within deep mines as would be expected. i believe this convulsion has been more effectual in lessening the size of the island of quiriquina, than the ordinary wear-and-tear of the sea and weather during the course of a whole century. the next day i landed at talcahuano, and afterwards rode to concepcion. both towns presented the most awful yet interesting spectacle i ever beheld. to a person who had formerly known them, it possibly might have been still more impressive; for the ruins were so mingled together, and the whole scene possessed so little the air of a habitable place, that it was scarcely possible to imagine its former condition. the earthquake commenced at half-past eleven o'clock in the forenoon. if it had happened in the middle of the night, the greater number of the inhabitants (which in this one province amount to many thousands) must have perished, instead of less than a hundred: as it was, the invariable practice of running out of doors at the first trembling of the ground, alone saved them. in concepcion each house, or row of houses, stood by itself, a heap or line of ruins; but in talcahuano, owing to the great wave, little more than one layer of bricks, tiles, and timber, with here and there part of a wall left standing, could be distinguished. from this circumstance concepcion, although not so completely desolated, was a more terrible, and if i may so call it, picturesque sight. the first shock was very sudden. the mayor-domo at quiriquina told me that the first notice he received of it, was finding both the horse he rode and himself rolling together on the ground. rising up, he was again thrown down. he also told me that some cows which were standing on the steep side of the island were rolled into the sea. the great wave caused the destruction of many cattle; on one low island near the head of the bay, seventy animals were washed off and drowned. it is generally thought that this has been the worst earthquake ever recorded in chile; but as the very severe ones occur only after long intervals, this cannot easily be known; nor indeed would a much worse shock have made any great difference, for the ruin was now complete. innumerable small tremblings followed the great earthquake, and within the first twelve days no less than three hundred were counted. after viewing concepcion, i cannot understand how the greater number of inhabitants escaped unhurt. the houses in many parts fell outwards; thus forming in the middle of the streets little hillocks of brickwork and rubbish. mr. rouse, the english consul, told us that he was at breakfast when the first movement warned him to run out. he had scarcely reached the middle of the courtyard, when one side of his house came thundering down. he retained presence of mind to remember that, if he once got on the top of that part which had already fallen, he would be safe. not being able from the motion of the ground to stand, he crawled up on his hands and knees; and no sooner had he ascended this little eminence, than the other side of the house fell in, the great beams sweeping close in front of his head. with his eyes blinded and his mouth choked with the cloud of dust which darkened the sky, at last he gained the street. as shock succeeded shock, at the interval of a few minutes, no one dared approach the shattered ruins, and no one knew whether his dearest friends and relations were not perishing from the want of help. those who had saved any property were obliged to keep a constant watch, for thieves prowled about, and at each little trembling of the ground, with one hand they beat their breasts and cried "misericordia!" and then with the other filched what they could from the ruins. the thatched roofs fell over the fires, and flames burst forth in all parts. hundreds knew themselves ruined, and few had the means of providing food for the day. earthquakes alone are sufficient to destroy the prosperity of any country. if beneath england the now inert subterranean forces should exert those powers which most assuredly in former geological ages they have exerted, how completely would the entire condition of the country be changed! what would become of the lofty houses, thickly packed cities, great manufactories, the beautiful public and private edifices? if the new period of disturbance were first to commence by some great earthquake in the dead of the night, how terrific would be the carnage! england would at once be bankrupt; all papers, records, and accounts would from that moment be lost. government being unable to collect the taxes, and failing to maintain its authority, the hand of violence and rapine would remain uncontrolled. in every large town famine would go forth, pestilence and death following in its train. shortly after the shock, a great wave was seen from the distance of three or four miles, approaching in the middle of the bay with a smooth outline; but along the shore it tore up cottages and trees, as it swept onwards with irresistible force. at the head of the bay it broke in a fearful line of white breakers, which rushed up to a height of 23 vertical feet above the highest spring-tides. their force must have been prodigious; for at the fort a cannon with its carriage, estimated at four tons in weight, was moved 15 feet inwards. a schooner was left in the midst of the ruins, 200 yards from the beach. the first wave was followed by two others, which in their retreat carried away a vast wreck of floating objects. in one part of the bay, a ship was pitched high and dry on shore, was carried off, again driven on shore, and again carried off. in another part two large vessels anchored near together were whirled about, and their cables were thrice wound round each other: though anchored at a depth of 36 feet, they were for some minutes aground. the great wave must have travelled slowly, for the inhabitants of talcahuano had time to run up the hills behind the town; and some sailors pulled out seaward, trusting successfully to their boat riding securely over the swell, if they could reach it before it broke. one old woman with a little boy, four or five years old, ran into a boat, but there was nobody to row it out: the boat was consequently dashed against an anchor and cut in twain; the old woman was drowned, but the child was picked up some hours afterwards clinging to the wreck. pools of salt-water were still standing amidst the ruins of the houses, and children, making boats with old tables and chairs, appeared as happy as their parents were miserable. it was, however, exceedingly interesting to observe, how much more active and cheerful all appeared than could have been expected. it was remarked with much truth, that from the destruction being universal, no one individual was humbled more than another, or could suspect his friends of coldness--that most grievous result of the loss of wealth. mr. rouse, and a large party whom he kindly took under his protection, lived for the first week in a garden beneath some apple-trees. at first they were as merry as if it had been a picnic; but soon afterwards heavy rain caused much discomfort, for they were absolutely without shelter. in captain fitz roy's excellent account of the earthquake it is said that two explosions, one like a column of smoke and another like the blowing of a great whale, were seen in the bay. the water also appeared everywhere to be boiling; and it "became black, and exhaled a most disagreeable sulphureous smell." these latter circumstances were observed in the bay of valparaiso during the earthquake of 1822; they may, i think, be accounted for by the disturbance of the mud at the bottom of the sea containing organic matter in decay. in the bay of callao, during a calm day, i noticed, that as the ship dragged her cable over the bottom, its course was marked by a line of bubbles. the lower orders in talcahuano thought that the earthquake was caused by some old indian women, who two years ago, being offended, stopped the volcano of antuco. this silly belief is curious, because it shows that experience has taught them to observe that there exists a relation between the suppressed action of the volcanos, and the trembling of the ground. it was necessary to apply the witchcraft to the point where their perception of cause and effect failed; and this was the closing of the volcanic vent. this belief is the more singular in this particular instance because, according to captain fitz roy, there is reason to believe that antuco was noways affected. the town of concepcion was built in the usual spanish fashion, with all the streets running at right angles to each other; one set ranging south-west by west, and the other set north-west by north. the walls in the former direction certainly stood better than those in the latter; the greater number of the masses of brickwork were thrown down towards the north-east. both these circumstances perfectly agree with the general idea of the undulations having come from the south-west; in which quarter subterranean noises were also heard; for it is evident that the walls running south-west and north-east which presented their ends to the point whence the undulations came, would be much less likely to fall than those walls which, running north-west and south-east, must in their whole lengths have been at the same instant thrown out of the perpendicular; for the undulations, coming from the south-west, must have extended in north-west and south-east waves, as they passed under the foundations. this may be illustrated by placing books edgeways on a carpet, and then, after the manner suggested by michell, imitating the undulations of an earthquake: it will be found that they fall with more or less readiness, according as their direction more or less nearly coincides with the line of the waves. the fissures in the ground generally, though not uniformly, extended in a south-east and north-west direction, and therefore corresponded to the lines of undulation or of principal flexure. bearing in mind all these circumstances, which so clearly point to the south-west as the chief focus of disturbance, it is a very interesting fact that the island of s. maria, situated in that quarter, was, during the general uplifting of the land, raised to nearly three times the height of any other part of the coast. the different resistance offered by the walls, according to their direction, was well exemplified in the case of the cathedral. the side which fronted the north-east presented a grand pile of ruins, in the midst of which door-cases and masses of timber stood up, as if floating in a stream. some of the angular blocks of brickwork were of great dimensions; and they were rolled to a distance on the level plaza, like fragments of rock at the base of some high mountain. the side walls (running south-west and north-east), though exceedingly fractured, yet remained standing; but the vast buttresses (at right angles to them, and therefore parallel to the walls that fell) were in many cases cut clean off, as if by a chisel, and hurled to the ground. some square ornaments on the coping of these same walls were moved by the earthquake into a diagonal position. a similar circumstance was observed after an earthquake at valparaiso, calabria, and other places, including some of the ancient greek temples. (14/1. m. arago in "l'institut" 1839 page 337. see also miers's "chile" volume 1 page 392; also lyell's "principles of geology" chapter 15 book 2.) this twisting displacement at first appears to indicate a vorticose movement beneath each point thus affected; but this is highly improbable. may it not be caused by a tendency in each stone to arrange itself in some particular position with respect to the lines of vibration,--in a manner somewhat similar to pins on a sheet of paper when shaken? generally speaking, arched doorways or windows stood much better than any other part of the buildings. nevertheless, a poor lame old man, who had been in the habit, during trifling shocks, of crawling to a certain doorway, was this time crushed to pieces. i have not attempted to give any detailed description of the appearance of concepcion, for i feel that it is quite impossible to convey the mingled feelings which i experienced. several of the officers visited it before me, but their strongest language failed to give a just idea of the scene of desolation. it is a bitter and humiliating thing to see works, which have cost man so much time and labour, overthrown in one minute; yet compassion for the inhabitants was almost instantly banished, by the surprise in seeing a state of things produced in a moment of time, which one was accustomed to attribute to a succession of ages. in my opinion, we have scarcely beheld, since leaving england, any sight so deeply interesting. in almost every severe earthquake, the neighbouring waters of the sea are said to have been greatly agitated. the disturbance seems generally, as in the case of concepcion, to have been of two kinds: first, at the instant of the shock, the water swells high up on the beach with a gentle motion, and then as quietly retreats; secondly, some time afterwards, the whole body of the sea retires from the coast, and then returns in waves of overwhelming force. the first movement seems to be an immediate consequence of the earthquake affecting differently a fluid and a solid, so that their respective levels are slightly deranged: but the second case is a far more important phenomenon. during most earthquakes, and especially during those on the west coast of america, it is certain that the first great movement of the waters has been a retirement. some authors have attempted to explain this, by supposing that the water retains its level, whilst the land oscillates upwards; but surely the water close to the land, even on a rather steep coast, would partake of the motion of the bottom: moreover, as urged by mr. lyell, similar movements of the sea have occurred at islands far distant from the chief line of disturbance, as was the case with juan fernandez during this earthquake, and with madeira during the famous lisbon shock. i suspect (but the subject is a very obscure one) that a wave, however produced, first draws the water from the shore, on which it is advancing to break: i have observed that this happens with the little waves from the paddles of a steam-boat. it is remarkable that whilst talcahuano and callao (near lima), both situated at the head of large shallow bays, have suffered during every severe earthquake from great waves, valparaiso, seated close to the edge of profoundly deep water, has never been overwhelmed, though so often shaken by the severest shocks. from the great wave not immediately following the earthquake, but sometimes after the interval of even half an hour, and from distant islands being affected similarly with the coasts near the focus of the disturbance, it appears that the wave first rises in the offing; and as this is of general occurrence, the cause must be general: i suspect we must look to the line where the less disturbed waters of the deep ocean join the water nearer the coast, which has partaken of the movements of the land, as the place where the great wave is first generated; it would also appear that the wave is larger or smaller, according to the extent of shoal water which has been agitated together with the bottom on which it rested. the most remarkable effect of this earthquake was the permanent elevation of the land; it would probably be far more correct to speak of it as the cause. there can be no doubt that the land round the bay of concepcion was upraised two or three feet; but it deserves notice, that owing to the wave having obliterated the old lines of tidal action on the sloping sandy shores, i could discover no evidence of this fact, except in the united testimony of the inhabitants, that one little rocky shoal, now exposed, was formerly covered with water. at the island of s. maria (about thirty miles distant) the elevation was greater; on one part, captain fitz roy found beds of putrid mussel-shells still adhering to the rocks, ten feet above high-water mark: the inhabitants had formerly dived at lower-water spring-tides for these shells. the elevation of this province is particularly interesting, from its having been the theatre of several other violent earthquakes, and from the vast numbers of sea-shells scattered over the land, up to a height of certainly 600, and i believe, of 1000 feet. at valparaiso, as i have remarked, similar shells are found at the height of 1300 feet: it is hardly possible to doubt that this great elevation has been effected by successive small uprisings, such as that which accompanied or caused the earthquake of this year, and likewise by an insensibly slow rise, which is certainly in progress on some parts of this coast. the island of juan fernandez, 360 miles to the north-east, was, at the time of the great shock of the 20th, violently shaken, so that the trees beat against each other, and a volcano burst forth under water close to the shore: these facts are remarkable because this island, during the earthquake of 1751, was then also affected more violently than other places at an equal distance from concepcion, and this seems to show some subterranean connexion between these two points. chiloe, about 340 miles southward of concepcion, appears to have been shaken more strongly than the intermediate district of valdivia, where the volcano of villarica was noways affected, whilst in the cordillera in front of chiloe two of the volcanos burst forth at the same instant in violent action. these two volcanos, and some neighbouring ones, continued for a long time in eruption, and ten months afterwards were again influenced by an earthquake at concepcion. some men cutting wood near the base of one of these volcanos, did not perceive the shock of the 20th, although the whole surrounding province was then trembling; here we have an eruption relieving and taking the place of an earthquake, as would have happened at concepcion, according to the belief of the lower orders, if the volcano at antuco had not been closed by witchcraft. two years and three-quarters afterwards valdivia and chiloe were again shaken, more violently than on the 20th, and an island in the chonos archipelago was permanently elevated more than eight feet. it will give a better idea of the scale of these phenomena, if (as in the case of the glaciers) we suppose them to have taken place at corresponding distances in europe:--then would the land from the north sea to the mediterranean have been violently shaken, and at the same instant of time a large tract of the eastern coast of england would have been permanently elevated, together with some outlying islands,--a train of volcanos on the coast of holland would have burst forth in action, and an eruption taken place at the bottom of the sea, near the northern extremity of ireland--and lastly, the ancient vents of auvergne, cantal, and mont d'or would each have sent up to the sky a dark column of smoke, and have long remained in fierce action. two years and three-quarters afterwards, france, from its centre to the english channel, would have been again desolated by an earthquake, and an island permanently upraised in the mediterranean. the space, from under which volcanic matter on the 20th was actually erupted, is 720 miles in one line, and 400 miles in another line at right angles to the first: hence, in all probability, a subterranean lake of lava is here stretched out, of nearly double the area of the black sea. from the intimate and complicated manner in which the elevatory and eruptive forces were shown to be connected during this train of phenomena, we may confidently come to the conclusion that the forces which slowly and by little starts uplift continents, and those which at successive periods pour forth volcanic matter from open orifices, are identical. from many reasons, i believe that the frequent quakings of the earth on this line of coast are caused by the rending of the strata, necessarily consequent on the tension of the land when upraised, and their injection by fluidified rock. this rending and injection would, if repeated often enough (and we know that earthquakes repeatedly affect the same areas in the same manner), form a chain of hills;--and the linear island of st. mary, which was upraised thrice the height of the neighbouring country, seems to be undergoing this process. i believe that the solid axis of a mountain differs in its manner of formation from a volcanic hill, only in the molten stone having been repeatedly injected, instead of having been repeatedly ejected. moreover, i believe that it is impossible to explain the structure of great mountain-chains, such as that of the cordillera, where the strata, capping the injected axis of plutonic rock, have been thrown on their edges along several parallel and neighbouring lines of elevation, except on this view of the rock of the axis having been repeatedly injected, after intervals sufficiently long to allow the upper parts or wedges to cool and become solid;--for if the strata had been thrown into their present highly-inclined, vertical, and even inverted positions, by a single blow, the very bowels of the earth would have gushed out; and instead of beholding abrupt mountain-axes of rock solidified under great pressure, deluges of lava would have flowed out at innumerable points on every line of elevation. (14/2. for a full account of the volcanic phenomena which accompanied the earthquake of the 20th, and for the conclusions deducible from them, i must refer to volume 5 of the "geological transactions.") chapter xv. (plate 72. hide bridge, santiago de chile.) valparaiso. portillo pass. sagacity of mules. mountain-torrents. mines, how discovered. proofs of the gradual elevation of the cordillera. effect of snow on rocks. geological structure of the two main ranges, their distinct origin and upheaval. great subsidence. red snow. winds. pinnacles of snow. dry and clear atmosphere. electricity. pampas. zoology of the opposite sides of the andes. locusts. great bugs. mendoza. uspallata pass. silicified trees buried as they grew. incas bridge. badness of the passes exaggerated. cumbre. casuchas. valparaiso. passage of the cordillera. march 7, 1835. we stayed three days at concepcion, and then sailed for valparaiso. the wind being northerly, we only reached the mouth of the harbour of concepcion before it was dark. being very near the land, and a fog coming on, the anchor was dropped. presently a large american whaler appeared close alongside of us; and we heard the yankee swearing at his men to keep quiet, whilst he listened for the breakers. captain fitz roy hailed him, in a loud clear voice, to anchor where he then was. the poor man must have thought the voice came from the shore: such a babel of cries issued at once from the ship--every one hallooing out, "let go the anchor! veer cable! shorten sail!" it was the most laughable thing i ever heard. if the ship's crew had been all captains, and no men, there could not have been a greater uproar of orders. we afterwards found that the mate stuttered: i suppose all hands were assisting him in giving his orders. on the 11th we anchored at valparaiso, and two days afterwards i set out to cross the cordillera. i proceeded to santiago, where mr. caldcleugh most kindly assisted me in every possible way in making the little preparations which were necessary. in this part of chile there are two passes across the andes to mendoza: the one most commonly used, namely, that of aconcagua or uspallata--is situated some way to the north; the other, called the portillo, is to the south, and nearer, but more lofty and dangerous. march 18, 1835. (plate 73. chilenos.) we set out for the portillo pass. leaving santiago we crossed the wide burnt-up plain on which that city stands, and in the afternoon arrived at the maypu, one of the principal rivers in chile. the valley, at the point where it enters the first cordillera, is bounded on each side by lofty barren mountains; and although not broad, it is very fertile. numerous cottages were surrounded by vines, and by orchards of apple, nectarine, and peach-trees--their boughs breaking with the weight of the beautiful ripe fruit. in the evening we passed the custom-house, where our luggage was examined. the frontier of chile is better guarded by the cordillera than by the waters of the sea. there are very few valleys which lead to the central ranges, and the mountains are quite impassable in other parts by beasts of burden. the custom-house officers were very civil, which was perhaps partly owing to the passport which the president of the republic had given me; but i must express my admiration at the natural politeness of almost every chileno. in this instance, the contrast with the same class of men in most other countries was strongly marked. i may mention an anecdote with which i was at the time much pleased: we met near mendoza a little and very fat negress, riding astride on a mule. she had a goitre so enormous that it was scarcely possible to avoid gazing at her for a moment; but my two companions almost instantly, by way of apology, made the common salute of the country by taking off their hats. where would one of the lower or higher classes in europe have shown such feeling politeness to a poor and miserable object of a degraded race? at night we slept at a cottage. our manner of travelling was delightfully independent. in the inhabited parts we bought a little firewood, hired pasture for the animals, and bivouacked in the corner of the same field with them. carrying an iron pot, we cooked and ate our supper under a cloudless sky, and knew no trouble. my companions were mariano gonzales, who had formerly accompanied me in chile, and an "arriero," with his ten mules and a "madrina." the madrina (or godmother) is a most important personage: she is an old steady mare, with a little bell round her neck; and wherever she goes, the mules, like good children, follow her. the affection of these animals for their madrinas saves infinite trouble. if several large troops are turned into one field to graze, in the morning the muleteers have only to lead the madrinas a little apart, and tinkle their bells; and although there may be two or three hundred together, each mule immediately knows the bell of its own madrina, and comes to her. it is nearly impossible to lose an old mule; for if detained for several hours by force, she will, by the power of smell, like a dog, track out her companions, or rather the madrina, for, according to the muleteer, she is the chief object of affection. the feeling, however, is not of an individual nature; for i believe i am right in saying that any animal with a bell will serve as a madrina. in a troop each animal carries on a level road, a cargo weighing 416 pounds (more than 29 stone), but in a mountainous country 100 pounds less; yet with what delicate slim limbs, without any proportional bulk of muscle, these animals support so great a burden! the mule always appears to me a most surprising animal. that a hybrid should possess more reason, memory, obstinacy, social affection, powers of muscular endurance, and length of life, than either of its parents, seems to indicate that art has here outdone nature. of our ten animals, six were intended for riding, and four for carrying cargoes, each taking turn about. we carried a good deal of food in case we should be snowed up, as the season was rather late for passing the portillo. march 19, 1835. we rode during this day to the last, and therefore most elevated, house in the valley. the number of inhabitants became scanty; but wherever water could be brought on the land, it was very fertile. all the main valleys in the cordillera are characterised by having, on both sides, a fringe or terrace of shingle and sand, rudely stratified, and generally of considerable thickness. these fringes evidently once extended across the valleys and were united; and the bottoms of the valleys in northern chile, where there are no streams, are thus smoothly filled up. on these fringes the roads are generally carried, for their surfaces are even, and they rise with a very gentle slope up the valleys: hence, also, they are easily cultivated by irrigation. they may be traced up to a height of between 7000 and 9000 feet, where they become hidden by the irregular piles of debris. at the lower end or mouths of the valleys they are continuously united to those land-locked plains (also formed of shingle) at the foot of the main cordillera, which i have described in a former chapter as characteristic of the scenery of chile, and which were undoubtedly deposited when the sea penetrated chile, as it now does the more southern coasts. no one fact in the geology of south america interested me more than these terraces of rudely-stratified shingle. they precisely resemble in composition the matter which the torrents in each valley would deposit if they were checked in their course by any cause, such as entering a lake or arm of the sea; but the torrents, instead of depositing matter, are now steadily at work wearing away both the solid rock and these alluvial deposits, along the whole line of every main valley and side valley. it is impossible here to give the reasons, but i am convinced that the shingle terraces were accumulated, during the gradual elevation of the cordillera, by the torrents delivering, at successive levels, their detritus on the beach-heads of long narrow arms of the sea, first high up the valleys, then lower and lower down as the land slowly rose. if this be so, and i cannot doubt it, the grand and broken chain of the cordillera, instead of having been suddenly thrown up, as was till lately the universal, and still is the common opinion of geologists, has been slowly upheaved in mass, in the same gradual manner as the coasts of the atlantic and pacific have risen within the recent period. a multitude of facts in the structure of the cordillera, on this view receive a simple explanation. (plate 74. south american bit.) the rivers which flow in these valleys ought rather to be called mountain-torrents. their inclination is very great, and their water the colour of mud. the roar which the maypu made, as it rushed over the great rounded fragments, was like that of the sea. amidst the din of rushing waters, the noise from the stones, as they rattled one over another, was most distinctly audible even from a distance. this rattling noise, night and day, may be heard along the whole course of the torrent. the sound spoke eloquently to the geologist; the thousands and thousands of stones which, striking against each other, made the one dull uniform sound, were all hurrying in one direction. it was like thinking on time, where the minute that now glides past is irrevocable. so was it with these stones; the ocean is their eternity, and each note of that wild music told of one more step towards their destiny. it is not possible for the mind to comprehend, except by a slow process, any effect which is produced by a cause repeated so often that the multiplier itself conveys an idea not more definite than the savage implies when he points to the hairs of his head. as often as i have seen beds of mud, sand, and shingle, accumulated to the thickness of many thousand feet, i have felt inclined to exclaim that causes, such as the present rivers and the present beaches, could never have ground down and produced such masses. but, on the other hand, when listening to the rattling noise of these torrents, and calling to mind that whole races of animals have passed away from the face of the earth, and that during this whole period, night and day, these stones have gone rattling onwards in their course, i have thought to myself, can any mountains, any continent, withstand such waste? in this part of the valley, the mountains on each side were from 3000 to 6000 or 8000 feet high, with rounded outlines and steep bare flanks. the general colour of the rock was dullish purple, and the stratification very distinct. if the scenery was not beautiful, it was remarkable and grand. we met during the day several herds of cattle, which men were driving down from the higher valleys in the cordillera. this sign of the approaching winter hurried our steps, more than was convenient for geologising. the house where we slept was situated at the foot of a mountain, on the summit of which are the mines of s. pedro de nolasko. sir f. head marvels how mines have been discovered in such extraordinary situations, as the bleak summit of the mountain of s. pedro de nolasko. in the first place, metallic veins in this country are generally harder than the surrounding strata: hence, during the gradual wear of the hills, they project above the surface of the ground. secondly, almost every labourer, especially in the northern parts of chile, understands something about the appearance of ores. in the great mining provinces of coquimbo and copiapã³, firewood is very scarce, and men search for it over every hill and dale; and by this means nearly all the richest mines have there been discovered. chanuncillo, from which silver to the value of many hundred thousand pounds has been raised in the course of a few years, was discovered by a man who threw a stone at his loaded donkey, and thinking that it was very heavy, he picked it up, and found it full of pure silver: the vein occurred at no great distance, standing up like a wedge of metal. the miners, also, taking a crowbar with them, often wander on sundays over the mountains. in this south part of chile the men who drive cattle into the cordillera, and who frequent every ravine where there is a little pasture, are the usual discoverers. march 20, 1835. as we ascended the valley, the vegetation, with the exception of a few pretty alpine flowers, became exceedingly scanty; and of quadrupeds, birds, or insects, scarcely one could be seen. the lofty mountains, their summits marked with a few patches of snow, stood well separated from each other; the valleys being filled up with an immense thickness of stratified alluvium. the features in the scenery of the andes which struck me most, as contrasted with the other mountain chains with which i am acquainted, were,--the flat fringes sometimes expanding into narrow plains on each side of the valleys,--the bright colours, chiefly red and purple, of the utterly bare and precipitous hills of porphyry, the grand and continuous wall-like dikes,--the plainly-divided strata which, where nearly vertical, formed the picturesque and wild central pinnacles, but where less inclined, composed the great massive mountains on the outskirts of the range,--and lastly, the smooth conical piles of fine and brightly coloured detritus, which sloped up at a high angle from the base of the mountains, sometimes to a height of more than 2000 feet. i frequently observed, both in tierra del fuego and within the andes, that where the rock was covered during the greater part of the year with snow, it was shivered in a very extraordinary manner into small angular fragments. scoresby has observed the same fact in spitzbergen. (15/1. scoresby's "arctic regions" volume 1 page 122.) the case appears to me rather obscure: for that part of the mountain which is protected by a mantle of snow must be less subject to repeated and great changes of temperature than any other part. i have sometimes thought that the earth and fragments of stone on the surface were perhaps less effectually removed by slowly percolating snow-water than by rain, and therefore that the appearance of a quicker disintegration of the solid rock under the snow was deceptive. (15/2. i have heard it remarked in shropshire that the water, when the severn is flooded from long-continued rain, is much more turbid than when it proceeds from the snow melting on the welsh mountains. d'orbigny tome 1 page 184, in explaining the cause of the various colours of the rivers in south america, remarks that those with blue or clear water have their source in the cordillera, where the snow melts.) whatever the cause may be, the quantity of crumbling stone on the cordillera is very great. occasionally in the spring great masses of this detritus slide down the mountains, and cover the snow-drifts in the valleys, thus forming natural ice-houses. we rode over one, the height of which was far below the limit of perpetual snow. as the evening drew to a close, we reached a singular basin-like plain, called the valle del yeso. it was covered by a little dry pasture, and we had the pleasant sight of a herd of cattle amidst the surrounding rocky deserts. the valley takes its name of yeso from a great bed, i should think at least 2000 feet thick, of white, and in some parts quite pure, gypsum. we slept with a party of men, who were employed in loading mules with this substance, which is used in the manufacture of wine. we set out early in the morning (21st), and continued to follow the course of the river, which had become very small, till we arrived at the foot of the ridge that separates the waters flowing into the pacific and atlantic oceans. the road, which as yet had been good with a steady but very gradual ascent, now changed into a steep zigzag track up the great range dividing the republics of chile and mendoza. i will here give a very brief sketch of the geology of the several parallel lines forming the cordillera. of these lines, there are two considerably higher than the others; namely, on the chilian side, the peuquenes ridge, which, where the road crosses it, is 13,210 feet above the sea; and the portillo ridge, on the mendoza side, which is 14,305 feet. the lower beds of the peuquenes ridge, and of the several great lines to the westward of it, are composed of a vast pile, many thousand feet in thickness, of porphyries which have flowed as submarine lavas, alternating with angular and rounded fragments of the same rocks, thrown out of the submarine craters. these alternating masses are covered in the central parts by a great thickness of red sandstone, conglomerate, and calcareous clay-slate, associated with, and passing into, prodigious beds of gypsum. in these upper beds shells are tolerably frequent; and they belong to about the period of the lower chalk of europe. it is an old story, but not the less wonderful, to hear of shells which were once crawling on the bottom of the sea, now standing nearly 14,000 feet above its level. the lower beds in this great pile of strata have been dislocated, baked, crystallised and almost blended together, through the agency of mountain masses of a peculiar white soda-granitic rock. the other main line, namely, that of the portillo, is of a totally different formation: it consists chiefly of grand bare pinnacles of a red potash-granite, which low down on the western flank are covered by a sandstone, converted by the former heat into a quartz-rock. on the quartz there rest beds of a conglomerate several thousand feet in thickness, which have been upheaved by the red granite, and dip at an angle of 45 degrees towards the peuquenes line. i was astonished to find that this conglomerate was partly composed of pebbles, derived from the rocks, with their fossil shells, of the peuquenes range; and partly of red potash-granite, like that of the portillo. hence we must conclude that both the peuquenes and portillo ranges were partially upheaved and exposed to wear and tear when the conglomerate was forming; but as the beds of the conglomerate have been thrown off at an angle of 45 degrees by the red portillo granite (with the underlying sandstone baked by it), we may feel sure that the greater part of the injection and upheaval of the already partially formed portillo line took place after the accumulation of the conglomerate, and long after the elevation of the peuquenes ridge. so that the portillo, the loftiest line in this part of the cordillera, is not so old as the less lofty line of the peuquenes. evidence derived from an inclined stream of lava at the eastern base of the portillo might be adduced to show that it owes part of its great height to elevations of a still later date. looking to its earliest origin, the red granite seems to have been injected on an ancient pre-existing line of white granite and mica-slate. in most parts, perhaps in all parts, of the cordillera, it may be concluded that each line has been formed by repeated upheavals and injections; and that the several parallel lines are of different ages. only thus can we gain time at all sufficient to explain the truly astonishing amount of denudation which these great, though comparatively with most other ranges recent, mountains have suffered. finally, the shells in the peuquenes or oldest ridge prove, as before remarked, that it has been upraised 14,000 feet since a secondary period, which in europe we are accustomed to consider as far from ancient; but since these shells lived in a moderately deep sea, it can be shown that the area now occupied by the cordillera must have subsided several thousand feet--in northern chile as much as 6000 feet--so as to have allowed that amount of submarine strata to have been heaped on the bed on which the shells lived. the proof is the same with that by which it was shown that, at a much later period since the tertiary shells of patagonia lived, there must have been there a subsidence of several hundred feet, as well as an ensuing elevation. daily it is forced home on the mind of the geologist that nothing, not even the wind that blows, is so unstable as the level of the crust of this earth. i will make only one other geological remark: although the portillo chain is here higher than the peuquenes, the waters, draining the intermediate valleys, have burst through it. the same fact, on a grander scale, has been remarked in the eastern and loftiest line of the bolivian cordillera, through which the rivers pass: analogous facts have also been observed in other quarters of the world. on the supposition of the subsequent and gradual elevation of the portillo line, this can be understood; for a chain of islets would at first appear, and, as these were lifted up, the tides would be always wearing deeper and broader channels between them. at the present day, even in the most retired sounds on the coast of tierra del fuego, the currents in the transverse breaks which connect the longitudinal channels are very strong, so that in one transverse channel even a small vessel under sail was whirled round and round. about noon we began the tedious ascent of the peuquenes ridge, and then for the first time experienced some little difficulty in our respiration. the mules would halt every fifty yards, and after resting for a few seconds the poor willing animals started of their own accord again. the short breathing from the rarefied atmosphere is called by the chilenos "puna;" and they have most ridiculous notions concerning its origin. some say "all the waters here have puna;" others that "where there is snow there is puna;"--and this no doubt is true. the only sensation i experienced was a slight tightness across the head and chest, like that felt on leaving a warm room and running quickly in frosty weather. there was some imagination even in this; for upon finding fossil shells on the highest ridge, i entirely forgot the puna in my delight. certainly the exertion of walking was extremely great, and the respiration became deep and laborious: i am told that in potosi (about 13,000 feet above the sea) strangers do not become thoroughly accustomed to the atmosphere for an entire year. the inhabitants all recommend onions for the puna; as this vegetable has sometimes been given in europe for pectoral complaints, it may possibly be of real service:--for my part i found nothing so good as the fossil shells! when about half-way up we met a large party with seventy loaded mules. it was interesting to hear the wild cries of the muleteers, and to watch the long descending string of the animals; they appeared so diminutive, there being nothing but the black mountains with which they could be compared. when near the summit, the wind, as generally happens, was impetuous and extremely cold. on each side of the ridge we had to pass over broad bands of perpetual snow, which were now soon to be covered by a fresh layer. when we reached the crest and looked backwards, a glorious view was presented. the atmosphere resplendently clear; the sky an intense blue; the profound valleys; the wild broken forms: the heaps of ruins, piled up during the lapse of ages; the bright-coloured rocks, contrasted with the quiet mountains of snow, all these together produced a scene no one could have imagined. neither plant nor bird, excepting a few condors wheeling around the higher pinnacles, distracted my attention from the inanimate mass. i felt glad that i was alone: it was like watching a thunderstorm, or hearing in full orchestra a chorus of the messiah. on several patches of the snow i found the protococcus nivalis, or red snow, so well known from the accounts of arctic navigators. my attention was called to it by observing the footsteps of the mules stained a pale red, as if their hoofs had been slightly bloody. i at first thought that it was owing to dust blown from the surrounding mountains of red porphyry; for from the magnifying power of the crystals of snow, the groups of these microscopical plants appeared like coarse particles. the snow was coloured only where it had thawed very rapidly, or had been accidentally crushed. a little rubbed on paper gave it a faint rose tinge mingled with a little brick-red. i afterwards scraped some off the paper, and found that it consisted of groups of little spheres in colourless cases, each the thousandth part of an inch in diameter. the wind on the crest of the peuquenes, as just remarked, is generally impetuous and very cold: it is said to blow steadily from the westward or pacific side. (15/3. dr. gillies in "journal of natural and geographical science" august 1830. this author gives the heights of the passes.) as the observations have been chiefly made in summer, this wind must be an upper and return current. the peak of teneriffe, with a less elevation, and situated in latitude 28 degrees, in like manner falls within an upper return stream. at first it appears rather surprising that the trade-wind along the northern parts of chile and on the coast of peru should blow in so very southerly a direction as it does; but when we reflect that the cordillera, running in a north and south line, intercepts, like a great wall, the entire depth of the lower atmospheric current, we can easily see that the trade-wind must be drawn northward, following the line of mountains, towards the equatorial regions, and thus lose part of that easterly movement which it otherwise would have gained from the earth's rotation. at mendoza, on the eastern foot of the andes, the climate is said to be subject to long calms, and to frequent though false appearances of gathering rain-storms: we may imagine that the wind, which coming from the eastward is thus banked up by the line of mountains, would become stagnant and irregular in its movements. having crossed the peuquenes, we descended into a mountainous country, intermediate between the two main ranges, and then took up our quarters for the night. we were now in the republic of mendoza. the elevation was probably not under 11,000 feet, and the vegetation in consequence exceedingly scanty. the root of a small scrubby plant served as fuel, but it made a miserable fire, and the wind was piercingly cold. being quite tired with my days work, i made up my bed as quickly as i could, and went to sleep. about midnight i observed the sky became suddenly clouded: i awakened the arriero to know if there was any danger of bad weather; but he said that without thunder and lightning there was no risk of a heavy snow-storm. the peril is imminent, and the difficulty of subsequent escape great, to any one overtaken by bad weather between the two ranges. a certain cave offers the only place of refuge: mr. caldcleugh, who crossed on this same day of the month, was detained there for some time by a heavy fall of snow. casuchas, or houses of refuge, have not been built in this pass as in that of uspallata, and therefore, during the autumn, the portillo is little frequented. i may here remark that within the main cordillera rain never falls, for during the summer the sky is cloudless, and in winter snow-storms alone occur. at the place where we slept water necessarily boiled, from the diminished pressure of the atmosphere, at a lower temperature than it does in a less lofty country; the case being the converse of that of a papin's digester. hence the potatoes, after remaining for some hours in the boiling water, were nearly as hard as ever. the pot was left on the fire all night, and next morning it was boiled again, but yet the potatoes were not cooked. i found out this by overhearing my two companions discussing the cause, they had come to the simple conclusion "that the cursed pot (which was a new one) did not choose to boil potatoes." march 22, 1835. after eating our potato-less breakfast, we travelled across the intermediate tract to the foot of the portillo range. in the middle of summer cattle are brought up here to graze; but they had now all been removed: even the greater number of the guanacos had decamped, knowing well that if overtaken here by a snow-storm, they would be caught in a trap. we had a fine view of a mass of mountains called tupungato, the whole clothed with unbroken snow, in the midst of which there was a blue patch, no doubt a glacier;--a circumstance of rare occurrence in these mountains. now commenced a heavy and long climb, similar to that of the peuquenes. bold conical hills of red granite rose on each hand; in the valleys there were several broad fields of perpetual snow. these frozen masses, during the process of thawing, had in some parts been converted into pinnacles or columns, which, as they were high and close together, made it difficult for the cargo mules to pass. (15/4. this structure in frozen snow was long since observed by scoresby in the icebergs near spitzbergen, and, lately, with more care, by colonel jackson "journal of geographical society" volume 5 page 12, on the neva. mr. lyell "principles" volume 4 page 360, has compared the fissures, by which the columnar structure seems to be determined, to the joints that traverse nearly all rocks, but which are best seen in the non-stratified masses. i may observe that in the case of the frozen snow the columnar structure must be owing to a "metamorphic" action, and not to a process during deposition.) on one of these columns of ice a frozen horse was sticking as on a pedestal, but with its hind legs straight up in the air. the animal, i suppose, must have fallen with its head downward into a hole, when the snow was continuous, and afterwards the surrounding parts must have been removed by the thaw. when nearly on the crest of the portillo, we were enveloped in a falling cloud of minute frozen spicula. this was very unfortunate, as it continued the whole day, and quite intercepted our view. the pass takes its name of portillo from a narrow cleft or doorway on the highest ridge, through which the road passes. from this point, on a clear day, those vast plains which uninterruptedly extend to the atlantic ocean can be seen. we descended to the upper limit of vegetation, and found good quarters for the night under the shelter of some large fragments of rock. we met here some passengers, who made anxious inquiries about the state of the road. shortly after it was dark the clouds suddenly cleared away, and the effect was quite magical. the great mountains, bright with the full moon, seemed impending over us on all sides, as over a deep crevice: one morning, very early, i witnessed the same striking effect. as soon as the clouds were dispersed it froze severely; but as there was no wind, we slept very comfortably. the increased brilliancy of the moon and stars at this elevation, owing to the perfect transparency of the atmosphere, was very remarkable. travellers having observed the difficulty of judging heights and distances amidst lofty mountains, have generally attributed it to the absence of objects of comparison. it appears to me, that it is fully as much owing to the transparency of the air confounding objects at different distances, and likewise partly to the novelty of an unusual degree of fatigue arising from a little exertion,--habit being thus opposed to the evidence of the senses. i am sure that this extreme clearness of the air gives a peculiar character to the landscape, all objects appearing to be brought nearly into one plane, as in a drawing or panorama. the transparency is, i presume, owing to the equable and high state of atmospheric dryness. this dryness was shown by the manner in which woodwork shrank (as i soon found by the trouble my geological hammer gave me); by articles of food, such as bread and sugar, becoming extremely hard; and by the preservation of the skin and parts of the flesh of the beasts which had perished on the road. to the same cause we must attribute the singular facility with which electricity is excited. my flannel-waistcoat, when rubbed in the dark, appeared as if it had been washed with phosphorus,--every hair on a dog's back crackled;--even the linen sheets, and leathern straps of the saddle, when handled, emitted sparks. march 23, 1835. the descent on the eastern side of the cordillera is much shorter or steeper than on the pacific side; in other words, the mountains rise more abruptly from the plains than from the alpine country of chile. a level and brilliantly white sea of clouds was stretched out beneath our feet, shutting out the view of the equally level pampas. we soon entered the band of clouds, and did not again emerge from it that day. about noon, finding pasture for the animals and bushes for firewood at los arenales, we stopped for the night. this was near the uppermost limit of bushes, and the elevation, i suppose, was between seven and eight thousand feet. i was much struck with the marked difference between the vegetation of these eastern valleys and those on the chilian side: yet the climate, as well as the kind of soil, is nearly the same, and the difference of longitude very trifling. the same remark holds good with the quadrupeds, and in a lesser degree with the birds and insects. i may instance the mice, of which i obtained thirteen species on the shores of the atlantic, and five on the pacific, and not one of them is identical. we must except all those species which habitually or occasionally frequent elevated mountains; and certain birds, which range as far south as the strait of magellan. this fact is in perfect accordance with the geological history of the andes; for these mountains have existed as a great barrier since the present races of animals have appeared; and therefore, unless we suppose the same species to have been created in two different places, we ought not to expect any closer similarity between the organic beings on the opposite sides of the andes than on the opposite shores of the ocean. in both cases, we must leave out of the question those kinds which have been able to cross the barrier, whether of solid rock or salt-water. (15/5. this is merely an illustration of the admirable laws, first laid down by mr. lyell, on the geographical distribution of animals, as influenced by geological changes. the whole reasoning, of course, is founded on the assumption of the immutability of species; otherwise the difference in the species in the two regions might be considered as superinduced during a length of time.) a great number of the plants and animals were absolutely the same as, or most closely allied to, those of patagonia. we here have the agouti, bizcacha, three species of armadillo, the ostrich, certain kinds of partridges and other birds, none of which are ever seen in chile, but are the characteristic animals of the desert plains of patagonia. we have likewise many of the same (to the eyes of a person who is not a botanist) thorny stunted bushes, withered grass, and dwarf plants. even the black slowly crawling beetles are closely similar, and some, i believe, on rigorous examination, absolutely identical. it had always been to me a subject of regret that we were unavoidably compelled to give up the ascent of the s. cruz river before reaching the mountains: i always had a latent hope of meeting with some great change in the features of the country; but i now feel sure that it would only have been following the plains of patagonia up a mountainous ascent. march 24, 1835. early in the morning i climbed up a mountain on one side of the valley, and enjoyed a far extended view over the pampas. this was a spectacle to which i had always looked forward with interest, but i was disappointed: at the first glance it much resembled a distant view of the ocean, but in the northern parts many irregularities were soon distinguishable. the most striking feature consisted in the rivers, which, facing the rising sun, glittered like silver threads, till lost in the immensity of the distance. at mid-day we descended the valley, and reached a hovel, where an officer and three soldiers were posted to examine passports. one of these men was a thoroughbred pampas indian: he was kept much for the same purpose as a bloodhound, to track out any person who might pass by secretly, either on foot or horseback. some years ago a passenger endeavoured to escape detection by making a long circuit over a neighbouring mountain; but this indian, having by chance crossed his track, followed it for the whole day over dry and very stony hills, till at last he came on his prey hidden in a gully. we here heard that the silvery clouds, which we had admired from the bright region above, had poured down torrents of rain. the valley from this point gradually opened, and the hills became mere water-worn hillocks compared to the giants behind; it then expanded into a gently sloping plain of shingle, covered with low trees and bushes. this talus, although appearing narrow, must be nearly ten miles wide before it blends into the apparently dead level pampas. we passed the only house in this neighbourhood, the estancia of chaquaio: and at sunset we pulled up in the first snug corner, and there bivouacked. march 25, 1835. i was reminded of the pampas of buenos ayres, by seeing the disk of the rising sun intersected by an horizon level as that of the ocean. during the night a heavy dew fell, a circumstance which we did not experience within the cordillera. the road proceeded for some distance due east across a low swamp; then meeting the dry plain, it turned to the north towards mendoza. the distance is two very long days' journey. our first day's journey was called fourteen leagues to estacado, and the second seventeen to luxan, near mendoza. the whole distance is over a level desert plain, with not more than two or three houses. the sun was exceedingly powerful, and the ride devoid of all interest. there is very little water in this "traversia," and in our second day's journey we found only one little pool. little water flows from the mountains, and it soon becomes absorbed by the dry and porous soil; so that, although we travelled at the distance of only ten or fifteen miles from the outer range of the cordillera, we did not cross a single stream. in many parts the ground was incrusted with a saline efflorescence; hence we had the same salt-loving plants which are common near bahia blanca. the landscape has a uniform character from the strait of magellan, along the whole eastern coast of patagonia, to the rio colorado; and it appears that the same kind of country extends inland from this river, in a sweeping line as far as san luis, and perhaps even farther north. to the eastward of this curved line lies the basin of the comparatively damp and green plains of buenos ayres. the sterile plains of mendoza and patagonia consist of a bed of shingle, worn smooth and accumulated by the waves of the sea; while the pampas, covered by thistles, clover, and grass, have been formed by the ancient estuary mud of the plata. after our two days' tedious journey, it was refreshing to see in the distance the rows of poplars and willows growing round the village and river of luxan. shortly before we arrived at this place we observed to the south a ragged cloud of a dark reddish-brown colour. at first we thought that it was smoke from some great fire on the plains; but we soon found that it was a swarm of locusts. they were flying northward; and with the aid of a light breeze, they overtook us at a rate of ten or fifteen miles an hour. the main body filled the air from a height of twenty feet to that, as it appeared, of two or three thousand above the ground; "and the sound of their wings was as the sound of chariots of many horses running to battle:" or rather, i should say, like a strong breeze passing through the rigging of a ship. the sky, seen through the advanced guard, appeared like a mezzotinto engraving, but the main body was impervious to sight; they were not, however, so thick together, but that they could escape a stick waved backwards and forwards. when they alighted, they were more numerous than the leaves in the field, and the surface became reddish instead of being green: the swarm having once alighted, the individuals flew from side to side in all directions. locusts are not an uncommon pest in this country: already during this season several smaller swarms had come up from the south, where, as apparently in all other parts of the world, they are bred in the deserts. the poor cottagers in vain attempted by lighting fires, by shouts, and by waving branches, to avert the attack. this species of locust closely resembles, and perhaps is identical with, the famous gryllus migratorius of the east. we crossed the luxan, which is a river of considerable size, though its course towards the sea-coast is very imperfectly known: it is even doubtful whether, in passing over the plains, it is not evaporated and lost. we slept in the village of luxan, which is a small place surrounded by gardens, and forms the most southern cultivated district in the province of mendoza; it is five leagues south of the capital. at night i experienced an attack (for it deserves no less a name) of the benchuca, a species of reduvius, the great black bug of the pampas. it is most disgusting to feel soft wingless insects, about an inch long, crawling over one's body. before sucking they are quite thin, but afterwards they become round and bloated with blood, and in this state are easily crushed. one which i caught at iquique (for they are found in chile and peru) was very empty. when placed on a table, and though surrounded by people, if a finger was presented, the bold insect would immediately protrude its sucker, make a charge, and if allowed, draw blood. no pain was caused by the wound. it was curious to watch its body during the act of sucking, as in less than ten minutes it changed from being as flat as a wafer to a globular form. this one feast, for which the benchuca was indebted to one of the officers, kept it fat during four whole months; but, after the first fortnight, it was quite ready to have another suck. march 27, 1835. we rode on to mendoza. the country was beautifully cultivated, and resembled chile. this neighbourhood is celebrated for its fruit; and certainly nothing could appear more flourishing than the vineyards and the orchards of figs, peaches, and olives. we bought water-melons nearly twice as large as a man's head, most deliciously cool and well-flavoured, for a halfpenny apiece; and for the value of threepence, half a wheelbarrowful of peaches. the cultivated and enclosed part of this province is very small; there is little more than that which we passed through between luxan and the capital. the land, as in chile, owes its fertility entirely to artificial irrigation; and it is really wonderful to observe how extraordinarily productive a barren traversia is thus rendered. we stayed the ensuing day in mendoza. the prosperity of the place has much declined of late years. the inhabitants say "it is good to live in, but very bad to grow rich in." the lower orders have the lounging, reckless manners of the gauchos of the pampas; and their dress, riding-gear, and habits of life, are nearly the same. to my mind the town had a stupid, forlorn aspect. neither the boasted alameda, nor the scenery, is at all comparable with that of santiago; but to those who, coming from buenos ayres, have just crossed the unvaried pampas, the gardens and orchards must appear delightful. sir f. head, speaking of the inhabitants, says, "they eat their dinners, and it is so very hot, they go to sleep--and could they do better?" i quite agree with sir f. head: the happy doom of the mendozinos is to eat, sleep and be idle. march 29, 1835. we set out on our return to chile by the uspallata pass situated north of mendoza. we had to cross a long and most sterile traversia of fifteen leagues. the soil in parts was absolutely bare, in others covered by numberless dwarf cacti, armed with formidable spines, and called by the inhabitants "little lions." there were, also, a few low bushes. although the plain is nearly three thousand feet above the sea, the sun was very powerful; and the heat, as well as the clouds of impalpable dust, rendered the travelling extremely irksome. our course during the day lay nearly parallel to the cordillera, but gradually approaching them. before sunset we entered one of the wide valleys, or rather bays, which open on the plain: this soon narrowed into a ravine, where a little higher up the house of villa vicencio is situated. as we had ridden all day without a drop of water, both our mules and selves were very thirsty, and we looked out anxiously for the stream which flows down this valley. it was curious to observe how gradually the water made its appearance: on the plain the course was quite dry; by degrees it became a little damper; then puddles of water appeared; these soon became connected; and at villa vicencio there was a nice little rivulet. march 30, 1835. the solitary hovel which bears the imposing name of villa vicencio has been mentioned by every traveller who has crossed the andes. i stayed here and at some neighbouring mines during the two succeeding days. the geology of the surrounding country is very curious. the uspallata range is separated from the main cordillera by a long narrow plain or basin, like those so often mentioned in chile, but higher, being six thousand feet above the sea. this range has nearly the same geographical position with respect to the cordillera, which the gigantic portillo line has, but it is of a totally different origin: it consists of various kinds of submarine lava, alternating with volcanic sandstones and other remarkable sedimentary deposits; the whole having a very close resemblance to some of the tertiary beds on the shores of the pacific. from this resemblance i expected to find silicified wood, which is generally characteristic of those formations. i was gratified in a very extraordinary manner. in the central part of the range, at an elevation of about seven thousand feet, i observed on a bare slope some snow-white projecting columns. these were petrified trees, eleven being silicified, and from thirty to forty converted into coarsely-crystallised white calcareous spar. they were abruptly broken off, the upright stumps projecting a few feet above the ground. the trunks measured from three to five feet each in circumference. they stood a little way apart from each other, but the whole formed one group. mr. robert brown has been kind enough to examine the wood: he says it belongs to the fir tribe, partaking of the character of the araucarian family, but with some curious points of affinity with the yew. the volcanic sandstone in which the trees were embedded, and from the lower part of which they must have sprung, had accumulated in successive thin layers around their trunks; and the stone yet retained the impression of the bark. it required little geological practice to interpret the marvellous story which this scene at once unfolded; though i confess i was at first so much astonished that i could scarcely believe the plainest evidence. i saw the spot where a cluster of fine trees once waved their branches on the shores of the atlantic, when that ocean (now driven back 700 miles) came to the foot of the andes. i saw that they had sprung from a volcanic soil which had been raised above the level of the sea, and that subsequently this dry land, with its upright trees, had been let down into the depths of the ocean. in these depths, the formerly dry land was covered by sedimentary beds, and these again by enormous streams of submarine lava--one such mass attaining the thickness of a thousand feet; and these deluges of molten stone and aqueous deposits five times alternately had been spread out. the ocean which received such thick masses must have been profoundly deep; but again the subterranean forces exerted themselves, and i now beheld the bed of that ocean, forming a chain of mountains more than seven thousand feet in height. nor had those antagonistic forces been dormant, which are always at work wearing down the surface of the land; the great piles of strata had been intersected by many wide valleys, and the trees, now changed into silex, were exposed projecting from the volcanic soil, now changed into rock, whence formerly, in a green and budding state, they had raised their lofty heads. now, all is utterly irreclaimable and desert; even the lichen cannot adhere to the stony casts of former trees. vast, and scarcely comprehensible as such changes must ever appear, yet they have all occurred within a period, recent when compared with the history of the cordillera; and the cordillera itself is absolutely modern as compared with many of the fossiliferous strata of europe and america. april 1, 1835. we crossed the uspallata range, and at night slept at the custom-house--the only inhabited spot on the plain. shortly before leaving the mountains, there was a very extraordinary view; red, purple, green, and quite white sedimentary rocks, alternating with black lavas, were broken up and thrown into all kinds of disorder by masses of porphyry of every shade of colour, from dark brown to the brightest lilac. it was the first view i ever saw, which really resembled those pretty sections which geologists make of the inside of the earth. the next day we crossed the plain, and followed the course of the same great mountain stream which flows by luxan. here it was a furious torrent, quite impassable, and appeared larger than in the low country, as was the case with the rivulet of villa vicencio. on the evening of the succeeding day we reached the rio de las vacas, which is considered the worst stream in the cordillera to cross. as all these rivers have a rapid and short course, and are formed by the melting of the snow, the hour of the day makes a considerable difference in their volume. in the evening the stream is muddy and full, but about daybreak it becomes clearer and much less impetuous. this we found to be the case with the rio vacas, and in the morning we crossed it with little difficulty. the scenery thus far was very uninteresting, compared with that of the portillo pass. little can be seen beyond the bare walls of the one grand, flat-bottomed valley, which the road follows up to the highest crest. the valley and the huge rocky mountains are extremely barren: during the two previous nights the poor mules had absolutely nothing to eat, for excepting a few low resinous bushes, scarcely a plant can be seen. in the course of this day we crossed some of the worst passes in the cordillera, but their danger has been much exaggerated. i was told that if i attempted to pass on foot, my head would turn giddy, and that there was no room to dismount; but i did not see a place where any one might not have walked over backwards, or got off his mule on either side. one of the bad passes, called las animas (the souls), i had crossed, and did not find out till a day afterwards that it was one of the awful dangers. no doubt there are many parts in which, if the mule should stumble, the rider would be hurled down a great precipice; but of this there is little chance. i daresay, in the spring, the "laderas," or roads, which each year are formed anew across the piles of fallen detritus, are very bad; but from what i saw, i suspect the real danger is nothing. with cargo-mules the case is rather different, for the loads project so far, that the animals, occasionally running against each other, or against a point of rock, lose their balance, and are thrown down the precipices. in crossing the rivers i can well believe that the difficulty may be very great: at this season there was little trouble, but in the summer they must be very hazardous. i can quite imagine, as sir f. head describes, the different expressions of those who have passed the gulf, and those who are passing. i never heard of any man being drowned, but with loaded mules it frequently happens. the arriero tells you to show your mule the best line, and then allow her to cross as she likes: the cargo-mule takes a bad line, and is often lost. april 4, 1835. from the rio de las vacas to the puente del incas, half a day's journey. as there was pasture for the mules, and geology for me, we bivouacked here for the night. when one hears of a natural bridge, one pictures to oneself some deep and narrow ravine, across which a bold mass of rock has fallen; or a great arch hollowed out like the vault of a cavern. instead of this, the incas bridge consists of a crust of stratified shingle cemented together by the deposits of the neighbouring hot springs. it appears as if the stream had scooped out a channel on one side, leaving an overhanging ledge, which was met by earth and stones falling down from the opposite cliff. certainly an oblique junction, as would happen in such a case, was very distinct on one side. the bridge of the incas is by no means worthy of the great monarchs whose name it bears. april 5, 1835. we had a long day's ride across the central ridge, from the incas bridge to the ojos del agua, which are situated near the lowest casucha on the chilian side. these casuchas are round little towers, with steps outside to reach the floor, which is raised some feet above the ground on account of the snow-drifts. they are eight in number, and under the spanish government were kept during the winter well stored with food and charcoal, and each courier had a master-key. now they only answer the purpose of caves, or rather dungeons. seated on some little eminence, they are not, however, ill suited to the surrounding scene of desolation. the zigzag ascent of the cumbre, or the partition of the waters, was very steep and tedious; its height, according to mr. pentland, is 12,454 feet. the road did not pass over any perpetual snow, although there were patches of it on both hands. the wind on the summit was exceedingly cold, but it was impossible not to stop for a few minutes to admire, again and again, the colour of the heavens, and the brilliant transparency of the atmosphere. the scenery was grand: to the westward there was a fine chaos of mountains, divided by profound ravines. some snow generally falls before this period of the season, and it has even happened that the cordillera have been finally closed by this time. but we were most fortunate. the sky, by night and by day, was cloudless, excepting a few round little masses of vapour, that floated over the highest pinnacles. i have often seen these islets in the sky, marking the position of the cordillera, when the far-distant mountains have been hidden beneath the horizon. april 6, 1835. in the morning we found some thief had stolen one of our mules, and the bell of the madrina. we therefore rode only two or three miles down the valley, and stayed there the ensuing day in hopes of recovering the mule, which the arriero thought had been hidden in some ravine. the scenery in this part had assumed a chilian character: the lower sides of the mountains, dotted over with the pale evergreen quillay tree, and with the great chandelier-like cactus, are certainly more to be admired than the bare eastern valleys; but i cannot quite agree with the admiration expressed by some travellers. the extreme pleasure, i suspect, is chiefly owing to the prospect of a good fire and of a good supper, after escaping from the cold regions above: and i am sure i most heartily participated in these feelings. april 8, 1835. we left the valley of the aconcagua, by which we had descended, and reached in the evening a cottage near the villa de st. rosa. the fertility of the plain was delightful: the autumn being advanced, the leaves of many of the fruit-trees were falling; and of the labourers,--some were busy in drying figs and peaches on the roofs of their cottages, while others were gathering the grapes from the vineyards. it was a pretty scene; but i missed that pensive stillness which makes the autumn in england indeed the evening of the year. on the 10th we reached santiago, where i received a very kind and hospitable reception from mr. caldcleugh. my excursion only cost me twenty-four days, and never did i more deeply enjoy an equal space of time. a few days afterwards i returned to mr. corfield's house at valparaiso. chapter xvi. (plate 76. lima and san lorenzo.) coast-road to coquimbo. great loads carried by the miners. coquimbo. earthquake. step-formed terraces. absence of recent deposits. contemporaneousness of the tertiary formations. excursion up the valley. road to guasco. deserts. valley of copiapã³. rain and earthquakes. hydrophobia. the despoblado. indian ruins. probable change of climate. river-bed arched by an earthquake. cold gales of wind. noises from a hill. iquique. salt alluvium. nitrate of soda. lima. unhealthy country. ruins of callao, overthrown by an earthquake. recent subsidence. elevated shells on san lorenzo, their decomposition. plain with embedded shells and fragments of pottery. antiquity of the indian race. northern chile and peru. april 27, 1835. i set out on a journey to coquimbo, and thence through guasco to copiapã³, where captain fitz roy kindly offered to pick me up in the "beagle." the distance in a straight line along the shore northward is only 420 miles; but my mode of travelling made it a very long journey. i bought four horses and two mules, the latter carrying the luggage on alternate days. the six animals together only cost the value of twenty-five pounds sterling, and at copiapã³ i sold them again for twenty-three. we travelled in the same independent manner as before, cooking our own meals, and sleeping in the open air. as we rode towards the viã±o del mar, i took a farewell view of valparaiso, and admired its picturesque appearance. for geological purposes i made a detour from the high road to the foot of the bell of quillota. we passed through an alluvial district rich in gold, to the neighbourhood of limache, where we slept. washing for gold supports the inhabitants of numerous hovels, scattered along the sides of each little rivulet; but, like all those whose gains are uncertain, they are unthrifty in their habits, and consequently poor. april 28, 1835. in the afternoon we arrived at a cottage at the foot of the bell mountain. the inhabitants were freeholders, which is not very usual in chile. they supported themselves on the produce of a garden and a little field, but were very poor. capital is here so deficient that the people are obliged to sell their green corn while standing in the field, in order to buy necessaries for the ensuing year. wheat in consequence was dearer in the very district of its production than at valparaiso, where the contractors live. the next day we joined the main road to coquimbo. at night there was a very light shower of rain: this was the first drop that had fallen since the heavy rain of september 11th and 12th, which detained me a prisoner at the baths of cauquenes. the interval was seven and a half months; but the rain this year in chile was rather later than usual. the distant andes were now covered by a thick mass of snow, and were a glorious sight. may 2, 1835. the road continued to follow the coast at no great distance from the sea. the few trees and bushes which are common in central chile decreased rapidly in numbers, and were replaced by a tall plant, something like a yucca in appearance. the surface of the country, on a small scale, was singularly broken and irregular; abrupt little peaks of rock rising out of small plains or basins. the indented coast and the bottom of the neighbouring sea, studded with breakers, would, if converted into dry land, present similar forms; and such a conversion without doubt has taken place in the part over which we rode. may 3, 1835. quilimari to conchalee. the country became more and more barren. in the valleys there was scarcely sufficient water for any irrigation; and the intermediate land was quite bare, not supporting even goats. in the spring, after the winter showers, a thin pasture rapidly springs up, and cattle are then driven down from the cordillera to graze for a short time. it is curious to observe how the seeds of the grass and other plants seem to accommodate themselves, as if by an acquired habit, to the quantity of rain which falls upon different parts of this coast. one shower far northward at copiapã³ produces as great an effect on the vegetation, as two at guasco, and three or four in this district. at valparaiso a winter so dry as greatly to injure the pasture, would at guasco produce the most unusual abundance. proceeding northward, the quantity of rain does not appear to decrease in strict proportion to the latitude. at conchalee, which is only 67 miles north of valparaiso, rain is not expected till the end of may; whereas at valparaiso some generally falls early in april: the annual quantity is likewise small in proportion to the lateness of the season at which it commences. may 4, 1835. finding the coast-road devoid of interest of any kind, we turned inland towards the mining district and valley of illapel. this valley, like every other in chile, is level, broad, and very fertile: it is bordered on each side, either by cliffs of stratified shingle, or by bare rocky mountains. above the straight line of the uppermost irrigating ditch, all is brown as on a high-road; while all below is of as bright a green as verdigris, from the beds of alfarfa, a kind of clover. we proceeded to los hornos, another mining district, where the principal hill was drilled with holes, like a great ants'-nest. the chilian miners are a peculiar race of men in their habits. living for weeks together in the most desolate spots, when they descend to the villages on feast-days there is no excess of extravagance into which they do not run. they sometimes gain a considerable sum, and then, like sailors with prize-money, they try how soon they can contrive to squander it. they drink excessively, buy quantities of clothes, and in a few days return penniless to their miserable abodes, there to work harder than beasts of burden. this thoughtlessness, as with sailors, is evidently the result of a similar manner of life. their daily food is found them, and they acquire no habits of carefulness; moreover, temptation and the means of yielding to it are placed in their power at the same time. on the other hand, in cornwall, and some other parts of england, where the system of selling part of the vein is followed, the miners, from being obliged to act and think for themselves, are a singularly intelligent and well-conducted set of men. the dress of the chilian miner is peculiar and rather picturesque. he wears a very long shirt of some dark-coloured baize, with a leathern apron; the whole being fastened round his waist by a bright-coloured sash. his trousers are very broad, and his small cap of scarlet cloth is made to fit the head closely. we met a party of these miners in full costume, carrying the body of one of their companions to be buried. they marched at a very quick trot, four men supporting the corpse. one set having run as hard as they could for about two hundred yards, were relieved by four others, who had previously dashed on ahead on horseback. thus they proceeded, encouraging each other by wild cries: altogether the scene formed a most strange funeral. we continued travelling northward in a zigzag line; sometimes stopping a day to geologise. the country was so thinly inhabited, and the track so obscure, that we often had difficulty in finding our way. on the 12th i stayed at some mines. the ore in this case was not considered particularly good, but from being abundant it was supposed the mine would sell for about thirty or forty thousand dollars (that is, 6000 or 8000 pounds sterling); yet it had been bought by one of the english associations for an ounce of gold (three pounds eight shillings). the ore is yellow pyrites, which, as i have already remarked, before the arrival of the english was not supposed to contain a particle of copper. on a scale of profits nearly as great as in the above instance, piles of cinders, abounding with minute globules of metallic copper, were purchased; yet with these advantages, the mining associations, as is well known, contrived to lose immense sums of money. the folly of the greater number of the commissioners and shareholders amounted to infatuation;--a thousand pounds per annum given in some cases to entertain the chilian authorities; libraries of well-bound geological books; miners brought out for particular metals, as tin, which are not found in chile; contracts to supply the miners with milk, in parts where there are no cows; machinery, where it could not possibly be used; and a hundred similar arrangements, bore witness to our absurdity, and to this day afford amusement to the natives. yet there can be no doubt, that the same capital well employed in these mines would have yielded an immense return: a confidential man of business, a practical miner and assayer, would have been all that was required. captain head has described the wonderful load which the "apires," truly beasts of burden, carry up from the deepest mines. i confess i thought the account exaggerated: so that i was glad to take an opportunity of weighing one of the loads, which i picked out by hazard. it required considerable exertion on my part, when standing directly over it, to lift it from the ground. the load was considered under weight when found to be 197 pounds. the apire had carried this up eighty perpendicular yards,--part of the way by a steep passage, but the greater part up notched poles, placed in a zigzag line up the shaft. according to the general regulation, the apire is not allowed to halt for breath, except the mine is six hundred feet deep. the average load is considered as rather more than 200 pounds, and i have been assured that one of 300 pounds (twenty-two stone and a half) by way of a trial has been brought up from the deepest mine! at this time the apires were bringing up the usual load twelve times in the day; that is 2400 pounds from eighty yards deep; and they were employed in the intervals in breaking and picking ore. these men, excepting from accidents, are healthy, and appear cheerful. their bodies are not very muscular. they rarely eat meat once a week, and never oftener, and then only the hard dry charqui. although with a knowledge that the labour was voluntary, it was nevertheless quite revolting to see the state in which they reached the mouth of the mine; their bodies bent forward, leaning with their arms on the steps, their legs bowed, their muscles quivering, the perspiration streaming from their faces over their breasts, their nostrils distended, the corners of their mouth forcibly drawn back, and the expulsion of their breath most laborious. each time they draw their breath they utter an articulate cry of "ay-ay," which ends in a sound rising from deep in the chest, but shrill like the note of a fife. after staggering to the pile of ore, they emptied the "carpacho;" in two or three seconds recovering their breath, they wiped the sweat from their brows, and apparently quite fresh descended the mine again at a quick pace. this appears to me a wonderful instance of the amount of labour which habit, for it can be nothing else, will enable a man to endure. in the evening, talking with the mayor-domo of these mines about the number of foreigners now scattered over the whole country, he told me that, though quite a young man, he remembers when he was a boy at school at coquimbo, a holiday being given to see the captain of an english ship, who was brought to the city to speak to the governor. he believes that nothing would have induced any boy in the school, himself included, to have gone close to the englishman; so deeply had they been impressed with an idea of the heresy, contamination, and evil to be derived from contact with such a person. to this day they relate the atrocious actions of the bucaniers; and especially of one man, who took away the figure of the virgin mary, and returned the year after for that of st. joseph, saying it was a pity the lady should not have a husband. i heard also of an old lady who, at a dinner at coquimbo, remarked how wonderfully strange it was that she should have lived to dine in the same room with an englishman; for she remembered as a girl, that twice, at the mere cry of "los ingleses," every soul, carrying what valuables they could, had taken to the mountains. may 14, 1835. we reached coquimbo, where we stayed a few days. the town is remarkable for nothing but its extreme quietness. it is said to contain from 6000 to 8000 inhabitants. on the morning of the 17th it rained lightly, the first time this year, for about five hours. the farmers, who plant corn near the sea-coast where the atmosphere is more humid, taking advantage of this shower, would break up the ground; after a second they would put the seed in; and if a third shower should fall, they would reap a good harvest in the spring. it was interesting to watch the effect of this trifling amount of moisture. twelve hours afterwards the ground appeared as dry as ever; yet after an interval of ten days all the hills were faintly tinged with green patches; the grass being sparingly scattered in hair-like fibres a full inch in length. before this shower every part of the surface was bare as on a high-road. (plate 77. coquimbo, chile.) in the evening, captain fitz roy and myself were dining with mr. edwards, an english resident well known for his hospitality by all who have visited coquimbo, when a sharp earthquake happened. i heard the forecoming rumble, but from the screams of the ladies, the running of the servants, and the rush of several of the gentlemen to the doorway, i could not distinguish the motion. some of the women afterwards were crying with terror, and one gentleman said he should not be able to sleep all night, or if he did, it would only be to dream of falling houses. the father of this person had lately lost all his property at talcahuano, and he himself had only just escaped a falling roof at valparaiso in 1822. he mentioned a curious coincidence which then happened: he was playing at cards, when a german, one of the party, got up, and said he would never sit in a room in these countries with the door shut, as, owing to his having done so, he had nearly lost his life at copiapã³. accordingly he opened the door; and no sooner had he done this, than he cried out, "here it comes again!" and the famous shock commenced. the whole party escaped. the danger in an earthquake is not from the time lost in opening the door, but from the chance of its becoming jammed by the movement of the walls. it is impossible to be much surprised at the fear which natives and old residents, though some of them known to be men of great command of mind, so generally experience during earthquakes. i think, however, this excess of panic may be partly attributed to a want of habit in governing their fear, as it is not a feeling they are ashamed of. indeed, the natives do not like to see a person indifferent. i heard of two englishmen who, sleeping in the open air during a smart shock, knowing that there was no danger, did not rise. the natives cried out indignantly, "look at those heretics, they do not even get out of their beds!" i spent some days in examining the step-formed terraces of shingle, first noticed by captain b. hall, and believed by mr. lyell to have been formed by the sea during the gradual rising of the land. this certainly is the true explanation, for i found numerous shells of existing species on these terraces. five narrow, gently sloping, fringe-like terraces rise one behind the other, and where best developed are formed of shingle: they front the bay, and sweep up both sides of the valley. at guasco, north of coquimbo, the phenomenon is displayed on a much grander scale, so as to strike with surprise even some of the inhabitants. the terraces are there much broader, and may be called plains, in some parts there are six of them, but generally only five; they run up the valley for thirty-seven miles from the coast. these step-formed terraces or fringes closely resemble those in the valley of s. cruz, and, except in being on a smaller scale, those great ones along the whole coast-line of patagonia. they have undoubtedly been formed by the denuding power of the sea, during long periods of rest in the gradual elevation of the continent. shells of many existing species not only lie on the surface of the terraces at coquimbo (to a height of 250 feet), but are embedded in a friable calcareous rock, which in some places is as much as between twenty and thirty feet in thickness, but is of little extent. these modern beds rest on an ancient tertiary formation containing shells, apparently all extinct. although i examined so many hundred miles of coast on the pacific, as well as atlantic side of the continent, i found no regular strata containing sea-shells of recent species, excepting at this place, and at a few points northward on the road to guasco. this fact appears to me highly remarkable; for the explanation generally given by geologists, of the absence in any district of stratified fossiliferous deposits of a given period, namely, that the surface then existed as dry land, is not here applicable; for we know from the shells strewed on the surface and embedded in loose sand or mould, that the land for thousands of miles along both coasts has lately been submerged. the explanation, no doubt, must be sought in the fact, that the whole southern part of the continent has been for a long time slowly rising; and therefore that all matter deposited along shore in shallow water must have been soon brought up and slowly exposed to the wearing action of the sea-beach; and it is only in comparatively shallow water that the greater number of marine organic beings can flourish, and in such water it is obviously impossible that strata of any great thickness can accumulate. to show the vast power of the wearing action of sea-beaches, we need only appeal to the great cliffs along the present coast of patagonia, and to the escarpments or ancient sea-cliffs at different levels, one above another, on that same line of coast. the old underlying tertiary formation at coquimbo appears to be of about the same age with several deposits on the coast of chile (of which that of navedad is the principal one), and with the great formation of patagonia. both at navedad and in patagonia there is evidence, that since the shells (a list of which has been seen by professor e. forbes) there intombed were living, there has been a subsidence of several hundred feet, as well as an ensuing elevation. it may naturally be asked how it comes that although no extensive fossiliferous deposits of the recent period, nor of any period intermediate between it and the ancient tertiary epoch, have been preserved on either side of the continent, yet that at this ancient tertiary epoch, sedimentary matter containing fossil remains should have been deposited and preserved at different points in north and south lines, over a space of 1100 miles on the shores of the pacific, and of at least 1350 miles on the shores of the atlantic, and in an east and west line of 700 miles across the widest part of the continent? i believe the explanation is not difficult, and that it is perhaps applicable to nearly analogous facts observed in other quarters of the world. considering the enormous power of denudation which the sea possesses, as shown by numberless facts, it is not probable that a sedimentary deposit, when being upraised, could pass through the ordeal of the beach, so as to be preserved in sufficient masses to last to a distant period, without it were originally of wide extent and of considerable thickness: now it is impossible on a moderately shallow bottom, which alone is favourable to most living creatures, that a thick and widely extended covering of sediment could be spread out, without the bottom sank down to receive the successive layers. this seems to have actually taken place at about the same period in southern patagonia and chile, though these places are a thousand miles apart. hence, if prolonged movements of approximately contemporaneous subsidence are generally widely extensive, as i am strongly inclined to believe from my examination of the coral reefs of the great oceans--or if, confining our view to south america, the subsiding movements have been coextensive with those of elevation, by which, within the same period of existing shells, the shores of peru, chile, tierra del fuego, patagonia, and la plata have been upraised--then we can see that at the same time, at far distant points, circumstances would have been favourable to the formation of fossiliferous deposits, of wide extent and of considerable thickness; and such deposits, consequently, would have a good chance of resisting the wear and tear of successive beach-lines, and of lasting to a future epoch. may 21, 1835. i set out in company with don josã© edwards to the silver-mine of arqueros, and thence up the valley of coquimbo. passing through a mountainous country, we reached by nightfall the mines belonging to mr. edwards. i enjoyed my night's rest here from a reason which will not be fully appreciated in england, namely, the absence of fleas! the rooms in coquimbo swarm with them; but they will not live here at the height of only three or four thousand feet: it can scarcely be the trifling diminution of temperature, but some other cause which destroys these troublesome insects at this place. the mines are now in a bad state, though they formerly yielded about 2000 pounds in weight of silver a year. it has been said that "a person with a copper-mine will gain; with silver he may gain; but with gold he is sure to lose." this is not true: all the large chilian fortunes have been made by mines of the more precious metals. a short time since an english physician returned to england from copiapã³, taking with him the profits of one share in a silver-mine, which amounted to about 24,000 pounds sterling. no doubt a copper-mine with care is a sure game, whereas the other is gambling, or rather taking a ticket in a lottery. the owners lose great quantities of rich ores; for no precautions can prevent robberies. i heard of a gentleman laying a bet with another, that one of his men should rob him before his face. the ore when brought out of the mine is broken into pieces, and the useless stone thrown on one side. a couple of the miners who were thus employed, pitched, as if by accident, two fragments away at the same moment, and then cried out for a joke "let us see which rolls furthest." the owner, who was standing by, bet a cigar with his friend on the race. the miner by this means watched the very point amongst the rubbish where the stone lay. in the evening he picked it up and carried it to his master, showing him a rich mass of silver-ore, and saying, "this was the stone on which you won a cigar by its rolling so far." may 23, 1835. we descended into the fertile valley of coquimbo, and followed it till we reached an hacienda belonging to a relation of don josã©, where we stayed the next day. i then rode one day's journey farther, to see what were declared to be some petrified shells and beans, which latter turned out to be small quartz pebbles. we passed through several small villages; and the valley was beautifully cultivated, and the whole scenery very grand. we were here near the main cordillera, and the surrounding hills were lofty. in all parts of northern chile fruit trees produce much more abundantly at a considerable height near the andes than in the lower country. the figs and grapes of this district are famous for their excellence, and are cultivated to a great extent. this valley is, perhaps, the most productive one north of quillota. i believe it contains, including coquimbo, 25,000 inhabitants. the next day i returned to the hacienda, and thence, together with don josã©, to coquimbo. june 2, 1835. we set out for the valley of guasco, following the coast-road, which was considered rather less desert than the other. our first day's ride was to a solitary house, called yerba buena, where there was pasture for our horses. the shower mentioned as having fallen a fortnight ago, only reached about half-way to guasco; we had, therefore, in the first part of our journey a most faint tinge of green, which soon faded quite away. even where brightest, it was scarcely sufficient to remind one of the fresh turf and budding flowers of the spring of other countries. while travelling through these deserts one feels like a prisoner shut up in a gloomy court, who longs to see something green and to smell a moist atmosphere. june 3, 1835. yerba buena to carizal. during the first part of the day we crossed a mountainous rocky desert, and afterwards a long deep sandy plain, strewed with broken sea-shells. there was very little water, and that little saline: the whole country, from the coast to the cordillera, is an uninhabited desert. i saw traces only of one living animal in abundance, namely, the shells of a bulimus, which were collected together in extraordinary numbers on the driest spots. in the spring one humble little plant sends out a few leaves, and on these the snails feed. as they are seen only very early in the morning, when the ground is slightly damp with dew, the guasos believe that they are bred from it. i have observed in other places that extremely dry and sterile districts, where the soil is calcareous, are extraordinarily favourable to land-shells. at carizal there were a few cottages, some brackish water, and a trace of cultivation: but it was with difficulty that we purchased a little corn and straw for our horses. june 4, 1835. carizal to sauce. we continued to ride over desert plains, tenanted by large herds of guanaco. we crossed also the valley of chaã±eral; which, although the most fertile one between guasco and coquimbo, is very narrow, and produces so little pasture that we could not purchase any for our horses. at sauce we found a very civil old gentleman, superintending a copper-smelting furnace. as an especial favour, he allowed me to purchase at a high price an armful of dirty straw, which was all the poor horses had for supper after their long day's journey. few smelting-furnaces are now at work in any part of chile; it is found more profitable, on account of the extreme scarcity of firewood, and from the chilian method of reduction being so unskilful, to ship the ore for swansea. the next day we crossed some mountains to freyrina, in the valley of guasco. during each day's ride farther northward, the vegetation became more and more scanty; even the great chandelier-like cactus was here replaced by a different and much smaller species. during the winter months, both in northern chile and in peru, a uniform bank of clouds hangs, at no great height, over the pacific. from the mountains we had a very striking view of this white and brilliant aerial-field, which sent arms up the valleys, leaving islands and promontories in the same manner as the sea does in the chonos archipelago and in tierra del fuego. we stayed two days at freyrina. in the valley of guasco there are four small towns. at the mouth there is the port, a spot entirely desert, and without any water in the immediate neighbourhood. five leagues higher up stands freyrina, a long straggling village, with decent whitewashed houses. again, ten leagues further up ballenar is situated, and above this guasco alto, a horticultural village, famous for its dried fruit. on a clear day the view up the valley is very fine; the straight opening terminates in the far-distant snowy cordillera; on each side an infinity of crossing lines are blended together in a beautiful haze. the foreground is singular from the number of parallel and step-formed terraces; and the included strip of green valley, with its willow-bushes, is contrasted on both hands with the naked hills. that the surrounding country was most barren will be readily believed, when it is known that a shower of rain had not fallen during the last thirteen months. the inhabitants heard with the greatest envy of the rain at coquimbo; from the appearance of the sky they had hopes of equally good fortune, which, a fortnight afterwards, were realised. i was at copiapã³ at the time; and there the people, with equal envy, talked of the abundant rain at guasco. after two or three very dry years, perhaps with not more than one shower during the whole time, a rainy year generally follows; and this does more harm than even the drought. the rivers swell, and cover with gravel and sand the narrow strips of ground which alone are fit for cultivation. the floods also injure the irrigating ditches. great devastation had thus been caused three years ago. june 8, 1835. we rode on to ballenar, which takes its name from ballenagh in ireland, the birthplace of the family of o'higgins, who, under the spanish government, were presidents and generals in chile. as the rocky mountains on each hand were concealed by clouds, the terrace-like plains gave to the valley an appearance like that of santa cruz in patagonia. after spending one day at ballenar i set out, on the 10th, for the upper part of the valley of copiapã³. we rode all day over an uninteresting country. i am tired of repeating the epithets barren and sterile. these words, however, as commonly used, are comparative; i have always applied them to the plains of patagonia, which can boast of spiny bushes and some tufts of grass; and this is absolute fertility, as compared with northern chile. here again, there are not many spaces of two hundred yards square, where some little bush, cactus or lichen, may not be discovered by careful examination; and in the soil seeds lie dormant ready to spring up during the first rainy winter. in peru real deserts occur over wide tracts of country. in the evening we arrived at a valley in which the bed of the streamlet was damp: following it up, we came to tolerably good water. during the night the stream, from not being evaporated and absorbed so quickly, flows a league lower down than during the day. sticks were plentiful for firewood, so that it was a good place of bivouac for us; but for the poor animals there was not a mouthful to eat. june 11, 1835. we rode without stopping for twelve hours till we reached an old smelting-furnace, where there was water and firewood; but our horses again had nothing to eat, being shut up in an old courtyard. the line of road was hilly, and the distant views interesting from the varied colours of the bare mountains. it was almost a pity to see the sun shining constantly over so useless a country; such splendid weather ought to have brightened fields and pretty gardens. the next day we reached the valley of copiapã³. i was heartily glad of it; for the whole journey was a continued source of anxiety; it was most disagreeable to hear, whilst eating our own suppers, our horses gnawing the posts to which they were tied, and to have no means of relieving their hunger. to all appearance, however, the animals were quite fresh; and no one could have told that they had eaten nothing for the last fifty-five hours. i had a letter of introduction to mr. bingley, who received me very kindly at the hacienda of potrero seco. this estate is between twenty and thirty miles long, but very narrow, being generally only two fields wide, one on each side the river. in some parts the estate is of no width, that is to say, the land cannot be irrigated, and therefore is valueless, like the surrounding rocky desert. the small quantity of cultivated land in the whole line of valley does not so much depend on inequalities of level, and consequent unfitness for irrigation, as on the small supply of water. the river this year was remarkably full: here, high up the valley, it reached to the horse's belly, and was about fifteen yards wide, and rapid; lower down it becomes smaller and smaller, and is generally quite lost, as happened during one period of thirty years, so that not a drop entered the sea. the inhabitants watch a storm over the cordillera with great interest; as one good fall of snow provides them with water for the ensuing year. this is of infinitely more consequence than rain in the lower country. rain, as often as it falls, which is about once in every two or three years, is a great advantage, because the cattle and mules can for some time afterwards find a little pasture in the mountains. but without snow on the andes, desolation extends throughout the valley. it is on record that three times nearly all the inhabitants have been obliged to emigrate to the south. this year there was plenty of water, and every man irrigated his ground as much as he chose; but it has frequently been necessary to post soldiers at the sluices, to see that each estate took only its proper allowance during so many hours in the week. the valley is said to contain 12,000 souls, but its produce is sufficient only for three months in the year; the rest of the supply being drawn from valparaiso and the south. before the discovery of the famous silver-mines of chanuncillo, copiapã³ was in a rapid state of decay; but now it is in a very thriving condition; and the town, which was completely overthrown by an earthquake, has been rebuilt. the valley of copiapã³, forming a mere ribbon of green in a desert, runs in a very southerly direction; so that it is of considerable length to its source in the cordillera. the valleys of guasco and copiapã³ may both be considered as long narrow islands, separated from the rest of chile by deserts of rock instead of by salt water. northward of these, there is one other very miserable valley, called paposo, which contains about two hundred souls; and then there extends the real desert of atacama--a barrier far worse than the most turbulent ocean. after staying a few days at potrero seco, i proceeded up the valley to the house of don benito cruz, to whom i had a letter of introduction. i found him most hospitable; indeed it is impossible to bear too strong testimony to the kindness with which travellers are received in almost every part of south america. the next day i hired some mules to take me by the ravine of jolquera into the central cordillera. on the second night the weather seemed to foretell a storm of snow or rain, and whilst lying in our beds we felt a trifling shock of an earthquake. the connexion between earthquakes and the weather has been often disputed: it appears to me to be a point of great interest, which is little understood. humboldt has remarked in one part of the "personal narrative," that it would be difficult for any person who had long resided in new andalusia, or in lower peru, to deny that there exists some connection between these phenomena: in another part, however, he seems to think the connexion fanciful. (16/1. volume 4 page 11 and volume 2 page 217. for the remarks on guayaquil see silliman's "journal" volume 24 page 384. for those on tacna by mr. hamilton see "transactions of british association" 1840. for those on coseguina see mr. caldcleugh in "philosophical transactions" 1835. in the former edition i collected several references on the coincidences between sudden falls in the barometer and earthquakes; and between earthquakes and meteors.) at guayaquil it is said that a heavy shower in the dry season is invariably followed by an earthquake. in northern chile, from the extreme infrequency of rain, or even of weather foreboding rain, the probability of accidental coincidences becomes very small; yet the inhabitants are here most firmly convinced of some connexion between the state of the atmosphere and of the trembling of the ground: i was much struck by this when mentioning to some people at copiapã³ that there had been a sharp shock at coquimbo: they immediately cried out, "how fortunate! there will be plenty of pasture there this year." to their minds an earthquake foretold rain as surely as rain foretold abundant pasture. certainly it did so happen that on the very day of the earthquake that shower of rain fell which i have described as in ten days' time producing a thin sprinkling of grass. at other times rain has followed earthquakes at a period of the year when it is a far greater prodigy than the earthquake itself: this happened after the shock of november 1822, and again in 1829 at valparaiso; also after that of september 1833, at tacna. a person must be somewhat habituated to the climate of these countries to perceive the extreme improbability of rain falling at such seasons, except as a consequence of some law quite unconnected with the ordinary course of the weather. in the cases of great volcanic eruptions, as that of coseguina, where torrents of rain fell at a time of the year most unusual for it, and "almost unprecedented in central america," it is not difficult to understand that the volumes of vapour and clouds of ashes might have disturbed the atmospheric equilibrium. humboldt extends this view to the case of earthquakes unaccompanied by eruptions; but i can hardly conceive it possible that the small quantity of aeriform fluids which then escape from the fissured ground can produce such remarkable effects. there appears much probability in the view first proposed by mr. p. scrope, that when the barometer is low, and when rain might naturally be expected to fall, the diminished pressure of the atmosphere over a wide extent of country might well determine the precise day on which the earth, already stretched to the utmost by the subterranean forces, should yield, crack, and consequently tremble. it is, however, doubtful how far this idea will explain the circumstance of torrents of rain falling in the dry season during several days, after an earthquake unaccompanied by an eruption; such cases seem to bespeak some more intimate connexion between the atmospheric and subterranean regions. finding little of interest in this part of the ravine, we retraced our steps to the house of don benito, where i stayed two days collecting fossil shells and wood. great prostrate silicified trunks of trees, embedded in a conglomerate, were extraordinarily numerous. i measured one which was fifteen feet in circumference: how surprising it is that every atom of the woody matter in this great cylinder should have been removed and replaced by silex so perfectly that each vessel and pore is preserved! these trees flourished at about the period of our lower chalk; they all belonged to the fir-tribe. it was amusing to hear the inhabitants discussing the nature of the fossil shells which i collected, almost in the same terms as were used a century ago in europe,--namely, whether or not they had been thus "born by nature." my geological examination of the country generally created a good deal of surprise amongst the chilenos: it was long before they could be convinced that i was not hunting for mines. this was sometimes troublesome: i found the most ready way of explaining my employment was to ask them how it was that they themselves were not curious concerning earthquakes and volcanos?--why some springs were hot and others cold?--why there were mountains in chile, and not a hill in la plata? these bare questions at once satisfied and silenced the greater number; some, however (like a few in england who are a century behindhand), thought that all such inquiries were useless and impious; and that it was quite sufficient that god had thus made the mountains. an order had recently been issued that all stray dogs should be killed, and we saw many lying dead on the road. a great number had lately gone mad, and several men had been bitten and had died in consequence. on several occasions hydrophobia has prevailed in this valley. it is remarkable thus to find so strange and dreadful a disease appearing time after time in the same isolated spot. it has been remarked that certain villages in england are in like manner much more subject to this visitation than others. dr. unanã¹e states that hydrophobia was first known in south america in 1803: this statement is corroborated by azara and ulloa having never heard of it in their time. dr. unanã¹e says that it broke out in central america, and slowly travelled southward. it reached arequipa in 1807; and it is said that some men there, who had not been bitten, were affected, as were some negroes, who had eaten a bullock which had died of hydrophobia. at ica forty-two people thus miserably perished. the disease came on between twelve and ninety days after the bite; and in those cases where it did come on, death ensued invariably within five days. after 1808 a long interval ensued without any cases. on inquiry, i did not hear of hydrophobia in van diemen's land, or in australia; and burchell says that during the five years he was at the cape of good hope, he never heard of an instance of it. webster asserts that at the azores hydrophobia has never occurred; and the same assertion has been made with respect to mauritius and st. helena. (16/2. "observa. sobre el clima de lima" page 67.--azara's "travels" volume 1 page 381.--ulloa's "voyage" volume 2 page 28.--burchell's "travels" volume 2 page 524.--webster's "description of the azores" page 124.--"voyage ã  l'isle de france par un officier du roi" tome 1 page 248.--"description of st. helena" page 123.) in so strange a disease some information might possibly be gained by considering the circumstances under which it originates in distant climates; for it is improbable that a dog already bitten should have been brought to these distant countries. at night a stranger arrived at the house of don benito and asked permission to sleep there. he said he had been wandering about the mountains for seventeen days, having lost his way. he started from guasco, and being accustomed to travelling in the cordillera, did not expect any difficulty in following the track to copiapã³; but he soon became involved in a labyrinth of mountains whence he could not escape. some of his mules had fallen over precipices and he had been in great distress. his chief difficulty arose from not knowing where to find water in the lower country, so that he was obliged to keep bordering the central ranges. we returned down the valley, and on the 22nd reached the town of copiapã³. the lower part of the valley is broad, forming a fine plain like that of quillota. the town covers a considerable space of ground, each house possessing a garden: but it is an uncomfortable place, and the dwellings are poorly furnished. every one seems bent on the one object of making money, and then migrating as quickly as possible. all the inhabitants are more or less directly concerned with mines; and mines and ores are the sole subjects of conversation. necessaries of all sorts are extremely dear; as the distance from the town to the port is eighteen leagues, and the land carriage very expensive. a fowl costs five or six shillings; meat is nearly as dear as in england; firewood, or rather sticks, are brought on donkeys from a distance of two and three days' journey within the cordillera; and pasturage for animals is a shilling a day: all this for south america is wonderfully exorbitant. june 26, 1835. i hired a guide and eight mules to take me into the cordillera by a different line from my last excursion. as the country was utterly desert, we took a cargo and a half of barley mixed with chopped straw. about two leagues above the town a broad valley called the "despoblado," or uninhabited, branches off from that one by which we had arrived. although a valley of the grandest dimensions, and leading to a pass across the cordillera, yet it is completely dry, excepting perhaps for a few days during some very rainy winter. the sides of the crumbling mountains were furrowed by scarcely any ravines; and the bottom of the main valley, filled with shingle, was smooth and nearly level. no considerable torrent could ever have flowed down this bed of shingle; for if it had, a great cliff-bounded channel, as in all the southern valleys, would assuredly have been formed. i feel little doubt that this valley, as well as those mentioned by travellers in peru, were left in the state we now see them by the waves of the sea, as the land slowly rose. i observed in one place where the despoblado was joined by a ravine (which in almost any other chain would have been called a grand valley), that its bed, though composed merely of sand and gravel, was higher than that of its tributary. a mere rivulet of water, in the course of an hour, would have cut a channel for itself; but it was evident that ages had passed away, and no such rivulet had drained this great tributary. it was curious to behold the machinery, if such a term may be used, for the drainage, all, with the last trifling exception, perfect, yet without any signs of action. every one must have remarked how mud-banks, left by the retiring tide, imitate in miniature a country with hill and dale; and here we have the original model in rock, formed as the continent rose during the secular retirement of the ocean, instead of during the ebbing and flowing of the tides. if a shower of rain falls on the mud-bank, when left dry, it deepens the already-formed shallow lines of excavation; and so it is with the rain of successive centuries on the bank of rock and soil, which we call a continent. we rode on after it was dark, till we reached a side ravine with a small well, called "agua amarga." the water deserved its name, for besides being saline it was most offensively putrid and bitter; so that we could not force ourselves to drink either tea or matã©. i suppose the distance from the river of copiapã³ to this spot was at least twenty-five or thirty english miles; in the whole space there was not a single drop of water, the country deserving the name of desert in the strictest sense. yet about half-way we passed some old indian ruins near punta gorda: i noticed also in front of some of the valleys which branch off from the despoblado, two piles of stones placed a little way apart, and directed so as to point up the mouths of these small valleys. my companions knew nothing about them, and only answered my queries by their imperturbable "quien sabe?" i observed indian ruins in several parts of the cordillera: the most perfect which i saw were the ruinas de tambillos in the uspallata pass. small square rooms were there huddled together in separate groups: some of the doorways were yet standing; they were formed by a cross slab of stone only about three feet high. ulloa has remarked on the lowness of the doors in the ancient peruvian dwellings. these houses, when perfect, must have been capable of containing a considerable number of persons. tradition says that they were used as halting-places for the incas, when they crossed the mountains. traces of indian habitations have been discovered in many other parts, where it does not appear probable that they were used as mere resting-places, but yet where the land is as utterly unfit for any kind of cultivation as it is near the tambillos or at the incas bridge, or in the portillo pass, at all which places i saw ruins. in the ravine of jajuel, near aconcagua, where there is no pass, i heard of remains of houses situated at a great height, where it is extremely cold and sterile. at first i imagined that these buildings had been places of refuge, built by the indians on the first arrival of the spaniards; but i have since been inclined to speculate on the probability of a small change of climate. in this northern part of chile, within the cordillera, old indian houses are said to be especially numerous: by digging amongst the ruins, bits of woollen articles, instruments of precious metals, and heads of indian corn, are not unfrequently discovered: an arrow-head made of agate, and of precisely the same form with those now used in tierra del fuego, was given me. i am aware that the peruvian indians now frequently inhabit most lofty and bleak situations; but at copiapã³ i was assured by men who had spent their lives in travelling through the andes, that there were very many (muchisimas) buildings at heights so great as almost to border on the perpetual snow, and in parts where there exist no passes, and where the land produces absolutely nothing, and what is still more extraordinary, where there is no water. nevertheless it is the opinion of the people of the country (although they are much puzzled by the circumstance), that, from the appearance of the houses, the indians must have used them as places of residence. in this valley, at punta gorda, the remains consisted of seven or eight square little rooms, which were of a similar form with those at tambillos, but built chiefly of mud, which the present inhabitants cannot, either here or, according to ulloa, in peru, imitate in durability. they were situated in the most conspicuous and defenceless position, at the bottom of the flat broad valley. there was no water nearer than three or four leagues, and that only in very small quantity, and bad: the soil was absolutely sterile; i looked in vain even for a lichen adhering to the rocks. at the present day, with the advantage of beasts of burden, a mine, unless it were very rich, could scarcely be worked here with profit. yet the indians formerly chose it as a place of residence! if at the present time two or three showers of rain were to fall annually, instead of one, as now is the case, during as many years, a small rill of water would probably be formed in this great valley; and then, by irrigation (which was formerly so well understood by the indians), the soil would easily be rendered sufficiently productive to support a few families. i have convincing proofs that this part of the continent of south america has been elevated near the coast at least from 400 to 500, and in some parts from 1000 to 1300 feet, since the epoch of existing shells; and farther inland the rise possibly may have been greater. as the peculiarly arid character of the climate is evidently a consequence of the height of the cordillera, we may feel almost sure that before the later elevations, the atmosphere could not have been so completely drained of its moisture as it now is; and as the rise has been gradual, so would have been the change in climate. on this notion of a change of climate since the buildings were inhabited, the ruins must be of extreme antiquity, but i do not think their preservation under the chilian climate any great difficulty. we must also admit on this notion (and this perhaps is a greater difficulty) that man has inhabited south america for an immensely long period, inasmuch as any change of climate effected by the elevation of the land must have been extremely gradual. at valparaiso, within the last 220 years, the rise has been somewhat less than 19 feet: at lima a sea-beach has certainly been upheaved from 80 to 90 feet, within the indio-human period: but such small elevations could have had little power in deflecting the moisture-bringing atmospheric currents. dr. lund, however, found human skeletons in the caves of brazil, the appearance of which induced him to believe that the indian race has existed during a vast lapse of time in south america. when at lima, i conversed on these subjects with mr. gill, a civil engineer, who had seen much of the interior country. (16/3. temple, in his travels through upper peru, or bolivia, in going from potosi to oruro, says "i saw many indian villages or dwellings in ruins, up even to the very tops of the mountains, attesting a former population where now all is desolate." he makes similar remarks in another place; but i cannot tell whether this desolation has been caused by a want of population, or by an altered condition of the land.) he told me that a conjecture of a change of climate had sometimes crossed his mind; but that he thought that the greater portion of land, now incapable of cultivation, but covered with indian ruins, had been reduced to this state by the water-conduits, which the indians formerly constructed on so wonderful a scale, having been injured by neglect and by subterranean movements. i may here mention that the peruvians actually carried their irrigating streams in tunnels through hills of solid rock. mr. gill told me he had been employed professionally to examine one: he found the passage low, narrow, crooked, and not of uniform breadth, but of very considerable length. is it not most wonderful that men should have attempted such operations, without the use of iron or gunpowder? mr. gill also mentioned to me a most interesting, and, as far as i am aware, quite unparalleled case, of a subterranean disturbance having changed the drainage of a country. travelling from casma to huaraz (not very far distant from lima), he found a plain covered with ruins and marks of ancient cultivation but now quite barren. near it was the dry course of a considerable river, whence the water for irrigation had formerly been conducted. there was nothing in the appearance of the watercourse to indicate that the river had not flowed there a few years previously; in some parts, beds of sand and gravel were spread out; in others, the solid rock had been worn into a broad channel, which in one spot was about 40 yards in breadth and 8 feet deep. it is self-evident that a person following up the course of a stream will always ascend at a greater or less inclination: mr. gill, therefore, was much astonished, when walking up the bed of this ancient river, to find himself suddenly going down hill. he imagined that the downward slope had a fall of about 40 or 50 feet perpendicular. we here have unequivocal evidence that a ridge had been uplifted right across the old bed of a stream. from the moment the river-course was thus arched, the water must necessarily have been thrown back, and a new channel formed. from that moment, also, the neighbouring plain must have lost its fertilising stream, and become a desert. june 27, 1835. we set out early in the morning, and by mid-day reached the ravine of paypote, where there is a tiny rill of water, with a little vegetation, and even a few algarroba trees, a kind of mimosa. from having firewood, a smelting-furnace had formerly been built here: we found a solitary man in charge of it, whose sole employment was hunting guanacos. at night it froze sharply; but having plenty of wood for our fire, we kept ourselves warm. june 28, 1835. we continued gradually ascending, and the valley now changed into a ravine. during the day we saw several guanacos, and the track of the closely-allied species, the vicuã±a: this latter animal is pre-eminently alpine in its habits; it seldom descends much below the limit of perpetual snow, and therefore haunts even a more lofty and sterile situation than the guanaco. the only other animal which we saw in any number was a small fox: i suppose this animal preys on the mice and other small rodents which, as long as there is the least vegetation, subsist in considerable numbers in very desert places. in patagonia, even on the borders of the salinas, where a drop of fresh water can never be found, excepting dew, these little animals swarm. next to lizards, mice appear to be able to support existence on the smallest and driest portions of the earth--even on islets in the midst of great oceans. the scene on all sides showed desolation, brightened and made palpable by a clear, unclouded sky. for a time such scenery is sublime, but this feeling cannot last, and then it becomes uninteresting. we bivouacked at the foot of the "primera linea," or the first line of the partition of the waters. the streams, however, on the east side do not flow to the atlantic, but into an elevated district, in the middle of which there is a large salina, or salt lake;--thus forming a little caspian sea at the height, perhaps, of ten thousand feet. where we slept, there were some considerable patches of snow, but they do not remain throughout the year. the winds in these lofty regions obey very regular laws; every day a fresh breeze blows up the valley, and at night, an hour or two after sunset, the air from the cold regions above descends as through a funnel. this night it blew a gale of wind, and the temperature must have been considerably below the freezing-point, for water in a vessel soon became a block of ice. no clothes seemed to oppose any obstacle to the air; i suffered very much from the cold, so that i could not sleep, and in the morning rose with my body quite dull and benumbed. in the cordillera farther southward people lose their lives from snow-storms; here, it sometimes happens from another cause. my guide, when a boy of fourteen years old, was passing the cordillera with a party in the month of may; and while in the central parts, a furious gale of wind arose, so that the men could hardly cling on their mules, and stones were flying along the ground. the day was cloudless, and not a speck of snow fell, but the temperature was low. it is probable that the thermometer would not have stood very many degrees below the freezing-point, but the effect on their bodies, ill protected by clothing, must have been in proportion to the rapidity of the current of cold air. the gale lasted for more than a day; the men began to lose their strength, and the mules would not move onwards. my guide's brother tried to return, but he perished, and his body was found two years afterwards, lying by the side of his mule near the road, with the bridle still in his hand. two other men in the party lost their fingers and toes; and out of two hundred mules and thirty cows, only fourteen mules escaped alive. many years ago the whole of a large party are supposed to have perished from a similar cause, but their bodies to this day have never been discovered. the union of a cloudless sky, low temperature, and a furious gale of wind, must be, i should think, in all parts of the world an unusual occurrence. june 29, 1835. we gladly travelled down the valley to our former night's lodging, and thence to near the agua amarga. on july 1st we reached the valley of copiapã³. the smell of the fresh clover was quite delightful, after the scentless air of the dry sterile despoblado. whilst staying in the town i heard an account from several of the inhabitants, of a hill in the neighbourhood which they called "el bramador,"--the roarer or bellower. i did not at the time pay sufficient attention to the account; but, as far as i understood, the hill was covered by sand, and the noise was produced only when people, by ascending it, put the sand in motion. the same circumstances are described in detail on the authority of seetzen and ehrenberg, as the cause of the sounds which have been heard by many travellers on mount sinai near the red sea. (16/4. "edinburgh philosophical journal" january 1830 page 74 and april 1830 page 258. also daubeny on volcanoes page 438 and "bengal journal" volume 7 page 324.) one person with whom i conversed had himself heard the noise: he described it as very surprising; and he distinctly stated that, although he could not understand how it was caused, yet it was necessary to set the sand rolling down the acclivity. a horse walking over dry and coarse sand causes a peculiar chirping noise from the friction of the particles; a circumstance which i several times noticed on the coast of brazil. three days afterwards i heard of the "beagle's" arrival at the port, distant eighteen leagues from the town. there is very little land cultivated down the valley; its wide expanse supports a wretched wiry grass, which even the donkeys can hardly eat. this poorness of the vegetation is owing to the quantity of saline matter with which the soil is impregnated. the port consists of an assemblage of miserable little hovels, situated at the foot of a sterile plain. at present, as the river contains water enough to reach the sea, the inhabitants enjoy the advantage of having fresh water within a mile and a half. on the beach there were large piles of merchandise, and the little place had an air of activity. in the evening i gave my adios, with a hearty good-will, to my companion mariano gonzales, with whom i had ridden so many leagues in chile. the next morning the "beagle" sailed for iquique. july 12, 1835. we anchored in the port of iquique, in latitude 20 degrees 12', on the coast of peru. the town contains about a thousand inhabitants, and stands on a little plain of sand at the foot of a great wall of rock, 2000 feet in height, here forming the coast. the whole is utterly desert. a light shower of rain falls only once in very many years; and the ravines consequently are filled with detritus, and the mountainsides covered by piles of fine white sand, even to a height of a thousand feet. during this season of the year a heavy bank of clouds, stretched over the ocean, seldom rises above the wall of rocks on the coast. the aspect of the place was most gloomy; the little port, with its few vessels, and small group of wretched houses, seemed overwhelmed and out of all proportion with the rest of the scene. the inhabitants live like persons on board a ship: every necessary comes from a distance: water is brought in boats from pisagua, about forty miles northward, and is sold at the rate of nine reals (four shillings and sixpence) an eighteen-gallon cask: i bought a wine-bottle full for threepence. in like manner firewood, and of course every article of food, is imported. very few animals can be maintained in such a place: on the ensuing morning i hired with difficulty, at the price of four pounds sterling, two mules and a guide to take me to the nitrate of soda works. these are at present the support of iquique. this salt was first exported in 1830: in one year an amount in value of one hundred thousand pounds sterling was sent to france and england. it is principally used as a manure and in the manufacture of nitric acid: owing to its deliquescent property it will not serve for gunpowder. formerly there were two exceedingly rich silver-mines in this neighbourhood, but their produce is now very small. our arrival in the offing caused some little apprehension. peru was in a state of anarchy; and each party having demanded a contribution, the poor town of iquique was in tribulation, thinking the evil hour was come. the people had also their domestic troubles; a short time before, three french carpenters had broken open, during the same night, the two churches, and stolen all the plate: one of the robbers, however, subsequently confessed, and the plate was recovered. the convicts were sent to arequipa, which though the capital of this province, is two hundred leagues distant, the government there thought it a pity to punish such useful workmen who could make all sorts of furniture; and accordingly liberated them. things being in this state, the churches were again broken open, but this time the plate was not recovered. the inhabitants became dreadfully enraged, and declaring that none but heretics would thus "eat god almighty," proceeded to torture some englishmen, with the intention of afterwards shooting them. at last the authorities interfered, and peace was established. july 13, 1835. in the morning i started for the saltpetre-works, a distance of fourteen leagues. having ascended the steep coast-mountains by a zigzag sandy track, we soon came in view of the mines of guantajaya and st. rosa. these two small villages are placed at the very mouths of the mines; and being perched up on hills, they had a still more unnatural and desolate appearance than the town of iquique. we did not reach the saltpetre works till after sunset, having ridden all day across an undulating country, a complete and utter desert. the road was strewed with the bones and dried skins of many beasts of burden which had perished on it from fatigue. excepting the vultur aura, which preys on the carcasses, i saw neither bird, quadruped, reptile, nor insect. on the coast-mountains, at the height of about 2000 feet, where during this season the clouds generally hang, a very few cacti were growing in the clefts of rock; and the loose sand was strewed over with a lichen, which lies on the surface quite unattached. this plant belongs to the genus cladonia, and somewhat resembles the reindeer lichen. in some parts it was in sufficient quantity to tinge the sand, as seen from a distance, of a pale yellowish colour. farther inland, during the whole ride of fourteen leagues, i saw only one other vegetable production, and that was a most minute yellow lichen, growing on the bones of the dead mules. this was the first true desert which i had seen: the effect on me was not impressive; but i believe this was owing to my having become gradually accustomed to such scenes, as i rode northward from valparaiso, through coquimbo, to copiapã³. the appearance of the country was remarkable, from being covered by a thick crust of common salt, and of a stratified saliferous alluvium, which seems to have been deposited as the land slowly rose above the level of the sea. the salt is white, very hard, and compact: it occurs in water-worn nodules projecting from the agglutinated sand, and is associated with much gypsum. the appearance of this superficial mass very closely resembled that of a country after snow, before the last dirty patches are thawed. the existence of this crust of a soluble substance over the whole face of the country shows how extraordinarily dry the climate must have been for a long period. at night i slept at the house of the owner of one of the saltpetre mines. the country is here as unproductive as near the coast; but water, having rather a bitter and brackish taste, can be procured by digging wells. the well at this house was thirty-six yards deep: as scarcely any rain falls, it is evident the water is not thus derived; indeed if it were, it could not fail to be as salt as brine, for the whole surrounding country is incrusted with various saline substances. we must therefore conclude that it percolates under ground from the cordillera, though distant many leagues. in that direction there are a few small villages, where the inhabitants, having more water, are enabled to irrigate a little land, and raise hay, on which the mules and asses, employed in carrying the saltpetre, are fed. the nitrate of soda was now selling at the ship's side at fourteen shillings per hundred pounds: the chief expense is its transport to the sea-coast. the mine consists of a hard stratum, between two and three feet thick, of the nitrate mingled with a little of the sulphate of soda and a good deal of common salt. it lies close beneath the surface, and follows for a length of one hundred and fifty miles the margin of a grand basin or plain; this, from its outline, manifestly must once have been a lake, or more probably an inland arm of the sea, as may be inferred from the presence of iodic salts in the saline stratum. the surface of the plain is 3300 feet above the pacific. july 19, 1835. we anchored in the bay of callao, the seaport of lima, the capital of peru. we stayed here six weeks, but from the troubled state of public affairs i saw very little of the country. during our whole visit the climate was far from being so delightful as it is generally represented. a dull heavy bank of clouds constantly hung over the land, so that during the first sixteen days i had only one view of the cordillera behind lima. these mountains, seen in stages, one above the other, through openings in the clouds, had a very grand appearance. it is almost become a proverb, that rain never falls in the lower part of peru. yet this can hardly be considered correct; for during almost every day of our visit there was a thick drizzling mist, which was sufficient to make the streets muddy and one's clothes damp: this the people are pleased to call peruvian dew. that much rain does not fall is very certain, for the houses are covered only with flat roofs made of hardened mud; and on the mole ship-loads of wheat were piled up, being thus left for weeks together without any shelter. i cannot say i liked the very little i saw of peru: in summer, however, it is said that the climate is much pleasanter. in all seasons, both inhabitants and foreigners suffer from severe attacks of ague. this disease is common on the whole coast of peru, but is unknown in the interior. the attacks of illness which arise from miasma never fail to appear most mysterious. so difficult is it to judge from the aspect of a country, whether or not it is healthy, that if a person had been told to choose within the tropics a situation appearing favourable for health, very probably he would have named this coast. the plain round the outskirts of callao is sparingly covered with a coarse grass, and in some parts there are a few stagnant, though very small, pools of water. the miasma, in all probability, arises from these: for the town of arica was similarly circumstanced, and its healthiness was much improved by the drainage of some little pools. miasma is not always produced by a luxuriant vegetation with an ardent climate; for many parts of brazil, even where there are marshes and a rank vegetation, are much more healthy than this sterile coast of peru. the densest forests in a temperate climate, as in chiloe, do not seem in the slightest degree to affect the healthy condition of the atmosphere. the island of st. jago, at the cape de verds, offers another strongly-marked instance of a country, which any one would have expected to find most healthy, being very much the contrary. i have described the bare and open plains as supporting, during a few weeks after the rainy season, a thin vegetation, which directly withers away and dries up: at this period the air appears to become quite poisonous; both natives and foreigners often being affected with violent fevers. on the other hand, the galapagos archipelago, in the pacific, with a similar soil, and periodically subject to the same process of vegetation, is perfectly healthy. humboldt has observed that "under the torrid zone, the smallest marshes are the most dangerous, being surrounded, as at vera cruz and carthagena, with an arid and sandy soil, which raises the temperature of the ambient air." (16/5. "political essay on the kingdom of new spain" volume 4 page 199.) on the coast of peru, however, the temperature is not hot to any excessive degree; and perhaps in consequence the intermittent fevers are not of the most malignant order. in all unhealthy countries the greatest risk is run by sleeping on shore. is this owing to the state of the body during sleep, or to a greater abundance of miasma at such times? it appears certain that those who stay on board a vessel, though anchored at only a short distance from the coast, generally suffer less than those actually on shore. on the other hand, i have heard of one remarkable case where a fever broke out among the crew of a man-of-war some hundred miles off the coast of africa, and at the same time one of those fearful periods of death commenced at sierra leone. (16/6. a similar interesting case is recorded in the "madras medical quarterly journal" 1839 page 340. dr. ferguson in his admirable paper see 9th volume of "edinburgh royal transactions" shows clearly that the poison is generated in the drying process; and hence that dry hot countries are often the most unhealthy.) no state in south america, since the declaration of independence, has suffered more from anarchy than peru. at the time of our visit there were four chiefs in arms contending for supremacy in the government: if one succeeded in becoming for a time very powerful, the others coalesced against him; but no sooner were they victorious than they were again hostile to each other. the other day, at the anniversary of the independence, high mass was performed, the president partaking of the sacrament: during the "te deum laudamus," instead of each regiment displaying the peruvian flag, a black one with death's head was unfurled. imagine a government under which such a scene could be ordered, on such an occasion, to be typical of their determination of fighting to death! this state of affairs happened at a time very unfortunately for me, as i was precluded from taking any excursions much beyond the limits of the town. the barren island of san lorenzo, which forms the harbour, was nearly the only place where one could walk securely. the upper part, which is upwards of 1000 feet in height, during this season of the year (winter), comes within the lower limit of the clouds; and in consequence an abundant cryptogamic vegetation and a few flowers cover the summit. on the hills near lima, at a height but little greater, the ground is carpeted with moss, and beds of beautiful yellow lilies, called amancaes. this indicates a very much greater degree of humidity than at a corresponding height at iquique. proceeding northward of lima, the climate becomes damper, till on the banks of the guayaquil, nearly under the equator, we find the most luxuriant forests. the change, however, from the sterile coast of peru to that fertile land is described as taking place rather abruptly in the latitude of cape blanco, two degrees south of guayaquil. callao is a filthy, ill-built, small seaport. the inhabitants, both here and at lima, present every imaginable shade of mixture, between european, negro, and indian blood. they appear a depraved, drunken set of people. the atmosphere is loaded with foul smells, and that peculiar one, which may be perceived in almost every town within the tropics, was here very strong. the fortress, which withstood lord cochrane's long siege, has an imposing appearance. but the president, during our stay, sold the brass guns, and proceeded to dismantle parts of it. the reason assigned was, that he had not an officer to whom he could trust so important a charge. he himself had good reason for thinking so, as he had obtained the presidentship by rebelling while in charge of this same fortress. after we left south america, he paid the penalty in the usual manner, by being conquered, taken prisoner, and shot. lima stands on a plain in a valley, formed during the gradual retreat of the sea. it is seven miles from callao, and is elevated 500 feet above it; but from the slope being very gradual, the road appears absolutely level; so that when at lima it is difficult to believe one has ascended even one hundred feet: humboldt has remarked on this singularly deceptive case. steep barren hills rise like islands from the plain, which is divided, by straight mud-walls, into large green fields. in these scarcely a tree grows excepting a few willows, and an occasional clump of bananas and of oranges. the city of lima is now in a wretched state of decay: the streets are nearly unpaved; and heaps of filth are piled up in all directions, where the black gallinazos, tame as poultry, pick up bits of carrion. the houses have generally an upper story, built, on account of the earthquakes, of plastered woodwork; but some of the old ones, which are now used by several families, are immensely large, and would rival in suites of apartments the most magnificent in any place. lima, the city of the kings, must formerly have been a splendid town. the extraordinary number of churches gives it, even at the present day, a peculiar and striking character, especially when viewed from a short distance. one day i went out with some merchants to hunt in the immediate vicinity of the city. our sport was very poor; but i had an opportunity of seeing the ruins of one of the ancient indian villages, with its mound like a natural hill in the centre. the remains of houses, enclosures, irrigating streams, and burial mounds, scattered over this plain, cannot fail to give one a high idea of the condition and number of the ancient population. when their earthenware, woollen clothes, utensils of elegant forms cut out of the hardest rocks, tools of copper, ornaments of precious stones, palaces, and hydraulic works, are considered, it is impossible not to respect the considerable advance made by them in the arts of civilisation. the burial mounds, called huacas, are really stupendous; although in some places they appear to be natural hills encased and modelled. there is also another and very different class of ruins which possesses some interest, namely, those of old callao, overwhelmed by the great earthquake of 1746, and its accompanying wave. the destruction must have been more complete even than at talcahuano. quantities of shingle almost conceal the foundations of the walls, and vast masses of brickwork appear to have been whirled about like pebbles by the retiring waves. it has been stated that the land subsided during this memorable shock: i could not discover any proof of this; yet it seems far from improbable, for the form of the coast must certainly have undergone some change since the foundation of the old town; as no people in their senses would willingly have chosen for their building place the narrow spit of shingle on which the ruins now stand. since our voyage, m. tschudi has come to the conclusion, by the comparison of old and modern maps, that the coast both north and south of lima has certainly subsided. on the island of san lorenzo there are very satisfactory proofs of elevation within the recent period; this of course is not opposed to the belief of a small sinking of the ground having subsequently taken place. the side of this island fronting the bay of callao is worn into three obscure terraces, the lower one of which is covered by a bed a mile in length, almost wholly composed of shells of eighteen species, now living in the adjoining sea. the height of this bed is eighty-five feet. many of the shells are deeply corroded, and have a much older and more decayed appearance than those at the height of 500 or 600 feet on the coast of chile. these shells are associated with much common salt, a little sulphate of lime (both probably left by the evaporation of the spray, as the land slowly rose), together with sulphate of soda and muriate of lime. they rest on fragments of the underlying sandstone, and are covered by a few inches thick of detritus. the shells higher up on this terrace could be traced scaling off in flakes, and falling into an impalpable powder; and on an upper terrace, at the height of 170 feet, and likewise at some considerably higher points, i found a layer of saline powder of exactly similar appearance, and lying in the same relative position. i have no doubt that this upper layer originally existed as a bed of shells, like that on the eighty-five-feet ledge; but it does not now contain even a trace of organic structure. the powder has been analysed for me by mr. t. reeks; it consists of sulphates and muriates both of lime and soda, with very little carbonate of lime. it is known that common salt and carbonate of lime left in a mass for some time together partly decompose each other; though this does not happen with small quantities in solution. as the half-decomposed shells in the lower parts are associated with much common salt, together with some of the saline substances composing the upper saline layer, and as these shells are corroded and decayed in a remarkable manner, i strongly suspect that this double decomposition has here taken place. the resultant salts, however, ought to be carbonate of soda and muriate of lime, the latter is present, but not the carbonate of soda. hence i am led to imagine that by some unexplained means the carbonate of soda becomes changed into the sulphate. it is obvious that the saline layer could not have been preserved in any country in which abundant rain occasionally fell: on the other hand this very circumstance, which at first sight appears so highly favourable to the long preservation of exposed shells, has probably been the indirect means, through the common salt not having been washed away, of their decomposition and early decay. i was much interested by finding on the terrace, at the height of eighty-five feet, embedded amidst the shells and much sea-drifted rubbish, some bits of cotton thread, plaited rush, and the head of a stalk of indian corn: i compared these relics with similar ones taken out of the huacas, or old peruvian tombs, and found them identical in appearance. on the mainland in front of san lorenzo, near bellavista, there is an extensive and level plain about a hundred feet high, of which the lower part is formed of alternating layers of sand and impure clay, together with some gravel, and the surface, to the depth of from three to six feet, of a reddish loam, containing a few scattered sea-shells and numerous small fragments of coarse red earthenware, more abundant at certain spots than at others. at first i was inclined to believe that this superficial bed, from its wide extent and smoothness, must have been deposited beneath the sea; but i afterwards found in one spot that it lay on an artificial floor of round stones. it seems, therefore, most probable that at a period when the land stood at a lower level there was a plain very similar to that now surrounding callao, which, being protected by a shingle beach, is raised but very little above the level of the sea. on this plain, with its underlying red-clay beds, i imagine that the indians manufactured their earthen vessels; and that, during some violent earthquake, the sea broke over the beach, and converted the plain into a temporary lake, as happened round callao in 1713 and 1746. the water would then have deposited mud containing fragments of pottery from the kilns, more abundant at some spots than at others, and shells from the sea. this bed with fossil earthenware stands at about the same height with the shells on the lower terrace of san lorenzo, in which the cotton-thread and other relics were embedded. hence we may safely conclude that within the indo-human period there has been an elevation, as before alluded to, of more than eighty-five feet; for some little elevation must have been lost by the coast having subsided since the old maps were engraved. at valparaiso, although in the 220 years before our visit the elevation cannot have exceeded nineteen feet, yet subsequently to 1817 there has been a rise, partly insensible and partly by a start during the shock of 1822, of ten or eleven feet. the antiquity of the indo-human race here, judging by the eighty-five feet rise of the land since the relics were embedded, is the more remarkable, as on the coast of patagonia, when the land stood about the same number of feet lower, the macrauchenia was a living beast; but as the patagonian coast is some way distant from the cordillera, the rising there may have been slower than here. at bahia blanca the elevation has been only a few feet since the numerous gigantic quadrupeds were there entombed; and, according to the generally received opinion, when these extinct animals were living man did not exist. but the rising of that part of the coast of patagonia is perhaps no way connected with the cordillera, but rather with a line of old volcanic rocks in banda oriental, so that it may have been infinitely slower than on the shores of peru. all these speculations, however, must be vague; for who will pretend to say that there may not have been several periods of subsidence, intercalated between the movements of elevation? for we know that along the whole coast of patagonia there have certainly been many and long pauses in the upward action of the elevatory forces. (plate 78. huacas, peruvian pottery.) chapter xvii. galapagos archipelago. (plate 79. testudo abingdonii, galapagos islands.) the whole group volcanic. number of craters. leafless bushes. colony at charles island. james island. salt-lake in crater. natural history of the group. ornithology, curious finches. reptiles. great tortoises, habits of. marine lizard, feeds on sea-weed. terrestrial lizard, burrowing habits, herbivorous. importance of reptiles in the archipelago. fish, shells, insects. botany. american type of organisation. differences in the species or races on different islands. tameness of the birds. fear of man an acquired instinct. september 15, 1835. (plate 80. galapagos archipelago.) this archipelago consists of ten principal islands, of which five exceed the others in size. they are situated under the equator, and between five and six hundred miles westward of the coast of america. they are all formed of volcanic rocks; a few fragments of granite curiously glazed and altered by the heat can hardly be considered as an exception. some of the craters surmounting the larger islands are of immense size, and they rise to a height of between three and four thousand feet. their flanks are studded by innumerable smaller orifices. i scarcely hesitate to affirm that there must be in the whole archipelago at least two thousand craters. these consist either of lava and scoriae, or of finely-stratified, sandstone-like tuff. most of the latter are beautifully symmetrical; they owe their origin to eruptions of volcanic mud without any lava: it is a remarkable circumstance that every one of the twenty-eight tuff-craters which were examined had their southern sides either much lower than the other sides, or quite broken down and removed. as all these craters apparently have been formed when standing in the sea, and as the waves from the trade wind and the swell from the open pacific here unite their forces on the southern coasts of all the islands, this singular uniformity in the broken state of the craters, composed of the soft and yielding tuff, is easily explained. considering that these islands are placed directly under the equator, the climate is far from being excessively hot; this seems chiefly caused by the singularly low temperature of the surrounding water, brought here by the great southern polar current. excepting during one short season very little rain falls, and even then it is irregular; but the clouds generally hang low. hence, whilst the lower parts of the islands are very sterile, the upper parts, at a height of a thousand feet and upwards, possess a damp climate and a tolerably luxuriant vegetation. this is especially the case on the windward sides of the islands, which first receive and condense the moisture from the atmosphere. in the morning (17th) we landed on chatham island, which, like the others, rises with a tame and rounded outline, broken here and there by scattered hillocks, the remains of former craters. nothing could be less inviting than the first appearance. a broken field of black basaltic lava, thrown into the most rugged waves, and crossed by great fissures, is everywhere covered by stunted, sunburnt brushwood, which shows little signs of life. the dry and parched surface, being heated by the noonday sun, gave to the air a close and sultry feeling, like that from a stove: we fancied even that the bushes smelt unpleasantly. although i diligently tried to collect as many plants as possible, i succeeded in getting very few; and such wretched-looking little weeds would have better become an arctic than an equatorial flora. the brushwood appears, from a short distance, as leafless as our trees during winter; and it was some time before i discovered that not only almost every plant was now in full leaf, but that the greater number were in flower. the commonest bush is one of the euphorbiaceae: an acacia and a great odd-looking cactus are the only trees which afford any shade. after the season of heavy rains, the islands are said to appear for a short time partially green. the volcanic island of fernando noronha, placed in many respects under nearly similar conditions, is the only other country where i have seen a vegetation at all like this of the galapagos islands. the "beagle" sailed round chatham island, and anchored in several bays. one night i slept on shore on a part of the island where black truncated cones were extraordinarily numerous: from one small eminence i counted sixty of them, all surmounted by craters more or less perfect. the greater number consisted merely of a ring of red scoriae or slags cemented together: and their height above the plain of lava was not more than from fifty to a hundred feet: none had been very lately active. the entire surface of this part of the island seems to have been permeated, like a sieve, by the subterranean vapours: here and there the lava, whilst soft, has been blown into great bubbles; and in other parts, the tops of caverns similarly formed have fallen in, leaving circular pits with steep sides. from the regular form of the many craters, they gave to the country an artificial appearance, which vividly reminded me of those parts of staffordshire where the great iron-foundries are most numerous. the day was glowing hot, and the scrambling over the rough surface and through the intricate thickets was very fatiguing; but i was well repaid by the strange cyclopean scene. as i was walking along i met two large tortoises, each of which must have weighed at least two hundred pounds: one was eating a piece of cactus, and as i approached, it stared at me and slowly walked away; the other gave a deep hiss, and drew in its head. these huge reptiles, surrounded by the black lava, the leafless shrubs, and large cacti, seemed to my fancy like some antediluvian animals. the few dull-coloured birds cared no more for me than they did for the great tortoises. september 23, 1835. the "beagle" proceeded to charles island. this archipelago has long been frequented, first by the bucaniers, and latterly by whalers, but it is only within the last six years that a small colony has been established here. the inhabitants are between two and three hundred in number; they are nearly all people of colour, who have been banished for political crimes from the republic of the equator, of which quito is the capital. the settlement is placed about four and a half miles inland, and at a height probably of a thousand feet. in the first part of the road we passed through leafless thickets, as in chatham island. higher up the woods gradually became greener; and as soon as we crossed the ridge of the island we were cooled by a fine southerly breeze, and our sight refreshed by a green and thriving vegetation. in this upper region coarse grasses and ferns abound; but there are no tree-ferns: i saw nowhere any member of the palm family, which is the more singular, as 360 miles northward, cocos island takes its name from the number of cocoa-nuts. the houses are irregularly scattered over a flat space of ground, which is cultivated with sweet potatoes and bananas. it will not easily be imagined how pleasant the sight of black mud was to us, after having been so long accustomed to the parched soil of peru and northern chile. the inhabitants, although complaining of poverty, obtain, without much trouble, the means of subsistence. in the woods there are many wild pigs and goats; but the staple article of animal food is supplied by the tortoises. their numbers have of course been greatly reduced in this island, but the people yet count on two days' hunting giving them food for the rest of the week. it is said that formerly single vessels have taken away as many as seven hundred, and that the ship's company of a frigate some years since brought down in one day two hundred tortoises to the beach. september 29, 1835. we doubled the south-west extremity of albemarle island, and the next day were nearly becalmed between it and narborough island. both are covered with immense deluges of black naked lava, which have flowed either over the rims of the great caldrons, like pitch over the rim of a pot in which it has been boiled, or have burst forth from smaller orifices on the flanks; in their descent they have spread over miles of the sea-coast. on both of these islands eruptions are known to have taken place; and in albemarle we saw a small jet of smoke curling from the summit of one of the great craters. in the evening we anchored in bank's cove, in albemarle island. the next morning i went out walking. to the south of the broken tuff-crater, in which the "beagle" was anchored, there was another beautifully symmetrical one of an elliptic form; its longer axis was a little less than a mile, and its depth about 500 feet. at its bottom there was a shallow lake, in the middle of which a tiny crater formed an islet. the day was overpoweringly hot, and the lake looked clear and blue: i hurried down the cindery slope, and, choked with dust, eagerly tasted the water--but, to my sorrow, i found it salt as brine. the rocks on the coast abounded with great black lizards, between three and four feet long; and on the hills, an ugly yellowish-brown species was equally common. we saw many of this latter kind, some clumsily running out of the way, and others shuffling into their burrows. i shall presently describe in more detail the habits of both these reptiles. the whole of this northern part of albemarle island is miserably sterile. october 8, 1835. we arrived at james island: this island, as well as charles island, were long since thus named after our kings of the stuart line. mr. bynoe, myself, and our servants were left here for a week, with provisions and a tent, whilst the "beagle" went for water. we found here a party of spaniards who had been sent from charles island to dry fish and to salt tortoise-meat. about six miles inland and at the height of nearly 2000 feet, a hovel had been built in which two men lived, who were employed in catching tortoises, whilst the others were fishing on the coast. i paid this party two visits, and slept there one night. as in the other islands, the lower region was covered by nearly leafless bushes, but the trees were here of a larger growth than elsewhere, several being two feet and some even two feet nine inches in diameter. the upper region, being kept damp by the clouds, supports a green and flourishing vegetation. so damp was the ground, that there were large beds of a coarse cyperus, in which great numbers of a very small water-rail lived and bred. while staying in this upper region, we lived entirely upon tortoise-meat: the breast-plate roasted (as the gauchos do carne con cuero), with the flesh on it, is very good; and the young tortoises make excellent soup; but otherwise the meat to my taste is indifferent. one day we accompanied a party of the spaniards in their whale-boat to a salina, or lake from which salt is procured. after landing we had a very rough walk over a rugged field of recent lava, which has almost surrounded a tuff-crater at the bottom of which the salt-lake lies. the water is only three or four inches deep and rests on a layer of beautifully crystallised, white salt. the lake is quite circular, and is fringed with a border of bright green succulent plants; the almost precipitous walls of the crater are clothed with wood, so that the scene was altogether both picturesque and curious. a few years since the sailors belonging to a sealing-vessel murdered their captain in this quiet spot; and we saw his skull lying among the bushes. during the greater part of our stay of a week the sky was cloudless, and if the trade-wind failed for an hour the heat became very oppressive. on two days the thermometer within the tent stood for some hours at 93 degrees; but in the open air, in the wind and sun, at only 85 degrees. the sand was extremely hot; the thermometer placed in some of a brown colour immediately rose to 137 degrees, and how much above that it would have risen i do not know for it was not graduated any higher. the black sand felt much hotter, so that even in thick boots it was quite disagreeable to walk over it. the natural history of these islands is eminently curious, and well deserves attention. most of the organic productions are aboriginal creations found nowhere else; there is even a difference between the inhabitants of the different islands; yet all show a marked relationship with those of america, though separated from that continent by an open space of ocean, between 500 and 600 miles in width. the archipelago is a little world within itself, or rather a satellite attached to america, whence it has derived a few stray colonists, and has received the general character of its indigenous productions. considering the small size of these islands, we feel the more astonished at the number of their aboriginal beings, and at their confined range. seeing every height crowned with its crater, and the boundaries of most of the lava-streams still distinct, we are led to believe that within a period geologically recent the unbroken ocean was here spread out. hence, both in space and time, we seem to be brought somewhat near to that great fact--that mystery of mysteries--the first appearance of new beings on this earth. of terrestrial mammals there is only one which must be considered as indigenous, namely a mouse (mus galapagoensis) and this is confined, as far as i could ascertain, to chatham island, the most easterly island of the group. it belongs, as i am informed by mr. waterhouse, to a division of the family of mice characteristic of america. at james island there is a rat sufficiently distinct from the common kind to have been named and described by mr. waterhouse; but as it belongs to the old-world division of the family, and as this island has been frequented by ships for the last hundred and fifty years, i can hardly doubt that this rat is merely a variety produced by the new and peculiar climate, food, and soil, to which it has been subjected. although no one has a right to speculate without distinct facts, yet even with respect to the chatham island mouse, it should be borne in mind that it may possibly be an american species imported here; for i have seen, in a most unfrequented part of the pampas, a native mouse living in the roof of a newly built hovel, and therefore its transportation in a vessel is not improbable: analogous facts have been observed by dr. richardson in north america. of land-birds i obtained twenty-six kinds, all peculiar to the group and found nowhere else, with the exception of one lark-like finch from north america (dolichonyx oryzivorus) which ranges on that continent as far north as 54 degrees, and generally frequents marshes. the other twenty-five birds consist, firstly, of a hawk, curiously intermediate in structure between a buzzard and the american group of carrion-feeding polybori; and with these latter birds it agrees most closely in every habit and even tone of voice. secondly there are two owls, representing the short-eared and white barn-owls of europe. thirdly a wren, three tyrant-flycatchers (two of them species of pyrocephalus, one or both of which would be ranked by some ornithologists as only varieties), and a dove--all analogous to, but distinct from, american species. fourthly a swallow, which though differing from the progne purpurea of both americas, only in being rather duller coloured, smaller, and slenderer, is considered by mr. gould as specifically distinct. fifthly there are three species of mocking-thrush--a form highly characteristic of america. the remaining land-birds form a most singular group of finches, related to each other in the structure of their beaks, short tails, form of body and plumage: there are thirteen species which mr. gould has divided into four sub-groups. all these species are peculiar to this archipelago; and so is the whole group, with the exception of one species of the sub-group cactornis, lately brought from bow island, in the low archipelago. of cactornis the two species may be often seen climbing about the flowers of the great cactus-trees; but all the other species of this group of finches, mingled together in flocks, feed on the dry and sterile ground of the lower districts. the males of all, or certainly of the greater number, are jet black; and the females (with perhaps one or two exceptions) are brown. (plate 81. finches from galapagos archipelago. 1. geospiza magnirostris. 2. geospiza fortis. 3. geospiza parvula. 4. certhidea olivasea.) the most curious fact is the perfect gradation in the size of the beaks in the different species of geospiza, from one as large as that of a hawfinch to that of a chaffinch, and (if mr. gould is right in including his sub-group, certhidea, in the main group) even to that of a warbler. the largest beak in the genus geospiza is shown in (plate 81) figure 1, and the smallest in figure 3; but instead of there being only one intermediate species, with a beak of the size shown in figure 2, there are no less than six species with insensibly graduated beaks. the beak of the sub-group certhidea, is shown in figure 4. the beak of cactornis is somewhat like that of a starling, and that of the fourth sub-group, camarhynchus, is slightly parrot-shaped. seeing this gradation and diversity of structure in one small, intimately related group of birds, one might really fancy that from an original paucity of birds in this archipelago, one species had been taken and modified for different ends. in a like manner it might be fancied that a bird, originally a buzzard, had been induced here to undertake the office of the carrion-feeding polybori of the american continent. of waders and water-birds i was able to get only eleven kinds, and of these only three (including a rail confined to the damp summits of the islands) are new species. considering the wandering habits of the gulls, i was surprised to find that the species inhabiting these islands is peculiar, but allied to one from the southern parts of south america. the far greater peculiarity of the land-birds, namely, twenty-five out of twenty-six being new species, or at least new races, compared with the waders and web-footed birds, is in accordance with the greater range which these latter orders have in all parts of the world. we shall hereafter see this law of aquatic forms, whether marine or fresh water, being less peculiar at any given point of the earth's surface than the terrestrial forms of the same classes, strikingly illustrated in the shells, and in a lesser degree in the insects of this archipelago. two of the waders are rather smaller than the same species brought from other places: the swallow is also smaller, though it is doubtful whether or not it is distinct from its analogue. the two owls, the two tyrant-flycatchers (pyrocephalus) and the dove, are also smaller than the analogous but distinct species, to which they are most nearly related; on the other hand, the gull is rather larger. the two owls, the swallow, all three species of mocking-thrush, the dove in its separate colours though not in its whole plumage, the totanus, and the gull, are likewise duskier coloured than their analogous species; and in the case of the mocking-thrush and totanus, than any other species of the two genera. with the exception of a wren with a fine yellow breast, and of a tyrant-flycatcher with a scarlet tuft and breast, none of the birds are brilliantly coloured, as might have been expected in an equatorial district. hence it would appear probable that the same causes which here make the immigrants of some species smaller, make most of the peculiar galapageian species also smaller, as well as very generally more dusky coloured. all the plants have a wretched, weedy appearance, and i did not see one beautiful flower. the insects, again, are small-sized and dull coloured, and, as mr. waterhouse informs me, there is nothing in their general appearance which would have led him to imagine that they had come from under the equator. (17/1. the progress of research has shown that some of these birds, which were then thought to be confined to the islands, occur on the american continent. the eminent ornithologist, mr. sclater, informs me that this is the case with the strix punctatissima and pyrocephalus nanus; and probably with the otus galapagoensis and zenaida galapagoensis: so that the number of endemic birds is reduced to twenty-three, or probably to twenty-one. mr. sclater thinks that one or two of these endemic forms should be ranked rather as varieties than species, which always seemed to me probable.) the birds, plants, and insects have a desert character, and are not more brilliantly coloured than those from southern patagonia; we may, therefore, conclude that the usual gaudy colouring of the intertropical productions is not related either to the heat or light of those zones, but to some other cause, perhaps to the conditions of existence being generally favourable to life. we will now turn to the order of reptiles, which gives the most striking character to the zoology of these islands. the species are not numerous, but the numbers of individuals of each species are extraordinarily great. there is one small lizard belonging to a south american genus, and two species (and probably more) of the amblyrhynchus--a genus confined to the galapagos islands. there is one snake which is numerous; it is identical, as i am informed by m. bibron, with the psammophis temminckii from chile. (17/2. this is stated by dr. gunther "zoological society" january 24, 1859, to be a peculiar species, not known to inhabit any other country.) of sea-turtle i believe there are more than one species, and of tortoises there are, as we shall presently show, two or three species or races. of toads and frogs there are none: i was surprised at this, considering how well suited for them the temperate and damp upper woods appeared to be. it recalled to my mind the remark made by bory st. vincent, namely, that none of this family are found on any of the volcanic islands in the great oceans. (17/3. "voyage aux quatres iles d'afrique." with respect to the sandwich islands see tyerman and bennett's "journal" volume 1 page 434. for mauritius see "voyage par un officier" etc. part 1 page 170. there are no frogs in the canary islands, webb et berthelot "hist. nat. des iles canaries." i saw none at st. jago in the cape de verds. there are none at st. helena.) as far as i can ascertain from various works, this seems to hold good throughout the pacific, and even in the large islands of the sandwich archipelago. mauritius offers an apparent exception, where i saw the rana mascariensis in abundance: this frog is said now to inhabit the seychelles, madagascar, and bourbon; but on the other hand, du bois, in his voyage in 1669, states that there were no reptiles in bourbon except tortoises; and the officier du roi asserts that before 1768 it had been attempted, without success, to introduce frogs into mauritius--i presume for the purpose of eating: hence it may be well doubted whether this frog is an aboriginal of these islands. the absence of the frog family in the oceanic islands is the more remarkable, when contrasted with the case of lizards, which swarm on most of the smallest islands. may this difference not be caused by the greater facility with which the eggs of lizards, protected by calcareous shells, might be transported through salt-water, than could the slimy spawn of frogs? i will first describe the habits of the tortoise (testudo nigra, formerly called indica), which has been so frequently alluded to. these animals are found, i believe, on all the islands of the archipelago; certainly on the greater number. they frequent in preference the high damp parts, but they likewise live in the lower and arid districts. i have already shown, from the numbers which have been caught in a single day, how very numerous they must be. some grow to an immense size: mr. lawson, an englishman, and vice-governor of the colony, told us that he had seen several so large that it required six or eight men to lift them from the ground; and that some had afforded as much as two hundred pounds of meat. the old males are the largest, the females rarely growing to so great a size: the male can readily be distinguished from the female by the greater length of its tail. the tortoises which live on those islands where there is no water, or in the lower and arid parts of the others, feed chiefly on the succulent cactus. those which frequent the higher and damp regions eat the leaves of various trees, a kind of berry (called guayavita) which is acid and austere, and likewise a pale green filamentous lichen (usnera plicata), that hangs from the boughs of the trees. the tortoise is very fond of water, drinking large quantities, and wallowing in the mud. the larger islands alone possess springs, and these are always situated towards the central parts, and at a considerable height. the tortoises, therefore, which frequent the lower districts, when thirsty, are obliged to travel from a long distance. hence broad and well-beaten paths branch off in every direction from the wells down to the sea-coast; and the spaniards, by following them up, first discovered the watering-places. when i landed at chatham island, i could not imagine what animal travelled so methodically along well-chosen tracks. near the springs it was a curious spectacle to behold many of these huge creatures, one set eagerly travelling onwards with outstretched necks, and another set returning, after having drunk their fill. when the tortoise arrives at the spring, quite regardless of any spectator, he buries his head in the water above his eyes, and greedily swallows great mouthfuls, at the rate of about ten in a minute. the inhabitants say each animal stays three or four days in the neighbourhood of the water, and then returns to the lower country; but they differed respecting the frequency of these visits. the animal probably regulates them according to the nature of the food on which it has lived. it is, however, certain that tortoises can subsist even on those islands where there is no other water than what falls during a few rainy days in the year. i believe it is well ascertained that the bladder of the frog acts as a reservoir for the moisture necessary to its existence: such seems to be the case with the tortoise. for some time after a visit to the springs, their urinary bladders are distended with fluid, which is said gradually to decrease in volume, and to become less pure. the inhabitants, when walking in the lower district, and overcome with thirst, often take advantage of this circumstance, and drink the contents of the bladder if full: in one i saw killed, the fluid was quite limpid, and had only a very slightly bitter taste. the inhabitants, however, always first drink the water in the pericardium, which is described as being best. the tortoises, when purposely moving towards any point, travel by night and day and arrive at their journey's end much sooner than would be expected. the inhabitants, from observing marked individuals, consider that they travel a distance of about eight miles in two or three days. one large tortoise, which i watched, walked at the rate of sixty yards in ten minutes, that is 360 yards in the hour, or four miles a day,--allowing a little time for it to eat on the road. during the breeding season, when the male and female are together, the male utters a hoarse roar or bellowing, which, it is said, can be heard at the distance of more than a hundred yards. the female never uses her voice, and the male only at these times; so that when the people hear this noise, they know that the two are together. they were at this time (october) laying their eggs. the female, where the soil is sandy, deposits them together, and covers them up with sand; but where the ground is rocky she drops them indiscriminately in any hole: mr. bynoe found seven placed in a fissure. the egg is white and spherical; one which i measured was seven inches and three-eighths in circumference, and therefore larger than a hen's egg. the young tortoises, as soon as they are hatched, fall a prey in great numbers to the carrion-feeding buzzard. the old ones seem generally to die from accidents, as from falling down precipices: at least, several of the inhabitants told me that they never found one dead without some evident cause. the inhabitants believe that these animals are absolutely deaf; certainly they do not overhear a person walking close behind them. i was always amused when overtaking one of these great monsters, as it was quietly pacing along, to see how suddenly, the instant i passed, it would draw in its head and legs, and uttering a deep hiss fall to the ground with a heavy sound, as if struck dead. i frequently got on their backs, and then giving a few raps on the hinder part of their shells, they would rise up and walk away;--but i found it very difficult to keep my balance. the flesh of this animal is largely employed, both fresh and salted; and a beautifully clear oil is prepared from the fat. when a tortoise is caught, the man makes a slit in the skin near its tail, so as to see inside its body, whether the fat under the dorsal plate is thick. if it is not, the animal is liberated; and it is said to recover soon from this strange operation. in order to secure the tortoises, it is not sufficient to turn them like turtle, for they are often able to get on their legs again. there can be little doubt that this tortoise is an aboriginal inhabitant of the galapagos; for it is found on all, or nearly all, the islands, even on some of the smaller ones where there is no water; had it been an imported species this would hardly have been the case in a group which has been so little frequented. moreover, the old bucaniers found this tortoise in greater numbers even than at present: wood and rogers also, in 1708, say that it is the opinion of the spaniards that it is found nowhere else in this quarter of the world. it is now widely distributed; but it may be questioned whether it is in any other place an aboriginal. the bones of a tortoise at mauritius, associated with those of the extinct dodo, have generally been considered as belonging to this tortoise; if this had been so, undoubtedly it must have been there indigenous; but m. bibron informs me that he believes that it was distinct, as the species now living there certainly is. (plate 82. amblyrhynchus cristatus. a. tooth of natural size, and likewise magnified.) the amblyrhynchus, a remarkable genus of lizards, is confined to this archipelago; there are two species, resembling each other in general form, one being terrestrial and the other aquatic. this latter species (a. cristatus) was first characterised by mr. bell, who well foresaw, from its short, broad head, and strong claws of equal length, that its habits of life would turn out very peculiar, and different from those of its nearest ally, the iguana. it is extremely common on all the islands throughout the group, and lives exclusively on the rocky sea-beaches, being never found, at least i never saw one, even ten yards in-shore. it is a hideous-looking creature, of a dirty black colour, stupid, and sluggish in its movements. the usual length of a full-grown one is about a yard, but there are some even four feet long; a large one weighed twenty pounds: on the island of albemarle they seem to grow to a greater size than elsewhere. their tails are flattened sideways, and all four feet partially webbed. they are occasionally seen some hundred yards from the shore, swimming about; and captain collnett, in his voyage says, "they go to sea in herds a-fishing, and sun themselves on the rocks; and may be called alligators in miniature." it must not, however, be supposed that they live on fish. when in the water this lizard swims with perfect ease and quickness, by a serpentine movement of its body and flattened tail--the legs being motionless and closely collapsed on its sides. a seaman on board sank one, with a heavy weight attached to it, thinking thus to kill it directly; but when, an hour afterwards, he drew up the line, it was quite active. their limbs and strong claws are admirably adapted for crawling over the rugged and fissured masses of lava which everywhere form the coast. in such situations a group of six or seven of these hideous reptiles may oftentimes be seen on the black rocks, a few feet above the surf, basking in the sun with outstretched legs. i opened the stomachs of several, and found them largely distended with minced sea-weed (ulvae), which grows in thin foliaceous expansions of a bright green or a dull red colour. i do not recollect having observed this sea-weed in any quantity on the tidal rocks; and i have reason to believe it grows at the bottom of the sea, at some little distance from the coast. if such be the case, the object of these animals occasionally going out to sea is explained. the stomach contained nothing but the sea-weed. mr. bynoe, however, found a piece of a crab in one; but this might have got in accidentally, in the same manner as i have seen a caterpillar, in the midst of some lichen, in the paunch of a tortoise. the intestines were large, as in other herbivorous animals. the nature of this lizard's food, as well as the structure of its tail and feet, and the fact of its having been seen voluntarily swimming out at sea, absolutely prove its aquatic habits; yet there is in this respect one strange anomaly, namely, that when frightened it will not enter the water. hence it is easy to drive these lizards down to any little point overhanging the sea, where they will sooner allow a person to catch hold of their tails than jump into the water. they do not seem to have any notion of biting; but when much frightened they squirt a drop of fluid from each nostril. i threw one several times as far as i could, into a deep pool left by the retiring tide; but it invariably returned in a direct line to the spot where i stood. it swam near the bottom, with a very graceful and rapid movement, and occasionally aided itself over the uneven ground with its feet. as soon as it arrived near the edge, but still being under water, it tried to conceal itself in the tufts of sea-weed, or it entered some crevice. as soon as it thought the danger was past, it crawled out on the dry rocks, and shuffled away as quickly as it could. i several times caught this same lizard, by driving it down to a point, and though possessed of such perfect powers of diving and swimming, nothing would induce it to enter the water; and as often as i threw it in, it returned in the manner above described. perhaps this singular piece of apparent stupidity may be accounted for by the circumstance that this reptile has no enemy whatever on shore, whereas at sea it must often fall a prey to the numerous sharks. hence, probably, urged by a fixed and hereditary instinct that the shore is its place of safety, whatever the emergency may be, it there takes refuge. during our visit (in october) i saw extremely few small individuals of this species, and none i should think under a year old. from this circumstance it seems probable that the breeding season had not then commenced. i asked several of the inhabitants if they knew where it laid its eggs: they said that they knew nothing of its propagation, although well acquainted with the eggs of the land kind--a fact, considering how very common this lizard is, not a little extraordinary. we will now turn to the terrestrial species (a. demarlii), with a round tail, and toes without webs. this lizard, instead of being found like the other on all the islands, is confined to the central part of the archipelago, namely to albemarle, james, barrington, and indefatigable islands. to the southward, in charles, hood, and chatham islands, and to the northward, in towers, bindloes, and abingdon, i neither saw nor heard of any. it would appear as if it had been created in the centre of the archipelago, and thence had been dispersed only to a certain distance. some of these lizards inhabit the high and damp parts of the islands, but they are much more numerous in the lower and sterile districts near the coast. i cannot give a more forcible proof of their numbers, than by stating that when we were left at james island, we could not for some time find a spot free from their burrows on which to pitch our single tent. like their brothers the sea-kind, they are ugly animals, of a yellowish orange beneath, and of a brownish-red colour above: from their low facial angle they have a singularly stupid appearance. they are, perhaps, of a rather less size than the marine species; but several of them weighed between ten and fifteen pounds. in their movements they are lazy and half torpid. when not frightened, they slowly crawl along with their tails and bellies dragging on the ground. they often stop, and doze for a minute or two, with closed eyes and hind legs spread out on the parched soil. they inhabit burrows which they sometimes make between fragments of lava, but more generally on level patches of the soft sandstone-like tuff. the holes do not appear to be very deep, and they enter the ground at a small angle; so that when walking over these lizard-warrens, the soil is constantly giving way, much to the annoyance of the tired walker. this animal, when making its burrow, works alternately the opposite sides of its body. one front leg for a short time scratches up the soil, and throws it towards the hind foot, which is well placed so as to heave it beyond the mouth of the hole. that side of the body being tired, the other takes up the task, and so on alternately. i watched one for a long time, till half its body was buried; i then walked up and pulled it by the tail; at this it was greatly astonished, and soon shuffled up to see what was the matter; and then stared me in the face, as much as to say, "what made you pull my tail?" they feed by day, and do not wander far from their burrows; if frightened, they rush to them with a most awkward gait. except when running down hill, they cannot move very fast, apparently from the lateral position of their legs. they are not at all timorous: when attentively watching any one, they curl their tails, and, raising themselves on their front legs, nod their heads vertically, with a quick movement, and try to look very fierce; but in reality they are not at all so: if one just stamps on the ground, down go their tails, and off they shuffle as quickly as they can. i have frequently observed small fly-eating lizards, when watching anything, nod their heads in precisely the same manner; but i do not at all know for what purpose. if this amblyrhynchus is held and plagued with a stick, it will bite it very severely; but i caught many by the tail, and they never tried to bite me. if two are placed on the ground and held together, they will fight, and bite each other till blood is drawn. the individuals, and they are the greater number, which inhabit the lower country, can scarcely taste a drop of water throughout the year; but they consume much of the succulent cactus, the branches of which are occasionally broken off by the wind. i several times threw a piece to two or three of them when together; and it was amusing enough to see them trying to seize and carry it away in their mouths, like so many hungry dogs with a bone. they eat very deliberately, but do not chew their food. the little birds are aware how harmless these creatures are: i have seen one of the thick-billed finches picking at one end of a piece of cactus (which is much relished by all the animals of the lower region), whilst a lizard was eating at the other end; and afterwards the little bird with the utmost indifference hopped on the back of the reptile. i opened the stomachs of several, and found them full of vegetable fibres and leaves of different trees, especially of an acacia. in the upper region they live chiefly on the acid and astringent berries of the guayavita, under which trees i have seen these lizards and the huge tortoises feeding together. to obtain the acacia-leaves they crawl up the low stunted trees; and it is not uncommon to see a pair quietly browsing, whilst seated on a branch several feet above the ground. these lizards, when cooked, yield a white meat, which is liked by those whose stomachs soar above all prejudices. humboldt has remarked that in intertropical south america all lizards which inhabit dry regions are esteemed delicacies for the table. the inhabitants state that those which inhabit the upper damp parts drink water, but that the others do not, like the tortoises, travel up for it from the lower sterile country. at the time of our visit, the females had within their bodies numerous, large, elongated eggs, which they lay in their burrows: the inhabitants seek them for food. these two species of amblyrhynchus agree, as i have already stated, in their general structure, and in many of their habits. neither have that rapid movement, so characteristic of the genera lacerta and iguana. they are both herbivorous, although the kind of vegetation on which they feed is so very different. mr. bell has given the name to the genus from the shortness of the snout: indeed, the form of the mouth may almost be compared to that of the tortoise: one is led to suppose that this is an adaptation to their herbivorous appetites. it is very interesting thus to find a well-characterised genus, having its marine and terrestrial species, belonging to so confined a portion of the world. the aquatic species is by far the most remarkable, because it is the only existing lizard which lives on marine vegetable productions. as i at first observed, these islands are not so remarkable for the number of the species of reptiles, as for that of the individuals, when we remember the well-beaten paths made by the thousands of huge tortoises--the many turtles--the great warrens of the terrestrial amblyrhynchus--and the groups of the marine species basking on the coast-rocks of every island--we must admit that there is no other quarter of the world where this order replaces the herbivorous mammalia in so extraordinary a manner. the geologist on hearing this will probably refer back in his mind to the secondary epochs, when lizards, some herbivorous, some carnivorous, and of dimensions comparable only with our existing whales, swarmed on the land and in the sea. it is, therefore, worthy of his observation that this archipelago, instead of possessing a humid climate and rank vegetation, cannot be considered otherwise than extremely arid, and, for an equatorial region, remarkably temperate. to finish with the zoology: the fifteen kinds of sea-fish which i procured here are all new species; they belong to twelve genera, all widely distributed, with the exception of prionotus, of which the four previously known species live on the eastern side of america. of land-shells i collected sixteen kinds (and two marked varieties) of which, with the exception of one helix found at tahiti, all are peculiar to this archipelago: a single fresh-water shell (paludina) is common to tahiti and van diemen's land. mr. cuming, before our voyage, procured here ninety species of sea-shells, and this does not include several species not yet specifically examined, of trochus, turbo, monodonta, and nassa. he has been kind enough to give me the following interesting results: of the ninety shells, no less than forty-seven are unknown elsewhere--a wonderful fact, considering how widely distributed sea-shells generally are. of the forty-three shells found in other parts of the world, twenty-five inhabit the western coast of america, and of these eight are distinguishable as varieties; the remaining eighteen (including one variety) were found by mr. cuming in the low archipelago, and some of them also at the philippines. this fact of shells from islands in the central parts of the pacific occurring here, deserves notice, for not one single sea-shell is known to be common to the islands of that ocean and to the west coast of america. the space of open sea running north and south off the west coast separates two quite distinct conchological provinces; but at the galapagos archipelago we have a halting-place, where many new forms have been created, and whither these two great conchological provinces have each sent several colonists. the american province has also sent here representative species; for there is a galapageian species of monoceros, a genus only found on the west coast of america; and there are galapageian species of fissurella and cancellaria, genera common on the west coast, but not found (as i am informed by mr. cuming) in the central islands of the pacific. on the other hand, there are galapageian species of oniscia and stylifer, genera common to the west indies and to the chinese and indian seas, but not found either on the west coast of america or in the central pacific. i may here add, that after the comparison by messrs. cuming and hinds of about 2000 shells from the eastern and western coasts of america, only one single shell was found in common, namely, the purpura patula, which inhabits the west indies, the coast of panama, and the galapagos. we have, therefore, in this quarter of the world, three great conchological sea-provinces, quite distinct, though surprisingly near each other, being separated by long north and south spaces either of land or of open sea. i took great pains in collecting the insects, but excepting tierra del fuego, i never saw in this respect so poor a country. even in the upper and damp region i procured very few, excepting some minute diptera and hymenoptera, mostly of common mundane forms. as before remarked, the insects, for a tropical region, are of very small size and dull colours. of beetles i collected twenty-five species (excluding a dermestes and corynetes imported wherever a ship touches); of these, two belong to the harpalidae, two to the hydrophilidae, nine to three families of the heteromera, and the remaining twelve to as many different families. this circumstance of insects (and i may add plants), where few in number, belonging to many different families, is, i believe, very general. mr. waterhouse, who has published an account of the insects of this archipelago, and to whom i am indebted for the above details, informs me that there are several new genera; and that of the genera not new, one or two are american, and the rest of mundane distribution. (17/4. "annals and magazine of natural history" volume 16 page 19.) with the exception of a wood-feeding apate, and of one or probably two water-beetles from the american continent, all the species appear to be new. the botany of this group is fully as interesting as the zoology. dr. j. hooker will soon publish in the "linnean transactions" a full account of the flora, and i am much indebted to him for the following details. of flowering plants there are, as far as at present is known, 185 species, and 40 cryptogamic species, making together 225; of this number i was fortunate enough to bring home 193. of the flowering plants, 100 are new species, and are probably confined to this archipelago. dr. hooker conceives that, of the plants not so confined, at least 10 species found near the cultivated ground at charles island have been imported. it is, i think, surprising that more american species have not been introduced naturally, considering that the distance is only between 500 and 600 miles from the continent, and that (according to collnet, page 58) drift-wood, bamboos, canes, and the nuts of a palm, are often washed on the south-eastern shores. the proportion of 100 flowering plants out of 185 (or 175 excluding the imported weeds) being new, is sufficient, i conceive, to make the galapagos archipelago a distinct botanical province; but this flora is not nearly so peculiar as that of st. helena, nor, as i am informed by dr. hooker, of juan fernandez. the peculiarity of the galapageian flora is best shown in certain families;--thus there are 21 species of compositae, of which 20 are peculiar to this archipelago; these belong to twelve genera, and of these genera no less than ten are confined to the archipelago! dr. hooker informs me that the flora has an undoubted western american character; nor can he detect in it any affinity with that of the pacific. if, therefore, we except the eighteen marine, the one fresh-water, and one land-shell, which have apparently come here as colonists from the central islands of the pacific, and likewise the one distinct pacific species of the galapageian group of finches, we see that this archipelago, though standing in the pacific ocean, is zoologically part of america. if this character were owing merely to immigrants from america, there would be little remarkable in it; but we see that a vast majority of all the land animals, and that more than half of the flowering plants, are aboriginal productions. it was most striking to be surrounded by new birds, new reptiles, new shells, new insects, new plants, and yet by innumerable trifling details of structure, and even by the tones of voice and plumage of the birds, to have the temperate plains of patagonia, or the hot dry deserts of northern chile, vividly brought before my eyes. why, on these small points of land, which within a late geological period must have been covered by the ocean, which are formed of basaltic lava, and therefore differ in geological character from the american continent, and which are placed under a peculiar climate,--why were their aboriginal inhabitants, associated, i may add, in different proportions both in kind and number from those on the continent, and therefore acting on each other in a different manner--why were they created on american types of organisation? it is probable that the islands of the cape de verd group resemble, in all their physical conditions, far more closely the galapagos islands than these latter physically resemble the coast of america, yet the aboriginal inhabitants of the two groups are totally unlike; those of the cape de verd islands bearing the impress of africa, as the inhabitants of the galapagos archipelago are stamped with that of america. i have not as yet noticed by far the most remarkable feature in the natural history of this archipelago; it is, that the different islands to a considerable extent are inhabited by a different set of beings. my attention was first called to this fact by the vice-governor, mr. lawson, declaring that the tortoises differed from the different islands, and that he could with certainty tell from which island any one was brought. i did not for some time pay sufficient attention to this statement, and i had already partially mingled together the collections from two of the islands. i never dreamed that islands, about 50 or 60 miles apart, and most of them in sight of each other, formed of precisely the same rocks, placed under a quite similar climate, rising to a nearly equal height, would have been differently tenanted; but we shall soon see that this is the case. it is the fate of most voyagers, no sooner to discover what is most interesting in any locality, than they are hurried from it; but i ought, perhaps, to be thankful that i obtained sufficient materials to establish this most remarkable fact in the distribution of organic beings. the inhabitants, as i have said, state that they can distinguish the tortoises from the different islands; and that they differ not only in size, but in other characters. captain porter has described those from charles and from the nearest island to it, namely, hood island, as having their shells in front thick and turned up like a spanish saddle, whilst the tortoises from james island are rounder, blacker, and have a better taste when cooked. (17/5. "voyage in the u.s. ship essex" volume 1 page 215.) m. bibron, moreover, informs me that he has seen what he considers two distinct species of tortoise from the galapagos, but he does not know from which islands. the specimens that i brought from three islands were young ones: and probably owing to this cause neither mr. gray nor myself could find in them any specific differences. i have remarked that the marine amblyrhynchus was larger at albemarle island than elsewhere; and m. bibron informs me that he has seen two distinct aquatic species of this genus; so that the different islands probably have their representative species or races of the amblyrhynchus, as well as of the tortoise. my attention was first thoroughly aroused by comparing together the numerous specimens, shot by myself and several other parties on board, of the mocking-thrushes, when, to my astonishment, i discovered that all those from charles island belonged to one species (mimus trifasciatus) all from albemarle island to m. parvulus; and all from james and chatham islands (between which two other islands are situated, as connecting links) belonged to m. melanotis. these two latter species are closely allied, and would by some ornithologists be considered as only well-marked races or varieties; but the mimus trifasciatus is very distinct. unfortunately most of the specimens of the finch tribe were mingled together; but i have strong reasons to suspect that some of the species of the sub-group geospiza are confined to separate islands. if the different islands have their representatives of geospiza, it may help to explain the singularly large number of the species of this sub-group in this one small archipelago, and as a probable consequence of their numbers, the perfectly graduated series in the size of their beaks. two species of the sub-group cactornis, and two of the camarhynchus, were procured in the archipelago; and of the numerous specimens of these two sub-groups shot by four collectors at james island, all were found to belong to one species of each; whereas the numerous specimens shot either on chatham or charles island (for the two sets were mingled together) all belonged to the two other species: hence we may feel almost sure that these islands possess their representative species of these two sub-groups. in land-shells this law of distribution does not appear to hold good. in my very small collection of insects, mr. waterhouse remarks that of those which were ticketed with their locality, not one was common to any two of the islands. table 17/1. column 1 : name of island. column 2 : total number of species. column 3 : number of species found in other parts of the world. column 4 : number of species confined to the galapagos archipelago. column 5 : number confined to the one island. column 6 : number of species confined to the galapagos archipelago, but found on more than the one island. james : 71 : 33 : 38 : 30 : 8. albemarle : 46 : 18 : 26 : 22 : 4. chatham : 32 : 16 : 16 : 12 : 4. charles : 68 : 39* : 29 : 21 : 8. *(or 29, if the probably imported plants be subtracted.) if we now turn to the flora, we shall find the aboriginal plants of the different islands wonderfully different. i give all the following results (table 17/1) on the high authority of my friend dr. j. hooker. i may premise that i indiscriminately collected everything in flower on the different islands, and fortunately kept my collections separate. too much confidence, however, must not be placed in the proportional results, as the small collections brought home by some other naturalists though in some respects confirming the results, plainly show that much remains to be done in the botany of this group: the leguminosae, moreover, have as yet been only approximately worked out:-hence we have the truly wonderful fact, that in james island, of the thirty-eight galapageian plants, or those found in no other part of the world, thirty are exclusively confined to this one island; and in albemarle island, of the twenty-six aboriginal galapageian plants, twenty-two are confined to this one island, that is, only four are at present known to grow in the other islands of the archipelago; and so on, as shown in the above table, with the plants from chatham and charles islands. this fact will, perhaps, be rendered even more striking, by giving a few illustrations:--thus, scalesia, a remarkable arborescent genus of the compositae, is confined to the archipelago: it has six species: one from chatham, one from albemarle, one from charles island, two from james island, and the sixth from one of the three latter islands, but it is not known from which: not one of these six species grows on any two islands. again, euphorbia, a mundane or widely distributed genus, has here eight species, of which seven are confined to the archipelago, and not one found on any two islands: acalypha and borreria, both mundane genera, have respectively six and seven species, none of which have the same species on two islands, with the exception of one borreria, which does occur on two islands. the species of the compositae are particularly local; and dr. hooker has furnished me with several other most striking illustrations of the difference of the species on the different islands. he remarks that this law of distribution holds good both with those genera confined to the archipelago, and those distributed in other quarters of the world: in like manner we have seen that the different islands have their proper species of the mundane genus of tortoise, and of the widely distributed american genus of the mocking-thrush, as well as of two of the galapageian sub-groups of finches, and almost certainly of the galapageian genus amblyrhynchus. the distribution of the tenants of this archipelago would not be nearly so wonderful, if, for instance, one island had a mocking-thrush, and a second island some other quite distinct genus;--if one island had its genus of lizard, and a second island another distinct genus, or none whatever;--or if the different islands were inhabited, not by representative species of the same genera of plants, but by totally different genera, as does to a certain extent hold good; for, to give one instance, a large berry-bearing tree at james island has no representative species in charles island. but it is the circumstance that several of the islands possess their own species of the tortoise, mocking-thrush, finches, and numerous plants, these species having the same general habits, occupying analogous situations, and obviously filling the same place in the natural economy of this archipelago, that strikes me with wonder. it may be suspected that some of these representative species, at least in the case of the tortoise and of some of the birds, may hereafter prove to be only well-marked races; but this would be of equally great interest to the philosophical naturalist. i have said that most of the islands are in sight of each other: i may specify that charles island is fifty miles from the nearest part of chatham island, and thirty-three miles from the nearest part of albemarle island. chatham island is sixty miles from the nearest part of james island, but there are two intermediate islands between them which were not visited by me. james island is only ten miles from the nearest part of albemarle island, but the two points where the collections were made are thirty-two miles apart. i must repeat, that neither the nature of the soil, nor height of the land, nor the climate, nor the general character of the associated beings, and therefore their action one on another, can differ much in the different islands. if there be any sensible difference in their climates, it must be between the windward group (namely, charles and chatham islands), and that to leeward; but there seems to be no corresponding difference in the productions of these two halves of the archipelago. the only light which i can throw on this remarkable difference in the inhabitants of the different islands is that very strong currents of the sea running in a westerly and west-north-westerly direction must separate, as far as transportal by the sea is concerned, the southern islands from the northern ones; and between these northern islands a strong north-west current was observed, which must effectually separate james and albemarle islands. as the archipelago is free to a most remarkable degree from gales of wind, neither the birds, insects, nor lighter seeds, would be blown from island to island. and lastly, the profound depth of the ocean between the islands, and their apparently recent (in a geological sense) volcanic origin, render it highly unlikely that they were ever united; and this, probably, is a far more important consideration than any other with respect to the geographical distribution of their inhabitants. reviewing the facts here given, one is astonished at the amount of creative force, if such an expression may be used, displayed on these small, barren, and rocky islands; and still more so, at its diverse yet analogous action on points so near each other. i have said that the galapagos archipelago might be called a satellite attached to america, but it should rather be called a group of satellites, physically similar, organically distinct, yet intimately related to each other, and all related in a marked though much lesser degree, to the great american continent. i will conclude my description of the natural history of these islands by giving an account of the extreme tameness of the birds. this disposition is common to all the terrestrial species; namely, to the mocking-thrushes, the finches, wrens, tyrant-flycatchers, the dove, and carrion-buzzard. all of them often approached sufficiently near to be killed with a switch, and sometimes, as i myself tried, with a cap or hat. a gun is here almost superfluous; for with the muzzle i pushed a hawk off the branch of a tree. one day, whilst lying down, a mocking-thrush alighted on the edge of a pitcher, made of the shell of a tortoise, which i held in my hand, and began very quietly to sip the water; it allowed me to lift it from the ground whilst seated on the vessel: i often tried, and very nearly succeeded, in catching these birds by their legs. formerly the birds appear to have been even tamer than at present. cowley (in the year 1684) says that the "turtledoves were so tame, that they would often alight on our hats and arms, so as that we could take them alive: they not fearing man, until such time as some of our company did fire at them, whereby they were rendered more shy." dampier also, in the same year, says that a man in a morning's walk might kill six or seven dozen of these doves. at present, although certainly very tame, they do not alight on people's arms, nor do they suffer themselves to be killed in such large numbers. it is surprising that they have not become wilder; for these islands during the last hundred and fifty years have been frequently visited by bucaniers and whalers; and the sailors, wandering through the wood in search of tortoises, always take cruel delight in knocking down the little birds. these birds, although now still more persecuted, do not readily become wild: in charles island, which had then been colonised about six years, i saw a boy sitting by a well with a switch in his hand, with which he killed the doves and finches as they came to drink. he had already procured a little heap of them for his dinner, and he said that he had constantly been in the habit of waiting by this well for the same purpose. it would appear that the birds of this archipelago, not having as yet learnt that man is a more dangerous animal than the tortoise or the amblyrhynchus, disregard him, in the same manner as in england shy birds, such as magpies, disregard the cows and horses grazing in our fields. the falkland islands offer a second instance of birds with a similar disposition. the extraordinary tameness of the little opetiorhynchus has been remarked by pernety, lesson, and other voyagers. it is not, however, peculiar to that bird: the polyborus, snipe, upland and lowland goose, thrush, bunting, and even some true hawks, are all more or less tame. as the birds are so tame there, where foxes, hawks, and owls occur, we may infer that the absence of all rapacious animals at the galapagos is not the cause of their tameness here. the upland geese at the falklands show, by the precaution they take in building on the islets, that they are aware of their danger from the foxes; but they are not by this rendered wild towards man. this tameness of the birds, especially of the waterfowl, is strongly contrasted with the habits of the same species in tierra del fuego, where for ages past they have been persecuted by the wild inhabitants. in the falklands, the sportsman may sometimes kill more of the upland geese in one day than he can carry home; whereas in tierra del fuego it is nearly as difficult to kill one as it is in england to shoot the common wild goose. in the time of pernety (1763) all the birds there appear to have been much tamer than at present; he states that the opetiorhynchus would almost perch on his finger; and that with a wand he killed ten in half an hour. at that period the birds must have been about as tame as they now are at the galapagos. they appear to have learnt caution more slowly at these latter islands than at the falklands, where they have had proportionate means of experience; for besides frequent visits from vessels, those islands have been at intervals colonised during the entire period. even formerly, when all the birds were so tame, it was impossible by pernety's account to kill the black-necked swan--a bird of passage, which probably brought with it the wisdom learnt in foreign countries. i may add that, according to du bois, all the birds at bourbon in 1571-72, with the exception of the flamingoes and geese, were so extremely tame, that they could be caught by the hand, or killed in any number with a stick. again, at tristan d'acunha in the atlantic, carmichael states that the only two land-birds, a thrush and a bunting, were "so tame as to suffer themselves to be caught with a hand-net." (17/6. "linnean transactions" volume 12 page 496. the most anomalous fact on this subject which i have met with is the wildness of the small birds in the arctic parts of north america (as described by richardson "fauna bor." volume 2 page 332), where they are said never to be persecuted. this case is the more strange, because it is asserted that some of the same species in their winter-quarters in the united states are tame. there is much, as dr. richardson well remarks, utterly inexplicable connected with the different degrees of shyness and care with which birds conceal their nests. how strange it is that the english wood-pigeon, generally so wild a bird, should very frequently rear its young in shrubberies close to houses!) from these several facts we may, i think, conclude, first, that the wildness of birds with regard to man is a particular instinct directed against him, and not dependent upon any general degree of caution arising from other sources of danger; secondly, that it is not acquired by individual birds in a short time, even when much persecuted; but that in the course of successive generations it becomes hereditary. with domesticated animals we are accustomed to see new mental habits or instincts acquired and rendered hereditary; but with animals in a state of nature it must always be most difficult to discover instances of acquired hereditary knowledge. in regard to the wildness of birds towards man, there is no way of accounting for it, except as an inherited habit: comparatively few young birds, in any one year, have been injured by man in england, yet almost all, even nestlings, are afraid of him; many individuals, on the other hand, both at the galapagos and at the falklands, have been pursued and injured by man, but yet have not learned a salutary dread of him. we may infer from these facts, what havoc the introduction of any new beast of prey must cause in a country, before the instincts of the indigenous inhabitants have become adapted to the stranger's craft or power. (plate 83. opuntia galapageia, james island. c. darwin's sketch. stem 6 to 10 feet. diameter 1 foot.) chapter xviii. (plate 84. ava or kava (macropiper methysticum), tahiti.) tahiti and new zealand. pass through the low archipelago. tahiti. aspect. vegetation on the mountains. view of eimeo. excursion into the interior. profound ravines. succession of waterfalls. number of wild useful plants. temperance of the inhabitants. their moral state. parliament convened. new zealand. bay of islands. hippahs. excursion to waimate. missionary establishment. english weeds now run wild. waiomio. funeral of a new zealand woman. sail for australia. october 20, 1835. the survey of the galapagos archipelago being concluded, we steered towards tahiti and commenced our long passage of 3200 miles. in the course of a few days we sailed out of the gloomy and clouded ocean-district which extends during the winter far from the coast of south america. we then enjoyed bright and clear weather, while running pleasantly along at the rate of 150 or 160 miles a day before the steady trade-wind. the temperature in this more central part of the pacific is higher than near the american shore. the thermometer in the poop cabin, by night and day, ranged between 80 and 83 degrees, which feels very pleasant; but with one degree or two higher, the heat becomes oppressive. we passed through the low or dangerous archipelago, and saw several of those most curious rings of coral land, just rising above the water's edge, which have been called lagoon islands. a long and brilliantly-white beach is capped by a margin of green vegetation; and the strip, looking either way, rapidly narrows away in the distance, and sinks beneath the horizon. from the mast-head a wide expanse of smooth water can be seen within the ring. these low hollow coral islands bear no proportion to the vast ocean out of which they abruptly rise; and it seems wonderful that such weak invaders are not overwhelmed by the all-powerful and never-tiring waves of that great sea, miscalled the pacific. november 15, 1835. at daylight, tahiti, an island which must for ever remain classical to the voyager in the south sea, was in view. at a distance the appearance was not attractive. the luxuriant vegetation of the lower part could not yet be seen, and as the clouds rolled past, the wildest and most precipitous peaks showed themselves towards the centre of the island. as soon as we anchored in matavai bay, we were surrounded by canoes. this was our sunday, but the monday of tahiti: if the case had been reversed, we should not have received a single visit; for the injunction not to launch a canoe on the sabbath is rigidly obeyed. after dinner we landed to enjoy all the delights produced by the first impressions of a new country, and that country the charming tahiti. a crowd of men, women, and children, was collected on the memorable point venus, ready to receive us with laughing, merry faces. they marshalled us towards the house of mr. wilson, the missionary of the district, who met us on the road, and gave us a very friendly reception. after sitting a short time in his house, we separated to walk about, but returned there in the evening. the land capable of cultivation is scarcely in any part more than a fringe of low alluvial soil, accumulated round the base of the mountains, and protected from the waves of the sea by a coral reef, which encircles the entire line of coast. within the reef there is an expanse of smooth water, like that of a lake, where the canoes of the natives can ply with safety and where ships anchor. the low land which comes down to the beach of coral-sand is covered by the most beautiful productions of the intertropical regions. in the midst of bananas, orange, cocoa-nut, and bread-fruit trees, spots are cleared where yams, sweet potatoes, the sugar-cane, and pine-apples are cultivated. even the brushwood is an imported fruit-tree, namely, the guava, which from its abundance has become as noxious as a weed. in brazil i have often admired the varied beauty of the bananas, palms, and orange-trees contrasted together; and here we also have the bread-fruit, conspicuous from its large, glossy, and deeply digitated leaf. it is admirable to behold groves of a tree, sending forth its branches with the vigour of an english oak, loaded with large and most nutritious fruit. however seldom the usefulness of an object can account for the pleasure of beholding it, in the case of these beautiful woods, the knowledge of their high productiveness no doubt enters largely into the feeling of admiration. the little winding paths, cool from the surrounding shade, led to the scattered houses; the owners of which everywhere gave us a cheerful and most hospitable reception. i was pleased with nothing so much as with the inhabitants. there is a mildness in the expression of their countenances which at once banishes the idea of a savage; and an intelligence which shows that they are advancing in civilisation. the common people, when working, keep the upper part of their bodies quite naked; and it is then that the tahitians are seen to advantage. they are very tall, broad-shouldered, athletic, and well-proportioned. it has been remarked that it requires little habit to make a dark skin more pleasing and natural to the eye of a european than his own colour. a white man bathing by the side of a tahitian was like a plant bleached by the gardener's art compared with a fine dark green one growing vigorously in the open fields. most of the men are tattooed, and the ornaments follow the curvature of the body so gracefully that they have a very elegant effect. one common pattern, varying in its details, is somewhat like the crown of a palm-tree. it springs from the central line of the back, and gracefully curls round both sides. the simile may be a fanciful one, but i thought the body of a man thus ornamented was like the trunk of a noble tree embraced by a delicate creeper. many of the elder people had their feet covered with small figures, so placed as to resemble a sock. this fashion, however, is partly gone by, and has been succeeded by others. here, although fashion is far from immutable, every one must abide by that prevailing in his youth. an old man has thus his age for ever stamped on his body, and he cannot assume the airs of a young dandy. the women are tattooed in the same manner as the men, and very commonly on their fingers. one unbecoming fashion is now almost universal: namely, shaving the hair from the upper part of the head, in a circular form, so as to leave only an outer ring. the missionaries have tried to persuade the people to change this habit; but it is the fashion, and that is a sufficient answer at tahiti, as well as at paris. i was much disappointed in the personal appearance of the women: they are far inferior in every respect to the men. the custom of wearing a white or scarlet flower in the back of the head, or through a small hole in each ear, is pretty. a crown of woven cocoa-nut leaves is also worn as a shade for the eyes. the women appear to be in greater want of some becoming costume even than the men. nearly all the natives understand a little english--that is, they know the names of common things; and by the aid of this, together with signs, a lame sort of conversation could be carried on. in returning in the evening to the boat, we stopped to witness a very pretty scene. numbers of children were playing on the beach, and had lighted bonfires which illumined the placid sea and surrounding trees; others, in circles, were singing tahitian verses. we seated ourselves on the sand, and joined their party. the songs were impromptu, and i believe related to our arrival: one little girl sang a line, which the rest took up in parts, forming a very pretty chorus. the whole scene made us unequivocally aware that we were seated on the shores of an island in the far-famed south sea. november 17, 1835. this day is reckoned in the log-book as tuesday the 17th, instead of monday the 16th, owing to our, so far, successful chase of the sun. before breakfast the ship was hemmed in by a flotilla of canoes; and when the natives were allowed to come on board, i suppose there could not have been less than two hundred. it was the opinion of every one that it would have been difficult to have picked out an equal number from any other nation, who would have given so little trouble. everybody brought something for sale: shells were the main article of trade. the tahitians now fully understand the value of money, and prefer it to old clothes or other articles. the various coins, however, of english and spanish denomination puzzle them, and they never seemed to think the small silver quite secure until changed into dollars. some of the chiefs have accumulated considerable sums of money. one chief, not long since, offered 800 dollars (about 160 pounds sterling) for a small vessel; and frequently they purchase whale-boats and horses at the rate of from 50 to 100 dollars. after breakfast i went on shore, and ascended the nearest slope to a height of between two and three thousand feet. the outer mountains are smooth and conical, but steep; and the old volcanic rocks, of which they are formed, have been cut through by many profound ravines, diverging from the central broken parts of the island to the coast. having crossed the narrow low girt of inhabited and fertile land, i followed a smooth steep ridge between two of the deep ravines. the vegetation was singular, consisting almost exclusively of small dwarf ferns, mingled, higher up, with coarse grass; it was not very dissimilar from that on some of the welsh hills, and this so close above the orchard of tropical plants on the coast was very surprising. at the highest point which i reached trees again appeared. of the three zones of comparative luxuriance, the lower one owes its moisture, and therefore fertility, to its flatness; for, being scarcely raised above the level of the sea, the water from the higher land drains away slowly. the intermediate zone does not, like the upper one, reach into a damp and cloudy atmosphere, and therefore remains sterile. the woods in the upper zone are very pretty, tree-ferns replacing the cocoa-nuts on the coast. it must not, however, be supposed that these woods at all equal in splendour the forests of brazil. the vast number of productions, which characterise a continent, cannot be expected to occur in an island. (plate 85. eimeo and barrier-reef.) from the highest point which i attained there was a good view of the distant island of eimeo, dependent on the same sovereign with tahiti. on the lofty and broken pinnacles white massive clouds were piled up, which formed an island in the blue sky, as eimeo itself did in the blue ocean. the island, with the exception of one small gateway, is completely encircled by a reef. at this distance, a narrow but well-defined brilliantly white line was alone visible, where the waves first encountered the wall of coral. the mountains rose abruptly out of the glassy expanse of the lagoon, included within this narrow white line, outside which the heaving waters of the ocean were dark-coloured. the view was striking: it may aptly be compared to a framed engraving, where the frame represents the breakers, the marginal paper the smooth lagoon, and the drawing the island itself. when in the evening i descended from the mountain, a man, whom i had pleased with a trifling gift, met me, bringing with him hot roasted bananas, a pine-apple, and cocoa-nuts. after walking under a burning sun, i do not know anything more delicious than the milk of a young cocoa-nut. pine-apples are here so abundant that the people eat them in the same wasteful manner as we might turnips. they are of an excellent flavour--perhaps even better than those cultivated in england; and this i believe is the highest compliment which can be paid to any fruit. before going on board, mr. wilson interpreted for me to the tahitian who had paid me so adroit an attention, that i wanted him and another man to accompany me on a short excursion into the mountains. november 18, 1835. in the morning i came on shore early, bringing with me some provisions in a bag, and two blankets for myself and servant. these were lashed to each end of a long pole, which was alternately carried by my tahitian companions on their shoulders. these men are accustomed thus to carry, for a whole day, as much as fifty pounds at each end of their poles. i told my guides to provide themselves with food and clothing; but they said that there was plenty of food in the mountains, and for clothing, that their skins were sufficient. our line of march was the valley of tia-auru, down which a river flows into the sea by point venus. this is one of the principal streams in the island, and its source lies at the base of the loftiest central pinnacles, which rise to a height of about 7000 feet. the whole island is so mountainous that the only way to penetrate into the interior is to follow up the valleys. our road, at first, lay through woods which bordered each side of the river; and the glimpses of the lofty central peaks, seen as through an avenue, with here and there a waving cocoa-nut tree on one side, were extremely picturesque. the valley soon began to narrow, and the sides to grow lofty and more precipitous. after having walked between three and four hours, we found the width of the ravine scarcely exceeded that of the bed of the stream. on each hand the walls were nearly vertical; yet from the soft nature of the volcanic strata, trees and a rank vegetation sprung from every projecting ledge. these precipices must have been some thousand feet high; and the whole formed a mountain gorge far more magnificent than anything which i had ever before beheld. until the mid-day sun stood vertically over the ravine, the air felt cool and damp, but now it became very sultry. shaded by a ledge of rock, beneath a facade of columnar lava, we ate our dinner. my guides had already procured a dish of small fish and fresh-water prawns. they carried with them a small net stretched on a hoop; and where the water was deep and in eddies, they dived, and like otters, with their eyes open followed the fish into holes and corners, and thus caught them. the tahitians have the dexterity of amphibious animals in the water. an anecdote mentioned by ellis shows how much they feel at home in this element. when a horse was landing for pomarre in 1817, the slings broke, and it fell into the water; immediately the natives jumped overboard, and by their cries and vain efforts at assistance almost drowned it. as soon, however, as it reached the shore, the whole population took to flight, and tried to hide themselves from the man-carrying pig, as they christened the horse. a little higher up, the river divided itself into three little streams. the two northern ones were impracticable, owing to a succession of waterfalls which descended from the jagged summit of the highest mountain; the other to all appearance was equally inaccessible, but we managed to ascend it by a most extraordinary road. the sides of the valley were here nearly precipitous; but, as frequently happens with stratified rocks, small ledges projected, which were thickly covered by wild bananas, liliaceous plants, and other luxuriant productions of the tropics. the tahitians, by climbing amongst these ledges, searching for fruit, had discovered a track by which the whole precipice could be scaled. the first ascent from the valley was very dangerous; for it was necessary to pass a steeply inclined face of naked rock by the aid of ropes which we brought with us. how any person discovered that this formidable spot was the only point where the side of the mountain was practicable, i cannot imagine. we then cautiously walked along one of the ledges till we came to one of the three streams. this ledge formed a flat spot above which a beautiful cascade, some hundred feet in height, poured down its waters, and beneath, another high cascade fell into the main stream in the valley below. from this cool and shady recess we made a circuit to avoid the overhanging waterfall. as before, we followed little projecting ledges, the danger being partly concealed by the thickness of the vegetation. in passing from one of the ledges to another there was a vertical wall of rock. one of the tahitians, a fine active man, placed the trunk of a tree against this, climbed up it, and then by the aid of crevices reached the summit. he fixed the ropes to a projecting point, and lowered them for our dog and luggage, and then we clambered up ourselves. beneath the ledge on which the dead tree was placed, the precipice must have been five or six hundred feet deep; and if the abyss had not been partly concealed by the overhanging ferns and lilies my head would have turned giddy, and nothing should have induced me to have attempted it. we continued to ascend, sometimes along ledges, and sometimes along knife-edged ridges, having on each hand profound ravines. in the cordillera i have seen mountains on a far grander scale, but for abruptness nothing at all comparable with this. in the evening we reached a flat little spot on the banks of the same stream which we had continued to follow, and which descends in a chain of waterfalls: here we bivouacked for the night. on each side of the ravine there were great beds of the mountain-banana, covered with ripe fruit. many of these plants were from twenty to twenty-five feet high, and from three to four in circumference. by the aid of strips of bark for rope, the stems of bamboos for rafters, and the large leaf of the banana for a thatch, the tahitians in a few minutes built us an excellent house; and with withered leaves made a soft bed. (plate 86. fatahua fall, tahiti.) (plate 87. tahitian.) they then proceeded to make a fire, and cook our evening meal. a light was procured by rubbing a blunt pointed stick in a groove made in another, as if with intention of deepening it, until by the friction the dust became ignited. a peculiarly white and very light wood (the hibiscus tiliaceus) is alone used for this purpose: it is the same which serves for poles to carry any burden, and for the floating out-riggers to their canoes. the fire was produced in a few seconds: but to a person who does not understand the art, it requires, as i found, the greatest exertion; but at last, to my great pride, i succeeded in igniting the dust. the gaucho in the pampas uses a different method: taking an elastic stick about eighteen inches long, he presses one end on his breast, and the other pointed end into a hole in a piece of wood, and then rapidly turns the curved part like a carpenter's centre-bit. the tahitians having made a small fire of sticks, placed a score of stones of about the size of cricket-balls, on the burning wood. in about ten minutes the sticks were consumed, and the stones hot. they had previously folded up in small parcels of leaves, pieces of beef, fish, ripe and unripe bananas, and the tops of the wild arum. these green parcels were laid in a layer between two layers of the hot stones, and the whole then covered up with earth, so that no smoke or steam could escape. in about a quarter of an hour the whole was most deliciously cooked. the choice green parcels were now laid on a cloth of banana leaves, and with a cocoa-nut shell we drank the cool water of the running stream; and thus we enjoyed our rustic meal. i could not look on the surrounding plants without admiration. on every side were forests of bananas; the fruit of which, though serving for food in various ways, lay in heaps decaying on the ground. in front of us there was an extensive brake of wild sugar-cane; and the stream was shaded by the dark green knotted stem of the ava,--so famous in former days for its powerful intoxicating effects. i chewed a piece, and found that it had an acrid and unpleasant taste, which would have induced any one at once to have pronounced it poisonous. thanks to the missionaries, this plant now thrives only in these deep ravines, innocuous to every one. close by i saw the wild arum, the roots of which, when well baked, are good to eat, and the young leaves better than spinach. there was the wild yam, and a liliaceous plant called ti, which grows in abundance, and has a soft brown root, in shape and size like a huge log of wood: this served us for dessert, for it is as sweet as treacle, and with a pleasant taste. there were, moreover, several other wild fruits, and useful vegetables. the little stream, besides its cool water, produced eels and crayfish. i did indeed admire this scene, when i compared it with an uncultivated one in the temperate zones. i felt the force of the remark that man, at least savage man, with his reasoning powers only partly developed, is the child of the tropics. as the evening drew to a close, i strolled beneath the gloomy shade of the bananas up the course of the stream. my walk was soon brought to a close by coming to a waterfall between two and three hundred feet high; and again above this there was another. i mention all these waterfalls in this one brook to give a general idea of the inclination of the land. in the little recess where the water fell, it did not appear that a breath of wind had ever blown. the thin edges of the great leaves of the banana, damp with spray, were unbroken, instead of being, as is so generally the case, split into a thousand shreds. from our position, almost suspended on the mountain-side, there were glimpses into the depths of the neighbouring valleys; and the lofty points of the central mountains, towering up within sixty degrees of the zenith, hid half the evening sky. thus seated, it was a sublime spectacle to watch the shades of night gradually obscuring the last and highest pinnacles. before we laid ourselves down to sleep, the elder tahitian fell on his knees, and with closed eyes repeated a long prayer in his native tongue. he prayed as a christian should do, with fitting reverence, and without the fear of ridicule or any ostentation of piety. at our meals neither of the men would taste food, without saying beforehand a short grace. those travellers who think that a tahitian prays only when the eyes of the missionary are fixed on him, should have slept with us that night on the mountain-side. before morning it rained very heavily; but the good thatch of banana-leaves kept us dry. november 19, 1835. at daylight my friends, after their morning prayer, prepared an excellent breakfast in the same manner as in the evening. they themselves certainly partook of it largely; indeed i never saw any men eat near so much. i suppose such enormously capacious stomachs must be the effect of a large part of their diet consisting of fruit and vegetables which contain, in a given bulk, a comparatively small portion of nutriment. unwittingly, i was the means of my companions breaking, as i afterwards learned, one of their own laws and resolutions: i took with me a flask of spirits, which they could not refuse to partake of; but as often as they drank a little, they put their fingers before their mouths, and uttered the word "missionary." about two years ago, although the use of the ava was prevented, drunkenness from the introduction of spirits became very prevalent. the missionaries prevailed on a few good men who saw that their country was rapidly going to ruin, to join with them in a temperance society. from good sense or shame, all the chiefs and the queen were at last persuaded to join. immediately a law was passed that no spirits should be allowed to be introduced into the island, and that he who sold and he who bought the forbidden article should be punished by a fine. with remarkable justice, a certain period was allowed for stock in hand to be sold, before the law came into effect. but when it did, a general search was made, in which even the houses of the missionaries were not exempted, and all the ava (as the natives call all ardent spirits) was poured on the ground. when one reflects on the effect of intemperance on the aborigines of the two americas, i think it will be acknowledged that every well-wisher of tahiti owes no common debt of gratitude to the missionaries. as long as the little island of st. helena remained under the government of the east india company, spirits, owing to the great injury they had produced, were not allowed to be imported; but wine was supplied from the cape of good hope. it is rather a striking, and not very gratifying fact, that in the same year that spirits were allowed to be sold in st. helena, their use was banished from tahiti by the free will of the people. after breakfast we proceeded on our journey. as my object was merely to see a little of the interior scenery, we returned by another track, which descended into the main valley lower down. for some distance we wound, by a most intricate path, along the side of the mountain which formed the valley. in the less precipitous parts we passed through extensive groves of the wild banana. the tahitians, with their naked, tattooed bodies, their heads ornamented with flowers, and seen in the dark shade of these groves, would have formed a fine picture of man inhabiting some primeval land. in our descent we followed the line of ridges; these were exceedingly narrow, and for considerable lengths steep as a ladder; but all clothed with vegetation. the extreme care necessary in poising each step rendered the walk fatiguing. i did not cease to wonder at these ravines and precipices: when viewing the country from one of the knife-edged ridges, the point of support was so small that the effect was nearly the same as it must be from a balloon. in this descent we had occasion to use the ropes only once, at the point where we entered the main valley. we slept under the same ledge of rock where we had dined the day before: the night was fine, but from the depth and narrowness of the gorge, profoundly dark. before actually seeing this country, i found it difficult to understand two facts mentioned by ellis; namely, that after the murderous battles of former times, the survivors on the conquered side retired into the mountains, where a handful of men could resist a multitude. certainly half a dozen men, at the spot where the tahitian reared the old tree, could easily have repulsed thousands. secondly, that after the introduction of christianity, there were wild men who lived in the mountains, and whose retreats were unknown to the more civilised inhabitants. november 20, 1835. in the morning we started early, and reached matavai at noon. on the road we met a large party of noble athletic men, going for wild bananas. i found that the ship, on account of the difficulty in watering, had moved to the harbour of papawa, to which place i immediately walked. this is a very pretty spot. the cove is surrounded by reefs, and the water as smooth as in a lake. the cultivated ground, with its beautiful productions, interspersed with cottages, comes close down to the water's edge. from the varying accounts which i had read before reaching these islands, i was very anxious to form, from my own observation, a judgment of their moral state,--although such judgment would necessarily be very imperfect. first impressions at all times very much depend on one's previously acquired ideas. my notions were drawn from ellis's "polynesian researches"--an admirable and most interesting work, but naturally looking at everything under a favourable point of view, from beechey's "voyage;" and from that of kotzebue, which is strongly adverse to the whole missionary system. he who compares these three accounts will, i think, form a tolerably accurate conception of the present state of tahiti. one of my impressions, which i took from the two last authorities, was decidedly incorrect; namely, that the tahitians had become a gloomy race, and lived in fear of the missionaries. of the latter feeling i saw no trace, unless, indeed, fear and respect be confounded under one name. instead of discontent being a common feeling, it would be difficult in europe to pick out of a crowd half so many merry and happy faces. the prohibition of the flute and dancing is inveighed against as wrong and foolish;--the more than presbyterian manner of keeping the sabbath is looked at in a similar light. on these points i will not pretend to offer any opinion, in opposition to men who have resided as many years as i was days on the island. on the whole, it appears to me that the morality and religion of the inhabitants are highly creditable. there are many who attack, even more acrimoniously than kotzebue, both the missionaries, their system, and the effects produced by it. such reasoners never compare the present state with that of the island only twenty years ago; nor even with that of europe at this day; but they compare it with the high standard of gospel perfection. they expect the missionaries to effect that which the apostles themselves failed to do. inasmuch as the condition of the people falls short of this high standard, blame is attached to the missionary, instead of credit for that which he has effected. they forget, or will not remember, that human sacrifices, and the power of an idolatrous priesthood--a system of profligacy unparalleled in any other part of the world--infanticide a consequence of that system--bloody wars, where the conquerors spared neither women nor children--that all these have been abolished; and that dishonesty, intemperance, and licentiousness have been greatly reduced by the introduction of christianity. in a voyager to forget these things is base ingratitude; for should he chance to be at the point of shipwreck on some unknown coast, he will most devoutly pray that the lesson of the missionary may have extended thus far. in point of morality, the virtue of the women, it has been often said, is most open to exception. but before they are blamed too severely, it will be well distinctly to call to mind the scenes described by captain cook and mr. banks, in which the grandmothers and mothers of the present race played a part. those who are most severe, should consider how much of the morality of the women in europe is owing to the system early impressed by mothers on their daughters, and how much in each individual case to the precepts of religion. but it is useless to argue against such reasoners;--i believe that, disappointed in not finding the field of licentiousness quite so open as formerly, they will not give credit to a morality which they do not wish to practise, or to a religion which they undervalue, if not despise. sunday, november 22, 1835. the harbour of papiete, where the queen resides, may be considered as the capital of the island: it is also the seat of government, and the chief resort of shipping. captain fitz roy took a party there this day to hear divine service, first in the tahitian language, and afterwards in our own. mr. pritchard, the leading missionary in the island, performed the service. the chapel consisted of a large airy framework of wood; and it was filled to excess by tidy, clean people, of all ages and both sexes. i was rather disappointed in the apparent degree of attention; but i believe my expectations were raised too high. at all events the appearance was quite equal to that in a country church in england. the singing of the hymns was decidedly very pleasing, but the language from the pulpit, although fluently delivered, did not sound well: a constant repetition of words, like "tata ta, mata mai," rendered it monotonous. after english service, a party returned on foot to matavai. it was a pleasant walk, sometimes along the sea-beach and sometimes under the shade of the many beautiful trees. about two years ago, a small vessel under english colours was plundered by some of the inhabitants of the low islands, which were then under the dominion of the queen of tahiti. it was believed that the perpetrators were instigated to this act by some indiscreet laws issued by her majesty. the british government demanded compensation; which was acceded to, and a sum of nearly three thousand dollars was agreed to be paid on the first of last september. the commodore at lima ordered captain fitz roy to inquire concerning this debt, and to demand satisfaction if it were not paid. captain fitz roy accordingly requested an interview with the queen pomarre, since famous from the ill-treatment she has received from the french; and a parliament was held to consider the question, at which all the principal chiefs of the island and the queen were assembled. i will not attempt to describe what took place, after the interesting account given by captain fitz roy. the money, it appeared, had not been paid; perhaps the alleged reasons were rather equivocal; but otherwise i cannot sufficiently express our general surprise at the extreme good sense, the reasoning powers, moderation, candour, and prompt resolution, which were displayed on all sides. i believe we all left the meeting with a very different opinion of the tahitians from what we entertained when we entered. the chiefs and people resolved to subscribe and complete the sum which was wanting; captain fitz roy urged that it was hard that their private property should be sacrificed for the crimes of distant islanders. they replied that they were grateful for his consideration, but that pomarre was their queen, and that they were determined to help her in this her difficulty. this resolution and its prompt execution, for a book was opened early the next morning, made a perfect conclusion to this very remarkable scene of loyalty and good feeling. after the main discussion was ended, several of the chiefs took the opportunity of asking captain fitz roy many intelligent questions on international customs and laws, relating to the treatment of ships and foreigners. on some points, as soon as the decision was made, the law was issued verbally on the spot. this tahitian parliament lasted for several hours; and when it was over captain fitz roy invited queen pomarre to pay the "beagle" a visit. november 25, 1835. in the evening four boats were sent for her majesty; the ship was dressed with flags, and the yards manned on her coming on board. she was accompanied by most of the chiefs. the behaviour of all was very proper: they begged for nothing, and seemed much pleased with captain fitz roy's presents. the queen is a large awkward woman, without any beauty, grace or dignity. she has only one royal attribute: a perfect immovability of expression under all circumstances, and that rather a sullen one. the rockets were most admired, and a deep "oh!" could be heard from the shore, all round the dark bay, after each explosion. the sailors' songs were also much admired; and the queen said she thought that one of the most boisterous ones certainly could not be a hymn! the royal party did not return on shore till past midnight. november 26, 1835. in the evening, with a gentle land-breeze, a course was steered for new zealand; and as the sun set, we had a farewell view of the mountains of tahiti--the island to which every voyager has offered up his tribute of admiration. december 19, 1835. in the evening we saw in the distance new zealand. we may now consider that we have nearly crossed the pacific. it is necessary to sail over this great ocean to comprehend its immensity. moving quickly onwards for weeks together, we meet with nothing but the same blue, profoundly deep, ocean. even within the archipelagoes, the islands are mere specks, and far distant one from the other. accustomed to look at maps drawn on a small scale, where dots, shading, and names are crowded together, we do not rightly judge how infinitely small the proportion of dry land is to the water of this vast expanse. the meridian of the antipodes has likewise been passed; and now every league, it made us happy to think, was one league nearer to england. these antipodes call to one's mind old recollections of childish doubt and wonder. only the other day i looked forward to this airy barrier as a definite point in our voyage homewards; but now i find it, and all such resting-places for the imagination, are like shadows, which a man moving onwards cannot catch. a gale of wind lasting for some days has lately given us full leisure to measure the future stages in our homeward voyage, and to wish most earnestly for its termination. december 21, 1835. early in the morning we entered the bay of islands, and being becalmed for some hours near the mouth, we did not reach the anchorage till the middle of the day. the country is hilly, with a smooth outline, and is deeply intersected by numerous arms of the sea extending from the bay. the surface appears from a distance as if clothed with coarse pasture, but this in truth is nothing but fern. on the more distant hills, as well as in parts of the valleys, there is a good deal of woodland. the general tint of the landscape is not a bright green; and it resembles the country a short distance to the south of concepcion in chile. in several parts of the bay little villages of square tidy-looking houses are scattered close down to the water's edge. three whaling-ships were lying at anchor, and a canoe every now and then crossed from shore to shore; with these exceptions, an air of extreme quietness reigned over the whole district. only a single canoe came alongside. this, and the aspect of the whole scene, afforded a remarkable, and not very pleasing contrast, with our joyful and boisterous welcome at tahiti. in the afternoon we went on shore to one of the larger groups of houses, which yet hardly deserves the title of a village. its name is pahia: it is the residence of the missionaries; and there are no native residents except servants and labourers. in the vicinity of the bay of islands the number of englishmen, including their families, amounts to between two and three hundred. all the cottages, many of which are whitewashed and look very neat, are the property of the english. the hovels of the natives are so diminutive and paltry that they can scarcely be perceived from a distance. at pahia it was quite pleasing to behold the english flowers in the gardens before the houses; there were roses of several kinds, honeysuckle, jasmine, stocks, and whole hedges of sweetbriar. december 22, 1835. in the morning i went out walking; but i soon found that the country was very impracticable. all the hills are thickly covered with tall fern, together with a low bush which grows like a cypress; and very little ground has been cleared or cultivated. i then tried the sea-beach; but proceeding towards either hand, my walk was soon stopped by salt-water creeks and deep brooks. the communication between the inhabitants of the different parts of the bay is (as in chiloe) almost entirely kept up by boats. i was surprised to find that almost every hill which i ascended had been at some former time more or less fortified. the summits were cut into steps or successive terraces, and frequently they had been protected by deep trenches. i afterwards observed that the principal hills inland in like manner showed an artificial outline. these are the pas, so frequently mentioned by captain cook under the name of "hippah;" the difference of sound being owing to the prefixed article. that the pas had formerly been much used was evident from the piles of shells, and the pits in which, as i was informed, sweet potatoes used to be kept as a reserve. as there was no water on these hills, the defenders could never have anticipated a long siege, but only a hurried attack for plunder, against which the successive terraces would have afforded good protection. the general introduction of firearms has changed the whole system of warfare; and an exposed situation on the top of a hill is now worse than useless. the pas in consequence are, at the present day, always built on a level piece of ground. they consist of a double stockade of thick and tall posts, placed in a zigzag line, so that every part can be flanked. within the stockade a mound of earth is thrown up, behind which the defenders can rest in safety, or use their firearms over it. on the level of the ground little archways sometimes pass through this breastwork, by which means the defenders can crawl out to the stockade and reconnoitre their enemies. the reverend w. williams, who gave me this account, added that in one pas he had noticed spurs or buttresses projecting on the inner and protected side of the mound of earth. on asking the chief the use of them, he replied, that if two or three of his men were shot their neighbours would not see the bodies, and so be discouraged. these pas are considered by the new zealanders as very perfect means of defence: for the attacking force is never so well disciplined as to rush in a body to the stockade, cut it down, and effect their entry. when a tribe goes to war, the chief cannot order one party to go here and another there; but every man fights in the manner which best pleases himself; and to each separate individual to approach a stockade defended by firearms must appear certain death. i should think a more warlike race of inhabitants could not be found in any part of the world than the new zealanders. their conduct on first seeing a ship, as described by captain cook, strongly illustrates this: the act of throwing volleys of stones at so great and novel an object, and their defiance of "come on shore and we will kill and eat you all," shows uncommon boldness. this warlike spirit is evident in many of their customs, and even in their smallest actions. if a new zealander is struck, although but in joke, the blow must be returned; and of this i saw an instance with one of our officers. at the present day, from the progress of civilisation, there is much less warfare, except among some of the southern tribes. i heard a characteristic anecdote of what took place some time ago in the south. a missionary found a chief and his tribe in preparation for war;--their muskets clean and bright, and their ammunition ready. he reasoned long on the inutility of the war, and the little provocation which had been given for it. the chief was much shaken in his resolution, and seemed in doubt: but at length it occurred to him that a barrel of his gunpowder was in a bad state, and that it would not keep much longer. this was brought forward as an unanswerable argument for the necessity of immediately declaring war: the idea of allowing so much good gunpowder to spoil was not to be thought of; and this settled the point. i was told by the missionaries that in the life of shongi, the chief who visited england, the love of war was the one and lasting spring of every action. the tribe in which he was a principal chief had at one time been much oppressed by another tribe from the thames river. a solemn oath was taken by the men that when their boys should grow up, and they should be powerful enough, they would never forget or forgive these injuries. to fulfil this oath appears to have been shongi's chief motive for going to england; and when there it was his sole object. presents were valued only as they could be converted into arms; of the arts, those alone interested him which were connected with the manufacture of arms. when at sydney, shongi, by a strange coincidence, met the hostile chief of the thames river at the house of mr. marsden: their conduct was civil to each other; but shongi told him that when again in new zealand he would never cease to carry war into his country. the challenge was accepted; and shongi on his return fulfilled the threat to the utmost letter. the tribe on the thames river was utterly overthrown, and the chief to whom the challenge had been given was himself killed. shongi, although harbouring such deep feelings of hatred and revenge, is described as having been a good-natured person. in the evening i went with captain fitz roy and mr. baker, one of the missionaries, to pay a visit to kororadika: we wandered about the village, and saw and conversed with many of the people, both men, women, and children. looking at the new zealander, one naturally compares him with the tahitian; both belonging to the same family of mankind. the comparison, however, tells heavily against the new zealander. he may, perhaps be superior in energy, but in every other respect his character is of a much lower order. one glance at their respective expressions brings conviction to the mind that one is a savage, the other a civilised man. it would be vain to seek in the whole of new zealand a person with the face and mien of the old tahitian chief utamme. no doubt the extraordinary manner in which tattooing is here practised gives a disagreeable expression to their countenances. the complicated but symmetrical figures covering the whole face puzzle and mislead an unaccustomed eye: it is moreover probable that the deep incisions, by destroying the play of the superficial muscles, give an air of rigid inflexibility. but, besides this, there is a twinkling in the eye which cannot indicate anything but cunning and ferocity. their figures are tall and bulky; but not comparable in elegance with those of the working-classes in tahiti. both their persons and houses are filthily dirty and offensive: the idea of washing either their bodies or their clothes never seems to enter their heads. i saw a chief, who was wearing a shirt black and matted with filth, and when asked how it came to be so dirty, he replied, with surprise, "do not you see it is an old one?" some of the men have shirts; but the common dress is one or two large blankets, generally black with dirt, which are thrown over their shoulders in a very inconvenient and awkward fashion. a few of the principal chiefs have decent suits of english clothes; but these are only worn on great occasions. december 23, 1835. at a place called waimate, about fifteen miles from the bay of islands, and midway between the eastern and western coasts, the missionaries have purchased some land for agricultural purposes. i had been introduced to the reverend w. williams, who, upon my expressing a wish, invited me to pay him a visit there. mr. bushby, the british resident, offered to take me in his boat by a creek, where i should see a pretty waterfall, and by which means my walk would be shortened. he likewise procured for me a guide. upon asking a neighbouring chief to recommend a man, the chief himself offered to go; but his ignorance of the value of money was so complete, that at first he asked how many pounds i would give him, but afterwards was well contented with two dollars. when i showed the chief a very small bundle which i wanted carried, it became absolutely necessary for him to take a slave. these feelings of pride are beginning to wear away; but formerly a leading man would sooner have died than undergone the indignity of carrying the smallest burden. my companion was a light active man, dressed in a dirty blanket, and with his face completely tattooed. he had formerly been a great warrior. he appeared to be on very cordial terms with mr. bushby; but at various times they had quarrelled violently. mr. bushby remarked that a little quiet irony would frequently silence any one of these natives in their most blustering moments. this chief has come and harangued mr. bushby in a hectoring manner, saying, "a great chief, a great man, a friend of mine, has come to pay me a visit--you must give him something good to eat, some fine presents, etc." mr. bushby has allowed him to finish his discourse, and then has quietly replied by some answer such as, "what else shall your slave do for you?" the man would then instantly, with a very comical expression, cease his braggadocio. some time ago mr. bushby suffered a far more serious attack. a chief and a party of men tried to break into his house in the middle of the night, and not finding this so easy, commenced a brisk firing with their muskets. mr. bushby was slightly wounded, but the party was at length driven away. shortly afterwards it was discovered who was the aggressor; and a general meeting of the chiefs was convened to consider the case. it was considered by the new zealanders as very atrocious, inasmuch as it was a night attack, and that mrs. bushby was lying ill in the house: this latter circumstance, much to their honour, being considered in all cases as a protection. the chiefs agreed to confiscate the land of the aggressor to the king of england. the whole proceeding, however, in thus trying and punishing a chief was entirely without precedent. the aggressor, moreover, lost caste in the estimation of his equals; and this was considered by the british as of more consequence than the confiscation of his land. as the boat was shoving off, a second chief stepped into her, who only wanted the amusement of the passage up and down the creek. i never saw a more horrid and ferocious expression than this man had. it immediately struck me i had somewhere seen his likeness: it will be found in retzch's outlines to schiller's ballad of fridolin, where two men are pushing robert into the burning iron furnace. it is the man who has his arm on robert's breast. physiognomy here spoke the truth; this chief had been a notorious murderer, and was an arrant coward to boot. at the point where the boat landed, mr. bushby accompanied me a few hundred yards on the road: i could not help admiring the cool impudence of the hoary old villain, whom we left lying in the boat, when he shouted to mr. bushby, "do not you stay long, i shall be tired of waiting here." we now commenced our walk. the road lay along a well-beaten path, bordered on each side by the tall fern which covers the whole country. after travelling some miles we came to a little country village, where a few hovels were collected together, and some patches of ground cultivated with potatoes. the introduction of the potato has been the most essential benefit to the island; it is now much more used than any native vegetable. new zealand is favoured by one great natural advantage; namely, that the inhabitants can never perish from famine. the whole country abounds with fern: and the roots of this plant, if not very palatable, yet contain much nutriment. a native can always subsist on these, and on the shell-fish which are abundant on all parts of the sea-coast. the villages are chiefly conspicuous by the platforms which are raised on four posts ten or twelve feet above the ground, and on which the produce of the fields is kept secure from all accidents. on coming near one of the huts i was much amused by seeing in due form the ceremony of rubbing, or, as it ought to be called, pressing noses. the women, on our first approach, began uttering something in a most dolorous voice; they then squatted themselves down and held up their faces; my companion standing over them, one after another, placed the bridge of his nose at right angles to theirs, and commenced pressing. this lasted rather longer than a cordial shake of the hand with us, and as we vary the force of the grasp of the hand in shaking, so do they in pressing. during the process they uttered comfortable little grunts, very much in the same manner as two pigs do, when rubbing against each other. i noticed that the slave would press noses with any one he met, indifferently either before or after his master the chief. although among these savages the chief has absolute power of life and death over his slave, yet there is an entire absence of ceremony between them. mr. burchell has remarked the same thing in southern africa with the rude bachapins. where civilisation has arrived at a certain point, complex formalities soon arise between the different grades of society: thus at tahiti all were formerly obliged to uncover themselves as low as the waist in presence of the king. the ceremony of pressing noses having been duly completed with all present, we seated ourselves in a circle in the front of one of the-hovels, and rested there half an hour. all the hovels have nearly the same form and dimensions, and all agree in being filthily dirty. they resemble a cow-shed with one end open, but having a partition a little way within, with a square hole in it, making a small gloomy chamber. in this the inhabitants keep all their property, and when the weather is cold they sleep there. they eat, however, and pass their time in the open part in front. my guides having finished their pipes, we continued our walk. the path led through the same undulating country, the whole uniformly clothed as before with fern. on our right hand we had a serpentine river, the banks of which were fringed with trees, and here and there on the hill-sides there was a clump of wood. the whole scene, in spite of its green colour, had rather a desolate aspect. the sight of so much fern impresses the mind with an idea of sterility: this, however, is not correct; for wherever the fern grows thick and breast-high, the land by tillage becomes productive. some of the residents think that all this extensive open country originally was covered with forests, and that it has been cleared by fire. it is said, that by digging in the barest spots, lumps of the kind of resin which flows from the kauri pine are frequently found. the natives had an evident motive in clearing the country; for the fern, formerly a staple article of food, flourishes only in the open cleared tracks. the almost entire absence of associated grasses, which forms so remarkable a feature in the vegetation of this island, may perhaps be accounted for by the land having been aboriginally covered with forest-trees. the soil is volcanic; in several parts we passed over slaggy lavas, and craters could clearly be distinguished on several of the neighbouring hills. although the scenery is nowhere beautiful, and only occasionally pretty, i enjoyed my walk. i should have enjoyed it more, if my companion, the chief, had not possessed extraordinary conversational powers. i knew only three words: "good," "bad," and "yes:" and with these i answered all his remarks, without of course having understood one word he said. this, however, was quite sufficient: i was a good listener, an agreeable person, and he never ceased talking to me. at length we reached waimate. after having passed over so many miles of an uninhabited useless country, the sudden appearance of an english farm-house, and its well-dressed fields, placed there as if by an enchanter's wand, was exceedingly pleasant. mr. williams not being at home, i received in mr. davies's house a cordial welcome. after drinking tea with his family party, we took a stroll about the farm. at waimate there are three large houses, where the missionary gentlemen, messrs. williams, davies, and clarke, reside; and near them are the huts of the native labourers. on an adjoining slope fine crops of barley and wheat were standing in full ear; and in another part fields of potatoes and clover. but i cannot attempt to describe all i saw; there were large gardens, with every fruit and vegetable which england produces; and many belonging to a warmer clime. i may instance asparagus, kidney beans, cucumbers, rhubarb, apples, pears, figs, peaches, apricots, grapes, olives, gooseberries, currants, hops, gorse for fences, and english oaks; also many kinds of flowers. around the farmyard there were stables, a thrashing-barn with its winnowing machine, a blacksmith's forge, and on the ground ploughshares and other tools: in the middle was that happy mixture of pigs and poultry, lying comfortably together, as in every english farmyard. at the distance of a few hundred yards, where the water of a little rill had been dammed up into a pool, there was a large and substantial water-mill. all this is very surprising when it is considered that five years ago nothing but the fern flourished here. moreover, native workmanship, taught by the missionaries, has effected this change;--the lesson of the missionary is the enchanter's wand. the house had been built, the windows framed, the fields ploughed, and even the trees grafted, by the new zealander. at the mill a new zealander was seen powdered white with flower, like his brother miller in england. when i looked at this whole scene i thought it admirable. it was not merely that england was brought vividly before my mind; yet, as the evening drew to a close, the domestic sounds, the fields of corn, the distant undulating country with its trees, might well have been mistaken for our fatherland: nor was it the triumphant feeling at seeing what englishmen could effect, but rather the high hopes thus inspired for the future progress of this fine island. several young men, redeemed by the missionaries from slavery, were employed on the farm. they were dressed in a shirt, jacket, and trousers, and had a respectable appearance. judging from one trifling anecdote, i should think they must be honest. when walking in the fields, a young labourer came up to mr. davies and gave him a knife and gimlet, saying that he had found them on the road, and did not know to whom they belonged! these young men and boys appeared very merry and good-humoured. in the evening i saw a party of them at cricket: when i thought of the austerity of which the missionaries have been accused, i was amused by observing one of their own sons taking an active part in the game. a more decided and pleasing change was manifested in the young women, who acted as servants within the houses. their clean, tidy, and healthy appearance, like that of the dairy-maids in england, formed a wonderful contrast with the women of the filthy hovels in kororadika. the wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them not to be tattooed; but a famous operator having arrived from the south, they said, "we really must just have a few lines on our lips; else when we grow old, our lips will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly." there is not nearly so much tattooing as formerly; but as it is a badge of distinction between the chief and the slave, it will probably long be practised. so soon does any train of ideas become habitual, that the missionaries told me that even in their eyes a plain face looked mean, and not like that of a new zealand gentleman. late in the evening i went to mr. williams's house, where i passed the night. i found there a large party of children, collected together for christmas day, and all sitting round a table at tea. i never saw a nicer or more merry group; and to think that this was in the centre of the land of cannibalism, murder, and all atrocious crimes! the cordiality and happiness so plainly pictured in the faces of the little circle appeared equally felt by the older persons of the mission. december 24, 1835. in the morning prayers were read in the native tongue to the whole family. after breakfast i rambled about the gardens and farm. this was a market-day, when the natives of the surrounding hamlets bring their potatoes, indian corn, or pigs, to exchange for blankets, tobacco, and sometimes, through the persuasions of the missionaries, for soap. mr. davies's eldest son, who manages a farm of his own, is the man of business in the market. the children of the missionaries, who came while young to the island, understand the language better than their parents, and can get anything more readily done by the natives. a little before noon messrs. williams and davies walked with me to part of a neighbouring forest, to show me the famous kauri pine. i measured one of these noble trees, and found it thirty-one feet in circumference above the roots. there was another close by, which i did not see, thirty-three feet; and i heard of one no less than forty feet. these trees are remarkable for their smooth cylindrical boles, which run up to a height of sixty, and even ninety feet, with a nearly equal diameter, and without a single branch. the crown of branches at the summit is out of all proportion small to the trunk; and the leaves are likewise small compared with the branches. the forest was here almost composed of the kauri; and the largest trees, from the parallelism of their sides, stood up like gigantic columns of wood. the timber of the kauri is the most valuable production of the island; moreover, a quantity of resin oozes from the bark, which is sold at a penny a pound to the americans, but its use was then unknown. some of the new zealand forests must be impenetrable to an extraordinary degree. mr. matthews informed me that one forest only thirty-four miles in width, and separating two inhabited districts, had only lately, for the first time, been crossed. he and another missionary, each with a party of about fifty men, undertook to open a road, but it cost them more than a fortnight's labour! in the woods i saw very few birds. with regard to animals, it is a most remarkable fact, that so large an island, extending over more than 700 miles in latitude, and in many parts ninety broad, with varied stations, a fine climate, and land of all heights, from 14,000 feet downwards, with the exception of a small rat, did not possess one indigenous animal. the several species of that gigantic genus of birds, the deinornis, seem here to have replaced mammiferous quadrupeds, in the same manner as the reptiles still do at the galapagos archipelago. it is said that the common norway rat, in the short space of two years, annihilated in this northern end of the island the new zealand species. in many places i noticed several sorts of weeds, which, like the rats, i was forced to own as countrymen. a leek has overrun whole districts, and will prove very troublesome, but it was imported as a favour by a french vessel. the common dock is also widely disseminated, and will, i fear, for ever remain a proof of the rascality of an englishman who sold the seeds for those of the tobacco plant. on returning from our pleasant walk to the house, i dined with mr. williams; and then, a horse being lent me, i returned to the bay of islands. i took leave of the missionaries with thankfulness for their kind welcome, and with feelings of high respect for their gentlemanlike, useful, and upright characters. i think it would be difficult to find a body of men better adapted for the high office which they fulfil. christmas day, 1835. in a few more days the fourth year of our absence from england will be completed. our first christmas day was spent at plymouth, the second at st. martin's cove near cape horn; the third at port desire in patagonia; the fourth at anchor in a wild harbour in the peninsula of tres montes, this fifth here, and the next, i trust in providence, will be in england. we attended divine service in the chapel of pahia; part of the service being read in english, and part in the native language. whilst at new zealand we did not hear of any recent acts of cannibalism; but mr. stokes found burnt human bones strewed round a fireplace on a small island near the anchorage; but these remains of a comfortable banquet might have been lying there for several years. it is probable that the moral state of the people will rapidly improve. mr. bushby mentioned one pleasing anecdote as a proof of the sincerity of some, at least, of those who profess christianity. one of his young men left him, who had been accustomed to read prayers to the rest of the servants. some weeks afterwards, happening to pass late in the evening by an outhouse, he saw and heard one of his men reading the bible with difficulty by the light of the fire, to the others. after this the party knelt and prayed: in their prayers they mentioned mr. bushby and his family, and the missionaries, each separately in his respective district. december 26, 1835. mr. bushby offered to take mr. sulivan and myself in his boat some miles up the river to cawa-cawa, and proposed afterwards to walk on to the village of waiomio, where there are some curious rocks. following one of the arms of the bay we enjoyed a pleasant row, and passed through pretty scenery, until we came to a village, beyond which the boat could not pass. from this place a chief and a party of men volunteered to walk with us to waiomio, a distance of four miles. the chief was at this time rather notorious from having lately hung one of his wives and a slave for adultery. when one of the missionaries remonstrated with him he seemed surprised, and said he thought he was exactly following the english method. old shongi, who happened to be in england during the queen's trial, expressed great disapprobation at the whole proceeding: he said he had five wives, and he would rather cut off all their heads than be so much troubled about one. leaving this village, we crossed over to another, seated on a hill-side at a little distance. the daughter of a chief, who was still a heathen, had died there five days before. the hovel in which she had expired had been burnt to the ground: her body, being enclosed between two small canoes, was placed upright on the ground, and protected by an enclosure bearing wooden images of their gods, and the whole was painted bright red, so as to be conspicuous from afar. her gown was fastened to the coffin, and her hair being cut off was cast at its foot. the relatives of the family had torn the flesh of their arms, bodies, and faces, so that they were covered with clotted blood; and the old women looked most filthy, disgusting objects. on the following day some of the officers visited this place, and found the women still howling and cutting themselves. we continued our walk, and soon reached waiomio. here there are some singular masses of limestone resembling ruined castles. these rocks have long served for burial places, and in consequence are held too sacred to be approached. one of the young men, however, cried out, "let us all be brave," and ran on ahead; but when within a hundred yards, the whole party thought better of it, and stopped short. with perfect indifference, however, they allowed us to examine the whole place. at this village we rested some hours, during which time there was a long discussion with mr. bushby, concerning the right of sale of certain lands. one old man, who appeared a perfect genealogist, illustrated the successive possessors by bits of stick driven into the ground. before leaving the houses a little basketful of roasted sweet potatoes was given to each of our party; and we all, according to the custom, carried them away to eat on the road. i noticed that among the women employed in cooking, there was a man-slave: it must be a humiliating thing for a man in this warlike country to be employed in doing that which is considered as the lowest woman's work. slaves are not allowed to go to war; but this perhaps can hardly be considered as a hardship. i heard of one poor wretch who, during hostilities, ran away to the opposite party; being met by two men, he was immediately seized; but as they could not agree to whom he should belong, each stood over him with a stone hatchet, and seemed determined that the other at least should not take him away alive. the poor man, almost dead with fright, was only saved by the address of a chief's wife. we afterwards enjoyed a pleasant walk back to the boat, but did not reach the ship till late in the evening. december 30, 1835. in the afternoon we stood out of the bay of islands, on our course to sydney. i believe we were all glad to leave new zealand. it is not a pleasant place. amongst the natives there is absent that charming simplicity which is found in tahiti; and the greater part of the english are the very refuse of society. neither is the country itself attractive. i look back but to one bright spot, and that is waimate, with its christian inhabitants. (plate 88. hippah, new zealand.) chapter xix. (plate 89. sydney, 1835.) australia. sydney. excursion to bathurst. aspect of the woods. party of natives. gradual extinction of the aborigines. infection generated by associated men in health. blue mountains. view of the grand gulf-like valleys. their origin and formation. bathurst, general civility of the lower orders. state of society. van diemen's land. hobart town. aborigines all banished. mount wellington. king george's sound. cheerless aspect of the country. bald head, calcareous casts of branches of trees. party of natives. leave australia. january 12, 1836. early in the morning a light air carried us towards the entrance of port jackson. instead of beholding a verdant country, interspersed with fine houses, a straight line of yellowish cliff brought to our minds the coast of patagonia. a solitary lighthouse, built of white stone, alone told us that we were near a great and populous city. having entered the harbour, it appears fine and spacious, with cliff-formed shores of horizontally stratified sandstone. the nearly level country is covered with thin scrubby trees, bespeaking the curse of sterility. proceeding farther inland, the country improves: beautiful villas and nice cottages are here and there scattered along the beach. in the distance stone houses, two and three stories high, and windmills standing on the edge of a bank, pointed out to us the neighbourhood of the capital of australia. at last we anchored within sydney cove. we found the little basin occupied by many large ships, and surrounded by warehouses. in the evening i walked through the town, and returned full of admiration at the whole scene. it is a most magnificent testimony to the power of the british nation. here, in a less promising country, scores of years have done many more times more than an equal number of centuries have effected in south america. my first feeling was to congratulate myself that i was born an englishman. upon seeing more of the town afterwards, perhaps my admiration fell a little; but yet it is a fine town. the streets are regular, broad, clean, and kept in excellent order; the houses are of a good size, and the shops well furnished. it may be faithfully compared to the large suburbs which stretch out from london and a few other great towns in england; but not even near london or birmingham is there an appearance of such rapid growth. the number of large houses and other buildings just finished was truly surprising; nevertheless, every one complained of the high rents and difficulty in procuring a house. coming from south america, where in the towns every man of property is known, no one thing surprised me more than not being able to ascertain at once to whom this or that carriage belonged. i hired a man and two horses to take me to bathurst, a village about one hundred and twenty miles in the interior, and the centre of a great pastoral district. by this means i hoped to gain a general idea of the appearance of the country. on the morning of the 16th (january) i set out on my excursion. the first stage took us to paramatta, a small country town, next to sydney in importance. the roads were excellent, and made upon the macadam principle, whinstone having been brought for the purpose from the distance of several miles. in all respects there was a close resemblance to england: perhaps the alehouses here were more numerous. the iron gangs, or parties of convicts who have committed here some offence, appeared the least like england: they were working in chains, under the charge of sentries with loaded arms. the power which the government possesses, by means of forced labour, of at once opening good roads throughout the country, has been, i believe, one main cause of the early prosperity of this colony. i slept at night at a very comfortable inn at emu ferry, thirty-five miles from sydney, and near the ascent of the blue mountains. this line of road is the most frequented, and has been the longest inhabited of any in the colony. the whole land is enclosed with high railings, for the farmers have not succeeded in rearing hedges. there are many substantial houses and good cottages scattered about; but although considerable pieces of land are under cultivation, the greater part yet remains as when first discovered. the extreme uniformity of the vegetation is the most remarkable feature in the landscape of the greater part of new south wales. everywhere we have an open woodland, the ground being partially covered with a very thin pasture, with little appearance of verdure. the trees nearly all belong to one family, and mostly have their leaves placed in a vertical, instead of as in europe, in a nearly horizontal position: the foliage is scanty, and of a peculiar pale green tint, without any gloss. hence the woods appear light and shadowless: this, although a loss of comfort to the traveller under the scorching rays of summer, is of importance to the farmer, as it allows grass to grow where it otherwise would not. the leaves are not shed periodically: this character appears common to the entire southern hemisphere, namely, south america, australia, and the cape of good hope. the inhabitants of this hemisphere, and of the intertropical regions, thus lose perhaps one of the most glorious, though to our eyes common, spectacles in the world--the first bursting into full foliage of the leafless tree. they may, however, say that we pay dearly for this by having the land covered with mere naked skeletons for so many months. this is too true; but our senses thus acquire a keen relish for the exquisite green of the spring, which the eyes of those living within the tropics, sated during the long year with the gorgeous productions of those glowing climates, can never experience. the greater number of the trees, with the exception of some of the blue-gums, do not attain a large size; but they grow tall and tolerably straight, and stand well apart. the bark of some of the eucalypti falls annually, or hangs dead in long shreds which swing about with the wind, and give to the woods a desolate and untidy appearance. i cannot imagine a more complete contrast, in every respect, than between the forests of valdivia or chiloe, and the woods of australia. at sunset, a party of a score of the black aborigines passed by, each carrying, in their accustomed manner, a bundle of spears and other weapons. by giving a leading young man a shilling, they were easily detained, and threw their spears for my amusement. they were all partly clothed, and several could speak a little english: their countenances were good-humoured and pleasant, and they appeared far from being such utterly degraded beings as they have usually been represented. in their own arts they are admirable. a cap being fixed at thirty yards distance, they transfixed it with a spear, delivered by the throwing-stick with the rapidity of an arrow from the bow of a practised archer. in tracking animals or men they show most wonderful sagacity; and i heard of several of their remarks which manifested considerable acuteness. they will not, however, cultivate the ground, or build houses and remain stationary, or even take the trouble of tending a flock of sheep when given to them. on the whole they appear to me to stand some few degrees higher in the scale of civilisation than the fuegians. it is very curious thus to see in the midst of a civilised people, a set of harmless savages wandering about without knowing where they shall sleep at night, and gaining their livelihood by hunting in the woods. as the white man has travelled onwards, he has spread over the country belonging to several tribes. these, although thus enclosed by one common people, keep up their ancient distinctions, and sometimes go to war with each other. in an engagement which took place lately, the two parties most singularly chose the centre of the village of bathurst for the field of battle. this was of service to the defeated side, for the runaway warriors took refuge in the barracks. the number of aborigines is rapidly decreasing. in my whole ride, with the exception of some boys brought up by englishmen, i saw only one other party. this decrease, no doubt, must be partly owing to the introduction of spirits, to european diseases (even the milder ones of which, such as the measles, prove very destructive), and to the gradual extinction of the wild animals. (19/1. it is remarkable how the same disease is modified in different climates. at the little island of st. helena the introduction of scarlet-fever is dreaded as a plague. in some countries foreigners and natives are as differently affected by certain contagious disorders as if they had been different animals; of which fact some instances have occurred in chile; and according to humboldt in mexico "political essay new spain" volume 4.) it is said that numbers of their children invariably perish in very early infancy from the effects of their wandering life; and as the difficulty of procuring food increases, so must their wandering habits increase; and hence the population, without any apparent deaths from famine, is repressed in a manner extremely sudden compared to what happens in civilised countries, where the father, though in adding to his labour he may injure himself, does not destroy his offspring. besides these several evident causes of destruction, there appears to be some more mysterious agency generally at work. wherever the european has trod, death seems to pursue the aboriginal. we may look to the wide extent of the americas, polynesia, the cape of good hope, and australia, and we find the same result. nor is it the white man alone that thus acts the destroyer; the polynesian of malay extraction has in parts of the east indian archipelago thus driven before him the dark-coloured native. the varieties of man seem to act on each other in the same way as different species of animals--the stronger always extirpating the weaker. it was melancholy at new zealand to hear the fine energetic natives saying that they knew the land was doomed to pass from their children. every one has heard of the inexplicable reduction of the population in the beautiful and healthy island of tahiti since the date of captain cook's voyages: although in that case we might have expected that it would have been increased; for infanticide, which formerly prevailed to so extraordinary a degree, has ceased, profligacy has greatly diminished, and the murderous wars become less frequent. the reverend j. williams, in his interesting work, says that the first intercourse between natives and europeans "is invariably attended with the introduction of fever, dysentery, or some other disease which carries off numbers of the people." (19/2. "narrative of missionary enterprise" page 282.) again he affirms "it is certainly a fact, which cannot be controverted, that most of the diseases which have raged in the islands during my residence there have been introduced by ships; and what renders this fact remarkable is that there might be no appearance of disease among the crew of the ship which conveyed this destructive importation." (19/3. captain beechey chapter 4 volume 1, states that the inhabitants of pitcairn island are firmly convinced that after the arrival of every ship they suffer cutaneous and other disorders. captain beechey attributes this to the change of diet during the time of the visit. dr. macculloch "western isles" volume 2 page 32, says "it is asserted that on the arrival of a stranger (at st. kilda) all the inhabitants, in the common phraseology, catch a cold." dr. macculloch considers the whole case, although often previously affirmed, as ludicrous. he adds, however, that "the question was put by us to the inhabitants who unanimously agreed in the story." in vancouver's "voyage" there is a somewhat similar statement with respect to otaheite. dr. dieffenbach, in a note to his translation of this journal, states that the same fact is universally believed by the inhabitants of the chatham islands and in parts of new zealand. it is impossible that such a belief should have become universal in the northern hemisphere, at the antipodes, and in the pacific, without some good foundation. humboldt "political essay on kingdom of new spain" volume 4, says that the great epidemics at panama and callao are "marked" by the arrival of ships from chile, because the people from that temperate region first experience the fatal effects of the torrid zones. i may add that i have heard it stated in shropshire that sheep which have been imported from vessels, although themselves in a healthy condition, if placed in the same fold with others, frequently produce sickness in the flock.) this statement is not quite so extraordinary as it at first appears; for several cases are on record of the most malignant fevers having broken out, although the parties themselves, who were the cause, were not affected. in the early part of the reign of george iii, a prisoner who had been confined in a dungeon was taken in a coach with four constables before a magistrate; and although the man himself was not ill, the four constables died from a short putrid fever; but the contagion extended to no others. from these facts it would almost appear as if the effluvium of one set of men shut up for some time together was poisonous when inhaled by others; and possibly more so, if the men be of different races. mysterious as this circumstance appears to be, it is not more surprising than that the body of one's fellow-creature, directly after death, and before putrefaction has commenced, should often be of so deleterious a quality that the mere puncture from an instrument used in its dissection should prove fatal. january 17, 1836. early in the morning we passed the nepean in a ferry-boat. the river, although at this spot both broad and deep, had a very small body of running water. having crossed a low piece of land on the opposite side, we reached the slope of the blue mountains. the ascent is not steep, the road having been cut with much care on the side of a sandstone cliff. on the summit an almost level plain extends, which, rising imperceptibly to the westward, at last attains a height of more than 3000 feet. from so grand a title as blue mountains, and from their absolute altitude, i expected to have seen a bold chain of mountains crossing the country; but instead of this, a sloping plain presents merely an inconsiderable front to the low land near the coast. from this first slope the view of the extensive woodland to the east was striking, and the surrounding trees grew bold and lofty. but when once on the sandstone platform, the scenery becomes exceedingly monotonous; each side of the road is bordered by scrubby trees of the never-failing eucalyptus family; and with the exception of two or three small inns, there are no houses or cultivated land; the road, moreover, is solitary; the most frequent object being a bullock-waggon, piled up with bales of wool. in the middle of the day we baited our horses at a little inn, called the weatherboard. the country here is elevated 2800 feet above the sea. about a mile and a half from this place there is a view exceedingly well worth visiting. following down a little valley and its tiny rill of water, an immense gulf unexpectedly opens through the trees which border the pathway, at the depth of perhaps 1500 feet. walking on a few yards, one stands on the brink of a vast precipice, and below one sees a grand bay or gulf, for i know not what other name to give it, thickly covered with forest. the point of view is situated as if at the head of a bay, the line of cliff diverging on each side, and showing headland behind headland, as on a bold sea-coast. these cliffs are composed of horizontal strata of whitish sandstone; and are so absolutely vertical, that in many places a person standing on the edge and throwing down a stone, can see it strike the trees in the abyss below. so unbroken is the line of cliff that in order to reach the foot of the waterfall formed by this little stream, it is said to be necessary to go sixteen miles round. about five miles distant in front another line of cliff extends, which thus appears completely to encircle the valley; and hence the name of bay is justified, as applied to this grand amphitheatrical depression. if we imagine a winding harbour, with its deep water surrounded by bold cliff-like shores, to be laid dry, and a forest to spring up on its sandy bottom, we should then have the appearance and structure here exhibited. this kind of view was to me quite novel, and extremely magnificent. in the evening we reached the blackheath. the sandstone plateau has here attained the height of 3400 feet; and is covered, as before, with the same scrubby woods. from the road there were occasional glimpses into a profound valley of the same character as the one described; but from the steepness and depth of its sides, the bottom was scarcely ever to be seen. the blackheath is a very comfortable inn, kept by an old soldier; and it reminded me of the small inns in north wales. january 18, 1836. very early in the morning i walked about three miles to see govett's leap: a view of a similar character with that near the weatherboard, but perhaps even more stupendous. so early in the day the gulf was filled with a thin blue haze, which, although destroying the general effect of the view, added to the apparent depth at which the forest was stretched out beneath our feet. these valleys, which so long presented an insuperable barrier to the attempts of the most enterprising of the colonists to reach the interior, are most remarkable. great armlike bays, expanding at their upper ends, often branch from the main valleys and penetrate the sandstone platform; on the other hand, the platform often sends promontories into the valleys, and even leaves in them great, almost insulated, masses. to descend into some of these valleys, it is necessary to go round twenty miles; and into others, the surveyors have only lately penetrated, and the colonists have not yet been able to drive in their cattle. but the most remarkable feature in their structure is, that although several miles wide at their heads, they generally contract towards their mouths to such a degree as to become impassable. the surveyor-general, sir t. mitchell, endeavoured in vain, first walking and then by crawling between the great fallen fragments of sandstone, to ascend through the gorge by which the river grose joins the nepean (19/4. "travels in australia" volume 1 page 154. i must express my obligation to sir t. mitchell for several interesting personal communications on the subject of these great valleys of new south wales.); yet the valley of the grose in its upper part, as i saw, forms a magnificent level basin some miles in width, and is on all sides surrounded by cliffs, the summits of which are believed to be nowhere less than 3000 feet above the level of the sea. when cattle are driven into the valley of the wolgan by a path (which i descended), partly natural and partly made by the owner of the land, they cannot escape; for this valley is in every other part surrounded by perpendicular cliffs, and eight miles lower down it contracts from an average width of half a mile, to a mere chasm, impassable to man or beast. sir t. mitchell states that the great valley of the cox river with all its branches, contracts, where it unites with the nepean, into a gorge 2200 yards in width, and about 1000 feet in depth. other similar cases might have been added. the first impression on seeing the correspondence of the horizontal strata on each side of these valleys and great amphitheatrical depressions, is that they have been hollowed out, like other valleys, by the action of water; but when one reflects on the enormous amount of stone which on this view must have been removed through mere gorges or chasms, one is led to ask whether these spaces may not have subsided. but considering the form of the irregularly branching valleys, and of the narrow promontories projecting into them from the platforms, we are compelled to abandon this notion. to attribute these hollows to the present alluvial action would be preposterous; nor does the drainage from the summit-level always fall, as i remarked near the weatherboard, into the head of these valleys, but into one side of their baylike recesses. some of the inhabitants remarked to me that they never viewed one of those baylike recesses, with the headlands receding on both hands, without being struck with their resemblance to a bold sea-coast. this is certainly the case; moreover, on the present coast of new south wales, the numerous fine, widely-branching harbours, which are generally connected with the sea by a narrow mouth worn through the sandstone coast-cliffs, varying from one mile in width to a quarter of a mile, present a likeness, though on a miniature scale, to the great valleys of the interior. but then immediately occurs the startling difficulty, why has the sea worn out these great though circumscribed depressions on a wide platform, and left mere gorges at the openings, through which the whole vast amount of triturated matter must have been carried away? the only light i can throw upon this enigma is by remarking that banks of the most irregular forms appear to be now forming in some seas, as in parts of the west indies and in the red sea, and that their sides are exceedingly steep. such banks, i have been led to suppose, have been formed by sediment heaped by strong currents on an irregular bottom. that in some cases the sea, instead of spreading out sediment in a uniform sheet, heaps it round submarine rocks and islands, it is hardly possible to doubt, after examining the charts of the west indies; and that the waves have power to form high and precipitous cliffs, even in land-locked harbours, i have noticed in many parts of south america. to apply these ideas to the sandstone platforms of new south wales, i imagine that the strata were heaped by the action of strong currents, and of the undulations of an open sea, on an irregular bottom; and that the valley-like spaces thus left unfilled had their steeply sloping flanks worn into cliffs during a slow elevation of the land; the worn-down sandstone being removed, either at the time when the narrow gorges were cut by the retreating sea, or subsequently by alluvial action. soon after leaving the blackheath we descended from the sandstone platform by the pass of mount victoria. to effect this pass an enormous quantity of stone has been cut through; the design and its manner of execution being worthy of any line of road in england. we now entered upon a country less elevated by nearly a thousand feet, and consisting of granite. with the change of rock the vegetation improved; the trees were both finer and stood farther apart; and the pasture between them was a little greener and more plentiful. at hassan's walls i left the high-road, and made a short detour to a farm called walerawang; to the superintendent of which i had a letter of introduction from the owner in sydney. mr. browne had the kindness to ask me to stay the ensuing day, which i had much pleasure in doing. this place offers an example of one of the large farming, or rather sheep-grazing, establishments of the colony. cattle and horses are, however, in this case rather more numerous than usual, owing to some of the valleys being swampy and producing a coarser pasture. two or three flat pieces of ground near the house were cleared and cultivated with corn, which the harvest-men were now reaping: but no more wheat is sown than sufficient for the annual support of the labourers employed on the establishment. the usual number of assigned convict-servants here is about forty, but at the present time there were rather more. although the farm was well stocked with every necessary, there was an apparent absence of comfort; and not one single woman resided here. the sunset of a fine day will generally cast an air of happy contentment on any scene; but here, at this retired farmhouse, the brightest tints on the surrounding woods could not make me forget that forty hardened, profligate men were ceasing from their daily labours, like the slaves from africa, yet without their holy claim for compassion. early on the next morning mr. archer, the joint superintendent, had the kindness to take me out kangaroo-hunting. we continued riding the greater part of the day, but had very bad sport, not seeing a kangaroo, or even a wild dog. the greyhounds pursued a kangaroo rat into a hollow tree, out of which we dragged it: it is an animal as large as a rabbit, but with the figure of a kangaroo. a few years since this country abounded with wild animals; but now the emu is banished to a long distance, and the kangaroo is become scarce; to both the english greyhound has been highly destructive. it may be long before these animals are altogether exterminated, but their doom is fixed. the aborigines are always anxious to borrow the dogs from the farmhouses: the use of them, the offal when an animal is killed, and some milk from the cows, are the peace-offerings of the settlers, who push farther and farther towards the interior. the thoughtless aboriginal, blinded by these trifling advantages, is delighted at the approach of the white man, who seems predestined to inherit the country of his children. although having poor sport, we enjoyed a pleasant ride. the woodland is generally so open that a person on horseback can gallop through it. it is traversed by a few flat-bottomed valleys, which are green and free from trees: in such spots the scenery was pretty like that of a park. in the whole country i scarcely saw a place without the marks of a fire; whether these had been more or less recent--whether the stumps were more or less black, was the greatest change which varied the uniformity so wearisome to the traveller's eye. in these woods there are not many birds; i saw, however, some large flocks of the white cockatoo feeding in a corn-field, and a few most beautiful parrots; crows like our jackdaws were not uncommon, and another bird something like the magpie. in the dusk of the evening i took a stroll along a chain of ponds, which in this dry country represented the course of a river, and had the good fortune to see several of the famous ornithorhynchus paradoxus. they were diving and playing about the surface of the water, but showed so little of their bodies that they might easily have been mistaken for water-rats. mr. browne shot one: certainly it is a most extraordinary animal; a stuffed specimen does not at all give a good idea of the appearance of the head and beak when fresh; the latter becoming hard and contracted. (19/5. i was interested by finding here the hollow conical pitfall of the lion-ant, or some other insect: first a fly fell down the treacherous slope and immediately disappeared; then came a large but unwary ant; its struggles to escape being very violent, those curious little jets of sand, described by kirby and spence "entomology" volume 1 page 425, as being flirted by the insect's tail, were promptly directed against the expected victim. but the ant enjoyed a better fate than the fly and escaped the fatal jaws which lay concealed at the base of the conical hollow. this australian pitfall was only about half the size of that made by the european lion-ant.) january 20, 1836. a long day's ride to bathurst. before joining the high road we followed a mere path through the forest; and the country, with the exception of a few squatters' huts, was very solitary. we experienced this day the sirocco-like wind of australia, which comes from the parched deserts of the interior. clouds of dust were travelling in every direction; and the wind felt as if it had passed over a fire. i afterwards heard that the thermometer out of doors had stood at 119 degrees, and in a closed room at 96 degrees. in the afternoon we came in view of the downs of bathurst. these undulating but nearly smooth plains are very remarkable in this country, from being absolutely destitute of trees. they support only a thin brown pasture. we rode some miles over this country, and then reached the township of bathurst, seated in the middle of what may be called either a very broad valley, or narrow plain. i was told at sydney not to form too bad an opinion of australia by judging of the country from the roadside, nor too good a one from bathurst; in this latter respect i did not feel myself in the least danger of being prejudiced. the season, it must be owned, had been one of great drought, and the country did not wear a favourable aspect; although i understand it was incomparably worse two or three months before. the secret of the rapidly growing prosperity of bathurst is that the brown pasture which appears to the stranger's eye so wretched is excellent for sheep-grazing. the town stands at the height of 2200 feet above the sea, on the banks of the macquarie: this is one of the rivers flowing into the vast and scarcely known interior. the line of watershed which divides the inland streams from those on the coast, has a height of about 3000 feet, and runs in a north and south direction at the distance of from eighty to a hundred miles from the seaside. the macquarie figures in the map as a respectable river, and it is the largest of those draining this part of the watershed; yet to my surprise i found it a mere chain of ponds, separated from each other by spaces almost dry. generally a small stream is running; and sometimes there are high and impetuous floods. scanty as the supply of the water is throughout this district, it becomes still scantier further inland. january 22, 1836. i commenced my return and followed a new road called lockyer's line along which the country is rather more hilly and picturesque. this was a long day's ride; and the house where i wished to sleep was some way off the road, and not easily found. i met on this occasion, and indeed on all others, a very general and ready civility among the lower orders, which, when one considers what they are, and what they have been, would scarcely have been expected. the farm where i passed the night was owned by two young men who had only lately come out, and were beginning a settler's life. the total want of almost every comfort was not very attractive; but future and certain prosperity was before their eyes, and that not far distant. the next day we passed through large tracts of country in flames, volumes of smoke sweeping across the road. before noon we joined our former road and ascended mount victoria. i slept at the weatherboard, and before dark took another walk to the amphitheatre. on the road to sydney i spent a very pleasant evening with captain king at dunheved; and thus ended my little excursion in the colony of new south wales. before arriving here the three things which interested me most were--the state of society amongst the higher classes, the condition of the convicts, and the degree of attraction sufficient to induce persons to emigrate. of course, after so very short a visit, one's opinion is worth scarcely anything; but it is as difficult not to form some opinion, as it is to form a correct judgment. on the whole, from what i heard, more than from what i saw, i was disappointed in the state of society. the whole community is rancorously divided into parties on almost every subject. among those who, from their station in life, ought to be the best, many live in such open profligacy that respectable people cannot associate with them. there is much jealousy between the children of the rich emancipist and the free settlers, the former being pleased to consider honest men as interlopers. the whole population, poor and rich, are bent on acquiring wealth: amongst the higher orders, wool and sheep-grazing form the constant subject of conversation. there are many serious drawbacks to the comforts of a family, the chief of which, perhaps, is being surrounded by convict servants. how thoroughly odious to every feeling, to be waited on by a man who the day before, perhaps, was flogged, from your representation, for some trifling misdemeanour. the female servants are of course much worse: hence children learn the vilest expressions, and it is fortunate if not equally vile ideas. on the other hand, the capital of a person, without any trouble on his part, produces him treble interest to what it will in england; and with care he is sure to grow rich. the luxuries of life are in abundance, and very little dearer than in england, and most articles of food are cheaper. the climate is splendid, and perfectly healthy; but to my mind its charms are lost by the uninviting aspect of the country. settlers possess a great advantage in finding their sons of service when very young. at the age of from sixteen to twenty they frequently take charge of distant farming stations. this, however, must happen at the expense of their boys associating entirely with convict servants. i am not aware that the tone of society has assumed any peculiar character; but with such habits, and without intellectual pursuits, it can hardly fail to deteriorate. my opinion is such that nothing but rather sharp necessity should compel me to emigrate. the rapid prosperity and future prospects of this colony are to me, not understanding these subjects, very puzzling. the two main exports are wool and whale-oil, and to both of these productions there is a limit. the country is totally unfit for canals, therefore there is a not very distant point beyond which the land-carriage of wool will not repay the expense of shearing and tending sheep. pasture everywhere is so thin that settlers have already pushed far into the interior; moreover, the country farther inland becomes extremely poor. agriculture, on account of the droughts, can never succeed on an extended scale: therefore, so far as i can see, australia must ultimately depend upon being the centre of commerce for the southern hemisphere and perhaps on her future manufactories. possessing coal, she always has the moving power at hand. from the habitable country extending along the coast, and from her english extraction, she is sure to be a maritime nation. i formerly imagined that australia would rise to be as grand and powerful a country as north america, but now it appears to me that such future grandeur is rather problematical. with respect to the state of the convicts, i had still fewer opportunities of judging than on other points. the first question is, whether their condition is at all one of punishment: no one will maintain that it is a very severe one. this, however, i suppose, is of little consequence as long as it continues to be an object of dread to criminals at home. the corporeal wants of the convicts are tolerably well supplied: their prospect of future liberty and comfort is not distant, and, after good conduct, certain. a "ticket of leave," which, as long as a man keeps clear of suspicion as well as of crime, makes him free within a certain district, is given upon good conduct, after years proportional to the length of the sentence; yet with all this, and overlooking the previous imprisonment and wretched passage out, i believe the years of assignment are passed away with discontent and unhappiness. as an intelligent man remarked to me, the convicts know no pleasure beyond sensuality, and in this they are not gratified. the enormous bribe which government possesses in offering free pardons, together with the deep horror of the secluded penal settlements, destroys confidence between the convicts, and so prevents crime. as to a sense of shame, such a feeling does not appear to be known, and of this i witnessed some very singular proofs. though it is a curious fact, i was universally told that the character of the convict population is one of arrant cowardice; not unfrequently some become desperate, and quite indifferent as to life, yet a plan requiring cool or continued courage is seldom put into execution. the worst feature in the whole case is that although there exists what may be called a legal reform, and comparatively little is committed which the law can touch, yet that any moral reform should take place appears to be quite out of the question. i was assured by well-informed people that a man who should try to improve, could not while living with other assigned servants;--his life would be one of intolerable misery and persecution. nor must the contamination of the convict-ships and prisons, both here and in england, be forgotten. on the whole, as a place of punishment, the object is scarcely gained; as a real system of reform it has failed, as perhaps would every other plan; but as a means of making men outwardly honest,--of converting vagabonds, most useless in one hemisphere, into active citizens of another, and thus giving birth to a new and splendid country--a grand centre of civilisation--it has succeeded to a degree perhaps unparalleled in history. january 30, 1836. (plate 90. hobart town and mount wellington.) the "beagle" sailed for hobart town in van diemen's land. on the 5th of february, after a six days' passage, of which the first part was fine, and the latter very cold and squally, we entered the mouth of storm bay; the weather justified this awful name. the bay should rather be called an estuary, for it receives at its head the waters of the derwent. near the mouth there are some extensive basaltic platforms; but higher up the land becomes mountainous, and is covered by a light wood. the lower parts of the hills which skirt the bay are cleared; and the bright yellow fields of corn, and dark green ones of potatoes, appear very luxuriant. late in the evening we anchored in the snug cove on the shores of which stands the capital of tasmania. the first aspect of the place was very inferior to that of sydney; the latter might be called a city, this is only a town. it stands at the base of mount wellington, a mountain 3100 feet high, but of little picturesque beauty; from this source, however, it receives a good supply of water. round the cove there are some fine warehouses and on one side a small fort. coming from the spanish settlements, where such magnificent care has generally been paid to the fortifications, the means of defence in these colonies appeared very contemptible. comparing the town with sydney, i was chiefly struck with the comparative fewness of the large houses, either built or building. hobart town, from the census of 1835, contained 13,826 inhabitants, and the whole of tasmania 36,505. all the aborigines have been removed to an island in bass's straits, so that van diemen's land enjoys the great advantage of being free from a native population. this most cruel step seems to have been quite unavoidable, as the only means of stopping a fearful succession of robberies, burnings, and murders, committed by the blacks; and which sooner or later would have ended in their utter destruction. i fear there is no doubt that this train of evil and its consequences originated in the infamous conduct of some of our countrymen. thirty years is a short period in which to have banished the last aboriginal from his native island,--and that island nearly as large as ireland. the correspondence on this subject which took place between the government at home and that of van diemen's land, is very interesting. although numbers of natives were shot and taken prisoners in the skirmishing, which was going on at intervals for several years, nothing seems fully to have impressed them with the idea of our overwhelming power, until the whole island, in 1830, was put under martial law, and by proclamation the whole population commanded to assist in one great attempt to secure the entire race. the plan adopted was nearly similar to that of the great hunting-matches in india: a line was formed reaching across the island, with the intention of driving the natives into a cul-de-sac on tasman's peninsula. the attempt failed; the natives, having tied up their dogs, stole during one night through the lines. this is far from surprising, when their practised senses and usual manner of crawling after wild animals is considered. i have been assured that they can conceal themselves on almost bare ground, in a manner which until witnessed is scarcely credible; their dusky bodies being easily mistaken for the blackened stumps which are scattered all over the country. i was told of a trial between a party of englishmen and a native, who was to stand in full view on the side of a bare hill; if the englishmen closed their eyes for less than a minute, he would squat down, and then they were never able to distinguish him from the surrounding stumps. but to return to the hunting-match; the natives understanding this kind of warfare, were terribly alarmed, for they at once perceived the power and numbers of the whites. shortly afterwards a party of thirteen belonging to two tribes came in; and, conscious of their unprotected condition, delivered themselves up in despair. subsequently by the intrepid exertions of mr. robinson, an active and benevolent man, who fearlessly visited by himself the most hostile of the natives, the whole were induced to act in a similar manner. they were then removed to an island, where food and clothes were provided them. count strzelecki states that "at the epoch of their deportation in 1835, the number of natives amounted to 210. in 1842, that is after the interval of seven years, they mustered only fifty-four individuals; and, while each family of the interior of new south wales, uncontaminated by contact with the whites, swarms with children, those of flinders' island had during eight years an accession of only fourteen in number!" (19/6. "physical description of new south wales and van diemen's land" page 354.) the "beagle" stayed here ten days, and in this time i made several pleasant little excursions, chiefly with the object of examining the geological structure of the immediate neighbourhood. the main points of interest consist, first in some highly fossiliferous strata belonging to the devonian or carboniferous period; secondly, in proofs of a late small rise of the land; and lastly, in a solitary and superficial patch of yellowish limestone or travertin, which contains numerous impressions of leaves of trees, together with land-shells, not now existing. it is not improbable that this one small quarry includes the only remaining record of the vegetation of van diemen's land during one former epoch. the climate here is damper than in new south wales, and hence the land is more fertile. agriculture flourishes; the cultivated fields look well, and the gardens abound with thriving vegetables and fruit-trees. some of the farmhouses, situated in retired spots, had a very attractive appearance. the general aspect of the vegetation is similar to that of australia; perhaps it is a little more green and cheerful; and the pasture between the trees rather more abundant. one day i took a long walk on the side of the bay opposite to the town: i crossed in a steamboat, two of which are constantly plying backwards and forwards. the machinery of one of these vessels was entirely manufactured in this colony, which, from its very foundation, then numbered only three and thirty years! another day i ascended mount wellington; i took with me a guide, for i failed in a first attempt, from the thickness of the wood. our guide, however, was a stupid fellow, and conducted us to the southern and damp side of the mountain, where the vegetation was very luxuriant; and where the labour of the ascent, from the number of rotten trunks, was almost as great as on a mountain in tierra del fuego or in chiloe. it cost us five and a half hours of hard climbing before we reached the summit. in many parts the eucalypti grew to a great size and composed a noble forest. in some of the dampest ravines tree-ferns flourished in an extraordinary manner; i saw one which must have been at least twenty feet high to the base of the fronds, and was in girth exactly six feet. the fronds, forming the most elegant parasols, produced a gloomy shade, like that of the first hour of night. the summit of the mountain is broad and flat and is composed of huge angular masses of naked greenstone. its elevation is 3100 feet above the level of the sea. the day was splendidly clear, and we enjoyed a most extensive view; to the north, the country appeared a mass of wooded mountains, of about the same height with that on which we were standing, and with an equally tame outline: to the south the broken land and water, forming many intricate bays, was mapped with clearness before us. after staying some hours on the summit we found a better way to descend, but did not reach the "beagle" till eight o'clock, after a severe day's work. february 7, 1836. the "beagle" sailed from tasmania, and, on the 6th of the ensuing month, reached king george's sound, situated close to the south-west corner of australia. we stayed there eight days; and we did not during our voyage pass a more dull and uninteresting time. the country, viewed from an eminence, appears a woody plain, with here and there rounded and partly bare hills of granite protruding. one day i went out with a party, in hopes of seeing a kangaroo-hunt, and walked over a good many miles of country. everywhere we found the soil sandy, and very poor; it supported either a coarse vegetation of thin, low brushwood and wiry grass, or a forest of stunted trees. the scenery resembled that of the high sandstone platform of the blue mountains; the casuarina (a tree somewhat resembling a scotch fir) is, however, here in greater number, and the eucalyptus in rather less. in the open parts there were many grass-trees,--a plant which, in appearance, has some affinity with the palm; but, instead of being surmounted by a crown of noble fronds, it can boast merely of a tuft of very coarse grass-like leaves. the general bright green colour of the brushwood and other plants, viewed from a distance, seemed to promise fertility. a single walk, however, was enough to dispel such an illusion; and he who thinks with me will never wish to walk again in so uninviting a country. one day i accompanied captain fitz roy to bald head, the place mentioned by so many navigators, where some imagined that they saw corals, and others that they saw petrified trees, standing in the position in which they had grown. according to our view, the beds have been formed by the wind having heaped up fine sand, composed of minute rounded particles of shells and corals, during which process branches and roots of trees, together with many land-shells, became enclosed. the whole then became consolidated by the percolation of calcareous matter; and the cylindrical cavities left by the decaying of the wood were thus also filled up with a hard pseudo-stalactitical stone. the weather is now wearing away the softer parts, and in consequence the hard casts of the roots and branches of the trees project above the surface, and, in a singularly deceptive manner, resemble the stumps of a dead thicket. a large tribe of natives, called the white cockatoo men happened to pay the settlement a visit while we were there. these men, as well as those of the tribe belonging to king george's sound, being tempted by the offer of some tubs of rice and sugar, were persuaded to hold a "corrobery," or great dancing-party. as soon as it grew dark, small fires were lighted, and the men commenced their toilet, which consisted in painting themselves white in spots and lines. as soon as all was ready, large fires were kept blazing, round which the women and children were collected as spectators; the cockatoo and king george's men formed two distinct parties, and generally danced in answer to each other. the dancing consisted in their running either sideways or in indian file into an open space, and stamping the ground with great force as they marched together. their heavy footsteps were accompanied by a kind of grunt, by beating their clubs and spears together, and by various other gesticulations, such as extending their arms and wriggling their bodies. it was a most rude, barbarous scene, and, to our ideas, without any sort of meaning; but we observed that the black women and children watched it with the greatest pleasure. perhaps these dances originally represented actions, such as wars and victories; there was one called the emu dance, in which each man extended his arm in a bent manner, like the neck of that bird. in another dance one man imitated the movements of a kangaroo grazing in the woods, whilst a second crawled up and pretended to spear him. when both tribes mingled in the dance, the ground trembled with the heaviness of their steps, and the air resounded with their wild cries. every one appeared in high spirits, and the group of nearly naked figures, viewed by the light of the blazing fires, all moving in hideous harmony, formed a perfect display of a festival amongst the lowest barbarians. in tierra del fuego we have beheld many curious scenes in savage life, but never, i think, one where the natives were in such high spirits, and so perfectly at their ease. after the dancing was over the whole party formed a great circle on the ground, and the boiled rice and sugar was distributed, to the delight of all. after several tedious delays from clouded weather, on the 14th of march we gladly stood out of king george's sound on our course to keeling island. farewell, australia! you are a rising child, and doubtless some day will reign a great princess in the south; but you are too great and ambitious for affection, yet not great enough for respect. i leave your shores without sorrow or regret. (plate 91. australian group of weapons and throwing sticks.) chapter xx. (plate 92. inside an atoll, keeling island.) keeling island:--coral formations. keeling island. singular appearance. scanty flora. transport of seeds. birds and insects. ebbing and flowing springs. fields of dead coral. stones transported in the roots of trees. great crab. stinging corals. coral-eating fish. coral formations. lagoon islands or atolls. depth at which reef-building corals can live. vast areas interspersed with low coral islands. subsidence of their foundations. barrier reefs. fringing reefs. conversion of fringing-reefs into barrier-reefs, and into atolls. evidence of changes in level. breaches in barrier-reefs. maldiva atolls; their peculiar structure. dead and submerged reefs. areas of subsidence and elevation. distribution of volcanoes. subsidence slow and vast in amount. april 1, 1836. we arrived in view of the keeling or cocos islands, situated in the indian ocean, and about six hundred miles distant from the coast of sumatra. this is one of the lagoon-islands (or atolls) of coral formation similar to those in the low archipelago which we passed near. when the ship was in the channel at the entrance, mr. liesk, an english resident, came off in his boat. the history of the inhabitants of this place, in as few words as possible, is as follows. about nine years ago, mr. hare, a worthless character, brought from the east indian archipelago a number of malay slaves, which now, including children, amount to more than a hundred. shortly afterwards captain ross, who had before visited these islands in his merchant-ship, arrived from england, bringing with him his family and goods for settlement: along with him came mr. liesk, who had been a mate in his vessel. the malay slaves soon ran away from the islet on which mr. hare was settled, and joined captain ross's party. mr. hare upon this was ultimately obliged to leave the place. the malays are now nominally in a state of freedom, and certainly are so as far as regards their personal treatment; but in most other points they are considered as slaves. from their discontented state, from the repeated removals from islet to islet, and perhaps also from a little mismanagement, things are not very prosperous. the island has no domestic quadruped excepting the pig, and the main vegetable production is the cocoa-nut. the whole prosperity of the place depends on this tree; the only exports being oil from the nut, and the nuts themselves, which are taken to singapore and mauritius, where they are chiefly used, when grated, in making curries. on the cocoa-nut, also, the pigs, which are loaded with fat, almost entirely subsist, as do the ducks and poultry. even a huge land-crab is furnished by nature with the means to open and feed on this most useful production. the ring-formed reef of the lagoon-island is surmounted in the greater part of its length by linear islets. on the northern or leeward side there is an opening through which vessels can pass to the anchorage within. on entering, the scene was very curious and rather pretty; its beauty, however, entirely depended on the brilliancy of the surrounding colours. the shallow, clear, and still water of the lagoon, resting in its greater part on white sand, is, when illumined by a vertical sun, of the most vivid green. this brilliant expanse, several miles in width, is on all sides divided, either by a line of snow-white breakers from the dark heaving waters of the ocean, or from the blue vault of heaven by the strips of land, crowned by the level tops of the cocoa-nut trees. as a white cloud here and there affords a pleasing contrast with the azure sky, so in the lagoon bands of living coral darken the emerald green water. the next morning after anchoring i went on shore on direction island. the strip of dry land is only a few hundred yards in width; on the lagoon side there is a white calcareous beach, the radiation from which under this sultry climate was very oppressive; and on the outer coast a solid broad flat of coral-rock served to break the violence of the open sea. excepting near the lagoon, where there is some sand, the land is entirely composed of rounded fragments of coral. in such a loose, dry, stony soil, the climate of the intertropical regions alone could produce a vigorous vegetation. on some of the smaller islets nothing could be more elegant than the manner in which the young and full-grown cocoa-nut trees, without destroying each other's symmetry, were mingled into one wood. a beach of glittering white sand formed a border to these fairy spots. i will now give a sketch of the natural history of these islands, which, from its very paucity, possesses a peculiar interest. the cocoa-nut tree, at first glance, seems to compose the whole wood; there are however, five or six other trees. one of these grows to a very large size, but, from the extreme softness of its wood, is useless; another sort affords excellent timber for ship-building. besides the trees the number of plants is exceedingly limited and consists of insignificant weeds. in my collection, which includes, i believe, nearly the perfect flora, there are twenty species without reckoning a moss, lichen, and fungus. to this number two trees must be added; one of which was not in flower, and the other i only heard of. the latter is a solitary tree of its kind, and grows near the beach, where, without doubt, the one seed was thrown up by the waves. a guilandina also grows on only one of the islets. i do not include in the above list the sugar-cane, banana, some other vegetables, fruit-trees, and imported grasses. as the islands consist entirely of coral, and at one time must have existed as mere water-washed reefs, all their terrestrial productions must have been transported here by the waves of the sea. in accordance with this, the florula has quite the character of a refuge for the destitute: professor henslow informs me that of the twenty species nineteen belong to different genera, and these again to no less than sixteen families! (20/1. these plants are described in the "annals of natural history" volume 1 1838 page 337.) in holman's "travels" an account is given, on the authority of mr. a.s. keating, who resided twelve months on these islands, of the various seeds and other bodies which have been known to have been washed on shore. (20/2. holman's "travels" volume 4 page 378.) "seeds and plants from sumatra and java have been driven up by the surf on the windward side of the islands. among them have been found the kimiri, native of sumatra and the peninsula of malacca; the cocoa-nut of balci, known by its shape and size; the dadass, which is planted by the malays with the pepper-vine, the latter entwining round its trunk, and supporting itself by the prickles on its stem; the soap-tree; the castor-oil plant; trunks of the sago palm; and various kinds of seeds unknown to the malays settled on the islands. these are all supposed to have been driven by the north-west monsoon to the coast of new holland, and thence to these islands by the south-east trade-wind. large masses of java teak and yellow wood have also been found, besides immense trees of red and white cedar, and the blue gum-wood of new holland, in a perfectly sound condition. all the hardy seeds, such as creepers, retain their germinating power, but the softer kinds, among which is the mangostin, are destroyed in the passage. fishing-canoes, apparently from java, have at times been washed on shore." it is interesting thus to discover how numerous the seeds are, which, coming from several countries, are drifted over the wide ocean. professor henslow tells me he believes that nearly all the plants which i brought from these islands are common littoral species in the east indian archipelago. from the direction, however, of the winds and currents, it seems scarcely possible that they could have come here in a direct line. if, as suggested with much probability by mr. keating, they were first carried towards the coast of new holland, and thence drifted back together with the productions of that country, the seeds, before germinating, must have travelled between 1800 and 2400 miles. chamisso, when describing the radack archipelago, situated in the western part of the pacific, states that "the sea brings to these islands the seeds and fruits of many trees, most of which have yet not grown here. the greater part of these seeds appear to have not yet lost the capability of growing." (20/3. kotzebue's "first voyage" volume 3 page 155.) it is also said that palms and bamboos from somewhere in the torrid zone, and trunks of northern firs, are washed on shore; these firs must have come from an immense distance. these facts are highly interesting. it cannot be doubted that, if there were land-birds to pick up the seeds when first cast on shore, and a soil better adapted for their growth than the loose blocks of coral, the most isolated of the lagoon islands would in time possess a far more abundant flora than they now have. the list of land animals is even poorer than that of the plants. some of the islets are inhabited by rats, which were brought in a ship from the mauritius, wrecked here. these rats are considered by mr. waterhouse as identical with the english kind, but they are smaller, and more brightly coloured. there are no true land-birds, for a snipe and a rail (rallus phillippensis), though living entirely in the dry herbage, belong to the order of waders. birds of this order are said to occur on several of the small low islands in the pacific. at ascension, where there is no land-bird, a rail (porphyrio simplex) was shot near the summit of the mountain, and it was evidently a solitary straggler. at tristan d'acunha, where, according to carmichael, there are only two land-birds, there is a coot. from these facts i believe that the waders, after the innumerable web-footed species, are generally the first colonists of small isolated islands. i may add that whenever i noticed birds, not of oceanic species, very far out at sea, they always belonged to this order; and hence they would naturally become the earliest colonists of any remote point of land. of reptiles i saw only one small lizard. of insects i took pains to collect every kind. exclusive of spiders, which were numerous, there were thirteen species. (20/4. the thirteen species belong to the following orders:--in the coleoptera, a minute elater; orthoptera, a gryllus and a blatta; hemiptera, one species; homoptera, two; neuroptera, a chrysopa; hymenoptera, two ants; lepidoptera nocturna, a diopaea, and a pterophorus (?); diptera, two species.) of these one only was a beetle. a small ant swarmed by thousands under the loose dry blocks of coral, and was the only true insect which was abundant. although the productions of the land are thus scanty, if we look to the waters of the surrounding sea the number of organic beings is indeed infinite. chamisso has described the natural history of a lagoon-island in the radack archipelago (20/5. kotzebue's "first voyage" volume 3 page 222.); and it is remarkable how closely its inhabitants, in number and kind, resemble those of keeling island. there is one lizard and two waders, namely, a snipe and curlew. of plants there are nineteen species, including a fern; and some of these are the same with those growing here, though on a spot so immensely remote, and in a different ocean. the long strips of land, forming the linear islets, have been raised only to that height to which the surf can throw fragments of coral, and the wind heap up calcareous sand. the solid flat of coral rock on the outside, by its breadth, breaks the first violence of the waves, which otherwise, in a day, would sweep away these islets and all their productions. the ocean and the land seem here struggling for mastery: although terra firma has obtained a footing, the denizens of the water think their claim at least equally good. in every part one meets hermit crabs of more than one species, carrying on their backs the shells which they have stolen from the neighbouring beach. (20/6. the large claws or pincers of some of these crabs are most beautifully adapted, when drawn back, to form an operculum to the shell, nearly as perfect as the proper one originally belonging to the molluscous animal. i was assured, and as far as my observations went i found it so, that certain species of the hermit-crab always use certain species of shells.) overhead numerous gannets, frigate-birds, and terns, rest on the trees; and the wood, from the many nests and from the smell of the atmosphere, might be called a sea-rookery. the gannets, sitting on their rude nests, gaze at one with a stupid yet angry air. the noddies, as their name expresses, are silly little creatures. but there is one charming bird: it is a small, snow-white tern, which smoothly hovers at the distance of a few feet above one's head, its large black eye scanning, with quiet curiosity, your expression. little imagination is required to fancy that so light and delicate a body must be tenanted by some wandering fairy spirit. sunday, april 3, 1836. after service i accompanied captain fitz roy to the settlement, situated at the distance of some miles, on the point of an islet thickly covered with tall cocoa-nut trees. captain ross and mr. liesk live in a large barn-like house open at both ends, and lined with mats made of woven bark. the houses of the malays are arranged along the shore of the lagoon. the whole place had rather a desolate aspect, for there were no gardens to show the signs of care and cultivation. the natives belong to different islands in the east indian archipelago, but all speak the same language: we saw the inhabitants of borneo, celebes, java, and sumatra. in colour they resemble the tahitians, from whom they do not widely differ in features. some of the women, however, show a good deal of the chinese character. i liked both their general expressions and the sound of their voices. they appeared poor, and their houses were destitute of furniture; but it was evident from the plumpness of the little children, that cocoa-nuts and turtle afford no bad sustenance. on this island the wells are situated from which ships obtain water. at first sight it appears not a little remarkable that the fresh water should regularly ebb and flow with the tides; and it has even been imagined that sand has the power of filtering the salt from the sea-water. these ebbing wells are common on some of the low islands in the west indies. the compressed sand, or porous coral rock, is permeated like a sponge with the salt water, but the rain which falls on the surface must sink to the level of the surrounding sea, and must accumulate there, displacing an equal bulk of the salt water. as the water in the lower part of the great sponge-like coral mass rises and falls with the tides, so will the water near the surface; and this will keep fresh, if the mass be sufficiently compact to prevent much mechanical admixture; but where the land consists of great loose blocks of coral with open interstices, if a well be dug, the water, as i have seen, is brackish. after dinner we stayed to see a curious half superstitious scene acted by the malay women. a large wooden spoon dressed in garments, and which had been carried to the grave of a dead man, they pretend becomes inspired at the full of the moon, and will dance and jump about. after the proper preparations, the spoon, held by two women, became convulsed, and danced in good time to the song of the surrounding children and women. it was a most foolish spectacle; but mr. liesk maintained that many of the malays believed in its spiritual movements. the dance did not commence till the moon had risen, and it was well worth remaining to behold her bright orb so quietly shining through the long arms of the cocoa-nut trees as they waved in the evening breeze. these scenes of the tropics are in themselves so delicious that they almost equal those dearer ones at home, to which we are bound by each best feeling of the mind. the next day i employed myself in examining the very interesting, yet simple structure and origin of these islands. the water being unusually smooth, i waded over the outer flat of dead rock as far as the living mounds of coral, on which the swell of the open sea breaks. in some of the gullies and hollows there were beautiful green and other coloured fishes, and the form and tints of many of the zoophytes were admirable. it is excusable to grow enthusiastic over the infinite numbers of organic beings with which the sea of the tropics, so prodigal of life, teems; yet i must confess i think those naturalists who have described, in well-known words, the submarine grottoes decked with a thousand beauties, have indulged in rather exuberant language. april 6, 1836. i accompanied captain fitz roy to an island at the head of the lagoon: the channel was exceedingly intricate, winding through fields of delicately branched corals. we saw several turtle and two boats were then employed in catching them. the water was so clear and shallow, that although at first a turtle quickly dives out of sight, yet in a canoe or boat under sail the pursuers after no very long chase come up to it. a man standing ready in the bow at this moment dashes through the water upon the turtle's back; then clinging with both hands by the shell of its neck, he is carried away till the animal becomes exhausted and is secured. it was quite an interesting chase to see the two boats thus doubling about, and the men dashing head foremost into the water trying to seize their prey. captain moresby informs me that in the chagos archipelago in this same ocean, the natives, by a horrible process, take the shell from the back of the living turtle. "it is covered with burning charcoal, which causes the outer shell to curl upwards, it is then forced off with a knife, and before it becomes cold flattened between boards. after this barbarous process the animal is suffered to regain its native element, where, after a certain time, a new shell is formed; it is, however, too thin to be of any service, and the animal always appears languishing and sickly." when we arrived at the head of the lagoon we crossed a narrow islet and found a great surf breaking on the windward coast. i can hardly explain the reason, but there is to my mind much grandeur in the view of the outer shores of these lagoon-islands. there is a simplicity in the barrier-like beach, the margin of green bushes and tall cocoa-nuts, the solid flat of dead coral-rock, strewed here and there with great loose fragments, and the line of furious breakers, all rounding away towards either hand. the ocean throwing its waters over the broad reef appears an invincible, all-powerful enemy; yet we see it resisted, and even conquered, by means which at first seem most weak and inefficient. it is not that the ocean spares the rock of coral; the great fragments scattered over the reef, and heaped on the beach, whence the tall cocoa-nut springs, plainly bespeak the unrelenting power of the waves. nor are any periods of repose granted. the long swell caused by the gentle but steady action of the trade-wind, always blowing in one direction over a wide area, causes breakers, almost equalling in force those during a gale of wind in the temperate regions, and which never cease to rage. it is impossible to behold these waves without feeling a conviction that an island, though built of the hardest rock, let it be porphyry, granite, or quartz, would ultimately yield and be demolished by such an irresistible power. yet these low, insignificant coral-islets stand and are victorious: for here another power, as an antagonist, takes part in the contest. the organic forces separate the atoms of carbonate of lime, one by one, from the foaming breakers, and unite them into a symmetrical structure. let the hurricane tear up its thousand huge fragments; yet what will that tell against the accumulated labour of myriads of architects at work night and day, month after month? thus do we see the soft and gelatinous body of a polypus, through the agency of the vital laws, conquering the great mechanical power of the waves of an ocean which neither the art of man nor the inanimate works of nature could successfully resist. we did not return on board till late in the evening, for we stayed a long time in the lagoon, examining the fields of coral and the gigantic shells of the chama, into which, if a man were to put his hand, he would not, as long as the animal lived, be able to withdraw it. near the head of the lagoon i was much surprised to find a wide area, considerably more than a mile square, covered with a forest of delicately branching corals, which, though standing upright, were all dead and rotten. at first i was quite at a loss to understand the cause; afterwards it occurred to me that it was owing to the following rather curious combination of circumstances. it should, however, first be stated, that corals are not able to survive even a short exposure in the air to the sun's rays, so that their upward limit of growth is determined by that of lowest water at spring tides. it appears, from some old charts, that the long island to windward was formerly separated by wide channels into several islets; this fact is likewise indicated by the trees being younger on these portions. under the former condition of the reef, a strong breeze, by throwing more water over the barrier, would tend to raise the level of the lagoon. now it acts in a directly contrary manner; for the water within the lagoon not only is not increased by currents from the outside, but is itself blown outwards by the force of the wind. hence it is observed that the tide near the head of the lagoon does not rise so high during a strong breeze as it does when it is calm. this difference of level, although no doubt very small, has, i believe, caused the death of those coral-groves, which under the former and more open condition of the outer reef had attained the utmost possible limit of upward growth. a few miles north of keeling there is another small atoll, the lagoon of which is nearly filled up with coral-mud. captain ross found embedded in the conglomerate on the outer coast a well-rounded fragment of greenstone, rather larger than a man's head: he and the men with him were so much surprised at this, that they brought it away and preserved it as a curiosity. the occurrence of this one stone, where every other particle of matter is calcareous, certainly is very puzzling. the island has scarcely ever been visited, nor is it probable that a ship had been wrecked there. from the absence of any better explanation, i came to the conclusion that it must have come entangled in the roots of some large tree: when, however, i considered the great distance from the nearest land, the combination of chances against a stone thus being entangled, the tree washed into the sea, floated so far, then landed safely, and the stone finally so embedded as to allow of its discovery, i was almost afraid of imagining a means of transport apparently so improbable. it was therefore with great interest that i found chamisso, the justly distinguished naturalist who accompanied kotzebue, stating that the inhabitants of the radack archipelago, a group of lagoon islands in the midst of the pacific, obtained stones for sharpening their instruments by searching the roots of trees which are cast upon the beach. it will be evident that this must have happened several times, since laws have been established that such stones belong to the chief, and a punishment is inflicted on any one who attempts to steal them. when the isolated position of these small islands in the midst of a vast ocean--their great distance from any land excepting that of coral formation, attested by the value which the inhabitants, who are such bold navigators, attach to a stone of any kind--and the slowness of the currents of the open sea, are all considered, the occurrence of pebbles thus transported does appear wonderful. (20/7. some natives carried by kotzebue to kamtschatka collected stones to take back to their country.) stones may often be thus carried; and if the island on which they are stranded is constructed of any other substance besides coral, they would scarcely attract attention, and their origin at least would never be guessed. moreover, this agency may long escape discovery from the probability of trees, especially those loaded with stones, floating beneath the surface. in the channels of tierra del fuego large quantities of drift timber are cast upon the beach, yet it is extremely rare to meet a tree swimming on the water. these facts may possibly throw light on single stones, whether angular or rounded, occasionally found embedded in fine sedimentary masses. during another day i visited west islet, on which the vegetation was perhaps more luxuriant than on any other. the cocoa-nut trees generally grow separate, but here the young ones flourished beneath their tall parents, and formed with their long and curved fronds the most shady arbours. those alone who have tried it know how delicious it is to be seated in such shade, and drink the cool pleasant fluid of the cocoa-nut. in this island there is a large bay-like space, composed of the finest white sand: it is quite level and is only covered by the tide at high water; from this large bay smaller creeks penetrate the surrounding woods. to see a field of glittering white sand representing water, with the cocoa-nut trees extending their tall and waving trunks round the margin, formed a singular and very pretty view. i have before alluded to a crab which lives on the cocoa-nuts; it is very common on all parts of the dry land, and grows to a monstrous size: it is closely allied or identical with the birgos latro. the front pair of legs terminate in very strong and heavy pincers, and the last pair are fitted with others weaker and much narrower. it would at first be thought quite impossible for a crab to open a strong cocoa-nut covered with the husk; but mr. liesk assures me that he has repeatedly seen this effected. the crab begins by tearing the husk, fibre by fibre, and always from that end under which the three eye-holes are situated; when this is completed, the crab commences hammering with its heavy claws on one of the eye-holes till an opening is made. then turning round its body, by the aid of its posterior and narrow pair of pincers it extracts the white albuminous substance. i think this is as curious a case of instinct as ever i heard of, and likewise of adaptation in structure between two objects apparently so remote from each other in the scheme of nature as a crab and a cocoa-nut tree. the birgos is diurnal in its habits; but every night it is said to pay a visit to the sea, no doubt for the purpose of moistening its branchiae. the young are likewise hatched, and live for some time, on the coast. these crabs inhabit deep burrows, which they hollow out beneath the roots of trees; and where they accumulate surprising quantities of the picked fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, on which they rest as on a bed. the malays sometimes take advantage of this, and collect the fibrous mass to use as junk. these crabs are very good to eat; moreover, under the tail of the larger ones there is a mass of fat, which, when melted, sometimes yields as much as a quart-bottleful of limpid oil. it has been stated by some authors that the birgos crawls up the cocoa-nut trees for the purpose of stealing the nuts: i very much doubt the possibility of this; but with the pandanus the task would be very much easier. (20/8. see "proceedings of the zoological society" 1832 page 17.) i was told by mr. liesk that on these islands the birgos lives only on the nuts which have fallen to the ground. captain moresby informs me that this crab inhabits the chagos and seychelle groups, but not the neighbouring maldiva archipelago. it formerly abounded at mauritius, but only a few small ones are now found there. in the pacific this species, or one with closely allied habits, is said to inhabit a single coral island north of the society group. (20/9. tyerman and bennett "voyage" etc. volume 2 page 33.) to show the wonderful strength of the front pair of pincers, i may mention that captain moresby confined one in a strong tin box, which had held biscuits, the lid being secured with wire; but the crab turned down the edges and escaped. in turning down the edges it actually punched many small holes quite through the tin! i was a good deal surprised by finding two species of coral of the genus millepora (m. complanata and alcicornis), possessed of the power of stinging. the stony branches or plates, when taken fresh from the water, have a harsh feel and are not slimy, although possessing a strong and disagreeable smell. the stinging property seems to vary in different specimens: when a piece was pressed or rubbed on the tender skin of the face or arm, a pricking sensation was usually caused, which came on after the interval of a second, and lasted only for a few minutes. one day, however, by merely touching my face with one of the branches, pain was instantaneously caused; it increased as usual after a few seconds, and remaining sharp for some minutes, was perceptible for half an hour afterwards. the sensation was as bad as that from a nettle, but more like that caused by the physalia or portuguese man-of-war. little red spots were produced on the tender skin of the arm, which appeared as if they would have formed watery pustules, but did not. m. quoy mentions this case of the millepora; and i have heard of stinging corals in the west indies. many marine animals seem to have this power of stinging: besides the portuguese man-of-war, many jelly-fish, and the aplysia or sea-slug of the cape de verd islands, it is stated in the "voyage of the astrolabe" that an actinia or sea-anemone, as well as a flexible coralline allied to sertularia, both possess this means of offence or defence. in the east indian sea a stinging sea-weed is said to be found. two species of fish, of the genus scarus, which are common here, exclusively feed on coral: both are coloured of a splendid bluish-green, one living invariably in the lagoon, and the other amongst the outer breakers. mr. liesk assured us that he had repeatedly seen whole shoals grazing with their strong bony jaws on the tops of the coral branches: i opened the intestines of several and found them distended with yellowish calcareous sandy mud. the slimy disgusting holuthuriae (allied to our star-fish), which the chinese gourmands are so fond of, also feed largely, as i am informed by dr. allan, on corals; and the bony apparatus within their bodies seems well adapted for this end. these holuthuriae, the fish, the numerous burrowing shells, and nereidous worms, which perforate every block of dead coral, must be very efficient agents in producing the fine white mud which lies at the bottom and on the shores of the lagoon. a portion, however, of this mud, which when wet resembled pounded chalk, was found by professor ehrenberg to be partly composed of siliceous-shielded infusoria. april 12, 1836. in the morning we stood out of the lagoon on our passage to the isle of france. i am glad we have visited these islands: such formations surely rank high amongst the wonderful objects of this world. captain fitz roy found no bottom with a line 7200 feet in length, at the distance of only 2200 yards from the shore; hence this island forms a lofty submarine mountain, with sides steeper even than those of the most abrupt volcanic cone. the saucer-shaped summit is nearly ten miles across; and every single atom, from the least particle to the largest fragment of rock, in this great pile, which however is small compared with very many other lagoon islands, bears the stamp of having been subjected to organic arrangement. (20/10. i exclude, of course, some soil which has been imported here in vessels from malacca and java, and likewise some small fragments of pumice, drifted here by the waves. the one block of greenstone, moreover, on the northern island must be excepted.) we feel surprise when travellers tell us of the vast dimensions of the pyramids and other great ruins, but how utterly insignificant are the greatest of these, when compared to these mountains of stone accumulated by the agency of various minute and tender animals! this is a wonder which does not at first strike the eye of the body, but, after reflection, the eye of reason. (plate 93. whitsunday island.) i will now give a very brief account of the three great classes of coral-reefs; namely, atolls, barrier, and fringing reefs, and will explain my views on their formation. (20/11. these were first read before the geological society in may 1837 and have since been developed in a separate volume on the "structure and distribution of coral reefs.") almost every voyager who has crossed the pacific has expressed his unbounded astonishment at the lagoon islands, or as i shall for the future call them by their indian name of atolls, and has attempted some explanation. even as long ago as the year 1605, pyrard de laval well exclaimed, "c'est une merveille de voir chacun de ces atollons, environnã© d'un grand banc de pierre tout autour, n'y ayant point d'artifice humain." the accompanying sketch of whitsunday island in the pacific, copied from captain beechey's admirable "voyage" (plate 93), gives but a faint idea of the singular aspect of an atoll: it is one of the smallest size, and has its narrow islets united together in a ring. the immensity of the ocean, the fury of the breakers, contrasted with the lowness of the land and the smoothness of the bright green water within the lagoon, can hardly be imagined without having been seen. the earlier voyagers fancied that the coral-building animals instinctively built up their great circles to afford themselves protection in the inner parts; but so far is this from the truth that those massive kinds, to whose growth on the exposed outer shores the very existence of the reef depends, cannot live within the lagoon, where other delicately-branching kinds flourish. moreover, on this view, many species of distinct genera and families are supposed to combine for one end; and of such a combination, not a single instance can be found in the whole of nature. the theory that has been most generally received is that atolls are based on submarine craters; but when we consider the form and size of some, the number, proximity, and relative positions of others, this idea loses its plausible character: thus suadiva atoll is 44 geographical miles in diameter in one line, by 34 miles in another line; rimsky is 54 by 20 miles across, and it has a strangely sinuous margin; bow atoll is 30 miles long, and on an average only 6 in width; menchicoff atoll consists of three atolls united or tied together. this theory, moreover, is totally inapplicable to the northern maldiva atolls in the indian ocean (one of which is 88 miles in length, and between 10 and 20 in breadth), for they are not bounded like ordinary atolls by narrow reefs, but by a vast number of separate little atolls; other little atolls rising out of the great central lagoon-like spaces. a third and better theory was advanced by chamisso, who thought that from the corals growing more vigorously where exposed to the open sea, as undoubtedly is the case, the outer edges would grow up from the general foundation before any other part, and that this would account for the ring or cup-shaped structure. but we shall immediately see, that in this, as well as in the crater-theory, a most important consideration has been overlooked, namely, on what have the reef-building corals, which cannot live at a great depth, based their massive structures? numerous soundings were carefully taken by captain fitz roy on the steep outside of keeling atoll, and it was found that within ten fathoms the prepared tallow at the bottom of the lead invariably came up marked with the impressions of living corals, but as perfectly clean as if it had been dropped on a carpet of turf; as the depth increased, the impressions became less numerous, but the adhering particles of sand more and more numerous, until at last it was evident that the bottom consisted of a smooth sandy layer; to carry on the analogy of the turf, the blades of grass grew thinner and thinner, till at last the soil was so sterile that nothing sprang from it. from these observations, confirmed by many others, it may be safely inferred that the utmost depth at which corals can construct reefs is between 20 and 30 fathoms. now there are enormous areas in the pacific and indian oceans in which every single island is of coral formation, and is raised only to that height to which the waves can throw up fragments, and the winds pile up sand. thus the radack group of atolls is an irregular square, 520 miles long and 240 broad; the low archipelago is elliptic-formed, 840 miles in its longer, and 420 in its shorter axis: there are other small groups and single low islands between these two archipelagoes, making a linear space of ocean actually more than 4000 miles in length, in which not one single island rises above the specified height. again, in the indian ocean there is a space of ocean 1500 miles in length, including three archipelagoes, in which every island is low and of coral formation. from the fact of the reef-building corals not living at great depths, it is absolutely certain that throughout these vast areas, wherever there is now an atoll, a foundation must have originally existed within a depth of from 20 to 30 fathoms from the surface. it is improbable in the highest degree that broad, lofty, isolated, steep-sided banks of sediment, arranged in groups and lines hundreds of leagues in length, could have been deposited in the central and profoundest parts of the pacific and indian oceans, at an immense distance from any continent, and where the water is perfectly limpid. it is equally improbable that the elevatory forces should have uplifted throughout the above vast areas, innumerable great rocky banks within 20 to 30 fathoms, or 120 to 180 feet, of the surface of the sea, and not one single point above that level; for where on the whole face of the globe can we find a single chain of mountains, even a few hundred miles in length, with their many summits rising within a few feet of a given level, and not one pinnacle above it? if then the foundations, whence the atoll-building corals sprang, were not formed of sediment, and if they were not lifted up to the required level, they must of necessity have subsided into it; and this at once solves the difficulty. for as mountain after mountain, and island after island, slowly sank beneath the water, fresh bases would be successively afforded for the growth of the corals. it is impossible here to enter into all the necessary details, but i venture to defy any one to explain in any other manner how it is possible that numerous islands should be distributed throughout vast areas--all the islands being low--all being built of corals, absolutely requiring a foundation within a limited depth from the surface. (20/12. it is remarkable that mr. lyell, even in the first edition of his "principles of geology," inferred that the amount of subsidence in the pacific must have exceeded that of elevation, from the area of land being very small relatively to the agents there tending to form it, namely, the growth of coral and volcanic action.) (plate 94. barrier-reef, bolabola.) before explaining how atoll-formed reefs acquire their peculiar structure, we must turn to the second great class, namely, barrier-reefs. these either extend in straight lines in front of the shores of a continent or of a large island, or they encircle smaller islands; in both cases, being separated from the land by a broad and rather deep channel of water, analogous to the lagoon within an atoll. it is remarkable how little attention has been paid to encircling barrier-reefs; yet they are truly wonderful structures. the sketch (plate 94) represents part of the barrier encircling the island of bolabola in the pacific, as seen from one of the central peaks. in this instance the whole line of reef has been converted into land; but usually a snow-white line of great breakers, with only here and there a single low islet crowned with cocoa-nut trees, divides the dark heaving waters of the ocean from the light green expanse of the lagoon-channel. and the quiet waters of this channel generally bathe a fringe of low alluvial soil, loaded with the most beautiful productions of the tropics, and lying at the foot of the wild, abrupt, central mountains. encircling barrier-reefs are of all sizes, from three miles to no less than forty-four miles in diameter; and that which fronts one side, and encircles both ends, of new caledonia, is 400 miles long. each reef includes one, two, or several rocky islands of various heights; and in one instance, even as many as twelve separate islands. the reef runs at a greater or less distance from the included land; in the society archipelago generally from one to three or four miles; but at hogoleu the reef is 20 miles on the southern side, and 14 miles on the opposite or northern side, from the included islands. the depth within the lagoon-channel also varies much; from 10 to 30 fathoms may be taken as an average; but at vanikoro there are spaces no less than 56 fathoms or 336 feet deep. internally the reef either slopes gently into the lagoon-channel, or ends in a perpendicular wall sometimes between two and three hundred feet under water in height: externally the reef rises, like an atoll, with extreme abruptness out of the profound depths of the ocean. what can be more singular than these structures? we see an island, which may be compared to a castle situated on the summit of a lofty submarine mountain, protected by a great wall of coral-rock, always steep externally and sometimes internally, with a broad level summit, here and there breached by narrow gateways, through which the largest ships can enter the wide and deep encircling moat. as far as the actual reef of coral is concerned, there is not the smallest difference in general size, outline, grouping, and even in quite trifling details of structure, between a barrier and an atoll. the geographer balbi has well remarked that an encircled island is an atoll with high land rising out of its lagoon; remove the land from within, and a perfect atoll is left. but what has caused these reefs to spring up at such great distances from the shores of the included islands? it cannot be that the corals will not grow close to the land; for the shores within the lagoon-channel, when not surrounded by alluvial soil, are often fringed by living reefs; and we shall presently see that there is a whole class, which i have called fringing-reefs from their close attachment to the shores both of continents and of islands. again, on what have the reef-building corals, which cannot live at great depths, based their encircling structures? this is a great apparent difficulty, analogous to that in the case of atolls, which has generally been overlooked. it will be perceived more clearly by inspecting the following sections which are real ones, taken in north and south lines, through the islands with their barrier-reefs, of vanikoro, gambier, and maurua; and they are laid down, both vertically and horizontally, on the same scale of a quarter of an inch to a mile. (plate 95. sections of barrier-reefs. 1. vanikoro. 2. gambier islands. 3. maurua. the horizontal shading shows the barrier-reefs and lagoon-channels. the inclined shading above the level of the sea (aa) shows the actual form of the land; the inclined shading below this line shows its probable prolongation under water.) it should be observed that the sections might have been taken in any direction through these islands, or through many other encircled islands, and the general features would have been the same. now bearing in mind that reef-building coral cannot live at a greater depth than from 20 to 30 fathoms, and that the scale is so small that the plummets on the right hand show a depth of 200 fathoms, on what are these barrier-reefs based? are we to suppose that each island is surrounded by a collar-like submarine ledge of rock, or by a great bank of sediment, ending abruptly where the reef ends? if the sea had formerly eaten deeply into the islands, before they were protected by the reefs, thus having left a shallow ledge round them under water, the present shores would have been invariably bounded by great precipices; but this is most rarely the case. moreover, on this notion, it is not possible to explain why the corals should have sprung up, like a wall, from the extreme outer margin of the ledge, often leaving a broad space of water within, too deep for the growth of corals. the accumulation of a wide bank of sediment all round these islands, and generally widest where the included islands are smallest, is highly improbable, considering their exposed positions in the central and deepest parts of the ocean. in the case of the barrier-reef of new caledonia, which extends for 150 miles beyond the northern point of the island, in the same straight line with which it fronts the west coast, it is hardly possible to believe that a bank of sediment could thus have been straightly deposited in front of a lofty island, and so far beyond its termination in the open sea. finally, if we look to other oceanic islands of about the same height and of similar geological constitution, but not encircled by coral-reefs, we may in vain search for so trifling a circumambient depth as 30 fathoms, except quite near to their shores; for usually land that rises abruptly out of water, as do most of the encircled and non-encircled oceanic islands, plunges abruptly under it. on what then, i repeat, are these barrier reefs based? why, with their wide and deep moat-like channels, do they stand so far from the included land? we shall soon see how easily these difficulties disappear. we come now to our third class of fringing-reefs, which will require a very short notice. where the land slopes abruptly under water, these reefs are only a few yards in width, forming a mere ribbon or fringe round the shores: where the land slopes gently under the water the reef extends farther, sometimes even as much as a mile from the land; but in such cases the soundings outside the reef always show that the submarine prolongation of the land is gently inclined. in fact the reefs extend only to that distance from the shore at which a foundation within the requisite depth from 20 to 30 fathoms is found. as far as the actual reef is concerned, there is no essential difference between it and that forming a barrier or an atoll: it is, however, generally of less width, and consequently few islets have been formed on it. from the corals growing more vigorously on the outside, and from the noxious effect of the sediment washed inwards, the outer edge of the reef is the highest part, and between it and the land there is generally a shallow sandy channel a few feet in depth. where banks of sediment have accumulated near to the surface, as in parts of the west indies, they sometimes become fringed with corals, and hence in some degree resemble lagoon-islands or atolls, in the same manner as fringing-reefs, surrounding gently sloping islands, in some degree resemble barrier-reefs. (plate 96. section of coral-reef. aa, outer edges of the fringing-reef, at the level of the sea. bb, the shores of the fringed island. a'a', outer edges of the reef, after its upward growth during a period of subsidence, now converted into a barrier, with islets on it. b'b', the shores of the now encircled islands. cc, lagoon-channel. nb.--in this and plate 97, the subsidence of the land could be represented only by an apparent rise in the level of the sea.) no theory on the formation of coral-reefs can be considered satisfactory which does not include the three great classes. we have seen that we are driven to believe in the subsidence of those vast areas, interspersed with low islands, of which not one rises above the height to which the wind and waves can throw up matter, and yet are constructed by animals requiring a foundation, and that foundation to lie at no great depth. let us then take an island surrounded by fringing-reefs, which offer no difficulty in their structure; and let this island with its reef, represented by the unbroken lines in plate 96, slowly subside. now as the island sinks down, either a few feet at a time or quite insensibly, we may safely infer, from what is known of the conditions favourable to the growth of coral, that the living masses, bathed by the surf on the margin of the reef, will soon regain the surface. the water, however, will encroach little by little on the shore, the island becoming lower and smaller, and the space between the inner edge of the reef and the beach proportionally broader. a section of the reef and island in this state, after a subsidence of several hundred feet, is given by the dotted lines. coral islets are supposed to have been formed on the reef; and a ship is anchored in the lagoon-channel. this channel will be more or less deep, according to the rate of subsidence, to the amount of sediment accumulated in it, and to the growth of the delicately branched corals which can live there. the section in this state resembles in every respect one drawn through an encircled island: in fact, it is a real section (on the scale of .517 of an inch to a mile) through bolabola in the pacific. we can now at once see why encircling barrier-reefs stand so far from the shores which they front. we can also perceive that a line drawn perpendicularly down from the outer edge of the new reef, to the foundation of solid rock beneath the old fringing-reef, will exceed by as many feet as there have been feet of subsidence, that small limit of depth at which the effective corals can live:--the little architects having built up their great wall-like mass, as the whole sank down, upon a basis formed of other corals and their consolidated fragments. thus the difficulty on this head, which appeared so great, disappears. if, instead of an island, we had taken the shore of a continent fringed with reefs, and had imagined it to have subsided, a great straight barrier, like that of australia or new caledonia, separated from the land by a wide and deep channel, would evidently have been the result. (plate 97. section of coral-reef. a'a', outer edges of the barrier-reef at the level of the sea, with islets on it. b'b', the shores of the included island. cc, the lagoon-channel. a''a'', outer edges of the reef, now converted into an atoll. c', the lagoon of the new atoll. nb.--according to the true scale, the depths of the lagoon-channel and lagoon are much exaggerated.) let us take our new encircling barrier-reef (plate 97), of which the section is now represented by unbroken lines, and which, as i have said, is a real section through bolabola, and let it go on subsiding. as the barrier-reef slowly sinks down, the corals will go on vigorously growing upwards; but as the island sinks, the water will gain inch by inch on the shore--the separate mountains first forming separate islands within one great reef--and finally, the last and highest pinnacle disappearing. the instant this takes place, a perfect atoll is formed: i have said, remove the high land from within an encircling barrier-reef, and an atoll is left, and the land has been removed. we can now perceive how it comes that atolls, having sprung from encircling barrier-reefs, resemble them in general size, form, in the manner in which they are grouped together, and in their arrangement in single or double lines; for they may be called rude outline charts of the sunken islands over which they stand. we can further see how it arises that the atolls in the pacific and indian oceans extend in lines parallel to the generally prevailing strike of the high islands and great coast-lines of those oceans. i venture, therefore, to affirm that on the theory of the upward growth of the corals during the sinking of the land, all the leading features in those wonderful structures, the lagoon-islands or atolls, which have so long excited the attention of voyagers, as well as in the no less wonderful barrier-reefs, whether encircling small islands or stretching for hundreds of miles along the shores of a continent, are simply explained. (20/13. it has been highly satisfactory to me to find the following passage in a pamphlet by mr. couthouy, one of the naturalists in the great antarctic expedition of the united states:--"having personally examined a large number of coral-islands, and resided eight months among the volcanic class having shore and partially encircling reefs, i may be permitted to state that my own observations have impressed a conviction of the correctness of the theory of mr. darwin." the naturalists, however, of this expedition differ with me on some points respecting coral formations.) (plate 98. bolabola island.) it may be asked whether i can offer any direct evidence of the subsidence of barrier-reefs or atolls; but it must be borne in mind how difficult it must ever be to detect a movement, the tendency of which is to hide under water the part affected. nevertheless, at keeling atoll i observed on all sides of the lagoon old cocoa-nut trees undermined and falling; and in one place the foundation-posts of a shed, which the inhabitants asserted had stood seven years before just above high-water mark, but now was daily washed by every tide; on inquiry i found that three earthquakes, one of them severe, had been felt here during the last ten years. at vanikoro the lagoon-channel is remarkably deep, scarcely any alluvial soil has accumulated at the foot of the lofty included mountains, and remarkably few islets have been formed by the heaping of fragments and sand on the wall-like barrier reef; these facts, and some analogous ones, led me to believe that this island must lately have subsided and the reef grown upwards: here again earthquakes are frequent and very severe. in the society archipelago, on the other hand, where the lagoon-channels are almost choked up, where much low alluvial land has accumulated, and where in some cases long islets have been formed on the barrier-reefs--facts all showing that the islands have not very lately subsided--only feeble shocks are most rarely felt. in these coral formations, where the land and water seem struggling for mastery, it must be ever difficult to decide between the effects of a change in the set of the tides and of a slight subsidence: that many of these reefs and atolls are subject to changes of some kind is certain; on some atolls the islets appear to have increased greatly within a late period; on others they have been partially or wholly washed away. the inhabitants of parts of the maldiva archipelago know the date of the first formation of some islets; in other parts the corals are now flourishing on water-washed reefs, where holes made for graves attest the former existence of inhabited land. it is difficult to believe in frequent changes in the tidal currents of an open ocean; whereas we have in the earthquakes recorded by the natives on some atolls, and in the great fissures observed on other atolls, plain evidence of changes and disturbances in progress in the subterranean regions. it is evident, on our theory, that coasts merely fringed by reefs cannot have subsided to any perceptible amount; and therefore they must, since the growth of their corals, either have remained stationary or have been upheaved. now it is remarkable how generally it can be shown, by the presence of upraised organic remains, that the fringed islands have been elevated: and so far, this is indirect evidence in favour of our theory. i was particularly struck with this fact, when i found, to my surprise, that the descriptions given by mm. quoy and gaimard were applicable, not to reefs in general as implied by them, but only to those of the fringing class; my surprise, however, ceased when i afterwards found that, by a strange chance, all the several islands visited by these eminent naturalists could be shown by their own statements to have been elevated within a recent geological era. not only the grand features in the structure of barrier-reefs and of atolls, and of their likeness to each other in form, size, and other characters, are explained on the theory of subsidence--which theory we are independently forced to admit in the very areas in question, from the necessity of finding bases for the corals within the requisite depth--but many details in structure and exceptional cases can thus also be simply explained. i will give only a few instances. in barrier-reefs it has long been remarked with surprise that the passages through the reef exactly face valleys in the included land, even in cases where the reef is separated from the land by a lagoon-channel so wide and so much deeper than the actual passage itself, that it seems hardly possible that the very small quantity of water or sediment brought down could injure the corals on the reef. now, every reef of the fringing class is breached by a narrow gateway in front of the smallest rivulet, even if dry during the greater part of the year, for the mud, sand, or gravel occasionally washed down kills the corals on which it is deposited. consequently, when an island thus fringed subsides, though most of the narrow gateways will probably become closed by the outward and upward growth of the corals, yet any that are not closed (and some must always be kept open by the sediment and impure water flowing out of the lagoon-channel) will still continue to front exactly the upper parts of those valleys at the mouths of which the original basal fringing-reef was breached. we can easily see how an island fronted only on one side, or on one side with one end or both ends encircled by barrier-reefs, might after long-continued subsidence be converted either into a single wall-like reef, or into an atoll with a great straight spur projecting from it, or into two or three atolls tied together by straight reefs--all of which exceptional cases actually occur. as the reef-building corals require food, are preyed upon by other animals, are killed by sediment, cannot adhere to a loose bottom, and may be easily carried down to a depth whence they cannot spring up again, we need feel no surprise at the reefs both of atolls and barriers becoming in parts imperfect. the great barrier of new caledonia is thus imperfect and broken in many parts; hence, after long subsidence, this great reef would not produce one great atoll 400 miles in length, but a chain or archipelago of atolls, of very nearly the same dimensions with those in the maldiva archipelago. moreover, in an atoll once breached on opposite sides, from the likelihood of the oceanic and tidal currents passing straight through the breaches, it is extremely improbable that the corals, especially during continued subsidence, would ever be able again to unite the rim; if they did not, as the whole sank downwards, one atoll would be divided into two or more. in the maldiva archipelago there are distinct atolls so related to each other in position, and separated by channels either unfathomable or very deep (the channel between ross and ari atolls is 150 fathoms, and that between the north and south nillandoo atolls is 200 fathoms in depth), that it is impossible to look at a map of them without believing that they were once more intimately related. and in this same archipelago, mahlos-mahdoo atoll is divided by a bifurcating channel from 100 to 132 fathoms in depth, in such a manner that it is scarcely possible to say whether it ought strictly to be called three separate atolls, or one great atoll not yet finally divided. (plate 99. corals.) i will not enter on many more details; but i must remark that the curious structure of the northern maldiva atolls receives (taking into consideration the free entrance of the sea through their broken margins) a simple explanation in the upward and outward growth of the corals, originally based both on small detached reefs in their lagoons, such as occur in common atolls, and on broken portions of the linear marginal reef, such as bounds every atoll of the ordinary form. i cannot refrain from once again remarking on the singularity of these complex structures--a great sandy and generally concave disk rises abruptly from the unfathomable ocean, with its central expanse studded and its edge symmetrically bordered with oval basins of coral-rock just lipping the surface of the sea, sometimes clothed with vegetation, and each containing a lake of clear water! one more point in detail: as in the two neighbouring archipelagoes corals flourish in one and not in the other, and as so many conditions before enumerated must affect their existence, it would be an inexplicable fact if, during the changes to which earth, air, and water are subjected, the reef-building corals were to keep alive for perpetuity on any one spot or area. and as by our theory the areas including atolls and barrier-reefs are subsiding, we ought occasionally to find reefs both dead and submerged. in all reefs, owing to the sediment being washed out of the lagoon or lagoon-channel to leeward, that side is least favourable to the long-continued vigorous growth of the corals; hence dead portions of reef not unfrequently occur on the leeward side; and these, though still retaining their proper wall-like form, are now in several instances sunk several fathoms beneath the surface. the chagos group appears from some cause, possibly from the subsidence having been too rapid, at present to be much less favourably circumstanced for the growth of reefs than formerly: one atoll has a portion of its marginal reef, nine miles in length, dead and submerged; a second has only a few quite small living points which rise to the surface, a third and fourth are entirely dead and submerged; a fifth is a mere wreck, with its structure almost obliterated. it is remarkable that in all these cases the dead reefs and portions of reef lie at nearly the same depth, namely, from six to eight fathoms beneath the surface, as if they had been carried down by one uniform movement. one of these "half-drowned atolls," so called by captain moresby (to whom i am indebted for much invaluable information), is of vast size, namely, ninety nautical miles across in one direction, and seventy miles in another line; and is in many respects eminently curious. as by our theory it follows that new atolls will generally be formed in each new area of subsidence, two weighty objections might have been raised, namely, that atolls must be increasing indefinitely in number; and secondly, that in old areas of subsidence each separate atoll must be increasing indefinitely in thickness, if proofs of their occasional destruction could not have been adduced. thus have we traced the history of these great rings of coral-rock, from their first origin through their normal changes, and through the occasional accidents of their existence, to their death and final obliteration. in my volume on "coral formations" i have published a map, in which i have coloured all the atolls dark-blue, the barrier-reefs pale-blue, and the fringing reefs red. these latter reefs have been formed whilst the land has been stationary, or, as appears from the frequent presence of upraised organic remains, whilst it has been slowly rising: atolls and barrier-reefs, on the other hand, have grown up during the directly opposite movement of subsidence, which movement must have been very gradual, and in the case of atolls so vast in amount as to have buried every mountain-summit over wide ocean-spaces. now in this map we see that the reefs tinted pale and dark-blue, which have been produced by the same order of movement, as a general rule manifestly stand near each other. again we see that the areas with the two blue tints are of wide extent; and that they lie separate from extensive lines of coast coloured red, both of which circumstances might naturally have been inferred, on the theory of the nature of the reefs having been governed by the nature of the earth's movement. it deserves notice that in more than one instance where single red and blue circles approach near each other, i can show that there have been oscillations of level; for in such cases the red or fringed circles consist of atolls, originally by our theory formed during subsidence, but subsequently upheaved; and on the other hand, some of the pale-blue or encircled islands are composed of coral-rock, which must have been uplifted to its present height before that subsidence took place, during which the existing barrier-reefs grew upwards. authors have noticed with surprise that although atolls are the commonest coral-structures throughout some enormous oceanic tracts, they are entirely absent in other seas, as in the west indies: we can now at once perceive the cause, for where there has not been subsidence, atolls cannot have been formed; and in the case of the west indies and parts of the east indies, these tracts are known to have been rising within the recent period. the larger areas, coloured red and blue, are all elongated; and between the two colours there is a degree of rude alternation, as if the rising of one had balanced the sinking of the other. taking into consideration the proofs of recent elevation both on the fringed coasts and on some others (for instance, in south america) where there are no reefs, we are led to conclude that the great continents are for the most part rising areas: and from the nature of the coral-reefs, that the central parts of the great oceans are sinking areas. the east indian archipelago, the most broken land in the world, is in most parts an area of elevation, but surrounded and penetrated, probably in more lines than one, by narrow areas of subsidence. i have marked with vermilion spots all the many known active volcanos within the limits of this same map. their entire absence from every one of the great subsiding areas, coloured either pale or dark blue, is most striking; and not less so is the coincidence of the chief volcanic chains with the parts coloured red, which we are led to conclude have either long remained stationary, or more generally have been recently upraised. although a few of the vermilion spots occur within no great distance of single circles tinted blue, yet not one single active volcano is situated within several hundred miles of an archipelago, or even small group of atolls. it is, therefore, a striking fact that in the friendly archipelago, which consists of a group of atolls upheaved and since partially worn down, two volcanos, and perhaps more, are historically known to have been in action. on the other hand, although most of the islands in the pacific which are encircled by barrier-reefs are of volcanic origin, often with the remnants of craters still distinguishable, not one of them is known to have ever been in eruption. hence in these cases it would appear that volcanos burst forth into action and become extinguished on the same spots, accordingly as elevatory or subsiding movements prevail there. numberless facts could be adduced to prove that upraised organic remains are common wherever there are active volcanos; but until it could be shown that in areas of subsidence volcanos were either absent or inactive, the inference, however probable in itself, that their distribution depended on the rising or falling of the earth's surface, would have been hazardous. but now, i think, we may freely admit this important deduction. taking a final view of the map, and bearing in mind the statements made with respect to the upraised organic remains, we must feel astonished at the vastness of the areas which have suffered changes in level either downwards or upwards, within a period not geologically remote. it would appear also that the elevatory and subsiding movements follow nearly the same laws. throughout the spaces interspersed with atolls, where not a single peak of high land has been left above the level of the sea, the sinking must have been immense in amount. the sinking, moreover, whether continuous, or recurrent with intervals sufficiently long for the corals again to bring up their living edifices to the surface, must necessarily have been extremely slow. this conclusion is probably the most important one which can be deduced from the study of coral formations;--and it is one which it is difficult to imagine how otherwise could ever have been arrived at. nor can i quite pass over the probability of the former existence of large archipelagoes of lofty islands, where now only rings of coral-rock scarcely break the open expanse of the sea, throwing some light on the distribution of the inhabitants of the other high islands, now left standing so immensely remote from each other in the midst of the great oceans. the reef-constructing corals have indeed reared and preserved wonderful memorials of the subterranean oscillations of level; we see in each barrier-reef a proof that the land has there subsided, and in each atoll a monument over an island now lost. we may thus, like unto a geologist who had lived his ten thousand years and kept a record of the passing changes, gain some insight into the great system by which the surface of this globe has been broken up, and land and water interchanged. (plate 100. birgos latro, keeling island.) chapter xxi. (plate 101. st. louis, mauritius.) mauritius to england. mauritius, beautiful appearance of. great crateriform ring of mountains. hindoos. st. helena. history of the changes in the vegetation. cause of the extinction of land-shells. ascension. variation in the imported rats. volcanic bombs. beds of infusoria. bahia, brazil. splendour of tropical scenery. pernambuco. singular reef. slavery. return to england. retrospect on our voyage. april 29, 1836. in the morning we passed round the northern end of mauritius, or the isle of france. from this point of view the aspect of the island equalled the expectations raised by the many well-known descriptions of its beautiful scenery. the sloping plain of the pamplemousses, interspersed with houses, and coloured by the large fields of sugar-cane of a bright green, composed the foreground. the brilliancy of the green was the more remarkable because it is a colour which generally is conspicuous only from a very short distance. towards the centre of the island groups of wooded mountains rose out of this highly cultivated plain; their summits, as so commonly happens with ancient volcanic rocks, being jagged into the sharpest points. masses of white clouds were collected around these pinnacles, as if for the sake of pleasing the stranger's eye. the whole island, with its sloping border and central mountains, was adorned with an air of perfect elegance: the scenery, if i may use such an expression, appeared to the sight harmonious. i spent the greater part of the next day in walking about the town and visiting different people. the town is of considerable size, and is said to contain 20,000 inhabitants; the streets are very clean and regular. although the island has been so many years under the english government, the general character of the place is quite french: englishmen speak to their servants in french, and the shops are all french; indeed i should think that calais or boulogne was much more anglified. there is a very pretty little theatre in which operas are excellently performed. we were also surprised at seeing large booksellers' shops, with well-stored shelves;--music and reading bespeak our approach to the old world of civilisation; for in truth both australia and america are new worlds. the various races of men walking in the streets afford the most interesting spectacle in port louis. convicts from india are banished here for life; at present there are about 800, and they are employed in various public works. before seeing these people, i had no idea that the inhabitants of india were such noble-looking figures. their skin is extremely dark, and many of the older men had large mustaches and beards of a snow-white colour; this, together with the fire of their expression, gave them quite an imposing aspect. the greater number had been banished for murder and the worst crimes; others for causes which can scarcely be considered as moral faults, such as for not obeying, from superstitious motives, the english laws. these men are generally quiet and well-conducted; from their outward conduct, their cleanliness and faithful observance of their strange religious rites, it was impossible to look at them with the same eyes as on our wretched convicts in new south wales. sunday, may 1, 1836. i took a quiet walk along the sea-coast to the north of the town. the plain in this part is quite uncultivated; it consists of a field of black lava, smoothed over with coarse grass and bushes, the latter being chiefly mimosas. the scenery may be described as intermediate in character between that of the galapagos and of tahiti; but this will convey a definite idea to very few persons. it is a very pleasant country, but it has not the charms of tahiti, or the grandeur of brazil. the next day i ascended la pouce, a mountain so called from a thumb-like projection, which rises close behind the town to a height of 2,600 feet. the centre of the island consists of a great platform, surrounded by old broken basaltic mountains, with their strata dipping seawards. the central platform, formed of comparatively recent streams of lava, is of an oval shape, thirteen geographical miles across in the line of its shorter axis. the exterior bounding mountains come into that class of structures called craters of elevation, which are supposed to have been formed not like ordinary craters, but by a great and sudden upheaval. there appear to me to be insuperable objections to this view: on the other hand, i can hardly believe, in this and in some other cases, that these marginal crateriform mountains are merely the basal remnants of immense volcanos, of which the summits either have been blown off or swallowed up in subterranean abysses. from our elevated position we enjoyed an excellent view over the island. the country on this side appears pretty well cultivated, being divided into fields and studded with farm-houses. i was however assured that of the whole land not more than half is yet in a productive state; if such be the case, considering the present large export of sugar, this island, at some future period when thickly peopled, will be of great value. since england has taken possession of it, a period of only twenty-five years, the export of sugar is said to have increased seventy-five fold. one great cause of its prosperity is the excellent state of the roads. in the neighbouring isle of bourbon, which remains under the french government, the roads are still in the same miserable state as they were here only a few years ago. although the french residents must have largely profited by the increased prosperity of their island, yet the english government is far from popular. may 3, 1836. in the evening captain lloyd, the surveyor-general, so well known from his examination of the isthmus of panama, invited mr. stokes and myself to his country-house, which is situated on the edge of wilheim plains, and about six miles from the port. we stayed at this delightful place two days; standing nearly 800 feet above the sea, the air was cool and fresh, and on every side there were delightful walks. close by a grand ravine has been worn to a depth of about 500 feet through the slightly inclined streams of lava, which have flowed from the central platform. may 5, 1836. captain lloyd took us to the riviã¨re noire, which is several miles to the southward, that i might examine some rocks of elevated coral. we passed through pleasant gardens, and fine fields of sugar-cane growing amidst huge blocks of lava. the roads were bordered by hedges of mimosa, and near many of the houses there were avenues of the mango. some of the views where the peaked hills and the cultivated farms were seen together, were exceedingly picturesque; and we were constantly tempted to exclaim "how pleasant it would be to pass one's life in such quiet abodes!" captain lloyd possessed an elephant, and he sent it half-way with us, that we might enjoy a ride in true indian fashion. the circumstance which surprised me most was its quite noiseless step. this elephant is the only one at present on the island; but it is said others will be sent for. may 9, 1836. (plate 102. st. helena.) we sailed from port louis, and, calling at the cape of good hope, on the 8th of july we arrived off st. helena. this island, the forbidding aspect of which has been so often described, rises abruptly like a huge black castle from the ocean. near the town, as if to complete nature's defence, small forts and guns fill up every gap in the rugged rocks. the town runs up a flat and narrow valley; the houses look respectable, and are interspersed with a very few green trees. when approaching the anchorage there was one striking view: an irregular castle perched on the summit of a lofty hill, and surrounded by a few scattered fir-trees, boldly projected against the sky. the next day i obtained lodgings within a stone's throw of napoleon's tomb; it was a capital central situation, whence i could make excursions in every direction. (21/1. after the volumes of eloquence which have poured forth on this subject, it is dangerous even to mention the tomb. a modern traveller, in twelve lines, burdens the poor little island with the following titles,--it is a grave, tomb, pyramid, cemetery, sepulchre, catacomb, sarcophagus, minaret, and mausoleum!) during the four days i stayed here i wandered over the island from morning to night and examined its geological history. my lodgings were situated at a height of about 2000 feet; here the weather was cold and boisterous, with constant showers of rain; and every now and then the whole scene was veiled in thick clouds. near the coast the rough lava is quite bare: in the central and higher parts feldspathic rocks by their decomposition have produced a clayey soil, which, where not covered by vegetation, is stained in broad bands of many bright colours. at this season the land, moistened by constant showers, produces a singularly bright green pasture, which lower and lower down gradually fades away and at last disappears. in latitude 16 degrees, and at the trifling elevation of 1500 feet, it is surprising to behold a vegetation possessing a character decidedly british. the hills are crowned with irregular plantations of scotch firs; and the sloping banks are thickly scattered over with thickets of gorse, covered with its bright yellow flowers. weeping-willows are common on the banks of the rivulets, and the hedges are made of the blackberry, producing its well-known fruit. when we consider that the number of plants now found on the island is 746, and that out of these fifty-two alone are indigenous species, the rest having been imported, and most of them from england, we see the reason of the british character of the vegetation. many of these english plants appear to flourish better than in their native country; some also from the opposite quarter of australia succeed remarkably well. the many imported species must have destroyed some of the native kinds; and it is only on the highest and steepest ridges that the indigenous flora is now predominant. the english, or rather welsh character of the scenery, is kept up by the numerous cottages and small white houses; some buried at the bottom of the deepest valleys, and others mounted on the crests of the lofty hills. some of the views are striking, for instance that from near sir w. doveton's house, where the bold peak called lot is seen over a dark wood of firs, the whole being backed by the red water-worn mountains of the southern coast. on viewing the island from an eminence, the first circumstance which strikes one is the number of the roads and forts: the labour bestowed on the public works, if one forgets its character as a prison, seems out of all proportion to its extent or value. there is so little level or useful land that it seems surprising how so many people, about 5000, can subsist here. the lower orders, or the emancipated slaves, are, i believe, extremely poor: they complain of the want of work. from the reduction in the number of public servants, owing to the island having been given up by the east india company, and the consequent emigration of many of the richer people, the poverty probably will increase. the chief food of the working class is rice with a little salt meat; as neither of these articles are the products of the island, but must be purchased with money, the low wages tell heavily on the poor people. now that the people are blessed with freedom, a right which i believe they value fully, it seems probable that their numbers will quickly increase: if so, what is to become of the little state of st. helena? my guide was an elderly man who had been a goatherd when a boy, and knew every step amongst the rocks. he was of a race many times crossed, and although with a dusky skin, he had not the disagreeable expression of a mulatto. he was a very civil, quiet old man, and such appears the character of the greater number of the lower classes. it was strange to my ears to hear a man, nearly white and respectably dressed, talking with indifference of the times when he was a slave. with my companion, who carried our dinners and a horn of water, which is quite necessary, as all the water in the lower valleys is saline, i every day took long walks. beneath the upper and central green circle, the wild valleys are quite desolate and untenanted. here, to the geologist, there were scenes of high interest, showing successive changes and complicated disturbances. according to my views, st. helena has existed as an island from a very remote epoch: some obscure proofs, however, of the elevation of the land are still extant. i believe that the central and highest peaks form parts of the rim of a great crater, the southern half of which has been entirely removed by the waves of the sea: there is, moreover, an external wall of black basaltic rocks, like the coast-mountains of mauritius, which are older than the central volcanic streams. on the higher parts of the island considerable numbers of a shell, long thought to be a marine species, occur imbedded in the soil. it proves to be a cochlogena, or land-shell of a very peculiar form; with it i found six other kinds; and in another spot an eighth species. (21/2. it deserves notice that all the many specimens of this shell found by me in one spot differ as a marked variety from another set of specimens procured from a different spot.) it is remarkable that none of them are now found living. their extinction has probably been caused by the entire destruction of the woods, and the consequent loss of food and shelter, which occurred during the early part of the last century. the history of the changes which the elevated plains of longwood and deadwood have undergone, as given in general beatson's account of the island, is extremely curious. both plains, it is said, in former times were covered with wood, and were therefore called the great wood. so late as the year 1716 there were many trees, but in 1724 the old trees had mostly fallen; and as goats and hogs had been suffered to range about, all the young trees had been killed. it appears also from the official records that the trees were unexpectedly, some years afterwards, succeeded by a wire grass which spread over the whole surface. (21/3. beatson's "st. helena" introductory chapter page 4.) general beatson adds that now this plain "is covered with fine sward, and is become the finest piece of pasture on the island." the extent of surface, probably covered by wood at a former period, is estimated at no less than two thousand acres; at the present day scarcely a single tree can be found there. it is also said that in 1709 there were quantities of dead trees in sandy bay; this place is now so utterly desert that nothing but so well attested an account could have made me believe that they could ever have grown there. the fact that the goats and hogs destroyed all the young trees as they sprang up, and that in the course of time the old ones, which were safe from their attacks, perished from age, seems clearly made out. goats were introduced in the year 1502; eighty-six years afterwards, in the time of cavendish, it is known that they were exceedingly numerous. more than a century afterwards, in 1731, when the evil was complete and irretrievable, an order was issued that all stray animals should be destroyed. it is very interesting thus to find that the arrival of animals at st. helena in 1501 did not change the whole aspect of the island, until a period of two hundred and twenty years had elapsed: for the goats were introduced in 1502, and in 1724 it is said "the old trees had mostly fallen." there can be little doubt that this great change in the vegetation affected not only the land-shells, causing eight species to become extinct, but likewise a multitude of insects. st. helena, situated so remote from any continent, in the midst of a great ocean, and possessing a unique flora, excites our curiosity. the eight land-shells, though now extinct, and one living succinea, are peculiar species found nowhere else. mr. cuming, however, informs me that an english helix is common here, its eggs no doubt having been imported in some of the many introduced plants. mr. cuming collected on the coast sixteen species of sea-shells, of which seven, as far as he knows, are confined to this island. birds and insects, as might have been expected, are very few in number; indeed i believe all the birds have been introduced within late years. (21/4. among these few insects i was surprised to find a small aphodius (nov. spec.) and an oryctes, both extremely numerous under dung. when the island was discovered it certainly possessed no quadruped excepting perhaps a mouse: it becomes, therefore, a difficult point to ascertain, whether these stercovorous insects have since been imported by accident, or if aborigines, on what food they formerly subsisted. on the banks of the plata, where, from the vast number of cattle and horses, the fine plains of turf are richly manured, it is vain to seek the many kinds of dung-feeding beetles which occur so abundantly in europe. i observed only an oryctes (the insects of this genus in europe generally feed on decayed vegetable matter) and two species of phanaeus, common in such situations. on the opposite side of the cordillera in chiloe another species of phanaeus is exceedingly abundant, and it buries the dung of the cattle in large earthen balls beneath the ground. there is reason to believe that the genus phanaeus, before the introduction of cattle, acted as scavengers to man. in europe beetles which find support in the matter which has already contributed towards the life of other and larger animals, are so numerous that there must be considerably more than one hundred different species. considering this, and observing what a quantity of food of this kind is lost on the plains of la plata, i imagined i saw an instance where man had disturbed that chain by which so many animals are linked together in their native country. in van diemen's land, however, i found four species of onthophagus, two of aphodius, and one of a third genus, very abundant under the dung of cows; yet these latter animals had been then introduced only thirty-three years. previous to that time the kangaroo and some other small animals were the only quadrupeds; and their dung is of a very different quality from that of their successors introduced by man. in england the greater number of stercovorous beetles are confined in their appetites; that is, they do not depend indifferently on any quadruped for the means of subsistence. the change, therefore, in habits which must have taken place in van diemen's land is highly remarkable. i am indebted to the reverend f.w. hope, who, i hope, will permit me to call him my master in entomology, for giving me the names of the foregoing insects.) partridges and pheasants are tolerably abundant; the island is much too english not to be subject to strict game-laws. i was told of a more unjust sacrifice to such ordinances than i ever heard of even in england. the poor people formerly used to burn a plant which grows on the coast-rocks, and export the soda from its ashes; but a peremptory order came out prohibiting this practice, and giving as a reason that the partridges would have nowhere to build! in my walks i passed more than once over the grassy plain, bounded by deep valleys, on which longwood stands. viewed from a short distance, it appears like a respectable gentleman's country-seat. in front there are a few cultivated fields, and beyond them the smooth hill of coloured rocks called the flagstaff, and the rugged square black mass of the barn. on the whole the view was rather bleak and uninteresting. the only inconvenience i suffered during my walks was from the impetuous winds. one day i noticed a curious circumstance: standing on the edge of a plain, terminated by a great cliff of about a thousand feet in depth, i saw at the distance of a few yards right to windward, some tern, struggling against a very strong breeze, whilst, where i stood, the air was quite calm. approaching close to the brink, where the current seemed to be deflected upwards from the face of the cliff, i stretched out my arm, and immediately felt the full force of the wind: an invisible barrier, two yards in width, separated perfectly calm air from a strong blast. i so much enjoyed my rambles among the rocks and mountains of st. helena that i felt almost sorry on the morning of the 14th to descend to the town. before noon i was on board, and the "beagle" made sail. on the 19th of july we reached ascension. those who have beheld a volcanic island situated under an arid climate will at once be able to picture to themselves the appearance of ascension. they will imagine smooth conical hills of a bright red colour, with their summits generally truncated, rising separately out of a level surface of black rugged lava. a principal mound in the centre of the island seems the father of the lesser cones. it is called green hill: its name being taken from the faintest tinge of that colour, which at this time of the year is barely perceptible from the anchorage. to complete the desolate scene, the black rocks on the coast are lashed by a wild and turbulent sea. the settlement is near the beach; it consists of several houses and barracks placed irregularly, but well built of white freestone. the only inhabitants are marines, and some negroes liberated from slave-ships, who are paid and victualled by government. there is not a private person on the island. many of the marines appeared well contented with their situation; they think it better to serve their one-and-twenty years on shore, let it be what it may, than in a ship; in this choice, if i were a marine, i should most heartily agree. the next morning i ascended green hill, 2840 feet high, and thence walked across the island to the windward point. a good cart-road leads from the coast-settlement to the houses, gardens, and fields, placed near the summit of the central mountain. on the roadside there are milestones, and likewise cisterns, where each thirsty passer-by can drink some good water. similar care is displayed in each part of the establishment, and especially in the management of the springs, so that a single drop of water may not be lost: indeed the whole island may be compared to a huge ship kept in first-rate order. i could not help, when admiring the active industry which had created such effects out of such means, at the same time regretting that it had been wasted on so poor and trifling an end. m. lesson has remarked with justice that the english nation would have thought of making the island of ascension a productive spot, any other people would have held it as a mere fortress in the ocean. near this coast nothing grows; farther inland an occasional green castor-oil plant, and a few grasshoppers, true friends of the desert, may be met with. some grass is scattered over the surface of the central elevated region, and the whole much resembles the worse parts of the welsh mountains. but, scanty as the pasture appears, about six hundred sheep, many goats, a few cows and horses, all thrive well on it. of native animals, land-crabs and rats swarm in numbers. whether the rat is really indigenous may well be doubted; there are two varieties as described by mr. waterhouse; one is of a black colour, with fine glossy fur, and lives on the grassy summit, the other is brown-coloured and less glossy, with longer hairs, and lives near the settlement on the coast. both these varieties are one-third smaller than the common black rat (m. rattus); and they differ from it both in the colour and character of their fur, but in no other essential respect. i can hardly doubt that these rats (like the common mouse, which has also run wild) have been imported, and, as at the galapagos, have varied from the effect of the new conditions to which they have been exposed: hence the variety on the summit of the island differs from that on the coast. of native birds there are none; but the guinea-fowl, imported from the cape de verd islands, is abundant, and the common fowl has likewise run wild. some cats which were originally turned out to destroy the rats and mice, have increased, so as to become a great plague. the island is entirely without trees, in which, and in every other respect, it is very far inferior to st. helena. one of my excursions took me towards the south-west extremity of the island. the day was clear and hot, and i saw the island, not smiling with beauty, but staring with naked hideousness. the lava streams are covered with hummocks, and are rugged to a degree which, geologically speaking, is not of easy explanation. the intervening spaces are concealed with layers of pumice, ashes and volcanic tuff. whilst passing this end of the island at sea, i could not imagine what the white patches were with which the whole plain was mottled; i now found that they were sea-fowl, sleeping in such full confidence, that even in mid-day a man could walk up and seize hold of them. these birds were the only living creatures i saw during the whole day. on the beach a great surf, although the breeze was light, came tumbling over the broken lava rocks. (plate 103. cellular formation of volcanic bomb.) the geology of this island is in many respects interesting. in several places i noticed volcanic bombs, that is, masses of lava which have been shot through the air whilst fluid, and have consequently assumed a spherical or pear-shape. not only their external form, but, in several cases, their internal structure shows in a very curious manner that they have revolved in their aerial course. the internal structure of one of these bombs, when broken, is represented very accurately in plate 103. the central part is coarsely cellular, the cells decreasing in size towards the exterior; where there is a shell-like case about the third of an inch in thickness, of compact stone, which again is overlaid by the outside crust of finely cellular lava. i think there can be little doubt, first, that the external crust cooled rapidly in the state in which we now see it; secondly, that the still fluid lava within was packed by the centrifugal force generated by the revolving of the bomb, against the external cooled crust, and so produced the solid shell of stone; and lastly, that the centrifugal force, by relieving the pressure in the more central parts of the bomb, allowed the heated vapours to expand their cells, thus forming the coarse cellular mass of the centre. a hill formed of the older series of volcanic rocks, and which has been incorrectly considered as the crater of a volcano, is remarkable from its broad, slightly hollowed, and circular summit having been filled up with many successive layers of ashes and fine scoriae. these saucer-shaped layers crop out on the margin, forming perfect rings of many different colours, giving to the summit a most fantastic appearance; one of these rings is white and broad, and resembles a course round which horses have been exercised; hence the hill has been called the devil's riding school. i brought away specimens of one of the tufaceous layers of a pinkish colour and it is a most extraordinary fact that professor ehrenberg finds it almost wholly composed of matter which has been organised; he detects in it some siliceous-shielded, fresh-water infusoria, and no less than twenty-five different kinds of the siliceous tissue of plants, chiefly of grasses. (21/5. "monats. der konig. akad. d. wiss. zu berlin" vom april 1845.) from the absence of all carbonaceous matter, professor ehrenberg believes that these organic bodies have passed through the volcanic fire, and have been erupted in the state in which we now see them. the appearance of the layers induced me to believe that they had been deposited under water, though from the extreme dryness of the climate i was forced to imagine that torrents of rain had probably fallen during some great eruption, and that thus a temporary lake had been formed into which the ashes fell. but it may now be suspected that the lake was not a temporary one. anyhow we may feel sure that at some former epoch the climate and productions of ascension were very different from what they now are. where on the face of the earth can we find a spot on which close investigation will not discover signs of that endless cycle of change, to which this earth has been, is, and will be subjected? on leaving ascension, we sailed for bahia, on the coast of brazil, in order to complete the chronometrical measurement of the world. we arrived there on august 1st, and stayed four days, during which i took several long walks. i was glad to find my enjoyment in tropical scenery had not decreased from the want of novelty, even in the slightest degree. the elements of the scenery are so simple that they are worth mentioning, as a proof on what trifling circumstances exquisite natural beauty depends. the country may be described as a level plain of about three hundred feet in elevation, which in all parts has been worn into flat-bottomed valleys. this structure is remarkable in a granitic land, but is nearly universal in all those softer formations of which plains are usually composed. the whole surface is covered by various kinds of stately trees, interspersed with patches of cultivated ground, out of which houses, convents, and chapels arise. it must be remembered that within the tropics the wild luxuriance of nature is not lost even in the vicinity of large cities: for the natural vegetation of the hedges and hill-sides overpowers in picturesque effect the artificial labour of man. hence, there are only a few spots where the bright red soil affords a strong contrast with the universal clothing of green. from the edges of the plain there are distant views either of the ocean, or of the great bay with its low-wooded shores, and on which numerous boats and canoes show their white sails. excepting from these points, the scene is extremely limited; following the level pathways, on each hand, only glimpses into the wooded valleys below can be obtained. the houses i may add, and especially the sacred edifices, are built in a peculiar and rather fantastic style of architecture. they are all whitewashed; so that when illumined by the brilliant sun of mid-day, and as seen against the pale blue sky of the horizon, they stand out more like shadows than real buildings. such are the elements of the scenery, but it is a hopeless attempt to paint the general effect. learned naturalists describe these scenes of the tropics by naming a multitude of objects, and mentioning some characteristic feature of each. to a learned traveller this possibly may communicate some definite ideas: but who else from seeing a plant in an herbarium can imagine its appearance when growing in its native soil? who from seeing choice plants in a hothouse can magnify some into the dimensions of forest trees, and crowd others into an entangled jungle? who when examining in the cabinet of the entomologist the gay exotic butterflies, and singular cicadas, will associate with these lifeless objects the ceaseless harsh music of the latter and the lazy flight of the former,--the sure accompaniments of the still, glowing noonday of the tropics? it is when the sun has attained its greatest height that such scenes should be viewed: then the dense splendid foliage of the mango hides the ground with its darkest shade, whilst the upper branches are rendered from the profusion of light of the most brilliant green. in the temperate zones the case is different--the vegetation there is not so dark or so rich, and hence the rays of the declining sun, tinged of a red, purple, or bright yellow colour, add most to the beauties of those climes. when quietly walking along the shady pathways, and admiring each successive view, i wished to find language to express my ideas. epithet after epithet was found too weak to convey to those who have not visited the intertropical regions the sensation of delight which the mind experiences. i have said that the plants in a hothouse fail to communicate a just idea of the vegetation, yet i must recur to it. the land is one great wild, untidy, luxuriant hothouse, made by nature for herself, but taken possession of by man, who has studded it with gay houses and formal gardens. how great would be the desire in every admirer of nature to behold, if such were possible, the scenery of another planet! yet to every person in europe, it may be truly said, that at the distance of only a few degrees from his native soil the glories of another world are opened to him. in my last walk i stopped again and again to gaze on these beauties, and endeavoured to fix in my mind for ever an impression which at the time i knew sooner or later must fail. the form of the orange-tree, the cocoa-nut, the palm, the mango, the tree-fern, the banana, will remain clear and separate; but the thousand beauties which unite these into one perfect scene must fade away: yet they will leave, like a tale heard in childhood, a picture full of indistinct, but most beautiful figures. august 6, 1836. in the afternoon we stood out to sea, with the intention of making a direct course to the cape de verd islands. unfavourable winds, however, delayed us, and on the 12th we ran into pernambuco,--a large city on the coast of brazil, in latitude 8 degrees south. we anchored outside the reef; but in a short time a pilot came on board and took us into the inner harbour, where we lay close to the town. pernambuco is built on some narrow and low sand-banks which are separated from each other by shoal channels of salt water. the three parts of the town are connected together by two long bridges built on wooden piles. the town is in all parts disgusting, the streets being narrow, ill-paved, and filthy; the houses tall and gloomy. the season of heavy rains had hardly come to an end, and hence the surrounding country, which is scarcely raised above the level of the sea, was flooded with water; and i failed in all my attempts to take long walks. the flat swampy land on which pernambuco stands is surrounded, at the distance of a few miles, by a semicircle of low hills, or rather by the edge of a country elevated perhaps two hundred feet above the sea. the old city of olinda stands on one extremity of this range. one day i took a canoe, and proceeded up one of the channels to visit it; i found the old town from its situation both sweeter and cleaner than that of pernambuco. i must here commemorate what happened for the first time during our nearly five years' wandering, namely, having met with a want of politeness; i was refused in a sullen manner at two different houses, and obtained with difficulty from a third, permission to pass through their gardens to an uncultivated hill, for the purpose of viewing the country. i feel glad that this happened in the land of the brazilians, for i bear them no good will--a land also of slavery, and therefore of moral debasement. a spaniard would have felt ashamed at the very thought of refusing such a request, or of behaving to a stranger with rudeness. the channel by which we went to and returned from olinda was bordered on each side by mangroves, which sprang like a miniature forest out of the greasy mud-banks. the bright green colour of these bushes always reminded me of the rank grass in a churchyard: both are nourished by putrid exhalations; the one speaks of death past, and the other too often of death to come. (plate 104. cicada homoptera.) the most curious object which i saw in this neighbourhood was the reef that forms the harbour. i doubt whether in the whole world any other natural structure has so artificial an appearance. (21/6. i have described this bar in detail in the "london and edinburgh philosophical magazine" volume 19 1841 page 257.) it runs for a length of several miles in an absolutely straight line, parallel to and not far distant from the shore. it varies in width from thirty to sixty yards, and its surface is level and smooth; it is composed of obscurely-stratified hard sandstone. at high water the waves break over it; at low water its summit is left dry, and it might then be mistaken for a breakwater erected by cyclopean workmen. on this coast the currents of the sea tend to throw up in front of the land long spits and bars of loose sand, and on one of these part of the town of pernambuco stands. in former times a long spit of this nature seems to have become consolidated by the percolation of calcareous matter, and afterwards to have been gradually upheaved; the outer and loose parts during this process having been worn away by the action of the sea, and the solid nucleus left as we now see it. although night and day the waves of the open atlantic, turbid with sediment, are driven against the steep outside edges of this wall of stone, yet the oldest pilots know of no tradition of any change in its appearance. this durability is much the most curious fact in its history: it is due to a tough layer, a few inches thick, of calcareous matter, wholly formed by the successive growth and death of the small shells of serpulae, together with some few barnacles and nulliporae. these nulliporae, which are hard, very simply-organised sea-plants, play an analogous and important part in protecting the upper surfaces of coral-reefs, behind and within the breakers, where the true corals, during the outward growth of the mass, become killed by exposure to the sun and air. these insignificant organic beings, especially the serpulae, have done good service to the people of pernambuco; for without their protective aid the bar of sandstone would inevitably have been long ago worn away and without the bar, there would have been no harbour. on the 19th of august we finally left the shores of brazil. i thank god, i shall never again visit a slave-country. to this day, if i hear a distant scream, it recalls with painful vividness my feelings, when passing a house near pernambuco, i heard the most pitiable moans, and could not but suspect that some poor slave was being tortured, yet knew that i was as powerless as a child even to remonstrate. i suspected that these moans were from a tortured slave, for i was told that this was the case in another instance. near rio de janeiro i lived opposite to an old lady, who kept screws to crush the fingers of her female slaves. i have stayed in a house where a young household mulatto, daily and hourly, was reviled, beaten, and persecuted enough to break the spirit of the lowest animal. i have seen a little boy, six or seven years old, struck thrice with a horse-whip (before i could interfere) on his naked head, for having handed me a glass of water not quite clean; i saw his father tremble at a mere glance from his master's eye. these latter cruelties were witnessed by me in a spanish colony, in which it has always been said that slaves are better treated than by the portuguese, english, or other european nations. i have seen at rio de janeiro a powerful negro afraid to ward off a blow directed, as he thought, at his face. i was present when a kind-hearted man was on the point of separating forever the men, women, and little children of a large number of families who had long lived together. i will not even allude to the many heart-sickening atrocities which i authentically heard of;--nor would i have mentioned the above revolting details, had i not met with several people, so blinded by the constitutional gaiety of the negro as to speak of slavery as a tolerable evil. such people have generally visited at the houses of the upper classes, where the domestic slaves are usually well treated, and they have not, like myself, lived amongst the lower classes. such inquirers will ask slaves about their condition; they forget that the slave must indeed be dull who does not calculate on the chance of his answer reaching his master's ears. it is argued that self-interest will prevent excessive cruelty; as if self-interest protected our domestic animals, which are far less likely than degraded slaves to stir up the rage of their savage masters. it is an argument long since protested against with noble feeling, and strikingly exemplified, by the ever-illustrious humboldt. it is often attempted to palliate slavery by comparing the state of slaves with our poorer countrymen: if the misery of our poor be caused not by the laws of nature, but by our institutions, great is our sin; but how this bears on slavery, i cannot see; as well might the use of the thumb-screw be defended in one land, by showing that men in another land suffered from some dreadful disease. those who look tenderly at the slave owner, and with a cold heart at the slave, never seem to put themselves into the position of the latter;--what a cheerless prospect, with not even a hope of change! picture to yourself the chance, ever hanging over you, of your wife and your little children--those objects which nature urges even the slave to call his own--being torn from you and sold like beasts to the first bidder! and these deeds are done and palliated by men who profess to love their neighbours as themselves, who believe in god, and pray that his will be done on earth! it makes one's blood boil, yet heart tremble, to think that we englishmen and our american descendants, with their boastful cry of liberty, have been and are so guilty; but it is a consolation to reflect, that we at least have made a greater sacrifice than ever made by any nation, to expiate our sin. on the last day of august we anchored for the second time at porto praya in the cape de verd archipelago; thence we proceeded to the azores, where we stayed six days. on the 2nd of october we made the shores of england; and at falmouth i left the "beagle," having lived on board the good little vessel nearly five years. (plate 105. homeward bound, the "beagle.") our voyage having come to an end, i will take a short retrospect of the advantages and disadvantages, the pains and pleasures, of our circumnavigation of the world. if a person asked my advice, before undertaking a long voyage, my answer would depend upon his possessing a decided taste for some branch of knowledge, which could by this means be advanced. no doubt it is a high satisfaction to behold various countries and the many races of mankind, but the pleasures gained at the time do not counterbalance the evils. it is necessary to look forward to a harvest, however distant that may be, when some fruit will be reaped, some good effected. many of the losses which must be experienced are obvious; such as that of the society of every old friend, and of the sight of those places with which every dearest remembrance is so intimately connected. these losses, however, are at the time partly relieved by the exhaustless delight of anticipating the long-wished-for day of return. if, as poets say, life is a dream, i am sure in a voyage these are the visions which best serve to pass away the long night. other losses, although not at first felt, tell heavily after a period: these are the want of room, of seclusion, of rest; the jading feeling of constant hurry; the privation of small luxuries, the loss of domestic society and even of music and the other pleasures of imagination. when such trifles are mentioned, it is evident that the real grievances, excepting from accidents, of a sea-life are at an end. the short space of sixty years has made an astonishing difference in the facility of distant navigation. even in the time of cook, a man who left his fireside for such expeditions underwent severe privations. a yacht now, with every luxury of life, can circumnavigate the globe. besides the vast improvements in ships and naval resources, the whole western shores of america are thrown open, and australia has become the capital of a rising continent. how different are the circumstances to a man shipwrecked at the present day in the pacific, to what they were in the time of cook! since his voyage a hemisphere has been added to the civilised world. if a person suffer much from sea-sickness, let him weigh it heavily in the balance. i speak from experience: it is no trifling evil, cured in a week. if, on the other hand, he take pleasure in naval tactics, he will assuredly have full scope for his taste. but it must be borne in mind how large a proportion of the time, during a long voyage, is spent on the water, as compared with the days in harbour. and what are the boasted glories of the illimitable ocean? a tedious waste, a desert of water, as the arabian calls it. no doubt there are some delightful scenes. a moonlight night, with the clear heavens and the dark glittering sea, and the white sails filled by the soft air of a gently-blowing trade-wind, a dead calm, with the heaving surface polished like a mirror, and all still except the occasional flapping of the canvas. it is well once to behold a squall with its rising arch and coming fury, or the heavy gale of wind and mountainous waves. i confess, however, my imagination had painted something more grand, more terrific, in the full-grown storm. it is an incomparably finer spectacle when beheld on shore, where the waving trees, the wild flight of the birds, the dark shadows and bright lights, the rushing of the torrents, all proclaim the strife of the unloosed elements. at sea the albatross and little petrel fly as if the storm were their proper sphere, the water rises and sinks as if fulfilling its usual task, the ship alone and its inhabitants seem the objects of wrath. on a forlorn and weather-beaten coast the scene is indeed different, but the feelings partake more of horror than of wild delight. let us now look at the brighter side of the past time. the pleasure derived from beholding the scenery and the general aspect of the various countries we have visited has decidedly been the most constant and highest source of enjoyment. it is probable that the picturesque beauty of many parts of europe exceeds anything which we beheld. but there is a growing pleasure in comparing the character of the scenery in different countries, which to a certain degree is distinct from merely admiring its beauty. it depends chiefly on an acquaintance with the individual parts of each view; i am strongly induced to believe that as in music, the person who understands every note will, if he also possesses a proper taste, more thoroughly enjoy the whole, so he who examines each part of a fine view may also thoroughly comprehend the full and combined effect. hence, a traveller should be a botanist, for in all views plants form the chief embellishment. group masses of naked rock even in the wildest forms, and they may for a time afford a sublime spectacle, but they will soon grow monotonous. paint them with bright and varied colours, as in northern chile, they will become fantastic; clothe them with vegetation, they must form a decent, if not a beautiful picture. when i say that the scenery of parts of europe is probably superior to anything which we beheld, i except, as a class by itself, that of the intertropical zones. the two classes cannot be compared together; but i have already often enlarged on the grandeur of those regions. as the force of impressions generally depends on preconceived ideas, i may add that mine were taken from the vivid descriptions in the "personal narrative" of humboldt, which far exceed in merit anything else which i have read. yet with these high-wrought ideas, my feelings were far from partaking of a tinge of disappointment on my first and final landing on the shores of brazil. among the scenes which are deeply impressed on my mind, none exceed in sublimity the primeval forests undefaced by the hand of man; whether those of brazil, where the powers of life are predominant, or those of tierra del fuego, where death and decay prevail. both are temples filled with the varied productions of the god of nature:--no one can stand in these solitudes unmoved, and not feel that there is more in man than the mere breath of his body. in calling up images of the past, i find that the plains of patagonia frequently cross before my eyes; yet these plains are pronounced by all wretched and useless. they can be described only by negative characters; without habitations, without water, without trees, without mountains, they support merely a few dwarf plants. why, then, and the case is not peculiar to myself, have these arid wastes taken so firm a hold on my memory? why have not the still more level, the greener and more fertile pampas, which are serviceable to mankind, produced an equal impression? i can scarcely analyse these feelings: but it must be partly owing to the free scope given to the imagination. the plains of patagonia are boundless, for they are scarcely passable, and hence unknown: they bear the stamp of having lasted, as they are now, for ages, and there appears no limit to their duration through future time. if, as the ancients supposed, the flat earth was surrounded by an impassable breadth of water, or by deserts heated to an intolerable excess, who would not look at these last boundaries to man's knowledge with deep but ill-defined sensations? lastly, of natural scenery, the views from lofty mountains, though certainly in one sense not beautiful, are very memorable. when looking down from the highest crest of the cordillera, the mind, undisturbed by minute details, was filled with the stupendous dimensions of the surrounding masses. of individual objects, perhaps nothing is more certain to create astonishment than the first sight in his native haunt of a barbarian,--of man in his lowest and most savage state. one's mind hurries back over past centuries, and then asks, could our progenitors have been men like these?--men, whose very signs and expressions are less intelligible to us than those of the domesticated animals; men, who do not possess the instinct of those animals, nor yet appear to boast of human reason, or at least of arts consequent on that reason. i do not believe it is possible to describe or paint the difference between savage and civilised man. it is the difference between a wild and tame animal: and part of the interest in beholding a savage is the same which would lead every one to desire to see the lion in his desert, the tiger tearing his prey in the jungle, or the rhinoceros wandering over the wild plains of africa. among the other most remarkable spectacles which we have beheld, may be ranked the southern cross, the cloud of magellan, and the other constellations of the southern hemisphere--the waterspout--the glacier leading its blue stream of ice, overhanging the sea in a bold precipice--a lagoon-island raised by the reef-building corals--an active volcano--and the overwhelming effects of a violent earthquake. these latter phenomena, perhaps, possess for me a peculiar interest, from their intimate connexion with the geological structure of the world. the earthquake, however, must be to every one a most impressive event: the earth, considered from our earliest childhood as the type of solidity, has oscillated like a thin crust beneath our feet; and in seeing the laboured works of man in a moment overthrown, we feel the insignificance of his boasted power. it has been said that the love of the chase is an inherent delight in man--a relic of an instinctive passion. if so, i am sure the pleasure of living in the open air, with the sky for a roof and the ground for a table, is part of the same feeling; it is the savage returning to his wild and native habits. i always look back to our boat cruises, and my land journeys, when through unfrequented countries, with an extreme delight, which no scenes of civilisation could have created. i do not doubt that every traveller must remember the glowing sense of happiness which he experienced when he first breathed in a foreign clime where the civilised man had seldom or never trod. there are several other sources of enjoyment in a long voyage which are of a more reasonable nature. the map of the world ceases to be a blank; it becomes a picture full of the most varied and animated figures. each part assumes its proper dimensions: continents are not looked at in the light of islands, or islands considered as mere specks, which are, in truth, larger than many kingdoms of europe. africa, or north and south america, are well-sounding names, and easily pronounced; but it is not until having sailed for weeks along small portions of their shores, that one is thoroughly convinced what vast spaces on our immense world these names imply. from seeing the present state, it is impossible not to look forward with high expectations to the future progress of nearly an entire hemisphere. the march of improvement, consequent on the introduction of christianity throughout the south sea, probably stands by itself in the records of history. it is the more striking when we remember that only sixty years since, cook, whose excellent judgment none will dispute, could foresee no prospect of a change. yet these changes have now been effected by the philanthropic spirit of the british nation. in the same quarter of the globe australia is rising, or indeed may be said to have risen, into a grand centre of civilisation, which, at some not very remote period, will rule as empress over the southern hemisphere. it is impossible for an englishman to behold these distant colonies without a high pride and satisfaction. to hoist the british flag seems to draw with it as a certain consequence, wealth, prosperity, and civilisation. in conclusion it appears to me that nothing can be more improving to a young naturalist than a journey in distant countries. it both sharpens and partly allays that want and craving, which, as sir j. herschel remarks, a man experiences although every corporeal sense be fully satisfied. the excitement from the novelty of objects, and the chance of success, stimulate him to increased activity. moreover, as a number of isolated facts soon become uninteresting, the habit of comparison leads to generalisation. on the other hand, as the traveller stays but a short time in each place, his descriptions must generally consist of mere sketches, instead of detailed observations. hence arises, as i have found to my cost, a constant tendency to fill up the wide gaps of knowledge by inaccurate and superficial hypotheses. but i have too deeply enjoyed the voyage, not to recommend any naturalist, although he must not expect to be so fortunate in his companions as i have been, to take all chances, and to start, on travels by land if possible, if otherwise, on a long voyage. he may feel assured he will meet with no difficulties or dangers, excepting in rare cases, nearly so bad as he beforehand anticipates. in a moral point of view the effect ought to be to teach him good-humoured patience, freedom from selfishness, the habit of acting for himself, and of making the best of every occurrence. in short, he ought to partake of the characteristic qualities of most sailors. travelling ought also to teach him distrust; but at the same time he will discover how many truly kind-hearted people there are, with whom he never before had, or ever again will have any further communication, who yet are ready to offer him the most disinterested assistance. (plate 106. ascension. terns and noddies.) (plate 107. map of south america.) (plate 108. map of the world, showing the track of h.m.s. "beagle.") index. abbott, mr., on spiders. aborigines banished from van diemen's land. of australia. abrolhos islands. absence of trees in pampas. aconcagua, volcano of. actinia, stinging species. africa, southern part desert, yet supports large animals. ageronia feronia. agouti, habits of. ague common in peru. albemarle island. allan, dr., on diodon. on holuthuriae. alluvium, saliferous, in peru. stratified, in andes. amblyrhynchus. anas, species of. animalculae. see infusoria. antarctic islands. antipodes. ants at keeling island. in brazil. antuco volcano. apires, or miners. aplysia. apple-trees. aptenodytes demersa. araucanian indians. areas of alternate movements in the pacific and indian oceans. armadilloes, habits of. fossil animals allied to. arqueros mines. arrow-heads, ancient. ascension. aspalax, blindness of. athene cunicularia. atolls. attagis. atwater, mr., on the prairies. audubon, m., on smelling-power of carrion-hawks. australia. australian barrier. group of weapons. ava (macropiper methysticum). azara on spiders. on rain in la plata. on habits of carrion-hawks. on range of carrion-hawks. on a thunder-storm. on ostrich-eggs. on bows and arrows. on new plants springing up. on great droughts. on hydrophobia. bachman, mr., on carrion-hawks. bahia blanca. fossil tooth of horse from. bahia, brazil. scenery of. bajada. balbi on coral reefs. bald head, australia. ballenar, chile. banda oriental. banks's hill. barking-bird. barrier-reef, bolabola. reefs, sections of. basaltic platform of santa cruz. bathurst, australia. batrachian reptiles. bats, vampire. bay of islands, new zealand. beads, hill of. beagle channel, tierra del fuego. beech-trees. beetles in brackish water. on a fungus. alive in sea. at st. julian. dung-feeders. behring's straits, fossils of. bell of quillota. benchuca. berkeley sound. berkeley, reverend j., on confervae. on cyttaria. berquelo river. bibron, m. bien te veo. birds of the galapagos archipelago. tameness of. birgos latro. bizcacha, habits of. blackheath, australia. blackwall, mr., on spiders. blindness of tucutuco. blue mountains. body, frozen. bolabola, barrier-reef. bolas, manner of using. bombs, volcanic. bones of the guanaco collected in certain spots. fire made of. recent in pampas. fossil. bory st. vincent on frogs. boulders. bramador, el. brazil, great area of granite. brazilian whips, etc. breaches in coral reefs. breakwater of seaweed. brewster, sir d., on a calcareous deposit. bridge of hide. of incas. buckland, dr., on fossils. buenos ayres. trading at. evening camp. bullock-waggons. buffon on american animals. bug of pampas. buildings, indian. bulimus on desert places. burchell, mr., on food of quadrupeds. on ostrich-eggs. on perforated stones. butterflies, flocks of. butterfly producing clicking sound. button, jemmy. byron's account of fox of falklands. on an indian killing his child. cabbage palm. cacti. cactornis. cactus, cereus peruviana. calasoma on wing out at sea. calcareous casts of branches and roots of trees at king george's sound. incrustations on rocks of ascension. callao. calodera. calomys bizcacha. camarhynchus. camelidae, fossil animal allied to. cancer salinus. canis antarcticus. fulvipes. cape horn. false horn. of good hope. capybara, or carpincho. fossil allied to. caracara, or carrancha. cardoon, beds of. carizal. carmichael, captain. carrion-hawks. casarita. cassava. castro, chiloe. old church at. casuchas. catamaran. cathartes. cats run wild. good to eat. scratch trees. cruelty to mice. cattle, effects of their grazing on the vegetation. killed by great droughts. know each other. curious breed of. waste of. wild at the falkland islands. caucahue. cauquenes, hot springs of. causes of extinction of species among mammalia. of discoloured sea. cavia patagonica. cawa-cawa, new zealand. caylen. cervus campestris. ceryle americana. chacao, chiloe. chagos atolls. chalk-like mud. chamisso on drifted seeds and trees. on coral reefs. changes in vegetation of pampas. in vegetation of st. helena. charles island. chatham island. cheese, salt required for. cheucau. chile. features of country. chilenos. chilian miner. spurs, stirrup, etc. vegetation. chiloe. old church at castro. forests of, and climate. inhabitants of. roads of. gunnera scabra. chionis alba. cholechel, conflict at. chonos archipelago. climate of. zoology of. ornithology of. chupat, rio. chuzo. cicada homoptera. cladonia. clearness of atmosphere within andes, in chile. climate of tierra del fuego and falkland islands. antarctic islands. change of, in chile. galapagos. clouds of vapour after rain. on corcovado. hanging low. at sea. coloeoptera in tropics. out at sea. of st. julian. colias edusa, flocks of. colnett, captain, on spawn in sea. on a marine lizard. on transport of seeds. colonia del sacramiento. colorado, rio. compound animals. concepcion, chile. conchalee. condor, habits of. (sarcorhamphus gryphus.) confervae, pelagic. conglomerate on the ventana. in cordillera. conurus. convicts of mauritius. condition, in new south wales. cook, captain, on kelp. copiapã³, river and valley of. town of. coquimbo. coral formations. stinging species of. reefs, sections of. dead. corallines. corals. corcovado, clouds on. volcano. cordillera, appearance of. different productions on east and west side. passage of. structure of valleys. rivers of. geology of. valley of copiapã³. mountains. cormorant catching fish. corral, where animals are slaughtered at buenos ayres. corrientes, cape. corrobery, or native australian dance. corunda. coseguina, eruption of. countries, unhealthy. couthouy, mr., on coral-reefs. crabberies. crabs, hermit species of. at st. paul's. at keeling island. craters, number of, at the galapagos archipelago. of elevation. crisia. cruelty to animals. crustacea, pelagic. ctenomys brasiliensis. fossil species of. cucao, chiloe. cuckoo-like habits of molothrus. cudico, mission at. cuentas, sierra de. cufre. cumbre of cordillera. cuming, mr., on shells. cuttlefish, habits of. cuvier on diodon. cynara cardunculus. cyttaria darwinii. dacelo iagoensis. dasypus, three species of. deer. degradation of tertiary formations. deinornis. deserts. desmodus. despoblado, valley of. dieffenbach, dr. e. on auckland island. diodon, habits of. discoloured sea. diseases from miasma. distribution of mammalia in america. of animals on opposite sides of cordillera. of frogs. of fauna of galapagos. dobrizhoffer on ostriches. on a hail-storm. docks, imported. dogs, shepherd. dolichonyx oryzivorus. d'orbigny, travels in south america. doris, eggs of. dormidor, or horse-tamer. doubleday, mr., on a noise made by a butterfly. drigg, lightning tubes at. droughts, great, in pampas. dryness of st. jago. of winds in tierra del fuego. of air in cordillera. dubois. dung-feeding beetles. dust, falling from atmosphere. earthenware, fossil. earthquake, accompanied by an elevation of the coast. accompanied by rain. at callao. at concepcion. at coquimbo. at keeling and vanikoro, and society islands. at valdivia. causes of. effect of, on springs. on bottom of sea. effects of, on rocks. effects of, on sea. effects of, on a river-bed. line of vibration of. on south-west coast. tossing fragments from the ground. twisting movement of. eggs of doris. ehrenberg, professor, on atlantic dust. on infusoria in pampas. in the open sea. in patagonia. in fuegian paint. in coral mud. in tuff at ascension. on phosphorescence of the sea. on noises from a hill. eimeo, island of. barrier-reef. elater, springing powers of. electricity of atmosphere within andes. elephant, weight of. elevated shells. elevation of coasts of chile. bahia blanca. pampas. patagonia. mountain-chains. cordillera. peru. within human period. fringing-reefs. entomology of the galapagos archipelago. brazil. patagonia. tierra del fuego. keeling island. st. helena. entre rios, geology of. epeira, habits of. erratic blocks, how transported. absent in intertropical countries. on plains of santa cruz. of tierra del fuego. estancia, value of. extermination of species and races. extinction of shells at st. helena. of species, causes of. of man in new south wales. eyes of tucutuco and mole. eyre sound. falconer, dr., on the sivatherium. on the indians. on rivers in pampas. on natural enclosures. falkland islands. absence of trees at. carrion-hawks of. wild cattle and horses of. fox of. climate of. peat of. tame birds at. fat, quantity eaten. fatahua fall. fear an acquired instinct. februa hoffmanseggi, butterfly. fennel run wild. ferguson, dr., on miasma. fernando noronha. ferns, tree. fields of dead coral. fire, art of making. fireflies. fish emitting harsh sound. of galapagos. eating coral. flamingoes. fleas. floods after droughts. clear after snow. flora of the galapagos. of keeling island. of st. helena. flustraceae. forests, absence of, in la plata. of tierra del fuego. of chiloe. of valdivia. of new zealand. of australia. fossil mammalia. earthenware. fox of the falkland islands. of chiloe. freyrina. friendly archipelago. fringing reefs. frogs, noises of. bladders of. and toads, not found on oceanic islands. frozen soil. fruit-trees, southern limit of. fucus giganteus. fuegians. wigwams. basket and bone weapons. fulgurites. fungus, edible. furnarius. galapagos archipelago. natural history of. marked relationship with america. zoology of. finches from. gale of wind. gallegos river, fossil bones at. gallinazo. gauchos. character of. live on meat. surcingle of. gavia mountain. gay, m., on floating islands. on shells in brackish water. geese at the falkland islands. geographical distribution of american animals. of frogs. of fauna of galapagos. geology of cordillera. of st. jago. of st. paul. of brazil. of bahia blanca. of pampas. of patagonia. georgia, climate of. geospiza. gill, mr., on an upheaved river-bed. gillies, dr., on the cordillera. glaciers in tierra del fuego. in latitude 46 degrees 40'. in cordillera. glow-worms. goats destructive to vegetation at st. helena. bones of. goeree roads. goitre. gold-washing. good success bay. gossamer spider. gould, mr., on the calodera. on birds of galapagos. granite mountains, tres montes. of cordillera. graspus. gravel, how far transported. of patagonia. graves of indians. greenstone, fragments of. gregory, cape. gryllus migratorius. guanaco, habits of. fossil allied genus. guantajaya, mines of. guardia del monte. guasco. guasos of chile. guava imported into tahiti. guinea-fowl. guitron. gunnera scabra. gypsum, great beds of. in salt-lake. in patagonian tertiary beds. at iquique with salt. at lima with shells. hachette, m., on lightning-tubes. hacienda, condor, and cactus. hail-storm. hall, captain basil, on terraces of coquimbo. hare, varying. head, captain, on thistle-beds. height of snow-line on cordillera. henslow, professor, on potatoes. on plants of keeling island. hermit crabs. hide bridge. hill emitting a noise. himantopus. hippah, new zealand. hobart town and mount wellington. hogoleu barrier-reef. holes made by a bird. holman on drifted seeds. holothuriae feeding on coral. homeward bound. hooker, sir j., on the cardoon. dr. j.d., on the kelp. on galapageian plants. horn, cape. horner, mr., on a calcareous deposit. horse, swimming powers of. horse, wild at the falkland islands. fossil of extinct species of. horse-fly. horsemanship of the gauchos. horses difficult to drive. drop excrement on paths. killed by great droughts. multiplication of. broken in. hot springs of cauquenes. huacas. humboldt on burnished rocks. on the atmosphere in tropics. on frozen soil. on hybernation. on potatoes. on earthquakes and rain. on miasma. humming-birds of rio de janeiro. of chiloe. hurtado. hybernation of animals. hydrochaerus capybara. hydrophobia. hyla. hymenophallus. ibis melanops. ice, prismatic structure of. icebergs. incas' bridge. incrustations on coast rocks. indian fossil remains. indians, attacks of. antiquarian relics of. araucanian. of the pampas. decrease in numbers of. grave of. patagonian. perforated stones used by. valdivian. powers of tracking. ruins of houses of. infection. infusoria in dust in the atlantic. in the sea. in the pampas. in patagonia. in white paint. in coral mud. at ascension. insects first colonists of st. paul's rocks. blown out to sea. of patagonia. of tierra del fuego. of galapagos. of keeling island. of st. helena. instincts of birds. iodine with salt at iquique. iquique. iron, oxide of, on rocks. irregular troops. islands, oceanic, volcanic. antarctic. floating. low. jackson, colonel, on frozen snow. jaguar, habits of. jajuel, mines of. james island. jemmy button. juan fernandez, volcano of. flora of. kangaroo-hunting. kater's peak. kauri pine. keeling island. inside an atoll. flora of. birds of. entomology of. subsidence of. birgos latro. kelp, or seaweed. kendall, lieutenant, on a frozen body. kingfishers. king george's sound. kororadika. labourers, condition of, in chile. lagoon-islands. lagostomus. lake, brackish, near rio. with floating islands. formed during earthquake. lamarck on acquired blindness. lampyris. lancaster, captain, on a sea-tree. land-shells. las minas. lazo. leaves. fossil. leeks in new zealand, imported. lemuy island. lepus magellanicus. lesson, m., on the scissor-beak. on rabbit of the falklands. lichen on loose sand. lichtenstein on ostriches. lightning storms. tubes. lima. and san lorenzo. elevation of a river near. lime, changed by lava into crystalline rock. limnaea in brackish water. lion-ant. lizard. marine species of. lizards, transport of. llama or guanaco, habits of. locusts. longevity of species in mollusca. lorenzo, san, island of. low archipelago. luciano, story of. lumb, mr. lund, m., on antiquity of man. lund and clausen on fossils of brazil. luxan. luxuriant vegetation not necessary to support large animals. lycosa. lyell, mr., on terraces of coquimbo. on longevity of mollusca. on change in vegetation. on fossil horses' teeth. on flocks of butterflies. on extinct mammals and ice-period. on stones twisted by earthquakes. on frozen snow. on distribution of animals. on subsidence in the pacific. macculloch on infection. macquarie river. macrauchenia. macrocystis. madrina, or godmother of a troop of mules. magdalen channel. magellan, flora of. h.m.s. "beagle" in straits of. straits of. port famine. kelp of. malays. malcolmson, dr., on hail. maldiva atolls. maldonado. mammalia, fossil. man, antiquity of. body frozen. fossil remains of. fear of, an acquired instinct. extinction of races. mandetiba. mandioca or cassava. mare's flesh eaten by troops. mares killed for their hides. mastodon. matã© pots and bambillio. matter, granular, movements in. mauritius. maypu river. megalonyx. megatherium. mendoza. climate of. mercedes on the rio negro. mexico, elevation of. miasmata. mice inhabit sterile places. number of, in america. how transported. different on opposite sides of andes. of the galapagos. of ascension. millepora. mills for grinding ores. mimosae. mimus. miners, condition of. mines. how discovered. miranda, commandant. missionaries at new zealand. mitchell, sir t., on valleys of australia. mocking-bird. molina omits description of certain birds. molothrus, habits of. monkeys with prehensile tails. monte video. moresby, captain, on a great crab. on coral-reefs. mount sarmiento. tarn. victoria. mountains, elevation of. movements in granular matter. mud, chalk-like. disturbed by earthquake. mules. muniz, signor, on niata cattle. murray, mr., on spiders. mylodon. myopotamus coypus. narborough island. negress with goitre. negro, rio. lieutenant. nepean river. new caledonia, reef of. new zealand. niata cattle. noises from a hill. noses, ceremony of pressing. nothura. notopod, crustacean. nulliporae, incrustations like. protecting reefs. octopus, habits of. oily coating on sea. olfersia. opetiorhynchus. opuntia. darwinii. galapageia. orange-trees self-sown. ores, gold. ornithology of galapagos. ornithorhynchus. osorno, volcano of. ostrich, habits of. ostrich's eggs. otaheite. otter. ova in sea. oven-bird. owen, captain, on a drought in africa. professor, on the capybara. fossil quadrupeds. nostrils of the gallinazo. owl of pampas. of galapagos islands. oxyurus. oysters, gigantic. paint, white. pallas on siberia. palm-trees in la plata. south limit of. in chile. palms absent at galapagos. pampas, halt at a pulperia on the. number of embedded remains in. southern limit of. changes in. giant thistle of. not quite level. geology of. view of, from the andes. pan de azucar. papilio feronia. parana, rio. river. islands in. parish, sir w., on the great drought. park, mungo, on eating salt. parrots. partridges. pas, fortresss of new zealand. passes in cordillera. pasture altered from grazing of cattle. patagones. patagonia, geology of. birds of. zoology of. raised beaches. patagonian bolas, etc. patagonians, cape gregory. paypote ravine. peach-trees self-sown. peat, formation of. pebbles perforated. transported in roots of trees. pelagic animals in southern ocean. penas, glacier in gulf of. penguin, habits of. pepsis, habits of. pernambuco, reef of. pernety on hill of ruins. on tame birds. peru. dry valleys of. peruvian pottery. petrels, habits of. peuquenes, pass of. phonolite at fernando noronha. phosphorescence of the sea. of land insects and sea animals. of a coralline. phryniscus. pine of new zealand. plains at foot of andes in chile. almost horizontal near st. fã©. planariae, terrestrial species of. plants of the galapagos. of keeling island. of st. helena. plants, fossil, in australia. plata, river. thunderstorms of. plover, long-legged. polished rocks, brazil. polyborus chimango. braziliensis. novae zelandiae. ponsonby sound. porpoises. port desire. river of. st. julian. famine. jackson. portillo pass. porto praya. potato, wild. potrero seco. prairies, vegetation of. prã©vost, m., on cuckoos. priestley, dr., on lightning-tubes. prisoner, bringing in a. procellaria gigantea, habits of. proctotretus. proteus, blindness of. protococcus nivalis. pteroptochos, two species of. species of. puenta del inca. puffinuria berardii. puffinus cinereus. puma, habits of. flesh of. puna, or short respiration. punta alta, bahia blanca. gorda. huantamã³. pyrophorus luminosus. quadrupeds, fossil. large, do not require luxuriant vegetation. weight of. quartz of the ventana. of tapalguen. of falkland island. quedius. quellaypo volcano. quilimari. quillota, valley of. quinchao island. quintero. quiriquina island. quoy and gaimard on stinging corals. on coral-reefs. rabbit, wild, at the falkland islands. rain at coquimbo. at rio. effects on vegetation. and earthquakes. in chile, formerly more abundant. in peru. rana mascariensis. rat, only aboriginal animal of new zealand. rats at galapagos. at keeling island. at ascension. rattlesnake, species with allied habit. red snow. reduvius. reef at pernambuco of sandstone. reefs of coral. barrier. fringing. reeks, mr., analysis of salt. bones. salt and shells. remains, human, elevated. remedies of the gauchos. rengger on the horse. reptiles absent in tierra del fuego. at galapagos. respiration difficult in andes. retrospect. revolutions at buenos ayres. rhea darwinii (avestruz petise). rhinoceroses live in desert countries. frozen. rhynchops nigra. richardson, dr., on mice of north america. on frozen soil. on eating fat. on geographical distribution. on polished rocks. rimsky atoll. rio de janeiro. botofogo bay. plata. negro. colorado. sauce. salado. s. cruz. river-bed, arched. river-courses dry in america. rivers, power of, in wearing channels. rocks burnished with ferruginous matter. rodents, number of, in america. fossil species of. rolor, general. rosas, general. rozario. ruins of callao. of indian buildings in cordillera. salado, rio. saladillo river. salinas at the galapagos archipelago. in patagonia. saline efflorescences. salt with vegetable food. superficial crust of. with elevated shells. salt-lakes. san carlos. nicolas. felipe. pedro. pedro, forests of. lorenzo island. sand-dunes. sand, hot from sun's rays, at galapagos archipelago. noise from friction of. sandstone of new south wales. reef of. sandwich archipelago, no frogs at. land. santa cruz, river of. santiago, chile. sarmiento, mount. sauce, rio. saurophagus sulphureus. scarus eating corals. scelidotherium. scenery of andes. scissor-beak, habits of. scissor-tail. scoresby, mr., on effects of snow on rocks. scorpions, cannibals. scrope, mr., on earthquakes. scytalopus. sea, open, inhabitants of. phosphorescence of. explosions in. sea-pen, habits of. seals, number of. seaweed, growth of. seeds transported by sea. serpulae. sertularia, protecting reef. shark killed by diodon. shaw, dr., on lion's flesh. sheep, infected. shelley, lines on mont blanc. shells, land, in great numbers. elevated. tropical forms of, far south. fossil, of cordillera. decomposition of, with salt. of galapagos. at st. helena. shepherd's dogs. shingle-bed of patagonia. shongi, new zealand chief. siberia compared with patagonia. zoology of, related to north america. siberian animals, how preserved in ice. food necessary during their existence. sierra de la ventana. tapalguen. silicified trees. silurian formations at falkland islands. silurus, habits of. sivatherium. skunks. slavery. smelling power of carrion-hawks. smith, dr. andrew, on the support of large quadrupeds. on perforated pebbles. snake, venomous. snow, effects of, on rocks. prismatic structure of. red. snow-line on cordillera. socãªgo. society, state of, in la plata. state of, in australia. archipelago. volcanic phenomena at. soda, nitrate of. sulphate of. soil, frozen. south american bit. spawn on surface of sea. species, distribution of. extinction of. spiders, habits of. gossamer, killed by and killing wasps. on keeling island. on st. paul's. spurs of guaso. springs, hot. stevenson, mr., on growth of seaweed. st. helena. jago, c. verds. unhealthiness of. paul's rocks. fã©. maria, elevated. introduction of spirits into. louis, mauritius. stinging animals. stones perforated. transported in roots. storm. in cordillera. streams of stones at falkland islands. strongylus. struthio rhea. darwinii. strzelecki,count. suadiva atoll. subsidence of coral-reefs. of patagonia. of cordillera. of coasts of chile. cause of distinctness in tertiary epochs. of coast of peru. of keeling island. of vanikoro. of coral-reefs great in amount. sulphate of lime. soda with common salt. soda incrusting the ground. swainson, mr., on cuckoos. sydney. tabanus. tahiti (otaheite). three zones of fertility. fatahua fall. christianity in. tahitian. talcahuano. tambillos, ruinas de. tameness of birds. tandeel, pumas at. tapacolo and turco. tapalguen, sierra, flat hills of quartz. tarn, mount. tasmania. tattooing. temperance of the tahitians. temperature of tierra del fuego and falkland islands. of galapagos. tercero, rio, fossils in banks of. terraces in valleys of cordillera. of patagonia. of coquimbo. tertiary formations of the pampas. of patagonia. in chile, epochs of. teru-tero. habits of. testudo, two species of. abingdonii. nigra, habits of. theory of lagoon-islands. theristicus melanops. thistle beds. thunder-storms. ti, liliaceous plant. tierra del fuego. climate and vegetation of. zoology of. entomology of. tinamus rufescens. tinochorus rumicivorus. toad, habits of. not found in oceanic islands. torrents in cordillera. tortoise, habits of. toxodon. transparency of air in andes. in st. jago. transport of boulders. of fragments of rock on banks of the st. cruz river. of seeds. of stones in roots of trees. travertin with leaves of trees, van diemen's land. tree-ferns. southern limits of. trees, absence of, in pampas. time required to rot. silicified, vertical. size of. floating, transport stones. tres montes. trichodesmium. trigonocephalus. tristan d'acunha. trochilus forficatus. tropical scenery. tschudi, m., on subsidence. tubes, siliceous, formed by lightning. tucutuco, habits of. fossil species of. tuff, craters of. infusoria in. tupungato, volcano of. turco, el. turkey buzzard. turtle, manner of catching. type of organisation in galapagos islands, american. types of organisation in different countries, constant. tyrannus savana. ulloa on hydrophobia. on indian buildings. unanã¹e, dr., on hydrophobia. uruguay, rio. not crossed by the bizcacha. uspallata range and pass. vacas, rio. valdivia. forests of. valley of st. cruz, how excavated. dry, at copiapã³. valleys, excavation of, in chile. of new south wales. in cordillera. of tahiti. valparaiso. vampire bat. van diemen's land. vanellus cayanus. vanessa, flocks of. vanikoro. vapour from forests. vegetation of st. helena, changes of. luxuriant, not necessary to support large animals. on opposite sides of cordillera. ventana, sierra. verbena melindres. vilipilli. villa vicencio. villarica volcano. virgin forest. virgularia patagonica. volcanic bombs. cellular formation of. islands. phenomena. volcanoes near chiloe. their presence determined by elevation or subsidence. vultur aura. waders, first colonists of distant islands. waimate, new zealand. waiomio. walckenaer on spiders. walleechu tree. wasps preying on spiders and killed by. water-hog (hydrochaerus capybara). water-serpents. water sold at iquique. water, fresh, floating on salt. waterhouse, mr., on rodents. on the niata ox. on the insects of tierra del fuego. of galapagos. on the terrestrial mammals of galapagos. waves caused by fall of ice. from earthquakes. weather, connection with earthquakes. weatherboard, new south wales. weeds in new zealand, imported. weight of large quadrupeds. wellington, mount. wells, ebbing and flowing. at iquique. west indies, banks of sediment. zoology of. coral-reefs of. whales, oil from. leaping out of water. white, mr., on spiders. whitsunday island. wigwam cove. wigwams of fuegians. williams, reverend mr. on infectious disorders. winds, dry, in tierra del fuego. at the cape verds. on cordillera. cold, on cordillera. winter's bark. wolf at the falklands. wollaston island. wood, captain, on the agouti. woollya. yaquil gold mines. yeso, valle del. york minster. zonotrichia. zoological provinces of north and south america. zoology of galapagos. of tierra del fuego. of chonos islands. of keeling island. of st. helena. zoophytes. at falkland islands. zorillo, or skunk. generously made available by the posner memorial collection (http://posner.library.cmu.edu/posner/)) transcriber's note: a few typographical errors have been corrected: they are listed at the end of the text. * * * * * in this version [=e] signifies "e macron"; [)e] "e breve"; and so forth. the "errata et corrigenda" (after the list of plates) have been actioned. voyages of the adventure and beagle. -----volume i. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer patagonian. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] * * * * * narrative of the surveying voyages of his majesty's ships adventure and beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836, describing their examination of the southern shores of south america, and the beagle's circumnavigation of the globe. -----in three volumes. vol. i. -----london: henry colburn, great marlborough street. -----1839. * * * * * london: printed by. j. l. cox and sons, 75, great queen street, lincoln's-inn fields. * * * * * volume i. -----proceedings of the first expedition, 1826--1830, under the command of captain p. parker king, r.n., f.r.s. * * * * * to the right honourable the earl of minto, g.c.b., first lord commissioner of the admiralty. ----- my lord: i have the honour of dedicating to your lordship, as head of the naval service, this narrative of the surveying voyages of the adventure and beagle, between the years 1826 and 1836. originated by the board of admiralty, over which viscount melville presided, these voyages have been carried on, since 1830, under his lordship's successors in office. captain king has authorized me to lay the results of the expedition which he commanded, from 1826 to 1830, before your lordship, united to those of the beagle's subsequent voyages. i have the honour to be, my lord, your lordship's obedient servant, robert fitz-roy. * * * * * {ix} preface. in this work, the result of nine years' voyaging, partly on coasts little known, an attempt has been made to combine giving general information with the paramount object--that of fulfilling a duty to the admiralty, for the benefit of seamen. details, purely technical, have been avoided in the narrative more than i could have wished; but some are added in the appendix to each volume: and in a nautical memoir, drawn up for the admiralty, those which are here omitted will be found. there are a few words used frequently in the following pages, which may not at first sight be familiar to every reader, therefore i need hardly apologize for saying that, although the great portuguese navigator's name was magalhaens--it is generally pronounced as if written magellan:--that the natives of tierra del fuego are commonly called fuegians;--and that chilóe is thus accented for reasons given in page 384 of the second volume. in the absence of captain king, who has entrusted to me the care of publishing his share of this work, i may have overlooked errors which he would have detected. being hurried, and unwell, while attending to the printing of his volume, i was not able to do it justice. {x} it may be a subject of regret, that no paper on the botany of tierra del fuego is appended to the first volume. captain king took great pains in forming and preserving a botanical collection, aided by a person embarked solely for that purpose. he placed this collection in the british museum, and was led to expect that a first-rate botanist would have examined and described it; but he has been disappointed. in conclusion, i beg to remind the reader, that the work is unavoidably of a rambling and very mixed character; that some parts may be wholly uninteresting to most readers, though, perhaps, not devoid of interest to all; and that its publication arises solely from a sense of duty. robert fitz-roy. london, march 1839. * * * * * {xi} introduction in 1825, the lords commissioners of the admiralty directed two ships to be prepared for a survey of the southern coasts of south america; and in may, of the following year, the adventure and the beagle were lying in plymouth sound, ready to carry the orders of their lordships into execution. these vessels were well provided with every necessary, and every comfort, which the liberality and kindness of the admiralty, navy board, and officers of the dock-yards, could cause to be furnished. on board the adventure, a roomy ship, of 330 tons burthen, without guns,[1] lightly though strongly rigged, and very strongly built, were- phillip parker king, commander and surveyor, senior officer of the expedition. j. cooke lieutenant. b. ainsworth master. j. tarn surgeon. {xii} g. rowlett purser. r. h. sholl mate. j. c. wickham mate. j. f. brand mate. t. graves mate and assistant surveyor. g. harrison mate. e. williams second master. j. park assistant surgeon. w. w. wilson midshipman. a. millar master's assistant. a. mellersh volunteer 1st class. j. russell volunteer 2d class. g. hodgskin clerk. j. anderson botanical collector. gunner--boatswain--and carpenter. serjeant and fourteen marines; and about forty seamen and boys. in the beagle, a well-built little vessel, of 235 tons, rigged as a barque, and carrying six guns, were- pringle stokes commander and surveyor. e. hawes lieutenant. w. g. skyring lieut. and assist. surveyor. s. s. flinn master. e. bowen surgeon. j. atrill purser. j. kirke mate. b. bynoe assistant surgeon. j. l. stokes midshipman. r. f. lunie volunteer 1st class. w. jones volunteer 2d class. j. macdouall clerk. carpenter. serjeant and nine marines; and about forty seamen and boys. {xiii} in the course of the voyage, several changes occurred among the officers, which it may be well to mention here. in september, 1826, lieutenant hawes invalided: and was succeeded by mr. r. h. sholl, the senior mate in the expedition. in february, 1827, mr. ainsworth was unfortunately drowned; and, in his place, mr. williams acted, until superseded by mr. s. s. flinn, of the beagle. lieutenant cooke invalided in june, 1827; and was succeeded by mr. j. c. wickham. in the same month mr. graves received information of his promotion to the rank of lieutenant. between may and december, 1827, mr. bowen and mr. atrill invalided; besides messrs. lunie, jones, and macdouall: mr. w. mogg joined the beagle, as acting purser; and mr. d. braily, as volunteer of the second class. mr. bynoe acted as surgeon of the beagle, after mr. bowen left, until december, 1828. in august, 1828, captain stokes's lamented vacancy was temporarily filled by lieutenant skyring; whose place was taken by mr. brand. mr. flinn was then removed to the adventure; and mr. a. millar put into his place. {xiv} in december, 1828, the commander-in-chief of the station (sir robert waller otway) superseded the temporary arrangements of captain king, and appointed a commander, lieutenant, master, and surgeon to the beagle. mr. brand then invalided, and the lists of officers stood thus- adventure (1828-30). phillip parker king, commander and surveyor, senior officer of the expedition. t. graves lieut. and assist. surveyor. j. c. wickham lieutenant. s. s. flinn master. j. tarn surgeon. g. rowlett purser. g. harrison mate. w. w. wilson mate. e. williams second master. j. park assistant surgeon. a. mellersh midshipman. a. millar master's assistant. j. russell volunteer 2d class. g. hodgskin clerk. j. anderson botanical collector. gunner--boatswain--and carpenter. serjeant and fourteen marines: and about fifty[2] seamen and boys. beagle (1828-30). robert fitz-roy commander and surveyor. w. g. skyring lieut. and assist. surveyor. j. kempe lieutenant. m. murray master. {xv} j. wilson surgeon. w. mogg (acting) purser. j. kirke mate. b. bynoe assistant surgeon. j. l. stokes midshipman. j. may carpenter. d. braily volunteer 2d class. j. megget clerk. serjeant and nine marines: and about forty seamen and boys. in june, 1829, lieutenant mitchell joined the adventure; and in february, 1830, mr. a. millar died very suddenly:--and very much regretted. the following instructions were given to the senior officer of the expedition. "by the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of the united kingdom of great britain and ireland, &c. "whereas we think fit that an accurate survey should be made of the southern coasts of the peninsula of south america, from the southern entrance of the river plata, round to chilóe; and of tierra del fuego; and whereas we have been induced to repose confidence in you, from your conduct of the surveys in new holland; we have placed you in the command of his majesty's surveying vessel the adventure; and we have directed captain stokes, of his majesty's surveying vessel the beagle, to follow your orders. "both these vessels are provided with all the {xvi} means which are necessary for the complete execution of the object above-mentioned, and for the health and comfort of their ships' companies. you are also furnished with all the information, we at present possess, of the ports which you are to survey; and nine government chronometers have been embarked in the adventure, and three in the beagle, for the better determination of the longitudes. "you are therefore hereby required and directed, as soon as both vessels shall be in all respects ready, to put to sea with them; and on your way to your ulterior destination, you are to make, or call at, the following places, successively; namely; madeira: teneriffe: the northern point of st. antonio, and the anchorage at st. jago; both in the cape verd islands: the island of trinidad, in the southern atlantic: and rio de janeiro: for the purpose of ascertaining the differences of the longitudes of those several places. "at rio de janeiro, you will receive any supplies you may require; and make with the commander-in-chief, on that station, such arrangements as may tend to facilitate your receiving further supplies, in the course of your expedition. "after which, you are to proceed to the entrance of the river plata, to ascertain the longitudes of the cape santa maria, and monte video: you are then to proceed to survey the coasts, islands, and straits; from cape st. antonio, at the south side {xvii} of the river plata, to chilóe; on the west coast of america; in such manner and order, as the state of the season, the information you may have received, or other circumstances, may induce you to adopt. "you are to continue on this service until it shall be completed; taking every opportunity to communicate to our secretary, and the commander-in-chief, your proceedings: and also, whenever you may be able to form any judgment of it, where the commander-in-chief, or our secretary, may be able to communicate with you. "in addition to any arrangements made with the admiral, for recruiting your stores, and provisions; you are, of course, at liberty to take all other means, which may be within your reach, for that essential purpose. "you are to avail yourself of every opportunity of collecting and preserving specimens of such objects of natural history as may be new, rare, or interesting; and you are to instruct captain stokes, and all the other officers, to use their best diligence in increasing the collections in each ship: the whole of which must be understood to belong to the public. "in the event of any irreparable accident happening to either of the two vessels, you are to cause the officers and crew of the disabled vessel to be {xviii} removed into the other, and with her, singly, to proceed in prosecution of the service, or return to england, according as circumstances shall appear to require; understanding that the officers and crews of both vessels are hereby authorized, and required, to continue to perform their duties, according to their respective ranks and stations, on board either vessel to which they may be so removed. should, unfortunately, your own vessel be the one disabled, you are in that case to take the command of the beagle: and, in the event of any fatal accident happening to yourself; captain stokes is hereby authorized to take the command of the expedition; either on board the adventure, or beagle, as he may prefer; placing the officer of the expedition who may then be next in seniority to him, in command of the second vessel: also, in the event of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, at any period of this service, to continue to carry the instructions into execution, you are to transfer them to captain stokes, or to the surviving officer then next in command to you, who is hereby required to execute them, in the best manner he can, for the attainment of the object in view. "when you shall have completed the service, or shall, from any cause, be induced to give it up; you will return to spithead with all convenient expedition; and report your arrival, and proceedings, to our secretary, for our information. {xix} "whilst on the south american station, you are to consider yourself under the command of the admiral of that station; to whom we have expressed our desire that he should not interfere with these orders, except under peculiar necessity. "given under our hands the 16th of may 1826. (signed) "melville. "g. cockburn. "to phillip p. king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, at plymouth. "by command of their lordships. (signed) "j. w. croker." on the 22d of may, 1826, the adventure and beagle sailed from plymouth; and, in their way to rio de janeiro, called successively at madeira, teneriffe, and st. jago. unfavourable weather prevented a boat being sent ashore at the northern part of san antonio; but observations were made in terrafal bay, on the south-west side of the island: and, after crossing the equator, the trade-wind hung so much to the southward, that trinidad could not be approached without a sacrifice of time, which, it was considered, might be prejudicial to more important objects of the expedition. both ships anchored at rio de janeiro on the {xx} 10th of august, and remained there until the 2d of october, when they sailed to the river plata. in maldonado,[3] their anchors were dropped on the 13th of the same month; and, till the 12th of november, each vessel was employed on the north side of the river, between cape st. mary and monte video. * * * * * {xxi} contents volume i. ----- chapter i. page departure from monte video--port santa elena--geological remarks--cape fairweather--non-existence of chalk--natural history--approach to cape virgins, and the strait of magalhaens (or magellan) 1 chapter ii. enter the strait of magalhaens (or magellan), and anchor off cape possession--first narrow--gregory bay--patagonian indians--second narrow--elizabeth island--freshwater bay- fuegian indians--arrival at port famine 12 chapter iii. prepare the beagle, and a decked boat (the hope) for surveying the strait--beagle sails westward, and the hope towards the south-east--sarmiento's voyage--and description of the colony formed by him at port famine--steamer duck- large trees--parroquets--mount tarn--barometrical observations--geological character--report of the hope's cruise 26 chapter iv. deer seen--hope sails again--eagle bay--gabriel channel- 'williwaws'--port waterfall--natives--admiralty sound- gabriel channel--magdalen channel--hope returns to port famine--san antonio--lomas bay--loss of boat--master and two seamen drowned 48 {xxii} chapter v. lieutenant sholl arrives--beagle returns--loss of the saxe coburg sealer--captain stokes goes to fury harbour to save her crew--beagle's proceedings--bougainville's memorial- cordova's memorial--beagle's danger--difficulties--captain stokes's boat-cruise--passages--natives--dangerous service- western entrance of the strait of magalhaens--hope's cruise--prepare to return to monte video 65 chapter vi. trees--leave port famine--patagonians--gregory bay- bysante--maria--falkner's account of the natives- indians seen on the borders of the otway water, in 1829- maria visits the adventure--religious ceremony--patagonian encampment--tomb of a child--women's employment- children--gratitude of a native--size of patagonians- former accounts of their gigantic height--character- articles for barter--fuegians living with patagonians- ships sail--arrive at monte video and rio de janeiro 84 chapter vii. leave rio de janeiro--santos--sta. catharina--monte video--purchase the adelaide schooner, for a tender to the adventure--leave monte video--beagle goes to port desire--shoals off cape blanco--bellaco rock--cape virgins--possession bay--first narrow--race--gregory bay--view--tomb--traffic with natives--cordial meeting- maria goes on board--natives intoxicated--laredo bay- port famine 106 chapter viii. find that the cutter had been burned--anxiety for the beagle--uxbridge sealer--beagle arrives--her cruise- bellaco rock--san julian--santa cruz--gallegos--adeona- {xxiii} death of lieutenant sholl--adelaide sails--supposed channel of san antonio--useless bay--natives--port san antonio--humming-birds--fuegians--beagle sails--sarmiento- roldan--pond--whales--structure--scenery--port gallant 118 chapter ix. detention in port gallant--humming-birds in snow showers- fuegians--geological remarks--canoes--carving--birds- fish--shag narrows--glaciers--avalanches--natives- climate--winter setting in--adelaide loses a boat- floods--lightning--scurvy--adelaide's survey--bougainville harbour--indians cross the strait, and visit port famine- sealing vessels sail--scurvy increases--adelaide sent for guanaco meat--return of the beagle--captain stokes very ill--adelaide brings meat from the patagonians--death of captain stokes 133 chapter x. account of the beagle's cruise--borja bay--cape quod- stuart bay--cape notch--remarks on weather, and errors of chart--evangelists--santa lucia--madre de dios--gulf of trinidad--port henry--puma's track--humming-birds--very bad weather--campana island--dangers--gale--wet--sick- santa barbara--wager's beam--wigwams--guaineco islands- cape tres montes--st. paul--port otway--hoppner sound- cape raper 154 chapter xi. leave port otway--san quintin sound--gulf of peñas--kelly harbour--st. xavier island--death of serjeant lyndsey- port xavier--ygnacio bay--channel's mouth--bad weather- perilous situation--lose the yawl--sick list--return to port otway--thence to port famine--gregory bay--natives- guanaco meat--skunk--condors--brazilians--juanico--captain foster--changes of officers 173 {xxiv} chapter xii. adventure sails from rio de janeiro to the river plata- gorriti--maldonado--extraordinary pampero--beagle's losses--ganges arrives--another pampero--go up the river for water--gale, and consequent detention--sail from monte video--part from consorts--port desire--tower rock- skeletons--sea bear bay--fire--guanacoes--port desire inlet--indian graves--vessels separate--captain foster- chanticleer--cape horn--kater peak--sail from st. martin cove--tribute to captain foster--valparaiso--santiago- pinto heights--chilóe--aldunate 189 chapter xiii. beagle and adelaide anchor in possession bay--beagle passes the first narrow--fogs--pecket harbour--adelaide arrives with guanaco meat--portuguese seamen--peculiar light--party missing--return--proceed towards port famine--fuegians--lieut. skyring--adelaide sails to survey magdalen and barbara channels--views--lyell sound--kempe harbour--cascade bay--san pedro sound--port gallant- diet--rain--awnings--boat cruise--warning--jerome channel--blanket bags--otway water--frequent rain- difficulty in lighting fires 212 chapter xiv. place for a settlement--frost--boats in danger--narrow escape--sudden change--beagle hills--fuegian painting- tides--medicine--water warmer than the air--jerome channel--mr. stokes returns to the beagle--cape quod- snowy sound--whale sound--choiseul bay--return to the beagle--adelaide returns--plan of operations--difficulties removed--preparations--wear and tear of clothing--ascend the mountain de la cruz--sail from port gallant--tides- borja bay--cape quod--gulf of xaultegua--frost and snow- meet adelaide--part--enter pacific--arrive at chilóe 230 {xxv} chapter xv. extracts from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves--magdalen channel--keats sound--mount sarmiento- barrow head--cockburn channel--prevalence of south-west winds--melville sound--ascent of mount skyring--memorial- cockburn and barbara channels--mass of islets and rocks- hewett bay--cypress trees useful--adelaide rejoins beagle in port gallant--captain king's narrative resumed--plan of future proceedings--adelaide arrives at chilóe--abstract of lieutenant skyring's account of her proceedings--smyth channel--mount burney--'ancon sin salida'--natives--kirke narrow--guia narrow--peculiar tides--indians in plank canoes--passage to chilóe 251 chapter xvi. chilóe--its probable importance--valdivia founds seven cities; afterwards destroyed by the indians--migration of spanish settlers--province and islands of chilóe--districts and population--government--defence--winds--town- durability of wooden buildings--cultivation--want of industry--improvement--dress--habits of lower classes- morality--schools--language--produce--manufactures- exports and imports--varieties of wood--alerse--roads- piraguas--ploughs--corn--potatoes--contributions--birds- shell-fish--medical practitioners--remedies--climate 269 chapter xvii. chilóe the last spanish possession in south america- freyre's expedition--failure--second expedition under freyre and blanco--quintanilla's capitulation--chilóe taken--aldunate placed in command--chilóe a dependency of chile--beagle sails to sea coast of tierra del fuego- adelaide repaired--adelaide sails--adventure goes to {xxvi} valparaiso--juan fernandez--fishery--goats--dogs- geology--botany--shells--spanish accounts--anson's voyage--talcahuano--concepcion--pinoleo--araucanian indians--re-enter the strait of magalhaens--fuegians 298 chapter xviii. adelaide's last cruise--port otway--san quintin--marine islands--unknown river or passage--san tadeo--isthmus of ofqui--san rafael--sufferings and route of wager's party--channel's mouth--byron--cheap--elliot--hamilton- campbell--indian cacique--passage of the desecho- osorio--xavier island--jesuit sound--kirke's report- night tides--guaianeco islands--site of the wager's wreck--bulkely and cummings--speedwell bay--indigenous wild potato--mesier channel--fatal bay--death of mr. millar--fallos channel--lieutenant skyring's illness- english narrow--fish--wigwams--indians--level bay--brazo ancho--eyre sound--seal--icebergs--walker bay--nature of the country--habits of the natives--scarcity of population 323 chapter xix. sarmiento channel--ancon sin salida--cape earnest--canal of the mountains--termination of the andes--kirke narrow- easter bay--disappointment bay--obstruction sound--last hope inlet--swans--coots--deer river--lagoon--singular eddies--passage of the narrow--arrival at port famine- zoological remarks 346 chapter xx. beagle sails from san carlos--enters strait--harbour of mercy--cape pillar--apostles--judges--landfall island- cape gloucester--dislocation harbour--week islands- fuegians--latitude bay--boat's crew in distress--petrel- passages--otway bay--cape tate--fincham islands- {xxvii} deepwater sound--breaker bay--grafton islands--geological remarks--barbara channel--mount skyring--compasses affected--drawings--provisions--opportunities lost 360 chapter xxi. skyring's chart--noir island--penguins--fuegians- sarmiento--townshend harbour--horace peaks--cape desolation--boat lost--basket--search in desolation bay- natives--heavy gale--surprise--seizure--consequences- return to beagle--sail to stewart harbour--set out again--escape of natives--unavailing search--discomforts- tides--nature of coast--doris cove--christmas sound- cook--york-minster--march harbour--build a boat- treacherous rocks--skirmish with the natives--captives- boat memory--petrel 386 chapter xxii. mr. murray returns--go to new year sound--see diego ramirez islands from henderson island--weddell's indian cove--sympiesometer--return to christmas sound--beagle sails--passes the ildefonso and diego ramirez islands- anchors in nassau bay--orange bay--yapoos--mr. murray discovers the beagle channel--numerous natives- guanacoes--compasses affected--cape horn--specimens- chanticleer--mistake about st. francis bay--diego ramirez islands--climate--san joachim cove--barnevelt isles- evouts isle--lennox harbour 417 chapter xxiii. set out in boats--find guanacoes--murray narrow--birch fungus--tide--channel--glaciers--view--mountains- unbroken chain--passages--steam-vessels--jemmy button- puma--nest--accident--natives--murray's journal--cape graham--cape kinnaird--spaniard harbour--valentyn bay- {xxviii} cape good success--natives--lennox island--strait le maire--good success bay--accident--tide race--san vicente--san diego--tides--soundings--north-east coast- san sebastian--reflections--port desire--monte video- santa catharina--rio de janeiro 438 chapter xxiv. a few nautical remarks upon the passage round cape horn; and upon that through the strait of magalhaens, or magellan 463 {xxix} directions to the binder for placing the plates. volume i. map of south america loose. strait of magalhaens loose. patagonian frontispiece. monte video to face page 1 distant view of mount sarmiento (with two other views) 26 curious peak--admiralty sound (with other views) 52 patagonian 'toldo' and tomb 94 monte video mole 105 rio de janeiro 106 fuegian wigwams at hope harbour, in the magdalen channel 126 monte video--custom-house 187 corcovado mountain 188 mount sarmiento 252 san carlos de chilóe 275 breast ploughing in chilóe 287 point arena--chilóe (with other views) 300 south west opening of cockburn channel (with views of headlands) 407 wollaston island, near cape horn 433 chart of a part of south america, by captain p. p. king 463 -----note.--the loose plates are to be folded into pockets in the covers of the volumes. * * * * * errata et corrigenda. -----page 76, line 4 from bottom, _for_ lying, _read_ being. 118, heading, line 4, _for_ beagle sailed, _read_ beagle sails. 123, line 17, _insert_ narrow, _before_ and shoal. 164, line 23, _instead of_ the, _read_ our. 174, line 6, _for_ cuts, _read_ cut. 193, line 5, _for_ have, _read_ had. 223, (note) line 2 from bottom, _for_ they, _read_ he. 229, line 9, _for _was, _read_ were. 265, line 8, _after_ day, _insert a_ colon _instead of a_ comma. 273, line 21, _after_ as well, _insert_ as. 301, line 23, _for_ lieutenants skyring and graves again took with them, _read_ lieutenant skyring again took with him. 411, line 2, _dele_ the. 437, line 16, _for_ contiue, _read_ continue. 443, line 19, _for_ wit, _read_ with. 462, line 21, _for_ santa catalina, _read_ santa catharina. 473, line 17, _after_ which is, _insert_ a. 481, bottom line, _for_ 53. 32. 30, _read_ 53. 52. 30. 485, line 7, (of positions) _for_ 53. 31, _read_ 53. 51. ---bottom line, _for_ 11. 51, _read_ 3. 26. 488, line 9, _for_ northern, _read_ southern. 489, line 4 from bottom, _for_ 46. 03, _read_ 46. 30; and _for_ 40. 50, _read_ 40. 05. 490, line 6, _for_ 50°, _read_ 49°. 491, line 6, _for_ 36. 56, _read_ 36. 16. 493, line 9, _for_ 54. 30. 00, _read_ 54. 05. 20; and _for_ 73. 1. 30, _read_ 73. 25. 30. 526, _for_ variation, _read_ dip. mammalia. 529, line 8, _for_ harlau _read_ harlan. 531, line 6, _for_ keroda _read_ kerodon. birds. 532, line 1, _for_ dumérel, _read_ duméril. ---line 7, _for_ miloago, _read_ milvago. ---line 19, _for_ sparoerius, _read_ sparverius. 533, line 16, _dele_ spix. ---bottom line, _for_ silvia, _read_ sylvia, and in next page the same. 534, line 12, _dele_ fursa, veillot. ---line 10 from bottom, _for_ smaragdimis, _read_ smaragdinus. 536, line 9 from bottom, _for_ strutheo, _read_ struthio. ---line 6 from bottom, for _rinacea_, read _binacea_. 537, line 14, _for_ totamus, _read_ totanus. 538, line 5, for _subtas_, read _subtus_. ---lower lines, _where_ hoematopus occurs, _read_ hæmatopus. 540, last line, for _meneque_, read _mineque_; and for _pariè_, read _parcè_. 541, line 12, _for_ catarrhoctes, _read_ catarrhactes. ---line 2 from bottom, for _ud_, read _ad_. 543, line 13, for _gracillimus_, read _gracillimis_. shells. 545, last line, for _brachyptera_, read _brachypterus_; for _patachonica_, read _patachonicus_. * * * * * [illustration: c. martens t. landseer monte video. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] * * * * * {1} surveying voyages of the adventure and the beagle, 1826-1830. -----chapter i. departure from monte video--port santa elena--geological remarks--cape fairweather--non-existence of chalk--natural history--approach to cape virgins, and the strait of magalhaens (or magellan) we sailed from monte video on the 19th of november 1826; and, in company with the beagle, quitted the river plata. according to my instructions, the survey was to commence at cape san antonio, the southern limit of the entrance of the plata; but, for the following urgent reasons, i decided to begin with the southern coasts of patagonia, and tierra del fuego, including the straits of magalhaens.[4] in the first place, they presented a field of great interest and novelty; and secondly, the climate of the higher southern latitudes being so severe and tempestuous, it appeared important to encounter its rigours while the ships were in good condition--while the crews were healthy--and while the charms of a new and difficult enterprize had full force. {2} our course was therefore southerly, and in latitude 45° south, a few leagues northward of port santa elena, we first saw the coast of patagonia. i intended to visit that port; and, on the 28th, anchored, and landed there. seamen should remember that a knowledge of the tide is of especial consequence in and near port santa elena. during a calm we were carried by it towards reefs which line the shore, and were obliged to anchor until a breeze sprung up. the coast along which we had passed, from point lobos to the north-east point of port santa elena, appeared to be dry and bare of vegetation. there were no trees; the land seemed to be one long extent of undulating plain, beyond which were high, flat-topped hills of a rocky, precipitous character. the shore was fronted by rocky reefs extending two or three miles from high-water mark, which, as the tide fell, were left dry, and in many places were covered with seals. as soon as we had secured the ships, captain stokes accompanied me on shore to select a place for our observations. we found the spot which the spanish astronomers of malaspina's voyage (in 1798) used for their observatory, the most convenient for our purpose. it is near a very steep shingle (stony) beach at the back of a conspicuous red-coloured, rocky projection which terminates a small bay, on the western side, at the head of the port. the remains of a wreck, which proved to be that of an american whaler, the decatur of new york, were found upon the extremity of the same point; she had been driven on shore from her anchors during a gale. the sight of the wreck, and the steepness of the shingle beach just described, evidently caused by the frequent action of a heavy sea, did not produce a favourable opinion of the safety of the port: but as it was not the season for easterly gales, to which only the anchorage is exposed, and as appearances indicated a westerly wind, we did not anticipate danger. while we were returning on board, the wind blew so strongly that we had much difficulty in reaching the ships, and the boats were no sooner hoisted up, and every thing {3} made snug, than it blew a hard gale from the s.w. the water however, from the wind being off the land, was perfectly smooth, and the ships rode securely through the night: but the following morning the gale increased, and veered to the southward, which threw a heavy sea into the port, placing us, to say the least, in a very uneasy situation. happily it ceased at sunset. in consequence of the unfavourable state of the weather, no attempt was made to land in order to observe an eclipse of the sun; to make which observation was one reason for visiting this port. the day after the gale, while i was employed in making some astronomical observations, a party roamed about in quest of game: but with little success, as they killed only a few wild ducks. the fire which they made for cooking communicated to the dry stubbly grass, and in a few minutes the whole country was in a blaze. the flames continued to spread during our stay, and, in a few days, more than fifteen miles along the coast, and seven or eight miles into the interior were overrun by the fire. the smoke very much impeded our observations, for at times it quite obscured the sun. the geological structure of this part of the country, and a considerable portion of the coast to the north and south, consists of a fine-grained porphyritic clay slate. the summits of the hills near the coast are generally of a rounded form, and are paved, as it were, with small, rounded, siliceous pebbles, imbedded in the soil, and in no instance lying loose or in heaps; but those of the interior are flat-topped, and uniform in height, for many miles in extent. the valleys and lower elevations, notwithstanding the poverty and parched state of the soil, were partially covered with grass and shrubby plants, which afford sustenance to numerous herds of guanacoes. many of these animals were observed feeding near the beach when we were working into the bay, but they took the alarm, so that upon landing we only saw them at a considerable distance. in none of our excursions could we find any water that had not a brackish taste. several wells have been dug in the valleys, both near the sea and at a considerable distance from it, by the {4} crews of sealing vessels; but, except in the rainy season, they all contain saltish water. this observation is applicable to nearly the whole extent of the porphyritic country. oyster-shells, three or four inches in diameter, were found, scattered over the hills, to the height of three or four hundred feet above the sea. sir john narborough, in 1652, found oyster-shells at port san julian; but, from a great many which have been lately collected there, we know that they are of a species different from that found at port santa elena. both are fossils. no recent specimen of the genus _ostrea_ was found by us on any part of the patagonian coast. narborough, in noticing those at port san julian, says, "they are the biggest oyster-shells that i ever saw, some six, some seven inches broad, yet not one oyster to be found in the harbour: whence i conclude they were here when the world was formed." the short period of our visit did not enable us to add much to natural history. of quadrupeds we saw guanacoes, foxes, cavies, and the armadillo; but no traces of the puma (_felis concolor_), or south american lion, although it is to be met with in the interior. i mentioned that a herd of guanacoes was feeding near the shore when we arrived. every exertion was made to obtain some of the animals; but, either from their shyness, or our ignorance of the mode of entrapping them, we tried in vain, until the arrival of a small sealing-vessel, which had hastened to our assistance, upon seeing the fires we had accidentally made, but which her crew thought were intended for signals of distress. they shot two, and sent some of the meat on board the adventure. the next day, mr. tarn succeeded in shooting one, a female, which, when skinned and cleaned, weighed 168 lbs. narborough mentions having killed one at port san julian, that weighed, "cleaned in his quarters, 268 lbs." the watchful and wary character of this animal is very remarkable. whenever a herd is feeding, one is posted, like a sentinel, on a height; and, at the approach of danger, gives instant alarm by a loud neigh, when away they all go, at a hand-gallop, to the next eminence, where they quietly resume their feeding, {5} until again warned of the approach of danger by their vigilant 'look-out.' another peculiarity of the guanaco is, the habit of resorting to particular spots for natural purposes. this is mentioned in the 'dictionnaire d'histoire naturelle,' in the 'encyclopédie méthodique,' as well as other works. in one place we found the bones of thirty-one guanacoes collected within a space of thirty yards, perhaps the result of an encampment of indians, as evident traces of them were observed; among which were a human jaw-bone, and a piece of agate ingeniously chipped into the shape of a spear-head. the fox, which we did not take, appeared to be small, and similar to a new species afterwards found by us in the strait of magalhaens. the cavia[5] (or, as it is called by narborough, byron, and wood, the hare, an animal from which it differs both in appearance and habits, as well as flavour), makes a good dish; and so does the armadillo, which our people called the shell-pig.[6] this little animal is found abundantly about the low land, and lives in burrows underground; several were taken by the seamen, and, when cooked in their shells, were savoury and wholesome. teal were abundant upon the marshy grounds. a few partridges, doves, and snipes, a rail, and some hawks were shot. the few sea-birds that were observed consisted of two species of gulls, a grebe and a penguin (_aptenodytes magellanica_). we found two species of snakes and several kinds of lizards. fish were scarce, as were also insects; of the last, our {6} collections consisted only of a few species of _coleoptera_, two or three _lepidoptera_, and two _hymenoptera_. among the sea-shells, the most abundant was the _patella deaurata_, lamk.; this, with three other species of patella, one _chiton_, three species of _mytilus_, three of _murex_, one of _crepidula_, and a _venus_, were all that we collected. about the country, near the sea-shore, there is a small tree, whose stem and roots are highly esteemed for fuel by the crews of sealing-vessels which frequent this coast. they call it 'piccolo.' the leaf was described to me as having a prickle upon it, and the flower as of a yellow colour. a species of berberis also is found, which when ripe may afford a very palatable fruit. our short visit gave us no flattering opinion of the fertility of the country near this port. of the interior we were ignorant; but, from the absence of indians and the scarcity of fresh water, it is probably very bare of pasturage. falkner, the jesuit missionary, says these parts were used by the tehuelhet tribes for burying-places: we saw, however, no graves, nor any traces of bodies, excepting the jaw-bone above-mentioned; but subsequently, at sea bear bay, we found many places on the summits of the hills which had evidently been used for such a purpose, although then containing no remains of bodies. this corresponds with falkner's account, that after a period of twelve months the sepulchres are formally visited by the tribe, when the bones of their relatives and friends are collected and carried to certain places, where the skeletons are arranged in order, and tricked out with all the finery and ornaments they can collect. the ships sailed from port santa elena on the 5th december, and proceeded to the southward, coasting the shore as far as cape two bays. our object being to proceed with all expedition to the strait of magalhaens, the examination of this part of the coast was reserved for a future opportunity. on the 13th, we had reached within fifty miles of cape virgins, the headland at the entrance of the strait, but it was directly in the wind's eye {7} of us. the wind veering to s.s.w., we made about a west course. at day-light the land was in sight, terminating in a point to the s.w., so exactly like the description of cape virgins and the view of it in alison's voyage, that without considering our place on the chart, or calculating the previous twenty-four hours' run, it was taken for the cape itself, and, no one suspecting a mistake, thought of verifying the ship's position. the point, however, proved to be cape fairweather. it was not a little singular, that the same mistake should have been made on board the beagle, where the error was not discovered for three days.[7] from the appearance of the weather i was anxious to approach the land in order to anchor, as there seemed to be every likelihood of a gale; and we were not deceived, for at three o'clock, being within seven miles of the cape, a strong wind sprung up from the s.w., and the anchor was dropped. towards evening it blew so hard, that both ships dragged their anchors for a considerable distance. on the charts of this part of the coast the shore is described to be formed of "chalk hills, like the coast of kent." to geologists, therefore, especially, as they were not disposed to believe that such was the fact, this was a question of some interest. from our anchorage the appearance of the land favoured our belief of the existence of chalk. the outline was very level and steep; precipitous cliffs of whitish colour, stratified horizontally, with their upper part occasionally worn into hollows, strongly resembled the chalk cliffs of the english coasts. the gale prevented our landing for three days, when (19th) a few minutes sufficed to discover that the cliffs were composed {8} of soft clay, varying in colour and consistence, and disposed in strata running horizontally for many miles without interruption, excepting where water-courses had worn them away. some of the strata were very fine clay, unmixed with any other substance, whilst others were plentifully strewed with round siliceous gravel,[8] without any vestige of organic remains. the sea beach, from high-water mark to the base of the cliffs, is formed by shingle, with scattered masses of indurated clay of a green colour.[9] between the high and low tide marks there is a smooth beach of the same green clay as the masses above-mentioned, which appears to have been hardened by the action of the surf to the consistence of stone. generally this beach extends for about one hundred yards farther into the sea, and is succeeded by a soft green mud, over which the water gradually deepens. the outer edge of the clay forms a ledge, extending parallel with the coast, upon the whole length of which the sea breaks, and over it a boat can with difficulty pass at low water. the very few shells we found were dead. strewed about the beach were numbers of fish, some of which had been thrown on shore by the last tide, and were scarcely stiff. they principally belonged to the genus _ophidium_; the largest that we saw measured four feet seven inches in length, and weighed twenty-four pounds. many caught alongside the ship were, in truth, coarse and insipid; yet our people, who fed heartily upon them, called them ling, and thought them palatable. the hook, however, furnished us with a very wholesome and well-flavoured species of cod (_gadus_). attached to the first we found two parasitical animals; one was a _cymothoa_, the other a species of _lernæa_, which had so {9} securely attached itself under the skin, as not to be removed without cutting off a piece of the flesh with it. an undescribed species of _muræna_ was also taken. whilst we were on shore, the beagle moved eight or nine miles nearer to the cape, where captain stokes landed to fix positions of remarkable land. one peaked hill, from the circumstance of his seeing a large animal near it, he called tiger mount. mr. bowen shot a guanaco; and being at a distance in shore, unable to procure assistance, he skinned and quartered it with his pocket-knife, and carried it upon his shoulders to the boat. next morning the ships weighed, and proceeded towards cape virgins. when a-breast of cape fairweather, the opening of the river gallegos was very distinctly seen; but the examination of it was deferred to a future opportunity. passing onward, the water shoaled to four fathoms, until we had passed extensive banks, which front the river. our approach to the entrance of the strait, although attended with anxiety, caused sensations of interest and pleasure not easily to be described. though dangers were experienced by some navigators who had passed it, the comparative facility with which others had effected the passage showed that, at times, the difficulties were easily surmounted, and we were willing to suppose that in the former case there might have been some little exaggeration. the most complete, and, probably, the only good account of the navigation of the strait of magalhaens is contained in the narrative of don antonio de cordova, who commanded the spanish frigate santa maria de la cabeza, on a voyage expressly for the purpose of exploring the strait. it was published under the title of 'ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes.' that voyage was, however, concluded with only the examination of the eastern part, and a subsequent expedition was made, under the command of the same officer, the account of which was appended to the cabeza's voyage; so that cordova's expedition still retained the appellation of 'ultimo {10} viage, &c.' it is written in a plain and simple style, gives a most correct account of every thing seen, and should therefore be in the possession of every person who attempts the navigation of the strait. cordova's account of the climate is very uninviting. speaking of the rigours of the summer months (january, february, and march), he says, "seldom was the sky clear, and short were the intervals in which we experienced the sun's warmth: no day passed by without some rain having fallen, and the most usual state of the weather was that of constant rain."[10] the accounts of wallis and carteret are still more gloomy. the former concludes that part of his narrative with the following dismal and disheartening description: "thus we quitted a dreary and inhospitable region, where we were in almost continual danger of shipwreck for near four months, having entered the strait on the 17th of december, and quitted it on the 11th of april 1767: a region where, in the midst of summer, the weather was cold, gloomy, and tempestuous, where the prospects had more the appearance of a chaos than of nature; and where for the most part the valleys were without herbage and the hills without wood." these records of cordova and wallis made me feel not a little apprehensive for the health of the crew, which could not be expected to escape uninjured through the rigours of such a climate. nor were the narratives of byron or bougainville calculated to lessen my anxiety. in an account, however, of a voyage to the strait by m. a. duclos guyot, the following paragraph tended considerably to relieve my mind upon the subject:--"at length, on saturday the 23d of march, we sailed out of that famous strait, so much dreaded, after having experienced that there, as well as in other places, it was very fine, and very warm, and that for three-fourths of the time the sea was perfectly calm." in every view of the case, our proximity to the principal scene of action occasioned sensations of a peculiar nature, in which, however, those that were most agreeable and hopeful {11} preponderated. the officers and crews of both ships were healthy, and elated with the prospect before them; our vessels were in every respect strong and sea-worthy; and we were possessed of every comfort and resource necessary for encountering much greater difficulties than we had any reason to anticipate. * * * * * there has existed much difference of opinion as to the correct mode of spelling the name of the celebrated navigator who discovered this strait. the french and english usually write it magellan, and the spaniards magallanes; but by the portuguese (and he was a native of portugal) it is universally written magalhaens. admiral burney and mr. dalrymple spell it magalhanes, which mode i have elsewhere adopted, but i have since convinced myself of the propriety of following the portuguese orthography for a name which, to this day, is very common both in portugal and brazil. * * * * * {12} chapter ii. enter the straits of magalhaens (or magellan), and anchor off cape possession--first narrow--gregory bay--patagonian indians--second narrow--elizabeth island--freshwater bay--fuegian indians--arrival at port famine. a contrary tide and light winds detained us at anchor near cape virgins until four o'clock in the afternoon, when, with the turn of the tide, a light air carried us past dungeness point, aptly named by wallis from its resemblance to that in the english channel. a great number of seals were huddled together upon the bank, above the wash of the tide, whilst others were sporting about in the surf. cape possession was in sight, and with the wind and tide in our favour we proceeded until ten o'clock, when the anchor was dropped. at daylight we found ourselves six miles to the eastward of the cape. the anchor was then weighed, and was again dropped at three miles from the cape until the afternoon, when we made another attempt; but lost ground, and anchored a third time. before night a fourth attempt was made, but the tide prevented our making any advance, and we again anchored. mount aymond[11] and "his four sons," or (according to the old quaint nomenclature) the asses' ears, had been in sight all day, as well as a small hummock of land on the s.w. horizon, which afterwards proved to be the peaked hillock upon cape orange, at the south side of the entrance to the first narrow. at this anchorage the tide fell thirty feet, but the strength of the current, compared with the rate at which we afterwards found it to run, was inconsiderable. here we first experienced {13} the peculiar tides of which former navigators have written. during the first half of the flood[12] or westward tide, the depth decreased, and then, after a short interval, increased until three hours after the stream of tide had begun to run to the eastward. the following morning (21st) we gained a little ground. our glasses were directed to the shore in search of inhabitants, for it was hereabouts that byron, and wallis, and some of the spanish navigators held communication with the patagonian indians; but we saw none. masses of large sea-weed,[13] drifting with the tide, floated past the ship. a description of this remarkable plant, although it has often been given before, may not be irrelevant here. it is rooted upon rocks or stones at the bottom of the sea, and rises to the surface, even from great depths. we have found it firmly fixed to the ground more than twenty fathoms under water, yet trailing along the surface for forty or fifty feet. when firmly rooted it shows the set of the tide or current. it has also the advantage of indicating rocky ground: for wherever there are rocks under water, their situation is, as it were, buoyed by a mass of sea-weed[14] on the surface of the sea, of larger extent than that of the danger below. in many instances perhaps it causes unnecessary alarm, since it often grows in deep water; but it should not be entered without its vicinity having been sounded, especially if seen in masses, with the extremities of the stems trailing along the surface. if there be no tide, or if the wind and tide are the same way, the plant lies smoothly upon the water, but if the wind be against the tide, the leaves curl up and are visible at a distance, giving a rough, rippling appearance to the surface of the water. during the last two days the dredge had furnished us with a few specimens of _infundibulum_ of sowerby (_patella trochi-formis_, lin.), and some dead shells (_murex magellanicus_) were brought up by the sounding-lead. we made another attempt next morning, but again lost {14} ground, and the anchor was dropped for the eighth time. the threatening appearances of the clouds, and a considerable fall of the barometer indicating bad weather, captain stokes agreed with me in thinking it advisable to await the spring-tides to pass the first narrow: the ships were therefore made snug for the expected gale, which soon came on, and we remained several days wind-bound, with top-masts struck, in a rapid tide-way, whose stream sometimes ran seven knots. on the 28th, with some appearance of improving weather, we made an attempt to pass through the narrow. the wind blowing strong, directly against us, and strengthening as we advanced, caused a hollow sea, that repeatedly broke over us. the tide set us through the narrow very rapidly, but the gale was so violent that we could not show more sail than was absolutely necessary to keep the ship under command. wearing every ten minutes, as we approached either shore, lost us a great deal of ground, and as the anchorage we left was at a considerable distance from the entrance of the narrows, the tide was not sufficient to carry us through. at slack water the wind fell, and as the weather became fine, i was induced to search for anchorage near the south shore. the sight of kelp, however, fringing the coast, warned me off, and we were obliged to return to an anchorage in possession bay. the beagle had already anchored in a very favourable berth; but the tide was too strong to permit us to reach the place she occupied, and our anchor was dropped a mile astern of her, in nineteen fathoms. the tide was then running five, and soon afterwards six miles an hour. had the western tide set with equal strength, we should have succeeded in passing the narrow. our failure, however, answered the good purpose of making us more acquainted with the extent of a bank that lines the northern side of possession bay, and with the time of the turn of tide in the narrow; which on this day (new moon) took place within a few minutes of noon. as we passed cape orange, some indians were observed lighting a fire under the lee of the hill to attract our notice; but we were too busily engaged to pay much attention to {15} their movements. guanacoes also were seen feeding near the beach, which was the first intimation we had of the existence of that animal southward of the strait of magalhaens. when day broke (29th) it was discovered that the ship had drifted considerably during the night. the anchor was weighed, and with a favourable tide we reached an anchorage a mile in advance of the beagle. we had shoaled rather suddenly to eight fathoms, upon which the anchor was immediately dropped, and on veering cable the depth was eleven fathoms. we had anchored on the edge of a bank, which soon afterwards, by the tide falling, was left dry within one hundred yards of the ship. finding ourselves so near a shoal, preparations were made to prevent the ship from touching it. an anchor was dropped under foot, and others were got ready to lay out, for the depth alongside had decreased from eleven to seven fathoms, and was still falling. fortunately we had brought up to leeward of the bank, and suffered no inconvenience; the flood made, and as soon as possible the ship was shifted to another position, about half a mile to the s.e., in a situation very favourable for our next attempt to pass the narrow. this night the tide fell thirty-six feet, and the stream ran six knots. the ensuing morning we made another attempt to get through the narrow, and, from having anchored so close to its entrance, by which the full benefit of the strength, as well as the whole duration of the tide was obtained, we succeeded in clearing it in two hours, although the distance was more than twenty miles, and the wind directly against us, the sea, as before, breaking repeatedly over the ship. after emerging from the narrow we had to pass through a heavy 'race' before we 'reached' out of the influence of the stream that runs between the first and second narrow, but the tide lasted long enough to carry us to a quiet anchorage. in the evening we weighed again, and reached gregory bay, where the beagle joined us the next morning. since entering the strait, we had not had any communication {16} with the beagle on account of the weather, and the strength of the tide; this opportunity was therefore taken to supply her with water, of which she had only enough left for two days. the greater part of this day was spent on shore, examining the country and making observations. large smokes[15] were noticed to the westward. the shore was strewed with traces of men and horses, and other animals. foxes and ostriches were seen; and bones of guanacoes were lying about the ground. the country in the vicinity of this anchorage seemed open, low, and covered with good pasturage. it extends five or six miles, with a gradual ascent, to the base of a range of flat-topped land, whose summit is about fifteen hundred feet above the level of the sea. not a tree was seen; a few bushes[16] alone interrupted the uniformity of the view. the grass appeared to have been cropped by horses or guanacoes, and was much interspersed with cranberry plants, bearing a ripe and juicy, though very insipid fruit. next day the wind was too strong and adverse to permit us to proceed. in the early part of the morning an american sealing vessel, returning from the madre de dios archipelago on her way to the falkland islands, anchored near us. mr. cutler, her master, came on board the adventure, passed the day and night with us, and gave me much useful information respecting the nature of the navigation, and anchorages in the strait. he told me there was an englishman in his vessel who was a pilot for the strait, and willing to join the ship. i gladly accepted the offer of his services. in the evening an indian was observed on horseback riding to and fro upon the beach, but the weather prevented my sending a boat until the next morning, when lieutenant cooke went on shore to communicate with him and other indians who appeared, soon after dawn, upon the beach. on landing, he was received by them without the least distrust. they were eight or ten in number, consisting of an old man and his wife, three young men, and the rest children, all mounted on {17} good horses. the woman, who appeared to be about fifty years of age, was seated astride upon a pile of skins, hung round with joints of fresh guanaco meat and dried horse-flesh. they were all wrapped in mantles, made chiefly of the skins of guanacoes, sewed together with the sinews of the same animal. these mantles were large enough to cover the whole body. some were made of skins of the 'zorillo,' or skunk, an animal like a pole-cat, but ten times more offensive; and others, of skins of the puma. the tallest of the indians, excepting the old man, who did not dismount, was rather less than six feet in height. all were robust in appearance, and with respect to the head, length of body, and breadth of shoulders, of gigantic size; therefore, when on horseback, or seated in a boat, they appeared to be tall, as well as large men. in proportion to the parts above-mentioned, their extremities were very small and short, so that when standing they seemed but of a moderate size, and their want of proportion was concealed by the mantle, which enveloped the body entirely, the head and feet being the only parts exposed. when mr. cooke landed, he presented some medals[17] to the oldest man, and the woman; and suspended them round their necks. a friendly feeling being established, the natives dismounted, and even permitted our men to ride their horses, without evincing the least displeasure, at the free advantage taken of their good-nature. mr. cooke rode to the heights, whence he had a distinct view of the second narrow, and elizabeth island, whither, he explained to the indians who accompanied him, we were going. mr. cooke returned to the ship with three natives, whom he had induced to go with us to elizabeth island; the others were to meet them, and provide us with guanaco meat, to which arrangement the elders of the family had, after {18} much persuasion, assented. at first they objected to their companions embarking with us, unless we left hostages for their safety; but as this was refused, they did not press the point, and the three young men embarked. they went on board singing; in high glee. while the ship was getting under way, i went ashore to a larger number of indians who were waiting on the beach. when my boat landed they were mounted, and collected in one place. i was surprised to hear the woman accost me in spanish, of which, however, she knew but a few words. having presented medals to each of the party, they dismounted (excepting the elders), and in a few minutes became quite familiar. by this time captain stokes had landed, with several of his officers, who increased our party to nearly double the number of theirs: notwithstanding which they evinced neither fear nor uneasiness. the woman, whose name was maria, wished to be very communicative; she told me that the man was her husband, and that she had five children. one of the young men, whom we afterwards found to be a son of maria, who was a principal person of the tribe, was mounted upon a very fine horse, well groomed, and equipped with a bridle and saddle that would have done credit to a respectable horseman of buenos ayres or monte video. the young man wore heavy brass spurs, like those of the guachos of buenos ayres. the juvenile and feminine appearance of this youth made us think he was maria's daughter, nor was it until a subsequent visit that our mistake was discovered. the absence of whiskers and beard gives all the younger men a very effeminate look, and many cannot be distinguished, in appearance, from the women, but by the mode in which they wrap their mantles around them, and by their hair, which is turned up and confined by a fillet of worsted yarn. the women cross their mantle over the breast like a shawl, and fasten it together with two iron pins or skewers, round which are twisted strings of beads and other ornaments. they also wear their hair divided, and gathered into long tresses or tails, which hang one before each ear; and those who have short hair, wear false tails made of horse-hair. under {19} their mantle the women wear a sort of petticoat, and the men a triangular piece of hide instead of breeches. both sexes sit astride, but the women upon a heap of skins and mantles, when riding. the saddles and stirrups used by the men are similar to those of buenos ayres. the bits, also, are generally of steel; but those who cannot procure steel bits have a sort of snaffle, of wood, which must, of course, be frequently renewed. both sexes wear boots, made of the skins of horses' hind legs, of which the parts about the hock joints serve for the heels. for spurs, they use pieces of wood, pointed with iron, projecting backwards two or three inches on each side of the heel, connected behind by a broad strap of hide, and fastened under the foot and over the instep by another strap. the only weapons which we observed with these people were the 'bolas,' or balls, precisely similar to those used by the pampas indians; but they are fitter for hunting than for offence or defence. some are furnished with three balls, but in general there are only two. these balls are made of small bags or purses of hide, moistened, filled with iron pyrites, or some other heavy substance, and then dried. they are about the size of a hen's egg, and attached to the extremities of a thong, three or four yards in length. to use them, one ball is held in the hand, and the other swung several times around the head until both are thrown at the object, which they rarely miss. they wind round it violently, and if it be an animal, throw it down. the bolas, with three balls, similarly connected together, are thrown in the same manner. as more time could not be spared we went on board, reminding the natives, on leaving them, of their promise to bring us some guanaco meat. aided by the tide, the ships worked to windward through the second narrow, and reached an anchorage out of the strength of tide, but in an exposed situation. the wind having been very strong and against the tide, the ship had much motion, which made our patagonian passengers very sick, and heartily sorry for trusting themselves afloat. one of them, with tears in his eyes, begged to be landed, but was soon convinced of the difficulty of compliance, {20} and satisfied with our promise of sending him ashore on the morrow. after we anchored, the wind increased to a gale, in which the ship pitched so violently as to injure our windlass. its construction was bad originally, and the violent jerks received in possession bay had done it much damage. while veering cable, the support at one end gave way, and the axle of the barrel was forced out of the socket, by which some of the pawls were injured. fortunately, dangerous consequences were prevented, and a temporary repair was soon applied. the beagle, by her better sailing, had reached a more advanced situation, close to the n.e. end of elizabeth island, but had anchored disadvantageously in deep water, and in the strength of the tide. next morning we made an attempt to pass round elizabeth island, but found the breeze so strong that we were forced to return, and were fortunate enough to find good anchorage northward of the island, out of the tide. the patagonians, during the day, showed much uneasiness at being kept on board so much longer than they expected; but as they seemed to understand the cause of their detention, and as their sickness ceased when we reached smooth water, they gradually recovered their good-humour, and became very communicative. as well as we could understand their pronunciation, their names were 'coigh,' 'coichi,' and 'aighen.' the country behind cape negro they called 'chilpéyo;' the land of tierra del fuego, 'osch[=e]rri;' elizabeth island, 't[)u]rr[)e]tterr;' the island of santa magdalena, 'shr[=e]e-ket-tup;' and cape negro, 'o[=e]rkr[)e]ckur.' the indians of tierra del fuego, with whom they are not on friendly terms, are designated by them 's[)a]p[=a]ll[)i][)o]s.' this name was applied to them in a contemptuous tone. aighen's features were remarkably different from those of his companions. instead of a flat nose, his was aquiline and prominent, and his countenance was full of expression. he proved to be good-tempered, and easily pleased; and whenever a shade of melancholy began to appear, our assurance of {21} landing him on the morrow restored his good-humour, which was shown by singing and laughing. the dimensions of coichi's head were as follows:- from the top of the fore part of the head to the eyes 4 inches. do do to the tip of the nose 6 do do to the mouth 7 do do to the chin 9 width of the head across the temples 7½ breadth of the shoulders 18½ the head was long and flat, at the top; the forehead broad and high, but covered with hair to within an inch and a half of the eyebrow, which had scarcely any hair. the eyes were small, the nose was short, the mouth wide, and the lips thick. neck short, and shoulders very broad. the arms were short, and wanting in muscle, as were also the thighs and legs. the body was long and large, and the breast broad and expanded. his height was nearly six feet. the next day we rounded elizabeth island, and reached cape negro, where we landed the indians, after making them several useful presents, and sending some trifles by aighen to maria, who, with her tribe, had lighted large fires about the country behind peckett's harbour, to invite us to land. our passengers frequently pointed to them, telling us that they were made by maria, who had brought plenty of guanaco meat for us. our anxiety to reach port famine prevented delay, and, as soon as the boat returned, we proceeded along the coast towards freshwater bay, which we reached early enough in the afternoon to admit of a short visit to the shore. from cape negro the country assumed a very different character. instead of a low coast and open treeless shore, we saw steep hills, covered with lofty trees, and thick underwood. the distant mountains of tierra del fuego, covered with snow, were visible to the southward, some at a distance of sixty or seventy miles. we had now passed all the difficulties of the entrance, and had reached a quiet and secure anchorage. {22} the following day was calm, and so warm, that we thought if wallis and cordova were correct in describing the weather they met with, duclos guyot was equally entitled to credit; and we began to hope we had anticipated worse weather than we should experience. but this was an unusually fine day, and many weeks elapsed, afterwards, without its equal. the temperature of the air, in the shade on the beach, was 67½°, on the sand 87½°; and that of the water 55°. other observations were made, as well as a plan of the bay, of which there is a description in the sailing directions. here we first noticed the character of the vegetation in the strait, as so different from that of cape gregory and other parts of the patagonian coast, which is mainly attributable to the change of soil; the northern part being a very poor clay, whilst here a schistose sub-soil is covered by a mixture of alluvium, deposited by mountain streams; and decomposed vegetable matter, which, from the thickness of the forests, is in great quantity. two specimens of beech (_fagus betuloides_ and _antarctica_), the former an evergreen,--and the winter's bark (_wintera aromatica_), are the only trees of large size that we found here; but the underwood is very thick, and composed of a great variety of plants, of which _arbutus rigida_, two or three species of _berberis_, and a wild currant (_ribes antarctica_, bankes and solander mss.), at this time in flower, and forming long clustering bunches of young fruit, were the most remarkable. the berberis produces a berry of acidulous taste, that promised to be useful to us. a species of wild celery, also, which grows abundantly near the sea-shore, was valuable as an antiscorbutic. the trees in the immediate vicinity of the shore are small, but the beach was strewed with trunks of large trees, which seemed to have been drifted there by gales and high tides. a river falls into the bay, by a very narrow channel, near its south end; but it is small, and so blocked up by trees as not to be navigable even for the smallest boat: indeed, it is merely a mountain torrent, varying in size according to the state of the weather. {23} tracks of foxes were numerous about the beach, and the footsteps of a large quadruped, probably a puma, were observed. some teal and wild ducks were shot; and several geese were seen, but, being very wary, they escaped. upon point st. mary we noticed, for the first time, three or four huts or wigwams made by the fuegian indians, which had been deserted. they were not old, and merely required a slight covering of branches or skins to make them habitable. these wigwams are thus constructed: long slender branches, pointed at the end, are stuck into the ground in a circular or oval figure; their extremities are bent over, so as to form a rounded roof, and secured with ligatures of rush; leaving two apertures, one towards the sea, and the other towards the woods. the fire is made in the middle, and half fills the hut with smoke. there were no indians in the bay when we arrived, but, on the following evening, lieutenant sholl, in walking towards the south end of the bay, suddenly found himself close to a party which had just arrived in two canoes from the southward. approaching them, he found there were nine individuals--three men, and the remainder women and children. one of the women was very old, and so infirm as to require to be lifted out of the canoe and carried to the fire. they seemed to have no weapons of any consequence; but, from our subsequent knowledge of their habits, and disposition, the probability is they had spears, bows, and arrows concealed close at hand. the only implement found amongst them was a sort of hatchet or knife, made of a crooked piece of wood, with part of an iron hoop tied to the end. the men were very slightly clothed, having only the back protected by a seal's skin; but the females wore large guanaco mantles, like those of the patagonian indians, whom our pilot told us they occasionally met for the purpose of barter. some of the party were devouring seal's flesh, and drinking the oil extracted from its blubber, which they carried in bladders. the meat they were eating was probably part of a sea lion (_phoca jubata_); for mr. sholl found amongst them a portion of the neck of one of those animals, which is {24} remarkable for the long hair, "like a lion's mane," growing upon it. they appeared to be a most miserable, squalid race, very inferior, in every respect, to the patagonians. they did not evince the least uneasiness at mr. sholl's presence, or at our ships being close to them; neither did they interfere with him, but remained squatting round their fire while he staid near. this seeming indifference, and total want of curiosity, gave us no favourable opinion of their character as intellectual beings; indeed, they appeared to be very little removed from brutes; but our subsequent knowledge of them has convinced us that they are not usually deficient in intellect. this party was perhaps stupified by the unusual size of our ships, for the vessels which frequent this strait are seldom one hundred tons in burthen. we proceeded next morning at an early hour. the indians were already paddling across the bay in a northerly direction. upon coming abreast of them, a thick smoke was perceived to rise suddenly from their canoes; they had probably fed the fire, which they always carry in the middle of their canoe, with green boughs and leaves, for the purpose of attracting our attention, and inviting us to communicate with them. it was remarked that the country begins to be covered with trees at cape negro; but they are stunted, compared with those at freshwater bay. near this place, also, the country assumes a more verdant aspect, becoming also higher, and more varied in appearance. in the neighbourhood of rocky point some conspicuous portions of land were noticed, which, from the regularity of their shape, and the quantity as well as size of the trees growing at the edges, bore the appearance of having been once cleared ground; and our pilot robinson (possessing a most inventive imagination) informed us that they were fields, formerly cleared and cultivated by the spaniards, and that ruins of buildings had been lately discovered near them. for some time his story obtained credit, but it proved to be altogether void of foundation. these apparently cleared tracts were afterwards found to be occasioned by unusual poverty of soil, and by being overrun with thick {25} spongy moss, the vivid green colour of which produces, from a distance, an appearance of most luxuriant pasture land. sir john narborough noticed, and thus describes them: "the wood shows in many places as if there were plantations: for there were several clear places in the woods, and grass growing like fenced fields in england, the woods being so even by the sides of it."[18] the wind, after leaving freshwater bay, increased, with strong squalls from the s.w., at times blowing so hard as to lay the ship almost on her broadside. it was, however, so much in our favour, that we reached the entrance of port famine early, and after some little detention from baffling winds, which always render the approach to that bay somewhat difficult, the ships anchored in the harbour. * * * * * {26} chapter iii. prepare the beagle, and our decked boat (the hope) for surveying the strait--beagle sails westward, and the hope towards the south-east- sarmiento's voyage--and description of the colony formed by him at port famine--steamer-duck--large trees--parroquets--mount tarn--barometrical observations--geological character--report of the hope's cruize. in almost every account published of the strait of magalhaens, so much notice has been taken of port famine, that i had long considered it a suitable place for our purposes; and upon examination i found it offered so many advantages, that i did not hesitate to make it our head-quarters. as soon, therefore, as the ship was moored, tents were pitched, our decked-boat was hoisted out and hauled on shore, to be coppered and equipped for the survey;--and captain stokes received orders to prepare the beagle for examining the western part of the strait; previous to which she required to be partially refitted, and supplied with fuel and water. for several days after our arrival, we had much rain and strong south-westerly wind, with thick clouds, which concealed the high land to the southward; allowing us only now and then a partial glimpse. one evening (11th) the air was unusually clear, and many of the mountains in that direction were distinctly defined. we had assembled to take leave of our friends in the beagle, and were watching the gradual appearance of snow-capped mountains which had previously been concealed, when, bursting upon our view, as if by magic, a lofty mountain appeared towering among them; whose snowy mantle, strongly contrasted with the dark and threatening aspect of the sky, much enhanced the grandeur of the scene. [illustration: the hope, in the strait of magalhaens.] [illustration: the adelaide, in humming bird cove.] [illustration: p. p. king s. bull distant view of mt. sarmiento. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {27} this mountain was the "snowy volcano" (_volcan nevado_) of sarmiento, with whose striking appearance that celebrated navigator seems to have been particularly impressed, so minute and excellent is his description. it is also mentioned in the account of cordova's voyage.[19] the peculiar shape of its summit as seen from the north would suggest the probability of its being a volcano, but we never observed any indication of its activity. its volcanic form is perhaps accidental, for, seen from the westward, its summit no longer resembles a crater. from the geological character of the surrounding rocks its formation would seem to be of slate. it is in a range of mountains rising generally two or three thousand feet above the sea; but at the n.e. end of the range are some, at least four thousand feet high. the height of the "snowy volcano," or as we have called it, mount sarmiento,[20] was found, by trigonometrical measurement, to be six thousand eight hundred feet[21] above the level {28} of the sea. it is the highest land that i have seen in tierra del fuego; and to us, indeed, it was an object of considerable interest, because its appearance and disappearance were seldom failing weather guides. in our meteorological diary, a column was ruled for the insertion of its appearances.[22] this clear state of the atmosphere was followed by a heavy fall of rain, with northerly and easterly winds, which did not, however, last long. in the vicinity of our tents erected on the low land, on the s.w. side of the bay, were several ponds of water, perfectly fit for immediate use; but, perhaps, too much impregnated with vegetable matter to keep good for any length of time. captain stokes, therefore, filled his tanks from the river; but as that water did not keep well, it was probably taken into the boat too near the sea. this, however, was unavoidable, except by risking the boats among a great number of sunken trees in the bed of the river. the beagle sailed on the 15th, to survey the western entrance of the strait, with orders to return to port famine by the end of march. our decked boat, the hope, being ready, the command of her was given to mr. wickham, who was in every way qualified for the trust. we were, however, much mortified by finding that she leaked so considerably as to oblige us to unload, and again haul her on shore. when ready for sea, she sailed under the direction of my assistant-surveyor, mr. graves, to examine the st. sebastian channel and the deep opening to the s.e. of cape valentyn. her crew consisted of seven men, besides mr. wickham, and mr. rowlett, the purser. having despatched the beagle and the hope, i was at leisure to carry on the survey of the coast in the neighbourhood of port famine, and to make a plan of the port itself. the {29} transit, and altitude circle, were set up; but from the very unfavourable state of the weather, and the interference of other occupations, i was only enabled to procure a series of zenith distances of the sun, and stars, for the latitude. port famine, a name well known to all who have interested themselves about the strait of magalhaens, was selected by sarmiento as the most convenient place for the site of an establishment formed, at his suggestion, by philip ii. king of spain. the voyage of sir francis drake through the strait into the pacific, and his successes against the spanish colonies and trade on the western side of the continent of america, induced the viceroy of lima to send an expedition to pursue the "corsair," with orders to fight and take him, dead or alive.[23] this expedition, commanded by pedro sarmiento de gamboa, who had already been engaged twice with drake, consisted of two ships, containing in all two hundred armed men, sailors and soldiers; a force which was considered sufficient to ensure the capture.[24] the strait of magalhaens being the most likely place to meet with drake, sarmiento was ordered to proceed through it, and take the opportunity of exploring its coasts. all this he performed in a manner highly creditable, as well for the excellent description handed down in his unpretending journal, as for the enterprising zeal, and steady perseverance, shown among difficulties of no trifling nature. to his accounts of various places there will be frequent occasion to refer. our object, at present, is to give a short account of the colony. sarmiento sailed from peru (1583), and entered the strait from the pacific. after experiencing many serious difficulties, and escaping imminent dangers, in the western part of the strait, where the climate is so rigorous and the country so desolate, it was not surprising that he should become enraptured with the verdant, and picturesque appearance of the shores to the eastward of cape froward, and with the open country in {30} the neighbourhood, and to the northward of cape virgins.[25] after much opposition from the duke of alva[26] and other powerful people, he succeeded in convincing the king of the expediency of fortifying the shores of the first narrow, and forming several establishments within the strait, to prevent the passage of strange ships, to the prejudice of the king's colonies in chile and peru; for at that time the passage round cape horn was not known. accordingly, an expedition was prepared, consisting of twenty-three vessels, under the joint command of diego florez de valdez and sarmiento; the former being appointed captain-general of the fleet, and of the coast of brazil; and the latter, captain-general of the strait of magalhaens, and governor of all the establishments that should be formed within it. of the twenty-three ships which sailed from spain, five only reached the entrance of the strait; and these, after experiencing many difficulties from bad weather and foul winds, returned to rio de janeiro to refit, where sarmiento met four vessels which had been sent from spain to his succour. his colleague and general in chief, florez, who had deserted the expedition, did all in his power to impede sarmiento, to the latest moment of his stay at the brazils. at last, however, five ships, commanded by ribera, and manned by five hundred and thirty men,[27] sailed; and, without encountering further loss or detention, arrived off the strait in december (1584), and soon after reached an anchorage, between the first and second narrows. ribera would go no further; but landed about three hundred men, under sarmiento. a city was marked out, and named jesus,[28] in a valley well provided with water. the {31} ships were blown away to sea, leaving the colonists very destitute; fortunately, however, they were enabled to return, but were four times, afterwards, obliged to put to sea, from stress of weather. on the last return, one of the ships, la trinidad, was run on shore. the ardour of ribera being damped by repeated misfortunes, he returned to spain, without the knowledge or consent of sarmiento, leaving, for the use of the colony, only one ship, the maria. while unloading the trinidad, the spaniards were attacked by indians, whom they dispersed. sarmiento, after making the necessary arrangements at jesus, set out by land with one hundred men, to go to point st. anna,[29] the ship maria being ordered to follow. on the journey, the sufferings of the party were very great, as well from the fatiguing nature of the march, as from their being harassed by the natives, with whom they had an engagement, in which one was killed, and ten men were wounded. a mutiny among his people then broke out, which was quelled by assistance from the ship. at last they reached their destination, and founded, with the usual solemnities, the city of king philip (or san felipe). at the latter end of march, while preparing habitations, the winter set in so suddenly, that for fifteen days it did not cease to snow. sarmiento, then, after quelling a mutiny which had broken out afresh among the soldiers, embarked with thirty men to visit the first encampment at jesus, and to superintend the erection of forts in the narrow; but upon reaching the anchorage, a gale of wind forced him to sea, and, lasting twenty days, obliged him (with his people blinded and frost-bitten) to bear up for rio de janeiro. here his ship was stranded; upon which he chartered a vessel to convey flour to the strait, and went himself to pernambuco, to procure large boats for carrying supplies to his {32} colony, and assisting in the recovery of his stranded ship; she had, however, drifted off, and sunk near bahia; and all his boats were destroyed. still sarmiento persevered in his zealous efforts to succour his friends in the strait; and succeeded in procuring a vessel of fifty or sixty tons, which, loaded with arms and whatever he considered useful, sailed, and reached rio de janeiro a month after the departure of the first vessel (january 1585). he followed, but in the latitude of 39° met with a furious gale, which drove him back to rio de janeiro, where the vessel that had preceded him had returned in distress. disappointed in his attempts to carry succour to the colony, he determined to go to spain; but on his voyage thither, to complete the catalogue of his misfortunes, his ship was captured by three english vessels, and taken to england, after which the ill-fated colony in the strait was neglected, if not entirely forgotten. two months after sarmiento's departure from the strait of magalhaens, in the month of august, the middle of the winter of that region, the party belonging to the first establishment at jesus set off by land, and joined that at san felipe, with the unwelcome tidings of their deserted state. but as the provisions at san felipe were insufficient to support all the people, andres de viedma, who, after sarmiento's departure, had assumed the command, detached two hundred soldiers, under the command of juan iniguez, back to jesus, for the purpose of communicating with any ship that might make her appearance, and awaiting the expected return of sarmiento; but the winter and following summer passed by without any relief. in this unhappy state, the colonists were obliged to think only of providing for their safety, and built two boats; in which fifty people embarked, besides viedma, suarez, a franciscan friar named antonio, and five spanish women. they had not proceeded farther than point santa brigida,[30] {33} when one of the boats struck upon a reef, and was lost, but the people were saved. the loss of this boat caused them to give up every hope of saving themselves in that way; and viedma, with suarez, the friar, and twenty soldiers, returned in the remaining boat to san felipe, leaving the rest of the party, consisting of thirty men and five women, to support themselves through the approaching winter as they could. after that season had passed, viedma sent to collect the wanderers; but fifteen men, and three women only, could be found; the rest having died of hunger and disease. the survivors then determined upon going to the first establishment at jesus; on their way to which they passed by the skeletons of the two hundred who had been first detached. travelling onwards, they observed three ships entering the strait, which anchored at a distance to the southward. during the night, viedma and his companions kept up large fires, supposing that the ships belonged to their own nation. next morning a boat was despatched from them; and three of viedma's party obtained permission to go and reconnoitre her. having approached near enough, a signal was made; upon which, the people in the boat pulled towards the beach, and said they were from england, bound to peru, and that if the spaniards wanted a passage, they had better embark. after some hesitation, arising from the fear of trusting themselves in the power of heretics, they consented; and one was permitted to get in, but the other two were left on the beach. in the boat was the enterprizing cavendish[31] himself, who, on hearing the particulars of their story, sent the other two soldiers to viedma, offering to take him and the residue of his people on board. cavendish returned to his ship; but, without further delay, sailed on to the isla dos patos (santa magdalena island), where he leisurely salted down six casks of penguins; and then proceeded to san felipe, for wood and water; he remained there four days (during which time he destroyed the houses of the spaniards, and embarked six guns); and thence continued his voyage. the person saved {34} by cavendish, whose name was tomé hernandez, afterwards escaped from him at quintero, near valparaiso; and, proceeding to peru, gave an account of the fate of this cruelly neglected colony. this was the first, and perhaps will be the last, attempt made to occupy a country, offering no encouragement for a human being; a region, where the soil is swampy, cold, and unfit for cultivation, and whose climate is thoroughly cheerless. the name, san felipe, ceased with the colony; for cavendish called it port famine, in allusion to the fate of the colonists, all of whom, except the man he took away, and one saved two years afterwards (in 1589), by andrew mericke,[32] perished from hunger and its attendant diseases; and by this appellation the bay has since been universally known. to commemorate the ill-fated town, a very thickly-wooded mountain at the bottom of the bay, which forms a conspicuous and picturesque object, has been named by us mount san felipe. at this port, sarmiento, on his first voyage through the strait, communicated with a large party of indians, in consequence of which he called it bahia de la gente; and the river, which now bears the name of sedger, he named san juan. of this river sarmiento took formal possession, as well as of the whole strait, for the 'mui poderoso y mui católico señor phelipe segundo,' &c. &c. it was also here that, in consequence of the miraculous preservation of his vessel on many {35} occasions, he attempted to change the name of the strait to estrecho de la madre de dios; but it had been too long called magalhaens, for even the influence of sarmiento, backed by the power of philip, to persuade the world to countenance so great an injustice. "magallanes, señor, fué el primer hombre que abriendo este camino le dió nombre." ercilla araucana, cant. i. oct. 8. during an excursion with mr. tarn to eagle bay,[33] beyond cape san isidro, we found many wigwams. they were then novelties to us, and we were ignorant of their being such certain indications of very sheltered places, as subsequent experience has shown them to be. we often used them, after they had been well cleaned out: a boat's sail, thrown over the hemispherical roof, was a sufficient protection from rain;--and from wind they are always well defended by their situation. here we saw, for the first time, that most remarkable bird the steamer-duck. before steam-boats were in general use, this bird was denominated, from its swiftness in skimming over the surface of the water, the 'race-horse,' a name which occurs frequently in cook's, byron's, and other voyages. it is a gigantic duck, the largest i have met with. it has the lobated hind-toe, legs placed far backwards, and other characteristics of the oceanic ducks.[34] the principal peculiarity of this bird is, the shortness and remarkably small size of the wings, which, not having sufficient power to raise the body, serve only to propel it along, rather than through the water, and are used like the paddles of a steam-vessel. aided by these and its strong, broad-webbed feet, it moves with astonishing velocity. {36} it would not be an exaggeration to state its speed at from twelve to fifteen miles an hour. the peculiar form of the wing, and the short rigid feathers which cover it, together with the power this bird possesses of remaining a considerable length of time under water, constitute it a striking link between the genera _anas_ and _aptenodytes_. it has been noticed by many former navigators. the largest we found measured forty inches, from the extremity of the bill, to that of the tail, and weighed thirteen pounds; but captain cook mentions, in his second voyage, that the weight of one was twenty-nine pounds.[35] it is very difficult to kill them, on account of their wariness and thick coat of feathers, which is impenetrable by any thing smaller than swan shot. the flavour of their flesh is so strong and fishy, that at first we killed them solely for specimens. five or six months, however, on salt provisions, taught many to think such food palatable, and the seamen never lost an opportunity of eating them. i have preferred these ducks to salt-beef, but more as a preventive against scurvy, than from liking their taste. i am averse to altering names, particularly in natural history, without very good reason, but in this case i do think the name of 'steamer' much more appropriate, and descriptive of the swift paddling motion of these birds, than that of 'race-horse.' i believe, too, the name of 'steamer' is now generally given to it by those who have visited these regions. many shells[36] were taken from the bottom by means of a fizgig which mr. tarn found in one of the wigwams: it was a {37} rough pole, eight or ten feet long, split crosswise at one end, and opened so as to form four prongs, kept apart by two small pieces of wood. although rudely made, it was excellently adapted for a shell-gatherer, and is used by the indians for collecting sea-eggs, which are found in the strait of very large size, and are doubtless, to them, a great delicacy. during our excursion we ascertained the best place to ascend the snowy mountain, since named 'tarn;' and the surgeon, whose name it bears, set off with a party of officers to make the attempt, in which he succeeded, and obtained such an extensive view as induced me to decide upon ascending it, a few days afterwards, to procure bearings from the summit, and for the purpose of measuring its height with a barometer. in the meantime i visited the sedger river (sarmiento's 'rio de san juan de posesion'), and found some difficulty in entering it, because of several banks which are dry at low water. between them, however, the stream keeps a small channel open, by which we effected our purpose. every gale of wind causes the banks to shift, and between the times of our first, and last, visit to port famine, the river's mouth underwent many changes. the bed of the river is so full of fallen trees, that we could not go, with the boat, more than three miles and a half above the entrance; there it was about fifteen yards wide, bounded on each side by thickly wooded banks, of moderate height. the trees on these banks are large, chiefly the two species of beech before-mentioned, and winter's-bark; there are besides many shrubs, and an impenetrable underwood of arbutus, berberis, and currant bushes. the largest beech-tree that we saw could not have been more than thirty or forty inches in diameter, which was insignificant compared with those noticed by commodore byron. in describing his excursion up this river, he mentions "trees that would supply the british navy with the best masts in the world."[37] "some of them are of a great height, and more than eight feet in diameter, which is proportionally more than eight yards in {38} circumference."[38] the commodore may have been pleased by the appearance of these trees, but must have fancied their quality and dimensions such as he describes. the largest are generally rotten at the heart, and all are more or less defective. their wood is heavy, and far too brittle for masts: we could not use it even for boat-hook staves. it makes, however, tolerable plank for boat-building, and, when seasoned, might be used in ships. for common purposes, such as houses, or fences, it is very serviceable. we wandered about to examine the country; but, excepting the track of some quadruped, whose foot was small and cloven, rather like a pig's, we saw nothing new. the traces of foxes were numerous every where. we found no fish of any description in the river. geese and wild ducks were numerous, whose young were at this time scarcely fledged, and an easy prey. we also observed here, for the first time, the parroquet, which bougainville described to be common in the strait. he carried specimens home with him; but some naturalists of those days decided that there must have been a mistake, because, as they averred, parroquets did not exist in so high a latitude. bougainville, however, made no mistake, for the species[39] is very abundant in the neighbourhood of port famine, and has been seen by us in all parts of the strait. it feeds principally upon the seeds of the winter's-bark. the existence of this bird in tierra del fuego is also mentioned by cook and narborough.[40] {39} all accounts of port famine informed us of its abounding in fish, but as yet we had taken none excepting with hook and line, although the seine had been frequently shot. at last, however, in the first week of february, we had a successful haul of mullet and smelts, many of the former weighing eight pounds, and the latter measuring fifteen inches in length. after this we were often very fortunate, and on one occasion caught, at one haul of the seine, sixteen hundred-weight of smelts, some weighing two pounds, and measuring twenty inches in length. a few days previously we had a draught of mullet, which served the crews of both adventure and beagle for three days. geese, wild ducks and teal, snipe, and now and then woodcocks, were to be found by taking a short walk; there were, however, no quadrupeds fit for food which we could take. foxes and wild cats were occasionally seen, and a foot-mark of some large animal of the feline race, probably a puma, was once observed upon the beach. we found many traces of horses, which showed that the patagonian indians sometimes come thus far south. had we been so fortunate as to meet them here, we might have procured, perhaps, a regular supply of guanaco meat. on the 9th of february, as the weather seemed favourable for ascending mount tarn,[41] lieutenant cooke, the surgeon, and anderson, the botanical collector, set off in advance to select a convenient place for passing the night, carrying with them a tent and provisions. i followed later in the day, and, while the boat's crew were arranging their loads, made some observations with a barometer on the beach. our way led through thick underwood, and then, with a gradual ascent, among fallen trees, covered with so thick a coating of moss, that at every step we sunk up to the knees {40} before firm footing could be found. it was very laborious work, and the ground being saturated, and each tree dripping with moisture, we were soon wet through. we proceeded along the same sort of road up a steep ascent; some one of the party constantly falling into deep holes covered by moss, or stumbling over fallen trunks of trees. as i carried a barometer i was obliged to proceed with caution, and succeeded in emerging from this jungle without accident. after about three quarters of an hour spent in this way, we reached an open space, where we rested, and i set up the barometer. here we found a cypress of very stunted growth. our road hence was rather more varied: always steep, but sometimes free from impediment. here and there we observed the boggy soil was faced with a small plant (_chamitis sp._) of a harsh character, growing so thick and close as to form large tufts, over which we walked as on hard ground. we struggled through several thickets of stunted beech-trees, with a thick jungle of berberis underneath, whose strong and sharp thorns penetrated our clothes at every step; and began to find the fatigue very oppressive: some of my boat's crew suffered much, being unused to such exercise. at last we approached the place where mr. cooke and his party had established themselves, and upon hailing, were invigorated by a cheer in reply. we reached the bivouac in a very way-worn condition, and found, to our great comfort, the tent pitched, and a good fire burning.[42] the ground was so exceedingly wet, that although we slept upon branches, forming a layer at least a foot thick, we found ourselves, in the night, lying as if in a morass, and suffering from cold, even with a large fire blazing at our feet. at daylight next morning, just as we were starting, a boat was seen sailing round cape san isidro, which, by the aid of a telescope, i made out to be the hope. we resumed the ascent, and passed over, rather than through, thickets of the crumply-leaved beech, which, from {41} their exposure to the prevailing winds, rose no higher than twelve or fourteen inches from the ground, with widely-spreading branches, so closely interwoven, as to form a platform that bore our weight in walking. we next traversed an extent of table-land,[43] much intersected by ponds of water. mr. tarn shot two plovers of a new species (_charadrius rubecola_, zool. jour. vol. iv. p. 96), and a snipe. we then ascended three or four hundred feet, and crossed a deep ravine. the bottom of the ravine was clay-slate in a decomposing state, but the surface of the ground was strewed with pebbles of granite. another plain, with many ponds, succeeded; the intervening spaces being covered with tufts of chamitis, and studded here and there with small clusters of dwarf beech; but the ground was so hard, and firm, that we proceeded rapidly, without fatigue, until we attained the height of 1,800 feet, when the ascent became very steep. near the summit lay a large mass of snow, rapidly melting away. we reached the highest pinnacle of the mount at seven o'clock (having left our resting-place at four), and immediately set up the instruments. i was obliged to avail myself of mr. tarn's assistance to hold the barometer, whilst two of my boat's crew held the legs of the theodolite-stand, for the wind was blowing very strongly, and the edge of a precipice was close to us, perpendicular for many hundred feet, and thence downwards so steep, that any body going over would fall at least a thousand feet. the theodolite-stand was unavoidably placed within a very few inches of the edge, and i took a round of angles, suffering, however, intense pain from the piercing coldness of the wind, which, heated as we were by the ascent, was much felt, though the temperature was not lower than 39°. i was lightly clothed, and should have fared badly, had not one of the party lent me his flushing jacket, while he descended under the lee of the mountain-top to make a fire. the barometer stood at 26,618, the temperature of the air being 40°, and of {42} the mercury 43°.[44] unfortunately the day was very cloudy, and many squalls of sleet and rain, which obscured the hills, passed whilst i was taking bearings. to the n.e., towards the supposed sebastian channel, the horizon was too hazy to allow much view. a deep inlet was seen in that direction; but whether the land closed round, or whether a channel was at the bottom, we could not distinguish. a considerable body of water was observed to the southward of cape st. valentyn, behind lomas bay, but its extent was screened from our view by the intervention of the lomas hills. it appeared to be a channel, the opposite or eastern side of it being formed by the high ranges previously seen from point st. mary. cordova's ports san antonio and valdez were distinctly made out; but, to the southward, every thing was enveloped in mist. the bearings and observations, which occupied me nearly two hours, being completed, we all adjourned to a sheltered cleft in the rock close to our station, where we soon recovered the use of our fingers.[45] {43} having accomplished our object, we began the descent. in a comparatively mild and agreeable spot, i again set up the theodolite and barometer, while some of the party employed themselves in fruitless attempts to kindle a fire. the height, by the barometer, proved to be 1,845 feet above the sea; and the bearings from this station were much better than those i had taken from the exposed summit. we reached our tent at noon, having been absent seven hours. at three we reached the beach, where the barometer stood at 29,312 (air 61.°3,[46] and mercury 62,°5). excepting near the sea, where clay-slate (very similar to that of point st. anna, but with an opposite dip) showed itself, the side of the hill is clothed with trees and underwood, and no rock is visible until one arrives at the ravine. around the summit of mount tarn the ground is bare, but so covered with small decomposed fragments, that the solid rock only appears occasionally: it is very hard, and breaks with a conchoidal fracture: some of the specimens which we detached bore indistinct impressions of organic remains. we also found, projecting from the rock in which they were embedded, nodules, or small rounded masses of stone, in an advanced state of decomposition, mouldering away in laminar forms somewhat resembling the inner leaves of a cabbage. several were brought away carefully, but before we arrived on board they had crumbled to pieces: the nucleus was quite hard, but was surrounded by concentric laminæ, more brittle the nearer they approached to the outer surface. it seemed as if the face of the summit {44} above-mentioned was covered with the decomposing fragments of these nodules. the highest parts of the mount form a ridge extending s.e. and n.w., being a succession of strata of slaty rock, dipping to the eastward, at an angle of 15° or 20° from the horizon. the strata are very narrow, and separated from each other by a vein of quartz, much of which is in a crystallized state. we reached the ship about seven o'clock, and found that the hope and her party had done well. her cruize proved interesting, with regard to the geography of the strait, and a summary of it is subjoined. mr. graves's orders were to survey the sebastian channel; but in the event of his seeing any thing more interesting to the s.e., he was allowed to defer that service to another opportunity. the hope crossed the strait, and anchored in a small bay, formed between the two projecting points of cape valentyn, where some few defects in the vessel were remedied, and a good round of angles obtained from the summit of the cape, whence there was a fine view. the country was low, undulating, and destitute of trees. from a station about two miles overland, to the eastward, a large body of water was observed to the southward, forming a channel, or deep sound, and it was determined to follow up its examination, rather than risk the crew in the deep bay that was supposed to communicate with the san sebastian channel, on board a vessel whose capabilities were unknown. several fire-places and remains of wigwams were seen; the latter were, however, very different, both in shape and material, from those at port famine, for the country being destitute of trees, they were built of driftwood, piled up in a conical form. passing round cape valentyn, the hope hauled to the southward, keeping the land on board. at night she anchored in philip gidley cove, at the bottom of willes bay, where she was weather-bound until the 29th of january. the shores of willes bay are thickly clothed with wood, growing to the water's edge, except at the s.w. side. the great abundance of muscles and limpets attracts the indians, whose wigwams {45} were found standing, and from the green appearance of the branches with which they were formed, seemed to have been lately erected. after leaving willes bay, the hope visited fox bay, and sir edward owen's sound, which, it was thought, would lead into lomas bay, opposite to port famine; but, after running ten miles up, they got into shoal water, and as there was no current, or stream of tide, they landed, and found that a mile and a half farther on, the sound was terminated by low land. another day, while proceeding along the south side of brenton sound, the smoke of indians' fires was noticed near the beach. as this was the first time the natives of this part had been seen, the course was shaped towards them, until the hope anchored. three indians then approached, holding up the skins of some animal, and inviting them to land. the small boat was hoisted out, and messrs. wickham and rowlett, with robinson the pilot, went on shore. the fuegians presented a fox skin to each of the party, who in return gave them some trifles. after a short interview the boat left them, and no further communication was held that night. the following morning a canoe came off to the vessel, containing three young men, two women, and three children, the youngest not more than four months old. they were no sooner alongside than the men went on board, and commenced an active traffic with all the valuables they possessed; and for a few buttons, a glass bottle, or an empty preserved-meat canister, many of their goods were bartered. they had several fox-skins with them, but no other kind of peltry, except their clothing, obtained from the seal or guanaco: and though many of them wore a penguin skin suspended from their girdle, some were without even that covering. this canoe was followed by another, containing an old man, sixty or seventy years of age, with a grey beard; an elderly woman, and two children. before they came alongside they put their dogs on shore. although the visit from these indians did not last very long, they had time enough to pilfer. one of the young men, who was seen going into a canoe, excited, by his manner, a {46} suspicion of his having stolen something, and a tin pot was found concealed under his mantle. as there was every probability of their soon separating, and mr. graves feared that punishment would cause a rupture, he only turned him out of the vessel: the rest soon followed him, and landed. having made a fire, the men squatted round it; while the women were despatched to collect shell-fish. as soon as the natives had finished their meal, they embarked, and proceeded eastward. next day they again visited the hope, but in consequence, perhaps, of the occurrence the day before, did not venture alongside, until invited by the words, 'ho-say, ho-say,' which mean, 'come, come.' in a few minutes confidence was restored, and they began to barter. the trade was opened by one of the women making a peace-offering of a shell necklace, in return for which, red caps and medals were given to each of the women and children. the hope went thence to soapsuds cove, where the crew washed their clothes, and replaced a broken spar. in a s.e. direction from this cove there appeared to be a considerable channel leading to the s.e., and to the southward was a deep sound, towards which they were proceeding the next morning; but having advanced about two miles, the land of cape expectation trended suddenly round to the eastward, and a long narrow channel presented itself, which seemed likely to communicate with the strait, to the southward of port san antonio. they proceeded through this channel, which takes a very straight course, and gradually narrows from port waterfall, where it is two miles and a half wide, to passage cove, where it is scarcely three quarters of a mile; and there they anchored. between port waterfall and passage cove, a party of natives was seen; but, being probably the same who were met at indian cove, no attention was paid to their hallooings and fires of invitation.[47] the hope came into the strait, eastward of an opening then called magdalen sound; her passage {47} must therefore have been through sarmiento's 'san gabriel' channel. at night, when between cape froward and port san antonio, a heavy squall from s.w. carried the little vessel rapidly towards cape san isidro, and, at daylight the next morning, she was in the position observed by us, while ascending mount tarn. * * * * * {48} chapter iv. deer seen--hope sails again--eagle bay--gabriel channel--'williwaws'- port waterfall--natives--admiralty sound--gabriel channel--magdalen channel--hope returns to port famine--san antonio--lomas bay--loss of boat--master and two seamen drowned. from mr. graves's report of the appearance of the channel to the s.e. of dawson island, i decided to proceed there as soon as the hope was ready, for she required some alteration, and repairs. a deer having been seen on point st. anna, mr. tarn landed, very early in the morning, eager for the prize, but could only get an ineffectual shot. at another time a few deer were seen by our party, near the river; but instead of returning with the information, they fired their guns, loaded with small shot only, which served but to scare them away. as the animal was new to us, and we had evidence of its being equally new to science, i was anxious to procure a specimen, but never afterwards had an opportunity. here sarmiento saw the only deer which he mentions in his journal. the morning of the 16th seeming more favourable, i set out in the hope. the heights were covered with snow which had fallen the preceding night, the thermometer had been at freezing point, and much ice had formed; but the appearance of the weather deceived us: we had scarcely left the ship, when it began to rain, and by the time we reached cape san isidro the wind had freshened to a gale, which obliged me to anchor in eagle bay. having landed, a tent was pitched, and a blazing fire made to dry our clothes. in the evening the gale blew with great {49} violence from s.w., and the hope, at her anchor, sheered about by the squalls, was occasionally laid over so as to dip her gunwale under water. the following day (17th), although the rain had ceased, the wind was still strong. towards evening it fell, and early on the 18th we left eagle bay with a fresh breeze from e.n.e., and passed close to port san antonio; but were then delayed by calms and squalls. at noon a westerly wind sprung up, and we proceeded down the gabriel channel, with the wind aft, and the tide in our favour. port waterfall sheltered us for the night. the apparently artificial formation of this channel is very striking. it seems to have been formerly a valley between two ridges of the range, in the direction of the strata (of which there are frequent instances, such as the valley in the lomas range, opposite cape san isidro, the valley of valdez bay, and one immediately to the north of the channel itself, besides many others), and that at some remote period the sea had forced its way through, effecting a communication between the strait and the waters behind dawson island: as if one of those great 'northern waves,' of which we once heard so much, had rolled down the wide reach of the strait (the parallelism of whose shores is also remarkable) from the north-west, towards cape froward; and finding itself opposed by the lomas range, had forced a passage through the valley until stopped by the mountains at fitton bay. having imagined such a wave in motion, the reader may fancy it uniting with another northern roller from cape san valentyn, attacking the hills and carrying all before it, until mount hope, at the bottom of admiralty sound, arrested its course. i have already noticed the remarkably straight direction in which this curious channel trends. at both extremities the width may be from two to three miles; but the shores gradually approach each other midway, and the coast on each side rises abruptly to the height of fifteen hundred feet. the south shore, sheltered from the prevailing and strongest winds, is thickly covered with trees and luxuriant underwood, which, being chiefly evergreen, improve {50} the scenery greatly, particularly in the winter season: the north shore is also well wooded for about two-thirds up; but the summit is barren and the outline very much serrated, as is usual in slate formations. on the north shore we noticed some extraordinary effects of the whirlwinds which so frequently occur in tierra del fuego. the crews of sealing vessels call them 'williwaws,' or 'hurricane-squalls,' and they are most violent. the south-west gales, which blow upon the coast with extreme fury, are pent up and impeded in passing over the high lands; when, increasing in power, they rush violently over the edges of precipices, expand, as it were, and descending perpendicularly, destroy every thing moveable. the surface of the water, when struck by these gusts, is so agitated, as to be covered with foam, which is taken up by them, and flies before their fury until dispersed in vapour. ships at anchor under high land are sometimes suddenly thrown over on their beam-ends, and the next moment recover their equilibrium, as if nothing had occurred. again a squall strikes them, perhaps on the other side, and over they heel before its rage: the cable becomes strained, and checks the ship with a jerk, that causes her to start a-head through the water, until again stopped by the cable, or driven astern by another gust of wind. at all these anchorages, under high land, there are some parts more exposed than others; and by watching for those places which are least troubled by these squalls, a more secure, or rather a more quiet, spot may be selected. i do not consider ships so anchored to be in danger if their ground tackle be good; but every thing that offers a stiff resistance must suffer from the fury of these blasts. in many parts of this country trees are torn up by the roots, or rent asunder by the wind; and in the gabriel channel the 'williwaws' bursting over the mountainous ridge, which forms the south side of the channel, descend, and striking against the base of the opposite shore, rush up the steep, and carry all before them. i know of nothing to which i can better compare the bared track left by one of these squalls than to a bad broad road. after {51} having made such an opening, the wind frequently sweeping through prevents the growth of vegetation. confused masses of up-rooted trees lie at the lower ends of these bared tracks, and show plainly what power has been exerted. the southern shore of the channel is formed by the base of that range of hills, which extends, from the eastern side of the magdalen channel, towards the e.s.e. it is the highest part of tierra del fuego, and on it are several remarkable mountains, besides sarmiento, towering over all. close to the east end of the gabriel channel is mount buckland, a tall obelisk-like hill, terminating in a sharp needle-point, and lifting its head above a chaotic mass of 'reliquiæ diluvianæ,' covered with perpetual snow, by the melting of which an enormous glacier on the leeward, or north-eastern side, has been gradually formed. this icy domain is twelve or fourteen miles long, and extends from near the end of the channel to port waterfall, feeding, in the intermediate space, many magnificent cascades, which, for number and height, are not perhaps to be exceeded in an equal space of any part of the world. within an extent of nine or ten miles, there are upwards of a hundred and fifty waterfalls, dashing into the channel from a height of fifteen hundred, or two thousand feet. the course of many is concealed, at first, by intervening trees, and, when half-way down the descent, they burst upon the view, leaping, as it were, out of the wood. some unite as they fall, and together are precipitated into the sea, in a cloud of foam; so varied, indeed, are the forms of these cascades, and so great their contrast with the dark foliage of the trees, which thickly cover the sides of the mountain, that it is impossible adequately to describe the scene. i have met with nothing exceeding the picturesque grandeur of this part of the strait. there are several coves on the south shore, but opposite to them there is no shelter until you reach a deep bay in which are several islets; and where, i think, there is a communication with brenton sound, but we did not enter it. port waterfall may easily be known by a large flat-topped bare rock, lying across the summit of the eastern head, and {52} by a magnificent cascade formed by the union of two torrents. all the plants of the strait grow here: a sweet-scented callixene (_c. marginata_, lam^k.) filled the air with its odour; and a beautiful flower we had not previously seen, was found by mr. graves: it was pendulous, tubular, about two inches long (class. hexand. monog. cal. 2 pet. 3. pointed), and of a rich carnation colour. the trees are small and stunted; they are of the usual species, beech and winter's-bark. here we first noticed a large fern,[48] having a stem two or three feet long, and five or six inches in diameter, very similar to the zamia of new holland. we saw very few birds, and no quadrupeds. among the former was a king-fisher, which at the time was new to us; but it is distributed over a large tract of south america, and i have since seen a specimen said to have been shot at rio de janeiro. fitton harbour is a deep inlet, surrounded on all sides by precipitous land, rising to the height of three, or four thousand feet, and terminated by peaks, of most fantastic shape, covered with ice and snow. between fitton harbour and cape rowlett are high mountains, two of which, more conspicuous than the rest, we called 'mount sherrard,' and 'curious peak.' card point proved to be clay-slate, and i think the projection of cape rowlett, and the mountains, are also of this rock. while crossing over towards cape rowlett, (the south head of a deep sound, trending to the s.e., which it was my intention to examine), we were met by three canoes, containing, together, about twenty-four people, and ten or twelve dogs. mr. wickham recognised them to be the same party who had visited the hope on her last cruize; the thief, however, was not amongst them, fearing probably he might be known. [illustration: port famine (looking northwards).] [illustration: port famine (looking southwards).] [illustration: p. p. king s. bull curious peak, admiralty sound. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {53} these natives conducted themselves very quietly, and, except one of the women, who wished to keep a tin-pot in which some water had been given her, made no attempt to pilfer. one of the party, who seemed more than half an idiot, spit in my face; but as it was not apparently done angrily, and he was reproved by his companions, his uncourteous conduct was forgiven. if possessed of any furs, they had left them, perhaps concealed, near their wigwams: only a few arrows, a necklace of shells, and a fillet for the head, made of ostrich feathers, were obtained by barter. their canoes were paddled by the women, occasionally helped by the men. one or two of the former were young, and well-featured, but the rest were hideous; and all were filthy and most disagreeable, from the quantity of seal-oil and blubber, with which they had covered their bodies. after we had obtained, by barter, all the articles they had to dispose of, i presented them with red caps and medals, of which they were very proud: the latter they requested might have a hole drilled through them, that they might be suspended by a string round their necks. their astonishment was much excited, and they were pleased by hearing a watch tick; but i believe i had very nearly, though unintentionally; given great offence, by cutting off a lock of hair, from the head of one of the men. assuming a grave look, he very carefully wrapped the hair up, and handed it to a woman in the canoe, who, as carefully, stowed it away in a basket, in which she kept her beads and paint: the man then turned round, requesting me, very seriously, to put away the scissors, and my compliance restored him to good-humour. the features of these people bore a great resemblance to those of the patagonian indians, but in person they were considerably shorter and smaller. the elderly people of both sexes had hideous figures; the children, however, and young men, were well-formed; particularly one of the boys, whom they called 'y[=a]l-l[)a]-b[)a],' which, i believe, meant a youth, or a young warrior. the word 'sh[=e]rr[=o]o' was used to denote a canoe, or vessel. they were ill-clothed, with mantles made of guanaco, or otter skins, but not so neatly as those of the patagonians. {54} their bodies were smeared over with a mixture of earth, charcoal, or red-ocre, and seal-oil; which, combined with the filth of their persons, produced a most offensive smell. some were partially painted with a white argillaceous earth; others were blackened with charcoal; one of the men was daubed all over with a white pigment. their hair was bound by a fillet of plaited twine, made perhaps with strips of bark, and a few of them had it turned up; but to none did it appear to be an object of attention, except one of the young women, who repeatedly combed and arranged her's with the well-toothed jaw of a porpoise. during a remarkably calm night, we were frequently startled by the loud blowing of whales, between us and the shore. we had noticed several of those monsters on the previous day, but had never heard them blow in so still a place. at dawn, a light air carried us towards some broken land to the s.e. of cape rowlett, between the eastern trend of which, and the projecting point of an island, we found a secure and land-locked harbour, with two entrances, one to the north and the other to the south of high islet. the south side of the port, which i called port cooke,[49] is a narrow strip of land, forming the head of a deep inlet or sound, called[50] brook harbour. it seemed to extend to the base of the high mountainous range, and to be separated only by a narrow isthmus from fitton harbour. we had scarcely been at anchor half an hour when the same party of fuegians was seen arriving. the men hastened to us in their canoes, as soon as the women had landed, to cover or thatch the wigwams, which they found standing, and to light fires. we afterwards went ashore, and, sitting down near them, commenced a brisk trade for arrows, skins, necklaces, and other commodities. the furs which covered their backs they parted with, for a few beads, and went quite naked the whole evening. among them was a young man, who appeared to be treated {55} with some deference by the others; he was one of the best-looking of the party; and there was a good-natured smile on his countenance during our communication, while the rest frequently manifested displeasure, even about trifles. he was, at least, the master of one of the two families; his wigwam contained his wife, and two children, his, or his wife's father, and mother, as well as the idiot, and his wife, who, from her appearance, must have been a patagonian, or else a woman of unusual size among these people. the old woman was very inquisitive, and the man, in a long speech, described to her all the wonders i had shown him, applying to me, from time to time, to point out to her the articles he was trying to describe. their dexterity with the sling is extraordinary; and, i should think, when used as a weapon of offence, it must be very formidable. upon asking the same man to show us its use, he picked up a pebble, about the size of a pigeon's egg, and placed it in the sling; then intimating that he was going to strike a canoe, he turned his back to the mark, and threw the stone in an opposite direction, against the trunk of a tree, whence it rebounded over his head, and fell close to the canoe. i have seen them strike a cap, placed upon the stump of a tree, fifty or sixty yards off, with a stone from a sling. in using the bow and arrow, also, with which they kill birds, they are very dexterous. the spear is principally for striking porpoises and seals, but is also used in war; and from the nature of the barb, must be an efficient weapon. for close quarters, they use clubs, stones held in the hand, and short wooden daggers, pointed with very sharp-edged quartz, pitch-stone, or flint. the next morning, seeing us underweigh, they came alongside and tried to induce us to anchor again. the young man, of whom i have spoken, was very importunate, and at last offered us his wife, as a bribe, who used all her fancied allurements to second his proposal. so highly did they esteem beads and buttons, that a few of each would have purchased the canoe, the wife, and children, {56} their dogs, and all the furniture. seeing us proceed to the southward, with the apparent intention of sailing down the inlet, they motioned to us to go to the north, repeatedly calling out 'sherroo, sherroo,' and pointing to the northward; which we thought intimated that there was no passage in the direction we were taking. at noon, i landed to observe the latitude, and take bearings down the sound to the s.e., at the bottom of which was a hill, standing by itself, as it were, in mid-channel. the view certainly excited hopes of its being a channel; and as we had begun to calculate upon reaching nassau bay in a few days, we named this hill, mount hope. the point on which we landed was at the foot of a high snow-capped hill, called by us mount seymour; whence, had not the indians been near, i should have taken bearings. we sailed south-eastward, close to the south shore, until the evening; when from the summit of some hills, about three hundred feet above the sea, we had a view down the sound, which almost convinced us it would prove to be a channel. the rock at this place differed from any we had seen in the strait. the mountains are high, and evidently of clay-slate; but the point, near which we anchored, is a mass of hard, and very quartzose sand-stone, much resembling the old red sand-stone formation of europe, and precisely like the rock of goulburn island, on the north coast of new holland.[51] the following morning (23d), we proceeded towards mount hope, while running down to which some squalls passed over, clouding the south shore, and as we passed parry harbour it bore so much the appearance of a channel, that we stood into it; but the clouds clearing away soon exposed the bottom to our view, where there seemed to be two arms or inlets. in the south-eastern arm, the shores were covered with thick ice (like the bottom of ainsworth harbour, to the west of parry harbour, where an immense glacier slopes down to the water's edge). the south-west arm appeared to be well sheltered, and if it affords a moderate depth of water, would be an excellent harbour. {57} after satisfying ourselves that there was no channel here, we bore up on our original course; but, before long, found ourselves within two miles of the bottom of the sound; which is shallow, and appears to receive two rivers. the great quantity of ice water, which mingles here with the sea, changed its colour to so pale a blue, that we thought ourselves in fresh water. mount hope proved to be an isolated mass of hills, lying like the rest n.w. and s.e., having low land to the southward, over which nothing was visible except one hill, thirty or forty miles distant, covered with snow, to which the rays of the sun gave the appearance of a sheet of gold. finding ourselves embayed, we hastened out of the scrape, and, after beating for some hours, anchored in parry harbour. our entrance into a little cove in parry harbour disturbed a quantity of ducks, steamers, shags, and geese. their numbers showed that indians had not lately visited it. next day we reached ainsworth harbour, which is of the same character as parry harbour, and affords perfect security for small vessels: by dint of sweeping, we reached a secure anchorage in a cove at the south-east corner. the bottom of the port is formed, as i before said, by an immense glacier, from which, during the night, large masses broke off and fell into the sea with a loud crash,[52] thus explaining the nocturnal noises we had often heard at port famine, and which at the time were thought to arise from the eruption of volcanoes. such were also, probably, the sounds heard by the spanish officers during their exploration of the straits, whilst in the port of santa monica, where they had taken refuge from a violent gale of wind.[53] {58} the harbour was full of fragments of ice, the succeeding morning, drifting into the sound, where the sea-water, being at a higher temperature than the air, rapidly melted them. since our departure from port waterfall, the weather had been mild, clear, and settled; but as it wanted only three days of the change of the moon, at which period, as well as at the full, it always blew a gale, i wished to reach a place of security in the gabriel channel or magdalen sound. near the islands of ainsworth harbour, three canoes passed us, steering across the sound, each with a seal-skin fixed up in the bow for a sail; and we recognised in them the party left at port cooke, among whom was the indian who had been detected in stealing a tin pot. they did not come along-side; but as we went by, pointed to the north, apparently urging us to go in that direction. we had noticed several wigwams at parry and ainsworth harbours, which shows that they are much frequented by indians, perhaps on their way to the open low country east of mount hope, where numerous herds of guanacoes may be found. porpoises and seal were not scarce in this inlet, and in the entrance there were many whales. the presence of seal and whales made me think it probable there was a channel; but i believe every person with me was satisfied of its being a sound, terminating under mount hope. since my later experience of the deceptive character of some passages in tierra del fuego (the barbara channel, for example), i have felt less certain that there may not be a communication with the low land, behind mount hope, round its northern base. the improbability was, however, so great,--from the bottom of the sound {59} being shoal,--from the very slight tide-stream,--and from the information of the natives; who evidently intended to tell us we could not get out to sea,--that we did not consider it worth while to make another examination. i have before observed that the strata of the slate rocks, in the strait, dip to the s.e.; and i found that they dip similarly all the way to the bottom of this inlet, which i named admiralty sound. the north side, like that of the gabriel channel, is steep, without indentations, excepting where there is a break in the hills; but on the south shore there are many coves, and bights, the cause of which is shown in the accompanying imaginary section of the gabriel channel. the same cause operates on the outline of the north shore of the reach of cape froward, westward as far as cape holland, where the rock assumes a still more primitive form. its general character, however, is micaceous slate, with broad veins of quartz; the latter being particularly conspicuous at port gallant. the following slight sketch, intended to represent an imaginary section of such an opening as the gabriel channel, may also serve to give a general idea of many fuegian anchorages;--of deep water passages existing between the almost innumerable islands of tierra del fuego;--and of the effects of those sudden, and violent gusts of wind,--so frequent and dangerous,--commonly called hurricane-squalls,[54] or williwaws. {60} [illustration] the rock, of course, decomposes equally on both sides; but on that exposed to the south wind, it breaks off in flakes parallel to the direction of the strata, and therefore does not make the course of the beach more irregular; while on the other side it moulders away transversely to the direction of the dip, leaving holes, in which water lodges, and hastens decomposition by entering deeply into the interstices. water, air, and frost decompose the rock, and form a soil, which, if not too much exposed to the wind, is soon occupied by vegetation. the rugged faces of the cliffs, on the southern shore, caused by the rock decomposing across the grain, collect sand and mud; and hence it happens that anchorages are frequently found on one side, whilst, on the other, the anchor will not hold, from the steepness of the ground; there being nothing upon the smooth declivity to retain mud and sand before it gets to the bottom; which, in most cases known to me, lies far beyond the reach of the anchor. after a tedious and difficult passage through the gabriel channel, we anchored in a snug harbour within the entrance of magdalen channel, on the west side, under a peaked hill called by sarmiento 'el vernal,'--in our plan, the 'sugar-loaf.' the entrance is about a quarter of a mile wide; but after a few hundred yards the harbour opens, extending in for nearly a mile. it is of easy depth; seven fathoms in the entrance, and four, five, and six fathoms within; so that it is {61} very convenient for a small vessel: to us, indeed, it was a most welcome discovery. the land rises, around this cove, to the height of two or three thousand feet. it is covered with beech, and winter's-bark, and near the water is adorned with large groves of fuchsia, berberis, and the common shrubs of port famine, growing so thickly as to form an almost impenetrable jungle; but, notwithstanding the picturesque character of its scenery, the towering height of the hills, which exclude the sun's rays for the whole day, during the greater portion of the year, renders it a gloomy and melancholy spot.[55] we found a family of fuegians in the inner harbour. three canoes were hauled up on the beach, but their owners were not at first visible. at last, after our repeatedly calling out 'ho-say, ho-say,' they appeared, and, rather reluctantly, invited us, by signs, to land. there seemed to be fourteen or fifteen people, and seven or eight dogs. mr. wickham and mr. tarn went on shore to these natives, who exhibited some timidity, until a hideous old woman began to chatter, and soon made them understand that the young men (l[=a]-[=a]-pas) were absent on a hunting excursion, but were every moment expected to return. there were only three men with the women and children. to inspire them with confidence in our good intentions, mr. wickham gave each man a red cap, and some other trifles. one of them complained of being sick, but i rather imagine his illness was feigned, and the others did not at all seem to like our visit. by degrees their fears subsided, and, restraint being laid aside, an active trade began; in which several otter skins, shell-necklaces, spears, and other trifles, were obtained from them in exchange for beads, buttons, medals, &c. the otters are caught by the help of dogs, on which account, principally, the latter are so valuable. these people were slightly clothed with skins of the seal and otter, but some had pieces of guanaco mantles over their shoulders, whence we supposed that they were either of the same tribe, or at peace, with the indians of admiralty sound: {62} unless, indeed, they trade with the patagonian indians; but such is the poverty of the fuegians, they can scarcely possess any thing of value sufficient to exchange with the goods of their northern neighbours, unless it be iron pyrites, which i think is not found in the open country inhabited by the patagonian indians, and, from the facility with which it yields sparks of fire, must be an object of importance. we were not a little amused by the surprise which these natives showed at the things in our possession, and by the effect produced in their countenances when they saw any thing extraordinary: the expression was not that of joy or surprise, but a sort of vacant, stupified, stare at each other. they must have been very suspicious of our intentions, or very much excited by what they had seen during the day, as throughout the night an incessant chattering of voices was heard on shore, interrupted only by the barking of their dogs. looking down the magdalen inlet, we saw two openings, which, while the hills were enveloped in mist, had the appearance of being channels. we proceeded for some distance into the more westerly of the two, but found that it was merely a sound, terminated by high land. the boat was then steered under a steep mass of black mountainous land,[56] the summit of which is divided into three peaks, which sarmiento called 'el pan de azucar de los boquerones' (the sugar-loaf of the openings). we ran southward, fifteen miles down this sound, and reached the labyrinth islands; but finding there no suitable anchorage, resumed our course towards the bottom of what we thought another sound, terminated by mountains. at noon, the furthest point, on the west shore, which we called cape turn, was within three miles of us, and we should soon have discovered the continuation of the channel (as it has since been proved); but a breeze set in from the s.w., and in a short time it blew so strong as to oblige us to turn back. 'williwaws' and baffling eddy winds kept us seven hours under mount boqueron. these squalls were at first alarming, but by taking in all sail, before they passed, we sustained no injury. at {63} sunset we were abreast of hope harbour, in which we purposed taking shelter from the gale. our late neighbours, the indians, had lighted a fire at the entrance to invite our return; but wind and tide were against us, and as we knew of no port to leeward, our only resource was to run out of the sound. furious squalls carried us into the true, or steady, wind, which we found very strong; and as port san antonio was on the lee-bow, we had to carry such a press of sail, that our excellent boat had nearly half the lee side of her deck under water. by daylight we got into smooth water, and, with less wind and better weather, steered for port famine. the smoother water enabled us to light a fire and cook a meal, not an unimportant affair, as we had eaten nothing since six o'clock on the preceding morning. in our absence mr. graves had surveyed lomas bay, and, after his return, mr. ainsworth had crossed the strait with the gig and cutter to survey port san antonio. they were victualled for five days; the gig was manned by my own boat's crew, and the cutter by volunteers: but although they had not come back, we felt no anxiety about their safety, being assured that mr. ainsworth would not run the risk of crossing the strait during bad weather. the tempestuous state of the two following days, however, made us uneasy, and on the third morning, when the wind moderated much, we looked out anxiously for their arrival. in the evening the cutter returned; but, alas! with the melancholy information of the loss of mr. ainsworth, and two seamen, drowned by the upsetting of the gig. one of the latter was my excellent coxswain, john corkhill. the remainder of the gig's crew were only rescued from drowning by the strenuous exertions of those in the cutter. mr. ainsworth, anxious to return to the ship, thought too little of the difficulty and danger of crossing the strait during unsettled weather. he set out from port san antonio under sail, and, while sheltered by the land, did very well; but as soon as they got into the offing, both wind and sea increased so much that the gig was in great danger, although under only a small close-reefed sail. {64} the people in the cutter were anxiously watching her labouring movements, when she disappeared! they hastened to the spot--saved three men; but the other two had gone down. poor ainsworth was still clinging to the gig's gunwale when his shipmates eagerly approached; but letting go his hold from extreme exhaustion, and being heavily clothed, he sunk from their sight to rise no more. he had been cheering the drowning crew, and trying to save his companions, till the moment his grasp relaxed. just before ainsworth himself let go, mr. hodgskin lost his hold, exclaiming, ainsworth, save me! when, exhausted as he was, with one hand he rescued his friend, and, directly afterwards, his strength failing, sunk. this addition of three people to the already loaded cutter, made her cargo more than was safe, therefore mr. williams, who commanded her, very prudently bore up for the first convenient landing-place, and happily succeeded in reaching the only part of the beach, between lomas bay and cape valentyn, where a boat could land. the following morning, the weather being more favourable, they crossed under sail to freshwater bay, and thence pulled to port famine. this melancholy disaster was much felt by every one. ainsworth was a deserving officer, and highly esteemed. corkhill was captain of the forecastle, and had served in the polar voyages under sir edward parry. on the sunday following, the colours were hoisted half-mast high, and the funeral service was read after morning prayers: for although to recover the bodies was impossible, their watery grave was before our eyes; and the performance of this last sad duty was a melancholy satisfaction. "ours are the tears, tho' few, sincerely shed, when ocean shrouds and sepulchres our dead." a tablet was subsequently erected, on point st. anna, to record this fatal accident. * * * * * {65} chapter v. lieutenant sholl arrives--beagle returns--loss of the saxe cobourg sealer--captain stokes goes to fury harbour to save her crew--beagle's proceedings--bougainville's memorial--cordova's memorial--beagle's danger--difficulties--captain stokes's boat-cruize--passages--natives- dangerous service--western entrance of the strait of magalhaens--hope's cruize--prepare to return to monte video. the beagle's time of absence had expired on the 1st of april, and our anxiety, more excited by our recent loss, was becoming painful. i detained the hope from going upon a service for which she was prepared, in case she might be required to search for our consort: but on the 6th a strange whale-boat was descried pulling towards us from the southward, in which we soon distinguished lieut. sholl. his appearance, under such circumstances, of course raised fears for the beagle's safety; but, on approaching, his gratifying shout, "all's well!" at once removed anxiety. mr. sholl informed me, that the beagle had picked up a boat, belonging to the schooner 'prince of saxe cobourg,' wrecked in fury harbour, at the south entrance of the barbara channel; and that she had put into port gallant, whence captain stokes had gone with the boats to assist the sealers, leaving lieut. skyring on board. the safety of the beagle being established, i despatched mr. graves, in the hope, to examine some openings between the magdalen channel and the dos hermanos of bougainville. several days earlier than i expected, the beagle made her appearance, and captain stokes soon gave me the agreeable intelligence of having succeeded in saving the prince of saxe cobourg's crew. favoured by the weather, though delayed by his guide having forgotten the way, captain stokes reached fury harbour in two days, and embarked the master and {66} crew of the wrecked vessel, with all their personal property, and the greater part of the seal-skins which they had cured. he reached port gallant again on the fourth day; sailed immediately in the beagle, and two days afterwards anchored in port famine. the prince of saxe cobourg, belonging to mr. weddel (whose voyage towards the south pole is so well known), and commanded by mr. matthew brisbane, who accompanied weddel on that occasion, sailed from england in the summer of 1826, on a sealing voyage. at south shetland she encountered a continuance of bad weather, was beset by a large body of ice for several days, and received so much damage as to oblige her to run for the fuegian coast, and anchor in fury harbour, at the entrance of the barbara channel. there (december 16th, 1826) she was driven on shore by the furious strength of the williwaws, and wrecked. the crew were, however, enabled to save most of the provisions and stores, as well as their three boats. having made tents, and established themselves on shore, they remained in anxious expectation of the arrival of some vessel which might relieve them; day after day however passed, without succour. two boats were despatched to look for any sealing vessel that might be in the vicinity, but after fifteen days' absence they returned unsuccessful. in this interval one of the crew, who had long been sickly, died; and another, in carelessly discharging a musket, exploded twenty pounds of gunpowder, by which he was very much burned. three of the people being mutinous, were punished by being sent, each to a different island, with only a week's provisions. soon afterwards another boat was sent away, which reached hope harbour, but found no vessel there. seven of the people then obtained permission from the master (who kept up a very proper state of discipline), to take the largest whale-boat, and go towards the river negro. previous to their departure they drew up articles of agreement for their general conduct, a breach of which was to be punished by the offender being left upon the coast, wherever they might happen to {67} be. the boat eventually arrived safely at the place of her destination, and the crew entered as volunteers on board of the buenos ayrean squadron, at that time engaged in the war with brazil. again a boat was despatched, directed to go westward through the strait in search of vessels. she had only reached as far as playa parda, when the beagle fell in with her (march 3d, 1827). while passing through the small channels, before entering the strait, she met several canoes, with indians, who endeavoured to stop her, and shot arrows at the crew; but, happily, without doing any mischief. after the last boat's departure, mr. brisbane began to build a small vessel, and, while so employed, was visited by a party of natives, who conducted themselves very peaceably, and went away. their visit, however, gave the shipwrecked people, now much reduced in number,[57] reason to apprehend the return of a larger body, who might try to possess themselves of the property which was lying about on the shore; they therefore buried a great deal, and took means to preserve the rest by making preparations to repel attack. when captain stokes appeared with his two boats, the sealers flew to their arms, calling out "the indians, the indians!" but in a very few minutes excess of joy succeeded to their sudden alarm. captain stokes found the vessel lying on the rocks, bilged, and an utter wreck. the master and crew were extremely anxious to get away, he therefore embarked them, with as much of the property as could be carried, and succeeded (after another night in the boats, and a long pull of eighty miles,) in conveying them safely to the beagle. the following is an abstract of captain stokes's journal of his cruise to the western entrance of the strait. the beagle sailed from port famine on the 15th of january, to explore the strait westward of cape froward, and to fix particularly the positions of cape pillar, the rock called {68} westminster hall, and the islands of direction, at the western entrance of the strait. for the first night captain stokes anchored in san nicolas bay, and in the evening examined a harbour[58] behind nassau island, which bougainville, in the year 1765, visited for the purpose of procuring wood for the french settlement at the falkland islands. on the second night, after a day nearly calm, the beagle was anchored in a cove to the eastward of cape froward, and the next day (17th) passed round the cape, carrying a heavy press of sail against a dead foul wind. captain stokes's account of this day's beat to windward will give the reader an idea of the sort of navigation. "our little bay had screened us so completely from the wind, that though, when (at five a.m.) we weighed, the breeze was so light as scarcely to enable us, with all sail set, to clear its entrance; no sooner were we outside, than we were obliged to treble reef the topsails. we continued to beat to windward under a heavy press of sail; our object being to double cape froward, and secure, if possible, an anchorage ere night-fall under cape holland, six leagues further to the westward. at first we made 'boards' right across the straits to within a third of a mile of each shore, gaining, however, but little. we then tried whether, by confining our tacks to either coast, we could discover a tide by which we might profit; and for that purpose i began with the north shore, for though we were there more exposed to violent squalls which came down the valleys, i thought it advisable to avoid the indraught of various channels intersecting the fuegian coast; but having made several boards without any perceptible advantage, we tried the south shore, with such success that i was induced to keep on that side during the remainder of the day. "and here let me remark, that in consequence of the westerly winds which blow through the western parts of the straits of magalhaens, with almost the constancy (as regards {69} direction, not force) of a trade-wind; a current setting to the eastward, commonly at the rate of a knot and three quarters an hour, will be found in mid-channel. the tides exert scarcely any influence, except near either shore; and sometimes appear to set, up one side of the straits, and down the other: the weather tide is generally shown by a rippling.(c) "heavy squalls off cape froward repeatedly obliged us to clew all up. by day their approach is announced, in time for the necessary precautions, by their curling up and covering with foam the surface of the water, and driving the spray in clouds before them. "at last we doubled cape froward. this cape (called by the spaniards el morro de santa agueda), the southernmost point of all america, is a bold promontory, composed of dark coloured slaty rock; its outer face is nearly perpendicular, and whether coming from the eastward or westward, it 'makes' as a high round-topped bluff hill ('morro'). "bougainville observes, that 'cape froward has always been much dreaded by navigators.'[59] to double it, and gain an anchorage under cape holland, certainly cost the beagle as tough a sixteen hours' beat as i have ever witnessed: we made thirty-one tacks, which, with the squalls, kept us constantly on the alert, and scarcely allowed the crew to have the ropes out of their hands throughout the day. but what there is to inspire a navigator with 'dread' i cannot tell, for the coast on both sides is perfectly clear, and a vessel may work from shore to shore." from cape holland, the beagle proceeded to port gallant, and during her stay there, mr. bowen ascended the mountain de la cruz. upon the summit he found some remains of a glass bottle, and a roll of papers, which proved to be the memorials stated to have been left by don antonio de cordova, {70} and a copy of a document that had previously been deposited there by m. de bougainville. with these papers was found a spanish two-rial piece of carlos iii., which had been bent to admit of its being put into the bottle. it was with considerable difficulty that any of the writing could be decyphered, for the papers, having been doubled up, were torn, and the words defaced at the foldings, and edges. bougainville's memorial was in latin. cordova's, besides a document in latin, was accompanied by an account of his voyage, written in four languages, spanish, french, italian, and english. the legible part of the former was as follows:- viatori benevolo salus ........ ........ que a periculose admodum naviga ...... ........ brasilie bonarve et insularum .......... ............................................ .......... incertis freti magellanici portubus .... ...................... historia astronomia .... .... boug ................................. .... boug .... duclos et de la giranda 2 navium .. .............. primaris .... comerson .... doct med naturalista regio accu .... m. veron astronomo de romainville hidrographio .......... a rege christianissimo demandans .......... landais lavan fontaine navium loco tenentibus et vexillariis ........ ........ itineris locus dd dervi lemoyne .... ............ riouffe voluntariis. ................ vives .......... scriba anno mdcclxvi. the latin inscription of cordova was as follows:- benevolo navigatori salutem anno domini mdcclxxxviii vir celeberrimus dd antonius de cordova laso de vega navibus duabus (_quarum_ nomina ss casilda et eulalia _erant ad scrutamen_ magellanici freti subsequendum _unâque_ littorum, portuum aliorumque notabilium .................... iter iterum fecit. .... e gadibus classis tertio nonas octobris habenas _immittit_ quarto idus _ejusdem nova_ ...... vidit {71} a boreali ad austra ...... _miserium_ postridie kalendæ novembris emigravit. decimo quarto kalendas januarii patagonicis recognitis litoribus ad ostium appulit freti. tandem ingentibus periculis et horroribus tam in mari quam in freto magnanime et constanter super_atis_ et omnibus portubus atque navium _fundamentis_ utriusque litoris correctissime cognitis ad hunc portum divini jose vel galante septimo idu januarii pervenit ubi ad perpetuam rei memoriam in monte sanctissimæ crucis hoc monumentum reliquit. tertio et excelso carolo regnante potente regali jussu facta fuere suo. colocatum fuit nono kalendæ februarii anno mdcclxxxix. together with a list of the officers of both vessels, and enclosing a memorial of cordova's former voyage in the santa maria de la cabeza. the originals are placed in the british museum; but before we finally left the strait, copies were made on vellum, and deposited on the same spot. the beagle left port gallant[60] with a fair wind, which carried her to swallow harbour. the next stopping place was marian's cove, a very snug anchorage on the north shore, a few miles beyond playa parda. proceeding thence to the westward, with the wind 'in their teeth,' and such bad weather, that they could only see the land of either coast at intervals, and failing in an attempt to find anchorage under cape upright, the beagle was kept under weigh during a squally dark night. in that very place, commodore byron, with the dolphin and tamar, passed the anxious night, which he thus describes:-"our situation was now very alarming; the storm increased every minute, the weather was extremely thick, and the rain seemed to threaten another deluge; we had a long dark night before us, we were in a narrow channel, and surrounded on {72} every side by rocks and breakers."[61] the beagle was under similar circumstances, but the land being known to be high and bold, her danger was not considered so imminent. eastward of cape upright the water was smooth; but between it and cape providence a heavy breaking sea was caused by the deep swell of the pacific. captain stokes found an anchorage the next night in a bay under cape tamar; and the following evening very nearly reached another under cape phillip; but the darkness of a rainy night, and strong squalls, prevented their attempting to anchor in an unknown place, and the only resource was to bear up for shelter under cape tamar, where the previous night had been passed. even this was a dangerous attempt; they could hardly discern any part of the high land, and when before the wind could not avoid the ship's going much too fast. while running about eight knots, a violent shock--a lift forward--heel over--and downward plunge--electrified every one; but before they could look round, she was scudding along, as before, having fairly leaped over the rock. it was afterwards found that a great part of the gripe and false keel were knocked away. captain stokes's account of this day's beat will give an idea of the difficulties which the beagle's crew encountered, in working out of the strait. january 31st. "the hands were turned up at daylight up anchor; but the heavy squalls that came off the high land of the harbour, rendered it too hazardous to weigh, until a temporary lull enabled us to make sail, and re-commence beating to the westward against a dead foul wind, much rain, hard squalls, and a turbulent cross sea. "the squalls became more frequent and more violent after noon; but they gave, in daylight, sufficient warning, being preceded by dark clouds gradually expanding upwards, until their upper line attained the altitude of about fifty degrees: then came heavy rain, and perhaps hail; immediately after followed the squall in all its fury, and generally lasted fifteen or twenty minutes. {73} "in working to windward we frequently extended our 'boards' to the south shore (not without risk considering the state of the weather), with the hope of making out tuesday bay, or some anchorage thereabout; but the coast was covered with so thick a mist, that not a single point, mentioned by preceding navigators, could be recognised. "about seven in the evening we were assailed by a squall, which burst upon the ship with fury far surpassing all that preceded it; had not sail been shortened in time, not a stick would have been left standing, or she must have capsized. as it was, the squall hove her so much over on her broadside, that the boat which was hanging at the starboard quarter was washed away. i then stood over to the north shore, to look for anchorage under the lee of a cape, about three leagues to the north-west of cape tamar. on closing it, the weather became so thick that at times we could scarcely see two ships' lengths a-head. "these circumstances were not in favour of exploring unknown bays, and to think of passing such a night as was in prospect, under sail in the straits, would have been a desperate risk; i was obliged therefore to yield the hard-gained advantage of this day's beat, and run for the anchorage whence we had started in the morning. "it was nearly dark ere we reached it; and in entering, desirous to keep well up to windward, in order to gain the best anchorage, i went too close to the outer islet, and the ship struck violently on a rocky ledge. however, she did not hang a moment, and was soon anchored in safety." finding so much danger and difficulty, in proceeding with the ship, without first knowing where to run for anchorages, captain stokes left her in tamar bay, under the charge of lieutenant skyring; and, accompanied by mr. flinn, set out in the cutter, with a week's provisions, to examine the south coast. in a very arduous and dangerous cruize he discovered several well-sheltered anchorages, but experienced a "constant heavy gale from w.n.w., with thick weather and incessant drenching rain." {74} captain stokes says, "our discomfort in an open boat was very great, since we were all constantly wet to the skin. in trying to double the various headlands, we were repeatedly obliged (after hours of ineffectual struggle against sea and wind) to desist from useless labour, and take refuge in the nearest cove which lay to leeward." from the harbour of mercy, captain stokes attempted to cross the strait, on his return to the beagle; but the sea ran too high, and obliged him to defer his daring purpose until the weather was more favourable. during his absence, lieutenant skyring surveyed tamar bay and its vicinity. again the beagle weighed, and tried hard to make some progress to the westward, but was obliged a third time to return to tamar bay. after another delay she just reached sholl bay, under cape phillip, and remained there one day, to make a plan of the anchorage, and take observations to fix its position. the beagle reached the harbour of mercy (separation harbour of wallis and carteret),[62] after a thirty days' passage from port famine, on the 15th, having visited several anchorages on the south shore in her way. but tedious and harassing as her progress had been, the accounts of byron, wallis, carteret, and bougainville show that they found more difficulty, and took more time, in their passages from port famine to the western entrance of the strait. byron, in 1764, was forty-two days; wallis, in 1766, eighty-two; carteret, in the same year, eighty-four; and bougainville, in 1768, forty days, in going that short distance. five days were passed at this place, during which they communicated with a few natives, of whom captain stokes remarks; "as might be expected from the unkindly climate in which they dwell, the personal appearance of these indians does not {75} exhibit, either in male or female, any indications of activity or strength. their average height is five feet five inches; their habit of body is spare; the limbs are badly turned, and deficient in muscle; the hair of their head is black, straight, and coarse; their beards, whiskers, and eyebrows, naturally exceedingly scanty, are carefully plucked out; their forehead is low; the nose rather prominent, with dilated nostrils; their eyes are dark, and of a moderate size; the mouth is large, and the under-lip thick; their teeth are small and regular, but of bad colour. they are of a dirty copper colour; their countenance is dull, and devoid of expression. for protection against the rigours of these inclement regions, their clothing is miserably suited; being only the skin of a seal, or sea-otter, thrown over the shoulders, with the hairy side outward. "the two upper corners of this skin are tied together across the breast with a strip of sinew or skin, and a similar thong secures it round the waist; the skirts are brought forward so as to be a partial covering. their comb is a portion of the jaw of a porpoise, and they anoint their hair with seal or whale blubber; for removing the beard and eyebrows they employ a very primitive kind of tweezers, namely, two muscle shells. they daub their bodies with a red earth, like the ruddle used in england for marking sheep. the women, and children, wear necklaces, formed of small shells, neatly attached by a plaiting of the fine fibres of seal's intestines. "the tracts they inhabit are altogether destitute of four-footed animals; they have not domesticated the geese or ducks which abound here; of tillage they are utterly ignorant; and the only vegetable productions they eat are a few wild berries and a kind of sea-weed. their principal food consists of muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs, and, as often as possible, seal, sea-otter, porpoise, and whale: we often found in their deserted dwellings bones of these animals, which had undergone the action of fire. "former voyagers have noticed the avidity with which they swallowed the most offensive offal, such as decaying seal-skins, {76} rancid seal, and whale blubber, &c. when on board my ship, they ate or drank greedily whatever was offered to them, salt-beef, salt-pork, preserved meat, pudding, pea-soup, tea, coffee, wine, or brandy--nothing came amiss. one little instance, however, happened, which showed what they preferred. as they were going ashore, a lump of the tallow used for arming the lead was given to them, and received with particular delight. it was scrupulously divided, and placed in the little baskets which they form of rushes, to be reserved for eating last, as the richest treat. "to their dwellings have been given, in various books of voyages, the names of huts, wigwams, &c.; but, with reference to their structure, i think old sir john narborough's term for them will convey the best idea to an english reader; he calls them 'arbours.' they are formed of about a couple of dozen branches, pointed at the larger ends, and stuck into the ground round a circular or elliptical space, about ten feet by six; the upper ends are brought together, and secured by tyers of grass, over which is thrown a thatching of grass and seal-skins, a hole being left at the side as a door, and another at the top as a vent for the smoke. a fire is kept burning within, over which the natives are constantly cowering; hence, when seen abroad, instead of appearing to be hardy savages, inured to wet and cold, you see wretched creatures shivering at every breeze. i never met people so sensible of cold as these fuegian indians. "the nature of their domestic ties we had no opportunity of discovering; their manner towards their children is affectionate and caressing. i often witnessed the tenderness with which they tried to quiet the alarms our presence at first occasioned, and the pleasure which they showed when we bestowed upon the little ones any trifling trinkets. it appeared that they allow their children to possess property, and consult their little whims and wishes, with respect to its disposal; for being in a boat, alongside one of the canoes, bargaining for various articles, spears, arrows, baskets, &c., i took a fancy to a dog lying near one of the women, and offered a price for it; one of my seamen, supposing the bargain concluded, laid {77} hands on the dog, at which the woman set up a dismal yell; so bidding him desist, i increased my offers. she declined to part with it, but would give two others. at last, my offers became so considerable, that she called a little boy out of the thick jungle (into which he had fled at our approach), who was the owner of the dog. the goods were shown to him, and all his party urged him to sell it, but the little urchin would not consent. he offered to let me have his necklace, and what he received in exchange was put away in his own little basket. "these people never evinced any thankfulness for our presents. whatever was offered they 'clutched at,' doubtful of getting it, although held out to them; and when in their own hand, it was instantly stowed away, as if they feared it would be recalled. "i sometimes tried to discover whether they preferred any particular colour, and for that purpose held out three strings of beads, black, white, and red; they clutched at all three, in their usual manner, without showing any preference. "their pronunciation is exceedingly harsh and guttural; not more than two words, whose signification was at all ascertained, could be made out, 'sherroo,' a ship, boat, or canoe, and 'peteet,' a child. they have a wonderful aptitude for imitating the sounds of strange languages: let a sentence, of even a dozen words, be distinctly pronounced, and they will repeat it with the utmost precision. "their only articles of traffic, besides such implements and weapons as they use, are seal and otter skins; and i should say that the quantity of peltry to be procured from them would be insignificant towards completing the cargo of a sealing vessel." during the next few days the beagle was employed in the most exposed, the least known, and the most dangerous part of the strait. fortunately, she was favoured by weather, and effected her purpose without injury or loss; but i never reflect upon this piece of service without an inward tribute of admiration to the daring, skill, and seamanship of captain stokes, lieutenant skyring, and mr. flinn. {78} in his journal captain stokes says: "incessant rain and thick clouds prevented my completing, until this day (19th), the observations necessary for making an island, just outside the harbour of mercy, the southern end of my base, for the trigonometrical connection of the coasts and islands near the western entrance of this weather-beaten strait. "on the 20th, i weighed and beat to windward, intending to search for anchorage on the north shore, where i might land and fix the northern end of our base line. in the evening we anchored in an archipelago of islands, the real danger of whose vicinity was much increased to the eye by rocks, scattered in every direction, and high breakers, occasioned doubtless by reefs under water. we observed that most of the larger islands have small banks of sand at their eastern sides, on which anchorage may be found; but for ordinary purposes of navigation, this cluster of islands[63] need only be pointed out to be avoided. the number and contiguity of the rocks, below as well as above water, render it a most hazardous place for any square-rigged vessel: nothing but the particular duty on which i was ordered would have induced me to venture among them. fore-and-aft vessels might work with far less risk; and as the rocks are frequented by vast numbers of fur seal, a season or two might be profitably passed here by a sealing vessel so rigged. "this morning (21st) i landed on one of the larger islands, with lieutenant skyring, and having ascended an eminence (observation mount) with the necessary instruments, fixed its position, and made it the northern end of our base. "it was a beautiful, and clear day; the isles of direction (or evangelists), as well as every point of importance on the adjacent coast, were seen distinctly during several hours. "my next object was to fix the position of cape victory, and ascertain whether anchorage could be found in its neighbourhood. accordingly, we weighed early next morning (22d,) and after extricating ourselves from this labyrinth (not without much difficulty and danger), we beat to the westward. violent squalls, a heavy sea, and thick weather, which came on about {79} noon, obliged me to choose the least evil, and run for the harbour of mercy. "on the 23d, we went out again, and beat towards the isles of direction, off which we passed a night under sail. "the morning of the 24th was very fine, and the wind moderate. leaving the beagle to sound about the isles of direction, i set out in my boat, with two days' provisions, towards cape victory. as we rowed along these rocky shores, threading the mazes of the labyrinth of islets which fringe them, we saw vast numbers of black whales, and the rocks were quite covered with fur seal and brant geese. "after pulling, in earnest, for six hours, we landed upon cape victory, the north-western limit of the strait of magalhaens, and there, with a sextant, artificial horizon, and chronometer, ascertained the position of this remarkable promontory. from an eminence, eight hundred feet above the sea, we had a commanding view of the adjacent coasts, as well as of the vast pacific, which enabled us to rectify former material errors. late in the evening we were fortunate enough to get safely on board again, which, considering the usual weather here and the heavy sea, was unexpected success. this night was passed under sail in the pacific, and next morning we commenced our return to port famine. "when within four or five miles of cape pillar, and to the westward of it, a current was found to set southward, at about two knots an hour. as we neared the cape the wind fell, and the beagle was set rapidly towards those dangerous rocks, called the apostles. fortunately, a commanding breeze sprung up, and we extricated ourselves from the difficulty. while passing cape pillar, i landed in a cove near it, and determined its position. by sunset we had arrived near the harbour of mercy; and being becalmed, towed the ship in, with her boats, until an anchor was dropped at the proper place. "on the 26th, we went to tuesday bay, and on the 27th crossed the strait, and anchored under cape parker. i have rarely witnessed such a high, cross, and irregular sea as we this day passed through, near the strange mass of rock, called by {80} narborough, 'westminster hall.' the coast about our unsafe anchorage was as barren and dismal-looking as any part of this country, which, as the old navigator above-mentioned said, is 'so desolate land to behold.' "next day (march 1st) we ran down to cape upright, and there remained until the 3d, collecting the required data for our survey. "while standing towards the bay called playa parda (on the 3d), a boat under sail was seen making towards us from the southern coast. i fired several guns, to show our position, before we became shut in by the land, and soon after anchoring a whale-boat came alongside, with the second mate and five men belonging to the sealing-vessel prince of saxe cobourg. "anxious not to lose a moment in hastening to the relief of our shipwrecked countrymen, i ran down next day to port gallant, and thence proceeded with two ten-oared boats (on the 5th) through the barbara channel, and the following evening reached fury harbour." having already given a short account of the saxe cobourg's loss, and the rescue of her crew by captain stokes, i will not repeat the story by extracting more from his journal. mr. graves returned from his cruize in the hope on the 17th, after suffering much from stormy weather and incessant rain; but having made a survey of the openings in the land to the west of magdalen channel as far as the sugar loaf point, at the west head of lyell sound, which he found to be deep inlets, affording no anchorages of value to navigation. the time having arrived for our return to monte video, preparations were made for sailing, and in the mean time i went to the northward, in the hope, to survey the coast between port famine and elizabeth island, including shoal haven. at the bottom of shoal haven we were stopped by the water shoaling to five feet, so that we were obliged to haul out till we could anchor in more than two fathoms. during the night the wind shifted to n.e., and blew right in, obliging us to weigh, and work under the s.w. end of elizabeth island into a bay close to that shore. from the summit of the s.w. {81} point i afterwards took angles, among which the most important gave mount sarmiento bearing s. 1½° w. (true). its distance must have been (by recent observations) ninety-four miles. elizabeth island is a long, low strip of land, lying parallel to the shores of the strait, which here take a n.n.e. direction. compared with the land to the southward it is very low, no part being more than two or three hundred feet high. it is composed of narrow ranges of hills, extending in ridges in the direction of its length, over which are strewed boulders of the various rocks, which have been noticed before as forming the shingle beaches of point st. mary and point st. anna; two kinds of rock, greenstone and hornblende, being the most common. the vallies which divide the hilly ridges were well clothed with grass, and in many places were seen hollows, that had contained fresh water, but now were entirely dried up. these spots were marked by a white crust, apparently caused by the saline quality of the soil. geese and wild ducks, and the red-bill (_hæmatopus_), seem to be the only inhabitants of this island. the indians sometimes visit it, for at the s.w. end we found remains of wigwams and shell-fish. perhaps it is a place whence they communicate with the patagonian natives, or they may in the season frequent it for eggs. we anchored in laredo bay, and visited a lake about a mile from the beach, distinguished on the chart by the name of duck lagoon: it is very extensive, and covered with large flights of gulls, ducks, and widgeons. we shot one widgeon, which was a most beautiful bird, and of a species we had not before seen.[64] here the country begins to be clothed with the deciduous leaved beech tree (_fagus antarctica_), which is stunted in growth, but very convenient for fuel. though the hardiest tree of this region, it is never found of large size, the larger trees being the evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_). we also met with several small plants common to cape gregory. one {82} may consider cape negro to be the boundary of two countries, as entirely different from each other in geological structure and appearance, as they are in climate, to which last difference may be attributed the dissimilarity of their botanical productions. hence we returned to port famine. in our absence, a boat from the beagle had crossed the strait to lomas bay, where a party of natives had kindled fires of invitation. the weather, since the sun crossed the equator, had been unusually fine; and, with the exception of one day's heavy rain, the sky was so clear (the wind being moderate from the n.e.) that all the heights were exposed to our view, and amongst them mount sarmiento stood pre-eminent. our preparations for sailing being nearly completed, the hope was unrigged and hoisted in, and our temporary settlement on shore abandoned. it consisted of a marquee and a large bell tent. in the former was mr. harrison (mate), who had charge of the party, and of the meteorological instruments: the bell tent held the crew. near them were the observatory, a sawpit, and a cooking place, where a cheerful fire was always blazing. the carpenter's shop, cooper's bench, and armourer's forge had each its place, as well as a rope-walk, close to which our rigging was refitted, and the sails were repaired. after working-hours the shore party roamed about the woods with guns, or at low water picked up shell fish,[65] by which they usually procured a fresh meal twice, but always once, a week. meanwhile the ship was kept carefully clean and in order. the officers not immediately employed in active duty made excursions with their guns; and although the immediate vicinity of our tents was pretty well thinned of game, yet a walk of a few miles was always rewarded by ample sport. when opportunities offered, some of the men were permitted to amuse themselves on shore with their guns, for which many had provided themselves with powder and shot. every sunday, after divine service, which was performed as regularly as possible under our circumstances, such of the ship's company as desired {83} permission to land obtained it. on one occasion, however, we had nearly suffered for this indulgence, which was conducive to the men's health, and seldom abused: for one of them having made a fire at a little distance from the tents, the flames spread, and the exertions of all hands, for three hours, only just prevented it from communicating to the tents. on another occasion, two men set out on a shooting excursion, intending to cross the river sedger, against doing which there had been no particular orders, as such a proceeding was scarcely contemplated. having reached the bank near its mouth, and searched for a fordable place unsuccessfully, they launched a log of wood, and sitting astride, without providing themselves with a pole or paddle, pushed off from the shore, supposing it would go across; but, on reaching the middle of the stream, it was soon carried, by the current, out of the river, into the bay. one man, gilly, seeing that the log was still floating away with the ebb tide, plunged in, and just reached the shore south of the river, in a very exhausted state; the other, rix, unable to swim, kept his place, and was carried out to sea on a voyage that might have been fatal, had he not been seen from the ship, and saved by a boat. before leaving port famine we hauled one of our boats ashore, and left her (as we thought) securely hidden among the trees. being now ready to sail, and only waiting for wind, the officers of both ships, twenty-seven in number, dined together on shore. * * * * * {84} chapter vi. trees--leave port famine--patagonians--gregory bay--bysante--maria- falkner's account of the natives--indians seen on the borders of the otway water, in 1829--maria visits the adventure--religious ceremony- patagonian encampment--tomb of a child--women's employment--children- gratitude of a native--size of patagonians--former accounts of their gigantic height--character--articles for barter--fuegians living with patagonians--ships sail--arrive at monte video and rio de janeiro. while detained by northerly winds, the carpenter and a party of people were employed in the woods selecting and cutting down trees to be ready for our next visit. after felling thirteen trees, from twenty-four to thirty-six inches in diameter, eight were found to be rotten at the heart; but by afterwards taking the precaution of boring the trees with an augur, while standing, much trouble was saved, and fifteen sound sticks of considerable diameter were cut down. we found one tree, an evergreen beech, too large for any of our saws: it measured twenty-one feet in girth at the base, and from the height of six feet to twenty it was seventeen feet in circumference; above this height, three large arms (each from thirty to forty inches in diameter), branched off from the trunk. it is, perhaps, the very tree described by byron in his account of this place. we only once saw it equalled in size, and that was by a prostrate trunk, very much decayed. in this interval of fine weather and northerly wind, we had the thermometer as high as 58°, and the barometer ranging between 29.80 and 30.00; but for two days before the wind shifted, the alteration was predicted by a gradual descent of the mercurial column, and a considerable increase of cold. on the 7th may, as there was some appearance of a change, we got under weigh; but were hardly outside the port, when a northerly wind again set in, and prevented our going farther than {85} freshwater bay, where we passed the night. at last, on the 8th, accompanied by the beagle, we proceeded on our course with a strong south-westerly breeze, which carried us quickly up to cape negro, when it blew so hard that i anchored off laredo bay. at this anchorage we certainly felt the air much colder and sharper than at port famine, arising from our being in a more exposed situation, and from the approach of winter, as well as from the severe south-west gale which was blowing. after the gale had abated, we proceeded with fair weather and a light breeze to the second narrow, when the wind fell; but the tide being in our favour, we passed rapidly through. on a hill near us we observed three or four patagonian indians standing together, and their horses feeding close to them. a fire was soon kindled, to attract our notice, to which signal we replied by showing our colours; and had we not already communicated with these people, we should certainly have thought them giants, for they "loomed very large" as they stood on the summit of the hill. this optical deception must doubtless have been caused by mirage: the haze has always been observed to be very great during fine weather and a hot day arising from rapid evaporation of the moisture so abundantly deposited, on the surface of the ground, in all parts of the strait. as soon as the patagonians found they were noticed, they mounted and rode along the shore abreast of us, being joined by other parties, until the whole number could not have been less than forty. several foals and dogs were with them. having anchored in gregory bay, where i intended remaining for two days to communicate with them, i sent up a rocket, burnt a blue-light, and despatched lieutenant cooke on shore to ask for a large supply of guanaco meat, for which we would pay in knives and beads. the boat returned on board immediately, bringing off four natives, three men and 'maria.' this rather remarkable woman must have been, judging by her appearance, about forty years old: she is said to have been born at assuncion, in paraguay, but i think the place of her birth was nearer buenos ayres. she spoke broken, but {86} intelligible, spanish, and stated herself to be sister of bysante, the cacique of a tribe near the santa cruz river, who is an important personage, on account of his size (which maria described to be immense), and his riches. in speaking of him, she said he was _very_ rich; he had many mantles, and also many hides ("_muy_ rico, tiene muchas mantas y tambien muchos cueros"). one of maria's companions, a brother of bysante, was the tallest and largest man of this tribe; and though he only measured six feet in height, his body was large enough for a much taller man. he was in great affliction: his daughter had died only two days before our arrival; but, notwithstanding his sad story, which soon found him friends, it was not long before he became quite intoxicated, and began to sing and roar on the subject of his misfortunes, with a sound more like the bellowing of a bull than the voice of a human being. upon applying to maria, who was not quite so tipsy as her brother, to prevent him from making such hideous noises, she laughed and said, "oh, never mind, he's drunk; poor fellow, his daughter is dead" (es boracho, povrecito, muriò su hija); and then, assuming a serious tone, she looked towards the sky, and muttered in her own language a sort of prayer or invocation to their chief demon, or ruling spirit, whom pigafetta, the companion and historian of magalhaens, called _setebos_, which admiral burney supposes to have been the original of one of shakspeare's names in the "tempest"- "-----------his art is of such power he would controul my dam's god setebos.[66]" maria's dress was similar to that of other females of the tribe; but she wore ear-rings, made of medals stamped with a figure of the virgin mary, which, with the brass-pin that secured her mantle across her breast, were given to her by one lewis, who had passed by in an american sealing-vessel, and who, we understood from her, had made them "christians." the jesuit falkner, who lived among them for many years, has written a long and, apparently, a very authentic account {87} of the inhabitants of the countries south of the river plata, and he describes those who inhabit the borders of the strait and sea-coast to be, "yacana-cunnees, which signifies foot-people, for they have no horses in their country; to the north they border on the sehuau-cunnees, to the west on the key-yus, or key-yuhues, from whom they are divided by a ridge of mountains; to the east they are bounded by the ocean; and to the south by the islands of tierra del fuego, or the south sea. these indians live near the sea on both sides of the strait, and often make war with one another. they make use of light floats, like those of chilóe, in order to pass the straits, and are sometimes attacked by the huilliches and other tehuelhets, who carry them away for slaves, as they have nothing to lose but their liberty and their lives. they subsist chiefly on fish, which they catch either by diving, or striking them with their darts. they are very nimble afoot, and catch guanacoes and ostriches with their bowls. their stature is much the same as that of the other tehuelhets, rarely exceeding seven feet, and oftentimes not six feet. they are an innocent, harmless people."[67] to the north of this race, falkner describes "the sehuau-cunnees, the most southern indians who travel on horseback; sehuau signifies in the tehuel dialect a species of black rabbit, about the size of a field rat; and as their country abounds in these animals, their name may be derived from thence: cunnee signifying 'people.'" with the exception of their mode of killing the guanaco by bowls, or balls, the description of the key-yus would apply better to the fuegian indians; and if so, they have been driven across the strait, and confined to the fuegian shores by the sehuau-cunnees, who must be no other than maria's tribe. the key-yus, who are described to inhabit the northern shore of the strait, between peckett's harbour and madre de dios, are probably the tribe found about the south-western islands, and now called alikhoolip; whilst the eastern fuegians, or yacana-cunnees, who have also been turned off the {88} continent by their powerful neighbours, are now called tekeenikas. our knowledge of the names of these two tribes, alikhoolip and tekeenika, results from captain fitz-roy's subsequent examination of the outer coast of tierra del fuego in the beagle (1830). a cacique, belonging to the nation of the key-yus, told falkner that he had been in a house made of wood, that travelled on the water. a party of the indians, in four canoes, were met on the borders of the otway water by captain fitz-roy in 1829, whose arms, implements, and every thing they had, were precisely like the fuegian indians, excepting that they had a quiver made from the skin of a deer, and were in form a superior race, being both stronger and stouter. for want of better information upon the subject, we must be content to separate the natives into patagonians and fuegians. the sealing vessels' crews distinguish them as horse indians, and canoe indians. these people have had considerable communication with the sealers who frequent this neighbourhood, bartering their guanaco skins and meat, their mantles, and furs, for beads, knives, brass ornaments, and other articles; but they are equally anxious to get sugar, flour, and, more than all, "aqua ardiente," or spirits. upon the arrival of a boat from any vessel, maria, with as many as she can persuade the boat's crew to take, goes on board, and, if permitted, passes the night. as soon as our boat landed, maria and her friends took their seats as if it had been sent purposely for them. not expecting such a visit, i had given no order to the contrary, and the novelty of such companions overcame the scruples of the officer, who was sent on shore to communicate with them. their noisy behaviour becoming disagreeable, they were soon conducted from below to the deck, where they passed the night. maria slept with her head on the windlass; and was so intoxicated, that the noise and concussion produced by veering eighty fathoms of cable round it did not awake her. the following morning, whilst i was at breakfast, she very unceremoniously introduced herself, with one of her companions, and {89} seating herself at table, asked for tea and bread, and made a hearty meal. i took the precaution of having all the knives, and articles that i thought likely to be stolen, removed from the table; but neither then, nor at any time, did i detect maria in trying to steal, although her companions never lost an opportunity of pilfering. after breakfast the indians were landed, and as many of the officers as could be spared went on shore, and passed the whole day with the tribe, during which a very active trade was carried on. there were about one hundred and twenty indians collected together, with horses and dogs. it is probable that, with the exception of five or six individuals left to take care of the encampment, and such as were absent on hunting excursions, the whole of the tribe was mustered on the beach, each family in a separate knot, with all their riches displayed to the best advantage for sale. i accompanied maria to the shore. on landing, she conducted me to the place where her family were seated round their property. they consisted of manuel, her husband, and three children, the eldest being known by the appellation of capitan chico, or "little chief." a skin being spread out for me to sit on, the family and the greater part of the tribe collected around. maria then presented me with several mantles and skins, for which i gave in return a sword, remnants of red baize, knives, scissors, looking-glasses, and beads: of the latter i afterwards distributed bunches to all the children, a present which caused evident satisfaction to the mothers, many of whom also obtained a share. the receivers were selected by maria, who directed me to the youngest children first, then to the elder ones, and lastly to the girls and women. it was curious and amusing, to witness the order with which this scene was conducted, and the remarkable patience of the children, who, with the greatest anxiety to possess their trinkets, neither opened their lips, nor held out a hand, until she pointed to them in succession. having told maria that i had more things to dispose of for guanaco meat she dismissed the tribe from around me, and, {90} saying she was going for meat (carne), mounted her horse, and rode off at a brisk pace. upon her departure a most active trade commenced: at first, a mantle was purchased for a string of beads; but as the demand increased, so the indians increased their price, till it rose to a knife, then to tobacco, then to a sword, at last nothing would satisfy them but 'aqua ardiente,' for which they asked repeatedly, saying "bueno es boracho--bueno es--bueno es boracho;"[68]--but i would not permit spirits to be brought on shore. at marians return with a very small quantity of guanaco meat, her husband told her that i had been very inquisitive about a red baize bundle, which he told me contained "cristo," upon which she said to me "quiere mirar mi cristo" (do you wish to see my christ), and then, upon my nodding assent, called around her a number of the tribe, who immediately obeyed her summons. many of the women, however, remained to take care of their valuables. a ceremony then took place. maria, who, by the lead she took in the proceedings, appeared to be high priestess[69] as well as cacique of the tribe, began by pulverising some whitish earth in the hollow of her hand, and then taking a mouthful of water, spit from time to time upon it, until she had formed a sort of pigment, which she distributed to the rest, reserving only sufficient to mark her face, eyelids, arms, and hair with the figure of the cross. the manner in which this was done was peculiar. after rubbing the paint in her left hand smooth with the palm of the right, she scored marks across the paint, and again others at right angles, leaving the impression of as many crosses, which she {91} stamped upon different parts of her body, rubbing the paint, and marking the crosses afresh, after every stamp was made. the men, after having marked themselves in a similar manner (to do which some stripped to the waist and covered all their body with impressions), proceeded to do the same to the boys, who were not permitted to perform this part of the ceremony themselves. manuel, maria's husband, who seemed to be her chief assistant on the occasion, then took from the folds of the sacred wrapper an awl, and with it pierced either the arms or ears of all the party; each of whom presented in turn, pinched up between the finger and thumb, that portion of flesh which was to be perforated. the object evidently was to lose blood, and those from whom the blood flowed freely showed marks of satisfaction, while some whose wounds bled but little underwent the operation a second time. when manuel had finished, he gave the awl to maria, who pierced his arm, and then, with great solemnity and care, muttering and talking to herself in spanish (not two words of which could i catch, although i knelt down close to her and listened with the greatest attention), she removed two or three wrappers, and exposed to our view a small figure, carved in wood, representing a dead person, stretched out. after exposing the image, to which all paid the greatest attention, and contemplating it for some moments in silence, maria began to descant upon the virtues of her christ, telling us it had a good heart ('buen corazon'), and that it was very fond of tobacco. mucho quiere mi cristo tabaco, da me mas, (my christ loves tobacco very much, give me some). such an appeal, on such an occasion, i could not refuse; and after agreeing with her in praise of the figure, i said i would send on board for some. having gained her point, she began to talk to herself for some minutes, during which she looked up, after repeating the words "muy bueno es mi cristo, muy bueno corazon tiene," and slowly and solemnly packed up the figure, depositing it in the place whence it had been taken. this ceremony ended, the traffic, which had been suspended, recommenced with redoubled activity. {92} according to my promise, i sent on board for some tobacco, and my servant brought a larger quantity than i thought necessary for the occasion, which he injudiciously exposed to view. maria, having seen the treasure, made up her mind to have the whole, and upon my selecting three or four pounds of it, and presenting them to her, looked very much disappointed, and grumbled forth her discontent: i taxed her with greediness, and spoke rather sharply, which had a good effect, for she went away and returned with a guanaco mantle, which she presented to me. during this day's barter we procured guanaco meat, sufficient for two days' supply of all hands, for a few pounds of tobacco. it had been killed in the morning, and was brought on horseback cut up into large pieces, for each of which we had to bargain. directly an animal is killed, it is skinned and cut up, or torn asunder, for the convenience of carrying. the operation is done in haste, and therefore the meat looks bad; but it is well tasted, excellent food, and although never fat, yields abundance of gravy, which compensates for its leanness. it improves very much by keeping, and proved to be valuable and wholesome meat. captain stokes, and several of the officers, upon our first reaching the beach, had obtained horses, and rode to their 'toldos,' or principal encampment. on their return, i learned that, at a short distance from the dwellings, they had seen the tomb of the child who had lately died. as soon, therefore, as maria returned, i procured a horse from her, and, accompanied by her husband and brother, the father of the deceased, and herself, visited these toldos, situated in a valley extending north and south between two ridges of hills, through which ran a stream, falling into the strait within the second narrow, about a mile to the westward of cape gregory. we found eight or ten huts arranged in a row; the sides and backs were covered with skins, but the fronts, which faced the east, were open; even these, however, were very much screened from wind by the ridge of hills eastward of the plain. near them the ground was rather bare, but a little {93} farther back there was a luxuriant growth of grass, affording rich and plentiful pasture for the horses, among which we observed several mares in foal, and colts feeding and frisking by the side of their dams: the scene was lively and pleasing, and, for the moment, reminded me of distant climes, and days gone by. the 'toldos' are all alike. in form they are rectangular, about ten or twelve feet long, ten deep, seven feet high in front, and six feet in the rear. the frame of the building is formed by poles stuck in the ground, having forked tops to hold cross pieces, on which are laid poles for rafters, to support the covering, which is made of skins of animals sewn together so as to be almost impervious to rain or wind. the posts and rafters, which are not easily procured, are carried from place to place in all their travelling excursions. having reached their bivouac, and marked out a place with due regard to shelter from the wind, they dig holes with an iron bar or piece of pointed hard wood, to receive the posts; and all the frame and cover being ready, it takes but a short time to erect a dwelling. their goods and furniture are placed on horseback under the charge of the females, who are mounted aloft upon them. the men carry nothing but the lasso and bolas, to be ready for the capture of animals, or for defence. maria's toldo was nearly in the middle, and next to it was her brother's. all the huts seemed well stored with skins and provisions, the former being rolled up and placed at the back, and the latter suspended from the supporters of the roof; the greater part was in that state well known in south america by the name of charque (jerked beef); but this was principally horse-flesh, which these people esteem superior to other food. the fresh meat was almost all guanaco. the only vessels they use for carrying water are bladders, and sufficiently disagreeable substitutes for drinking utensils they make: the fuegian basket, although sometimes dirty, is less offensive. about two hundred yards from the village the tomb was erected, to which, while maria was arranging her skins and {94} mantles for sale, the father of the deceased conducted me and a few other officers. it was a conical pile of dried twigs and branches of bushes, about ten feet high and twenty-five in circumference at the base, the whole bound round with thongs of hide, and the top covered with a piece of red cloth, ornamented with brass studs, and surmounted by two poles, bearing red flags and a string of bells, which, moved by the wind, kept up a continual tinkling. a ditch, about two feet wide and one foot deep, was dug round the tomb, except at the entrance, which had been filled up with bushes. in front of this entrance stood the stuffed skins of two horses, recently killed, each placed upon four poles for legs. the horses' heads were ornamented with brass studs, similar to those on the top of the tomb; and on the outer margin of the ditch were six poles, each carrying two flags, one over the other. the father, who wept much when he visited the tomb, with the party of officers who first went with him, although now evidently distressed, entered into, what we supposed to be, a long account of the illness of his child, and explained to us that her death was caused by a bad cough. no watch was kept over the tomb; but it was in sight of, and not very far from their toldos, so that the approach of any one could immediately be known. they evidently placed extreme confidence in us, and therefore it would have been as unjust as impolitic to attempt an examination of its contents, or to ascertain what had been done with the body. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer patagonian 'toldo' and tomb. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {95} the patagonian women are treated far more kindly by their husbands than the fuegian; who are little better than slaves, subject to be beaten, and obliged to perform all the laborious offices of the family. the patagonian females sit at home, grinding paint, drying and stretching skins, making and painting mantles. in travelling, however, they have the baggage and provisions in their charge, and, of course, their children. these women probably have employments of a more laborious nature than what we saw; but they cannot be compared with those of the fuegians, who, excepting in the fight and chace, do every thing. they paddle the canoes, dive for shells and sea-eggs, build their wigwams, and keep up the fire; and if they neglect any of these duties, or incur the displeasure of their husbands in any way, they are struck or kicked most severely. byron, in his narrative of the loss of the wager, describes the brutal conduct of one of these indians, who actually killed his child for a most trifling offence. the patagonians are devotedly attached to their offspring. in infancy they are carried behind the saddle of the mother, within a sort of cradle, in which they are securely fixed. the cradle is made of wicker-work, about four feet long and one foot wide, roofed over with twigs like the frame of a tilted waggon. the child is swaddled up in skins, with the fur inwards or outwards according to the weather. at night, or when it rains, the cradle is covered with a skin that effectually keeps out the cold or rain. seeing one of these cradles near a woman, i began to make a sketch of it, upon which the mother called the father, who watched me most attentively, and held the cradle in the position which i considered most advantageous for my sketch. the completion of the drawing gave them both great pleasure, and during the afternoon the father reminded me repeatedly of having painted his child ("pintado su hijo.") one circumstance deserves to be noticed, as a proof of their good feeling towards us. it will be recollected that three indians, of the party with whom we first communicated, accompanied us as far as cape negro, where they landed. upon our arrival on this occasion, i was met, on landing, by one of them, who asked for my son, to whom they had taken a great fancy; upon my saying he was on board, the native presented me with a bunch of nine ostrich feathers, and then gave a similar present to every one in the boat. he still carried a large quantity under his arm, tied up in bunches, containing nine feathers in each; and soon afterwards, when a boat from the beagle landed with captain stokes and others, he went to meet them; but finding strangers, he withdrew without making them any present. {96} in the evening my son landed, when the same indian came down to meet him, appeared delighted to see him, and presented him with a bunch of feathers, of the same size as those which he had distributed in the morning. at this, our second visit, there were about fifty patagonian men assembled, not one of whom looked more than fifty-five years of age. they were generally between five feet ten and six feet in height: one man only exceeded six feet--whose dimensions, measured by captain stokes, were as follows:- ft. in. height 6 1¾ round the chest 4 1-1/8 do. loins 3 4¾ i had before remarked the disproportionate largeness of head, and length of body of these people, as compared with the diminutive size of their extremities; and, on this visit, my opinion was further confirmed, for such appeared to be the general character of the whole tribe; and to this, perhaps, may be attributed the mistakes of some former navigators. magalhaens, or rather pigafetta, was the first who described the inhabitants of the southern extremity of america as giants. he met some at port san julian, of whom one is described to be "so tall, that our heads scarcely came up to his waist, and his voice was like that of a bull." herrera,[70] however, gives a less extravagant account of them: he says, "the least of the men was larger and taller than the stoutest man of castile;" and maxim. transylvanus says they were "in height ten palms or spans; or seven feet six inches." in loyasa's voyage (1526), herrera mentions an interview with the natives, who came in two canoes, "the sides of which were formed of the ribs of whales." the people in them were of large size "some called them giants; but there is so little conformity between the accounts given concerning them, that i shall be silent on the subject."[71] as loyasa's voyage was undertaken immediately after the return of magalhaens' expedition, it is probable that, from the {97} impressions received from pigafetta's narrative, many thought the indians whom they met must be giants, whilst others, not finding them so large as they expected, spoke more cautiously on the subject; but the people seen by them must have been fuegians, and not those whom we now recognise by the name of patagonians. sir francis drake's fleet put into port san julian, where they found natives 'of large stature;' and the author of the 'world encompassed,' in which the above voyage is detailed, speaking of their size and height, supposes the name given them to have been _pentagones_, to denote a stature of "five cubits, viz. seven feet and a half," and remarks that it described the full height, if not somewhat more, of the tallest of them.[72] they spoke of the indians whom they met within the strait as small in stature.[73] the next navigator who passed through the strait was sarmiento; whose narrative says little in proof of the very superior size of the patagonians. he merely calls them "gente grande,"[74] and "los gigantes;" but this might have originated from the account of magalhaens' voyage. he particularises but one indian, whom they made prisoner, and only says "his limbs are of large size:" ("es crecido de miembros.") this man was a native of the land near cape monmouth, and, therefore, a fuegian. sarmiento was afterwards in the neighbourhood of gregory bay, and had an encounter with the indians, in which he and others were wounded; but he does not speak of them as being unusually tall. after the establishment, called 'jesus,' was formed by sarmiento, in the very spot where 'giants' had been seen, no people of large stature are mentioned, in the account of the colony; but tomé hernandez, when examined before the vice-roy of peru, stated, "that the indians of the plains, who are giants, communicate with the natives of tierra del fuego, who are like them."[75] anthony knyvet's account[76] of cavendish's second voyage {98} (which is contained in purchas), is not considered credible. he describes the patagonians to be fifteen or sixteen spans in height; and that of these cannibals, there came to them at one time above a thousand! the indians at port famine, in the same narrative, are mentioned as a kind of strange cannibals, short of body, not above five or six spans high, very strong, and thick made.[77] the natives, who were so inhumanly murdered by oliver van noort, on the island of santa maria (near elizabeth island), were described to be nearly of the same stature as the common people in holland, and were remarked to be broad and high-chested. some captives were taken on board, and one, a boy, informed the crew that there was a tribe living farther in-land, named 'tiremenen,' and their territory 'coin;' that they were "great people, like giants, being from ten to twelve feet high, and that they came to make war against the other tribes,[78] whom they reproached for being eaters of ostriches!"[79] spilbergen (1615) says he "saw a man of extraordinary stature, who kept on the higher grounds to observe the ships;" and on an island, near the entrance of the strait, were found the dead bodies of two natives, wrapped in the skins of penguins, and very lightly covered with earth; one of them was of the common human stature, the other, the journal says, was two feet and a half longer.[80] the gigantic appearance of the man on the hills may perhaps be explained by the optical deception we ourselves experienced. le maire and schouten, whose accounts of the graves of the patagonians agree precisely with what we noticed at sea bear bay, of the body being laid on the ground covered with {99} a heap of stones, describe the skeletons as measuring ten or eleven feet in length, "the skulls of which we could put on our heads in the manner of helmets!" the nodales did not see any people on the northern side of the strait; those with whom they communicated were natives of tierra del fuego, of whose form no particular notice is taken. sir john narborough saw indians at port san julian, and describes them as "people of a middling stature: well-shaped. ... mr. wood was taller than any of them." he also had an interview with nineteen natives upon elizabeth island, but they were fuegians. in the year 1741, patagonian indians were seen by bulkley and his companions. they were mounted on horses, or mules, which is the first notice we have of their possessing those animals. duclos de guyot, in the year 1766, had an interview with seven patagonian indians, who were mounted on horses equipped with saddles, bridles, and stirrups. the shortest of the men measured five feet eleven inches and a quarter english. the others were considerably taller. their chief or leader they called 'capitan.' bougainville, in 1767, landed amongst the patagonians. of their size he remarks: "they have a fine shape; among those whom we saw, not one was below five feet ten inches and a quarter (english), nor above six feet two inches and a half in height. their gigantic appearance arises from their prodigiously broad shoulders, the size of their heads, and the thickness of all their limbs. they are robust and well fed: their nerves are braced and their muscles strong, and sufficiently hard, &c." this is an excellent account; but how different is that of commodore byron, who says, "one of them, who afterwards appeared to be chief, came towards me; he was of gigantic stature, and seemed to realise the tales of monsters in a human shape: he had the skin of some wild beast thrown over his shoulders, as a scotch highlander wears his plaid, and was painted so as to make the most hideous appearance i {100} ever beheld: round one eye was a large circle of white, a circle of black surrounded the other, and the rest of his body was streaked with paint of different colours. i did not measure him; but if i may judge of his height by the proportion of his stature to my own, it could not be less than seven feet. when this frightful colossus came up, we muttered somewhat to each other as a salutation, &c."[81] after this he mentions a woman "of most enormous size;" and again, when mr. cumming, the lieutenant, joined him, the commodore says, "before the song was finished, mr. cumming came up with the tobacco, and i could not but smile at the astonishment which i saw expressed in his countenance upon perceiving himself, though six feet two inches high, become at once a pigmy among giants, for these people may, indeed, more properly be called giants than tall men: of the few among us who are full six feet high, scarcely any are broad and muscular, in proportion to their stature, but look rather like men of the common bulk grown up accidentally to an unusual height; and a man who should measure only six feet two inches, and equally exceed a stout well-set man of the common stature in breadth and muscle, would strike us rather as being of a gigantic race, than as an individual accidentally anomalous; our sensations, therefore, upon seeing five hundred people, the shortest of whom were at least four inches taller, and bulky in proportion, may be easily imagined."[82] this account was published only seven years after the voyage, and the exaggeration, if any, might have been exposed by numbers. there can be no doubt, that among five hundred persons several were of a large size; but that all were four inches taller than six feet must have been a mistake. the commodore says, that he "caused them all to be seated," and in that position, from the length of their bodies, they would certainly appear to be of very large stature.[83] {101} shortly afterwards, wallis, in the neighbourhood of cape virgins, communicated with the same people, and as the story of the patagonian giants had been spread abroad, and was very much discredited, he carried two measuring rods with him; and says, in his narrative, "we went round and measured those that appeared to be the tallest. one was six feet seven inches high, several more were six feet five, and six feet six inches; but the stature of the greatest part of them was from five feet ten to six feet." in the voyage of the santa maria de la cabeza,[84] 1786, it is related that the height of one or two patagonians, with whom the officers had an interview, was six feet eleven inches and a half (of burgos), which is equal to six feet four inches and a half (english). this man wore a sword, on which was engraved "por el rey carlos iii.," and spoke a few words in spanish, proofs of his having had communication with some of the spanish settlements. it does not, however, appear from the account that there were many others, if any, of that height. of all the above accounts, i think those by bougainville and wallis the most accurate. it is true, that of the number we saw, none measured more than six feet two inches; but it is possible that the preceding generation may have been a larger race of people, for none that we saw could have been alive at the time of wallis's or byron's voyage. the oldest certainly were the tallest; but, without discrediting the accounts of byron, or any other of the modern voyagers, i think it probable that, by a different mode of life, or a mixture by marriage with the southern or fuegian tribes, which we know has taken place, they have degenerated into a smaller race, and have lost all right to the title of giants; yet their bulky, {102} muscular forms, and length of body, in some measure bear out the above accounts; for had the present generation proportionate limbs, they might, without any exaggeration, justify the account of commodore byron. the jesuit missionary falkner,[85] who, from an intercourse of forty years with the indians of south america, must be considered as one of the best authorities, says, speaking of a patagonian named cangapol, "this chief, who was called by the spaniards the cacique bravo,[86] was tall and well-proportioned; he must have been seven feet and some inches in height, because on tiptoe i could not reach the top of his head: i was very well acquainted with him, and went some journeys in his company: i do not recollect ever to have seen an indian that was above an inch or two taller than cangapol. his brother sausimian was but about six feet high. the patagonians or puelches are a large-bodied people; but i never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though i have seen persons of all the different tribes of the southern indians." this is an account in 1746, only twenty years before that of bougainville. taking all the evidence together, it may be considered, that the medium height of the males of these southern tribes is about five feet eleven inches. the women are not so tall, but are in proportion broader and stouter: they are generally plain-featured. the head is long, broad and flat, and the forehead low, with the hair growing within an inch of the eyebrows, which are bare. the eyes are often placed obliquely, and have but little expression, the nose is generally rather flat, and turned up; but we noticed several with that feature {103} straight, and sometimes aquiline: the mouth is wide, with prominent lips, and the chin is rather large; the jaws are broad, and give the face a square appearance; the neck is short and thick; the shoulders are broad; the chest is broad, and very full; but the arm, particularly the fore-arm, is small, as are also the foot and leg; the body long, large and fat, but not corpulent. such was the appearance of those who came under my observation. as to their character, the patagonians are friendly, without that disposition to quarrel, after the novelty of first acquaintance has worn off, which is so common among savages in general. this probably arises from interested motives, certainly not from fear, unless it be the fear of being avoided instead of visited by the ships which pass by, and from which they procure many useful articles, and many temporary gratifications. swords, long knives, tobacco, paraguay tea, bits, saddles, guns, lead for balls, red cloth, beads (particularly of a sky-blue colour), flour, sugar, and spirits, are much desired in exchange for their peltry and guanaco meat; but they have no idea beyond that of satisfying the wants of the moment. after a few pounds of tobacco had been distributed amongst them, although they are very fond of smoking, it became quite a drug, and it was necessary to produce something new to excite their attention. from maria's influence, and the reference so constantly made to her, it would seem that she was considered as cacique of the tribe; but her apparent superiority may arise from her connexion with bysante, of whom they all spoke as 'el cacique grande,' or from the attention paid to her by ships with whom they communicate. the people of this tribe seemed to live together harmoniously; no bickerings or jealous feelings were observed, and certainly none were expressed by any one of our bulky friends on witnessing another receiving a valuable present, or a good exchange for his property. at sunset our people were ordered to embark, upon which the price of patagonian goods immediately fell, at least, a thousand per cent., though many held back in expectation of {104} the next day. maria put into the boat, after my refusal to let her go on board to pass the night, two bags, and asked me to send her flour and sugar. she was most importunate for aqua ardiente, which, however, i refused. her constant cry was "it is very good to be drunk; i like drinking very much; rum is very good.--give me some?" ('muy bueno es boracho, mucho mi gusta, mucho mi gusta de beber, muy bueno es aqua ardiente.--da me no mas?') among them was a fuegian indian; but it did not appear clearly whether he was living with them permanently, or only on a visit. some of us thought we understood the account of one of the patagonians, who seemed to be the most interested about him, to be, that a master of a sealer had left him amongst them. we knew him instantly by his squalid and comparatively diminutive appearance, and were confirmed in our ideas by his recognition of the words 'hosay' and 'sherroo.' the patagonian name for a ship is 'carro grande,' and for a boat 'carro chico,' a mixture of their own and the spanish language. all that i could understand of his history was, that he was cacique of some indian tribes at a distance: he was evidently a great favourite, and although maria spoke generally with much contempt of the fuegian indians, she had patronised this stranger, for he lived in her toldo, and shared all the presents that were made to her. the following morning it rained hard, and blew so fresh a gale, from the westward, that it would have been dangerous to send a boat on shore: and i was obliged to weigh without landing the things which i had promised. after we were under weigh, the weather cleared partially, when we observed maria on the beach, mounted on her white horse, with others watching our departure, and when it was evident that we were really gone, she rode slowly back to her toldo, no doubt considerably vexed. i was very sorry to treat them in this way, for their conduct towards us had been open and friendly. all i could hope to do, to make amends, was to give something of value at my return. [illustration: a. earle t. a. prior monte video, mole. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {105} we steered across the bay of st. philip, accompanied by the beagle,[87] left the strait of magalhaens with a fair wind, and, after a favourable passage, reached monte video on the 24th april 1827. from monte video we went to rio de janeiro, to procure stores, and prepare for another voyage to the strait. on our arrival i received the commander-in-chief's leave to apply to the lord high admiral for permission to employ a tender, to facilitate the surveys of the sounds and deep channels, in the neighbourhood of the strait, and the inner sounds on the west coast; for which, neither the adventure, nor the beagle, were adapted; and i thought it best to delay our departure until an answer to my application was received. * * * * * {106} chapter vii. leave rio de janeiro--santos--st. catherine's--monte video--purchase the adelaide schooner, for a tender to the adventure--leave monte video- beagle goes to port desire--shoals off cape blanco--bellaco rock--cape virgins--possession bay--first narrow--race--gregory bay--view--tomb- traffic with natives--cordial meeting--maria goes on board--natives intoxicated--laredo bay--port famine. we were ready to resume our voyage early in september (1827); but not having received any communication by the packet, from the admiralty, relative to the purchase of a tender, i determined to await the arrival of the next, early in october. i was again disappointed, and very reluctantly left rio de janeiro, on the 16th, for monte video; but that i might still benefit by the orders which were sure to be in the following packet, i determined upon calling at santos, and st. catherine's, for chronometrical observations; leaving the beagle to wait for letters conveying the decision of his royal highness the lord high admiral. we reached santos on the 18th, and staid there until the 28th. in this interval i paid a short visit to st. paul's, for the purpose of making barometrical observations.[88] at st. catherine's we remained eight days, and during the interval necessary for ascertaining the rates of the chronometers, i obtained magnetic observations. [illustration: a. earle t. hair mole, palace and cathedral, rio de janeiro. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {107} after a tedious voyage of nineteen days from st. catherine's, i arrived at monte video, and there received intelligence that the long-wished permission from the lord high admiral, to procure a tender, had been obtained. i accordingly purchased a schooner, which i named the adelaide, and appointed lieutenant graves to the command. five months' additional provisions for both vessels were purchased, and put into her; and on the 23d december, after running up the river to complete our water, we sailed out by the southern entrance, passing to the westward of the archimedes' shoal, and proceeded without farther detention to the southward. on the 1st of january (in latitude 43° 17' and long. 61° 9'), i was informed that we were close to a rock. upon going on deck, i saw the object; but in a very short time i perceived it was a dead whale, upon whose half-putrid body large flocks of birds were feeding. many on board were, however, sceptical, until, on passing to leeward, the strong odour testified the fact. its appearance certainly was very like the summit of a dark brown rock, covered with weeds and barnacles, and the myriads of birds which surrounded it added to the deception. it could, however, be distinguished by its buoyancy; for the water did not break over it, as of course it would have done had it been a fixed body. such is probably the origin of half the 'vigias' that are found on the charts. whales, when struck by the fishers, frequently escape and perish; the carcass then floats on the surface of the sea, until decomposed or eaten by birds and fishes. a small vessel striking against such a mass, would probably be severely injured; and at night, the {108} body, from its buoyancy and the sea not breaking against it, would not be readily seen. on the 4th, being about one hundred miles to the n.e. of cape blanco, i communicated with captain stokes, and gave him directions to proceed to port desire for chronometrical observations, and then follow me immediately to cape fairweather or cape virgins. we had light winds during the night, so that the beagle made very little progress. in the afternoon, cape blanco, a long level-topped ridge, came in sight, of which good views are given in lord anson's voyage. we steered towards the land, and at six o'clock were in eighteen fathoms, the rocky hill at the extremity of the cape bearing s. 10° e. thirteen miles; at seven o'clock, the same hill was six miles and a half off, bearing s. 3° e., when we observed a line of rippling water, extending from east to as far as we could see on the south horizon. the depth was seventeen fathoms, but as we proceeded it gradually decreased to twelve and ten, and soon afterwards to seven fathoms, when the beagle was observed to be firing guns; but whether they were intended to warn us of danger, or as signals of her own distress, we could not determine, and i hauled to the wind to cross where the ripple appeared least violent. in passing through it we had not less than seven fathoms, and then it deepened to twelve and fifteen fathoms. we had now leisure to attend to the beagle, and soon saw that her signals were only to warn us, for she had resumed her course under a press of sail. after steering four miles to the s.e., we again found ourselves in the midst of ripplings, in which the water shoaled to six fathoms. it being then dark, and not knowing how to proceed, we shortened sail and brought to the wind, in order that if the ship struck it might be with less force; but happily we passed on without any further decrease of soundings. in going through the ripple, the adelaide, though deeply laden, behaved well. commodore byron passed over these shoals, which he describes as lying at a greater distance from the shore: it was to avoid them that we passed so near the land. {109} during the following evening there was a very heavy dew, the never-failing prognostic of a northerly wind; the horizon, also, was very hazy, and the water perfectly smooth. we were not more than ten miles off shore, yet the land was completely distorted in appearance by mirage. next morning we were very close to the position assigned to the bellaco, or st. estevan's shoal, the existence of which has been very much doubted. it was discovered by the nodales, and in the diary of their voyage is thus described: "at five o'clock, or later in the evening, we discovered a rock a-wash ('una baxa que lababa la mar en ella') about five leagues from the shore, more or less. it is a very deceitful rock ('es muy bellaco baxo'), because it is under water, over which, in fine weather and smooth water, the sea breaks. we sounded near it, and found twenty-six fathoms stony bottom. its latitude is 48½°, according to our noon observation, and the course and distance we have since run."[89] the late don felipe bauza, one of the companions of malespina, informed me, that on the voyage of the descubierta and atrevida, their boats were sent to look for it, but were unsuccessful. at noon we were in lat. 48° 40' s., long. 66° 6', depth forty-two fathoms, but without any signs of the bellaco. sailing on, the coast was seen in the neighbourhood of beachy head (so named from its resemblance to the well-known promontory). afterwards, cape fairweather came in sight, and on the 10th cape virgins, which we passed in the evening, and, half an hour afterwards, rounding dungeness, we again entered the strait of magalhaens; and anchored near the northern shore. in possession bay we were detained several days, although repeated attempts to pass the first narrow were anxiously made. one evening, clouds gathered, and the weather assumed such a threatening appearance, that i expected to be obliged to run to sea; but to our surprise, when the cloudy mass seemed on {110} the point of bursting over us with a deluge of rain, it suddenly vanished, and was succeeded by a beautifully clear and fine night. this favourable appearance gave us hopes of being able to make good our entrance on the following day; but a fresh gale set in, and kept us at our anchorage. early on the 14th we made another fruitless attempt to pass the first narrow. as the adelaide sailed under our stern, lieutenant graves informed me that he had lost an anchor, and had only one left, to which he had bent his chain-cable; and that she had shipped so much water in attempting to beat through, that he was on the point of asking permission to bear up when we ourselves gave up the attempt. it blew too hard to give any assistance to the adelaide, but next morning, when the weather was more moderate, i seized an opportunity of sending our two kedge anchors; and in the afternoon we supplied her with some water and other necessaries, so that she was comparatively well off, and my anxiety on her account much relieved. fires on the fuegian side had been kept up since our arrival, but we could not distinguish any inhabitants; on the patagonian shores we saw a great number of guanacoes feeding quietly, a proof of there being no indians near them. on the 16th, the weather appearing favourable, our anchor was weighed, and, with the adelaide, we soon entered the sluice of the narrow, proceeding rapidly, though the wind blew hard against us. the tide carried us to an anchorage, about four miles beyond the western entrance, and it was slack water when the anchor was dropped; but, no sooner had the stream turned, than we found ourselves in the midst of a 'race,' and during the whole tide, the water broke furiously over the ship. at slack water we got underweigh, but the adelaide not being able (from the strength of the tide), to purchase her anchor, was obliged to slip the cable: it was fortunate that we had supplied her with our kedges, or she would then have been without an anchor. the night was tempestuous, and although we reached a much quieter birth, the adelaide drifted considerably; had she remained at the morning's anchorage, {111} in order to save her anchor and cable, we should probably never have seen her again. the succeeding morning, after a hard beat to windward, both vessels anchored in gregory bay. no indians were in the neighbourhood, or we should have seen their fires. in the afternoon the wind moderated, and as there was every appearance of fine weather, i remained to survey the coast. on the summit of the land, about half a mile northward of the extremity of the cape, while lieutenant graves and i were taking bearings, and making observations, two guanacoes came up and stood neighing at us; the observation, however, was of consequence, and as they were not disturbed, they remained watching us for some minutes before they took alarm and fled. lieutenant wickham and mr. tarn made an excursion to the summit of the table land, previously described as extending from the low land behind the second narrow to the n.e., in the direction of mount aymond, and were amply repaid for a fatiguing walk, with the thermometer at 81°, by a magnificent view: cape possession to the eastward, and to the south the mountains near mount tarn, eighty miles distant, were plainly distinguished. the view to the westward, stretching over a large extent of grassy plains, was bounded by lofty ranges of snow-capped mountains; but to the north it was intercepted by another summit of the mountain upon which they stood. the country they passed over was covered with short grass, through which a mass of granite occasionally protruded. neither trees nor shrubs were observed, excepting a few herbaceous plants, and the berberis; a goose, some ducks, snipe, and plovers were shot; and guanacoes were seen at a distance, but no ostriches, nor did they meet any indians. large fires were, however, kindled on both shores of the strait, in answer to the fire which they made for cooking. in consequence of those on the patagonian coast appearing so close to us, we expected a visit from the natives before night, but none made their appearance. next morning, mr. graves accompanied me in a boat to a {112} station three miles within the second narrow on the north side, and in our way we found the geological structure of the cliffs to be of a decomposed clay-slate, arranged in strata, much distorted by the violent action of the water, and dispersed in vertical and inclined directions in very thin laminæ. these cliffs are about one hundred feet high, the soil a sandy alluvium, of a sterile character, scantily covered with a wiry, stunted grass, and here and there a berberis bush, loaded with ripe fruit, which, from the poverty of the soil, was tasteless and dry; the ground was also, in many parts, over-run to a considerable extent with an insipid cranberry, scarcely worth the trouble of gathering. we struck across the country, with the view of examining the place where the indians were residing at our last visit, and the tomb which had then been erected. grass had grown up, and effaced the traces of feet; but the tomb had suffered no farther alteration than the weather might have effected. we found that the place had been recently visited by the natives, for within a few yards of the entrance were strewed the ashes of a large fire, containing vestiges of the former decorations of the tomb, and the end of one of the flag-staffs, with the unburnt corner of one of the banners. amongst the ashes, also, we found calcined bones; but whether they were human or not, we could not ascertain. the discovery of the bones impressed us with the idea that the body had been burnt, and determined me to examine the tomb. the bushes that filled up the entrance appeared to be placed exactly as when we first saw them, and indeed the whole pile seemed to have remained quite undisturbed; but there was no appearance of the brass ornaments, or of the effigies of the horses. having effected an opening in the bushes, we found an inner covering, made of horse-skins. having cut two holes opposite each other, for the admission of light, we saw nothing but two parallel rows of stones, three in each row, probably intended as a bier for the body or a covering for the grave; but the ground around and between them bore no appearance {113} of having been disturbed for burial.[90] as we hourly expected the indians would arrive (the place being in the direct line of their journey to the ships), and were unwilling to let them know we had disturbed the sanctuaries of their dead, we restored the former appearance of the tomb; and it was fortunate we did so, for three women on horseback, carrying their children in cradles, with a quantity of skins, provisions, and other merchandise, evidently the harbingers of the tribe, made their appearance, and immediately began to erect their tents. when we next went on shore we found several indians arrived, and divided into three groups, with mantles, ostrich-feathers, skins, and joints of guanaco meat displayed for sale. as the meat appeared fresh, it is probable that, on seeing us, the women were despatched to place the toldos, while the men set out to provide guanaco meat, for they knew our partiality for this excellent food. when we landed, an active barter began. from the haste and avidity shown in offering their goods, and closing the bargains, it seemed as if they were anxious to monopolize our articles of barter before the rest of their party, or tribe arrived. one old man attempted to cheat; but my interdiction of all farther traffic with him brought him to a sense of his error, and i then made him a present of some tobacco and allowed him to trade, which he afterwards did, with cheerfulness and honesty. one of the party was the fuegian chief, whom i previously noticed, as a squalid, meagre-looking man; but he was now enlarged to patagonian dimensions, by his improved diet and more cheerful mode of life. the appearance of bad weather obliged us to suspend the barter and get on board. after we had reached the ship, successive parties of the tribe arrived, {114} and formed the encampment. among them, mounted on her white horse, was maria, who, duly escorted, paraded on the beach to challenge our recognition. in the centre of the encampment, a large flag suspended from a pole was a signal to us, and showed the position of her toldo. the next morning being fine, we landed near the encampment, and were most cordially received. maria was particularly attentive, and embraced me closely, while her companions chaunted in chorus a song of delight at our arrival. when we reached her toldo, a mat was spread out for me to sit on. maria and her family placed themselves in front of me, while the rest sat round. almost the first question was an inquiry for my son philip, whom they called felipe,[91] and two or three skins were given to me for him. they then asked for our pilot on the former voyage, and were much disappointed to find he had left the ship. after a short conversation i returned the two bags (which i had so unwillingly carried away at our last visit), having filled them with flour and sugar, and then proceeded to deliver our presents. as each article was delivered into her hands, she repeated, in spanish, i'll pay for this; but upon a bit for her horse being presented, a general burst of admiration followed, and it was handed round the tents, whilst each individual, as it passed on, looked, i thought, anxious to be its possessor. maria then began to consider what adequate requital she could possibly make me. the result was, a present of two mantles, one new, of guanaco skin, and the other well worn, of zorillo skin, besides two or three skins of the puma. she then produced a piece of paper, carefully wrapped up in canvas, containing a letter, or memorandum, left by mr. low, master of the uxbridge sealer, addressed to any shipmaster passing through the strait, apprising him "of the friendly disposition of the indians, and impressing him with the necessity of treating them well, and not deceiving them; for they had good memories, and would seriously resent it." the advice, no doubt, was good; but i think the fear of {115} forfeiting advantages and comforts to be derived from traffic would induce them to restrain their resentment. i brought no spirits; for which, after a short time, maria asked, complaining that she was very ill, and had sore eyes, and for some time past had nothing but water to drink, and wood to smoke. her illness was evidently assumed, but her eyes seemed highly inflamed; and no wonder, for the upper part of her face was smeared over with an ochrous red pigment, even to the very edge of her eyelids: indeed, the whole tribe had ornamented themselves similarly, in compliment, i suppose, to our visit. as i prepared to return on board, maria's importunity induced me to allow her to accompany me; upon which she began to muster up all her empty bags, old mantles, and skins, and, attended by her husband, her brother-in-law, his wife and daughter, got into the boat. while going on board, the spray washed the painted countenances of our visitors, much to their regret. upon reaching the ship, i ordered them to be regaled with meat and biscuit, of which they partook very sparingly, but took care to put what remained into their bags. some spirits and water, too, which i thought would be soon dispatched, and which had been plentifully diluted to prevent their being made tipsy, they emptied into bottles to take on shore "for the evening," when, as maria said, they would be "very drunk." among various things shown to amuse them was a musical snuff-box, which i had procured for the express purpose of exciting their astonishment; but i was surprised to find, that a penny-whistle produced a ten-fold greater effect upon their senses. this indifference to musical sounds i should not have suspected, because they frequently sing, though certainly in a monotonous manner. as soon as their repast was concluded, the party, except maria and the girls, commenced bartering their mantles and skins, and, by the time their stock was expended, they had amassed a large quantity of biscuit, and a bundle of various {116} trifles, some of which they had attempted to get by pilfering. they made themselves so contented, that it was not without much difficulty we could persuade them to go on shore. maria had made her mind up to pass the night on board, and so anxious were they all to remain, that it was only by giving maria two bottles of spirits (which had been well diluted) that they were induced to get into the boat, and accompany me ashore. being a lee-tide, and low water, the boat grounded at a considerable distance from the beach; seeing this, some of the indians rode into the water, and taking us up behind them, conveyed us to the encampment, my place being behind maria, the smell of whose zorillo-skin mantle was hardly bearable; but it was necessary to conceal our dislike of our companions as much as possible, for they are very sensitive, and easily offended. while waiting for the tide, we witnessed a drunken scene at maria's toldo. fifteen persons, seated around her, shared the spirits she had obtained on board, until all were intoxicated. some were screaming, others laughing, some stupified, and some bellowing. the uproar drew all the other indians round the tent, who tendered their assistance to compose their friends, and we returned to the ship. when we visited them the next day, they were quite recovered, and gave us some guanaco meat, which had been brought in that morning. on communicating my intention of proceeding on the voyage, maria wished to know when we should finish our "seal-killing," and come back. i told her "in five moons," upon which she endeavoured to persuade me to return in four, because she would then have plenty of skins to barter. i wrote a few lines to captain stokes, who, i expected, would arrive in a day or two, communicating my desire that he should follow, as soon as possible, to port famine, and committed the letter to maria's care, who promised to deliver it to him; then, taking leave of her and her companions, i embarked, and proceeded through the second narrow to an anchorage off cape negro. our visit to gregory bay, and communication with the {117} indians, furnished us with many additions to our zoological collection; among them was a tiger-cat, which seemed, from the description, to be the _felis pajaros_ of the encyclopédie méthodique (the "chat de pampa" of d'azara). maria gave me a very large bezoar stone, that was taken from the stomach of a guanaco. it is used medicinally by the indians, as a remedy for bowel complaints.[92] whilst we were at the anchorage before cape negro, mr. tarn and mr. wickham visited the lake at the back of laredo bay, and saw two swans, which, from the colour of their plumage, seemed to be the black-necked swan of the river plata and of the falkland islands[93] (dom pernettey, ii. p. 148). they brought on board with them a new species of duck, which is described in the proceedings of the zoological society as _anas specularis_ (nob.), and a small burrowing animal, of the rat tribe, that, from the character of its teeth, is probably of a genus not hitherto noted: it approaches nearest to f. cuvier's _helamys_. we next anchored in port famine, where the tents, &c. were replaced in their former positions, the ship was unrigged and secured for the winter, and all hands set to work, preparing the adelaide for service. * * * * * {118} chapter viii. find that the cutter had been burned--anxiety for the beagle--uxbridge sealer--beagle arrives--her cruize--bellaco rock--san julian--santa cruz--gallegos--adeona--death of lieutenant sholl--adelaide sails- supposed channel of san sebastian--useless bay--natives--port san antonio--humming-birds--fuegians--beagle sails--sarmiento--roldan- pond--whales--structure--scenery--port gallant. port famine bore evident marks of having been visited in our absence by the indians, for a large fire, apparently recent, had over-run the grass, and burned the trees upon point santa anna, particularly in that part where our boat had been so carefully concealed. eager to know whether she had escaped the fire, i lost no time in hastening to the spot, directly after the adventure anchored, and found, as our fears had anticipated, that she had been completely destroyed, scarcely a vestige of her wood remaining, and most of the iron-work having been carried away; for which, doubtless, the indians had set her on fire. the sheds for the cooper and armourer, which had been erected with some pains, were also entirely consumed, and every thing portable had been carried away. those things which were of no use to them were either broken or burnt; but some of our station poles on point santa anna were left uninjured; as well as the tablet erected to the memory of mr. ainsworth and the boat's crew; which was singular, because it was secured by iron hoops--of great value, in their eyes. from the fresh traces of horses in the neighbourhood, we at first suspected the conflagration to have been caused by the patagonians; but we soon found we owed our loss to the fuegians, for in two new wigwams were strewed some remains of our boat. the last winter appeared to have been milder than that preceding it, for last january, mount sarmiento and the hills to {119} the southward, over fitton bay, were so covered with snow, that not a particle of the rock could be seen; but this year many bare spots were visible. every thing else, however, indicated a bad season, and the berberis bushes and arbutus shrubs had scarcely any show of fruit; which was rather a disappointment, as the berries of the former plant proved an agreeable addition to our food last year. however, there was no scarcity of birds, and with the seine we procured plenty of fish. the beagle's long and unexpected absence caused us much uneasiness, and some apprehension for her safety. her visit to port desire ought not to have occupied more than three days, and her superior sailing should have enabled captain stokes to rejoin us in the entrance of the strait. people were sent daily to look out for her, and every succeeding day increased our anxiety. a long succession of blowing and rainy weather much impeded our progress with the adelaide; but the hope was hoisted out, and prepared for service. before daylight on the 14th i was informed that the beagle was seen in the offing. blue lights were burnt, and lanterns immediately shown to guide her to the anchorage; but our disappointment was great when the stranger proved to be mr. w. low's schooner, the uxbridge. he had been sealing since november in the neighbourhood of noir island, near the outer entrance of the barbara channel, and was on his way to cape gregory to meet his elder brother, who had been collecting sea-elephant oil at south shetland. the uxbridge had entered the strait from the pacific, by the magdalen 'channel,' which last year we thought a sound, and had attempted to explore in the hope, but had been deceived by the abrupt change in the direction of the channel at cape turn. at last (on the 28th), after the beagle's absence had been protracted to more than a month beyond the time intended, we were relieved from painful anxiety, and much rejoiced, by mr. tarn's telling us he had just seen her, and in two hours afterwards she arrived. captain stokes, to my great surprise, told me that he had {120} been examining the whole coast between port desire and cape virgins, and for the last ten days had been detained in the gallegos river by heavy gales of wind. he had sounded round, and fixed the position of the bellaco rock, or st. estevan's shoal, the existence of which had been so long doubted. he had also visited and partially surveyed, the harbours of port san julian and santa cruz, besides coy bay, and had made almost a complete survey of the river gallegos, which he found to be a large and rapid river, whose entrance forms a spacious port: instead of being blocked up by a mound of shingle four or five feet above the level of the sea, and having so small a stream as to escape the notice of mr. weddell as he walked along the beach.[94] cape fairweather is so remarkable, and so correctly placed upon the chart, that mr. weddell, in his search for the river, must have very much deceived himself. i should think he must have mistaken the ravine described upon my former visit, since that is the only part which answers his description: it could not be coy bay, because that opening, although of minor importance, has a broad boat communication with the sea. captain stokes described the tide at the anchorage, within the mouth of the gallegos, as running at the rate of five knots, and rising forty-six feet. from mr. weddell's account, he was on the point of passing by without examining it; but the weather being fine, he determined to go in his boat and ascertain the truth of that description. it was soon evident that the river was large, and, returning to his ship, he lost no time in anchoring her within the entrance, where she rode out a heavy gale from s.w. the beagle left the gallegos on the 23d, and reached port famine on the 28th, a very short passage, since she remained for a night and the greater part of a day at gregory bay, to communicate with the natives. when approaching the first narrow, captain stokes observed a brig, apparently at anchor, under cape orange, and supposing her either to have found a good anchorage, or to be in distress, steered towards her. {121} before he had reached within two miles of her, the beagle touched the ground, but was extricated from the danger most fortunately, because it was nearly high water; and had she remained a-ground during the tide, the consequences might have been serious--at least, she could not have been got off without lightening her considerably. the brig proved to be the adeona (mr. low's vessel), on her way to meet the uxbridge. in attempting to enter the narrow, she grounded on the shoals, and had been left dry. the following tide again floated her, and she was on the point of getting underweigh, when the beagle hove in sight. captain stokes finding that the adeona had received no damage, proceeded to gregory bay. by the beagle's arrival we were informed of the death of lieutenant robert h. sholl, after an illness of ten days. his remains were interred at port san julian, where a tablet was erected to his memory. this excellent young man's death was sincerely regretted by all his friends, and by none more than by me. he was appointed to the expedition, as a midshipman, solely on account of his high character. during our voyage from england, he made himself conspicuously useful in saving the cargo of a vessel, which was stranded in port praya; and on our arrival at rio de janeiro, the commander-in-chief appointed him to a vacant lieutenantcy on board the beagle: an appointment which, up to the period of his lamented death, he filled zealously and most creditably.[95] on the 1st of march we were surprised by the appearance of three europeans, walking round point st. anna. a boat {122} was sent for them, and we found they were deserters from the uxbridge, who had come to volunteer for our ships. the following day the adeona and uxbridge arrived, on their way to port san antonio, to boil their oil; but i recommended bougainville, or (as the sealers call it) jack's harbour, as more convenient for their purpose, and more secure from storms, as well as from troublesome visits of the natives. upon my offering to restore the three deserters to the uxbridge, mr. low requested me to keep them, and another, also, who was anxious to join the adventure, to which i consented, as the adelaide wanted men. a few days after mr. low's departure, he returned in a whale-boat to ask assistance in repairing the uxbridge's rudder. by our help it was soon made serviceable, and she was enabled to prosecute her voyage, which could not otherwise have been continued. the adelaide being ready for sea: her first service was to be an examination of the st. sebastian channel, which, from its delineation on the old charts, would seem to penetrate through the large eastern island of tierra del fuego. in the voyage of the nodales (in the year 1618), an opening on the eastern coast, supposed to be the mouth of a channel, communicating with the strait of magalhaens, was discovered. after describing the coast to the south of cape espiritu santo, the journal of that voyage states: "we found, in the channel of st. sebastian, twenty fathoms clear ground. the north shore is a beach of white sand, five leagues in extent, stretching out from the high land that terminates at cape espiritu santo, and giving the coast here the appearance of a deep bay; but, on a nearer approach, a projecting tract of low shore is observed. the south extremity of this low beach is a sandy point, round which the channel trends; the mouth is a league and a half wide. the south shore is higher than the land to the northward, and in the middle of the bay the depth is from fifteen to twenty fathoms clear ground, and a good bottom; but from mid-channel to the south shore the bottom is stony, and the water, of little depth, there being only six and seven fathoms. from {123} hence the channel shows itself, and continues, as far as we could see, of the same breadth. it seemed to be a large sea. the latitude was observed to be 53° 16'."[96] from the above account, and from the chart that accompanies it, in which this inlet is made to communicate with the strait of magalhaens by the opening round cape monmouth, our knowledge of the supposed st. sebastian channel was derived. that there is a deep bay, in the latitude of 53° 16', not only appears from the account of the nodales, who were within the heads, although it seems they did not proceed beyond the stony ground on the south side of the entrance; but also from the accounts of vessels who have lately seen it; and of one ship-master who was deterred from entering, by the formidable notice on our charts of its being "only navigable for small vessels," whence he conjectured that the tides would be very strong, and the channel occasionally narrow, as well as narrow, and shoal. sarmiento, narborough, byron, wallis, bougainville, and cordova, have severally noticed an opening, which corresponds to this supposed channel, namely, that between capes monmouth and valentyn; but the object of those voyagers having been to make the passage through the known strait, to explore this opening was, in all probability, considered a waste of time; yet, that such a channel was supposed to exist, we must conclude from the conspicuous figure it makes in the charts of tierra del fuego. had there been a knowledge of its affording any communication with the sea, surely sarmiento and narborough, as well as the nodales, who navigated the strait from west to east, would have been induced to attempt to pass through; and avoid the dangers, as well as difficulties, of the channels to the northward. anxious to set the question at rest, i gave captain stokes orders to proceed to survey the western coasts, between the strait of magalhaens and latitude 47° south, or as much of {124} those dangerous and exposed shores as he could examine, with the means at his disposal, and sailed myself, in the adelaide, to explore the supposed st. sebastian channel. every discretionary power was given to captain stokes to act as he pleased, for the benefit of the service; but he had strict orders to return to port famine by the 24th of july, when i hoped to move the adventure to some other part of the strait, and to recommence operations with the earliest days of spring, if the winter should be unfit for our work. having crossed over to the southward of point boqueron, we proceeded, on the 13th of march, to the n.e. (in which direction the opening trended), at no great distance from the northern shore; behind which the country seemed to rise gradually to the summit of a long ridge of table-land, terminating near the first narrow, and appearing like that in the neighbourhood of cape gregory. it was inhabited; for here and there we observed the smoke of fires, perhaps intended as invitations for us to land. the south side of the opening seemed (after forming a small bay under nose peak) to extend in a direction parallel to the northern coast of the bay, for three or four leagues, when it dipped beneath the horizon. neither shore had any opening or indenture in its coast line, of sufficient size to shelter even a boat; so that a vessel caught here, with a south-westerly gale, would have little chance of escape; unless a channel should exist, of which, from the stillness of the water and the total absence of tide, we had very little hope. the soundings were variable between twenty and thirty fathoms, and the bottom seemed to be of shells, probably covering a substratum of clay or sand. as we stood on, a small rocky lump came in sight, which appeared to be the termination of the northern shore, and again we flattered ourselves with the expectation of finding a passage; but in less than half an hour afterwards, the bay was distinctly seen to be closed by low land, and the rocky lump proved to be an isolated mass of rock, about two miles inland. as every person on board was then satisfied of the non-existence of any channel, we put about to return, and {125} by bearings of mount tarn, crossed by angles from mount graves, nose peak, and point boqueron, our position, and the extent of this bay, were determined. as it affords neither anchorage nor shelter, nor any other advantage for the navigator, we have named it useless bay. it was too much exposed to the prevailing winds to allow of our landing to examine the country, and its productions, or to communicate with the indians; and as there was not much likelihood of finding anything of novel character, we lost no time in retreating from so exposed a place. abreast of point boqueron the patent log gave for our run twenty-six miles, precisely the same distance which it had given in the morning; so that from five o'clock in the morning until ten, and from ten o'clock until four in the afternoon, we had not experienced the least tide, which of itself is a fact confirmatory of the non-existence of a channel. from the fires of the natives in this part having been noticed at a distance from the beach, it would seem that they derive their subsistence from hunting rather than fishing; and as there are guanacoes on the south shore of the first narrow, it is probable the people's habits resemble those of the patagonians, rather than the fuegians; but as they have no horses, the chase of so shy and swift an animal as the guanaco must be fatiguing and very precarious.[97] sarmiento is the only person on record who has communicated with the natives in the neighbourhood of cape monmouth. he calls them in his narrative a large race (gente grande). there it was that he was attacked by the indians, whom he repulsed, and one of whom he made prisoner. we remained a night in port famine, and again set out in the adelaide to survey some of the western parts of the strait. {126} bad weather forced us into port san antonio; of which cordova gives so favourable an account, that we were surprised to find it small and inconvenient, even for the adelaide. he describes the port to be a mile and a half long, and three quarters of a mile broad: we found the length a mile and a quarter, and the mean breadth scarcely a quarter of a mile. it possesses no one advantage that is not common to almost every other harbour and cove in the strait; and for a ship, or square-rigged vessel of any kind, it is both difficult to enter, and dangerous to leave. besides the local disadvantages of port san antonio, the weather in it is seldom fair, even when the day is fine elsewhere. it lies at the base of the lomas range, which rises almost perpendicularly to the height of three thousand feet, fronting the great western channel of the strait, whence it receives upon its cold surface the western winds, and is covered by the vapour, which is condensed from them, while in all other parts the sun may be shining brightly. this port is formed by a channel, a quarter of a mile wide, separating two islands from the shore. the best anchorage is off a picturesque little bay on the south island, which is thickly wooded to the water's edge with the holly leaved berberis,[98] fuchsia, and veronica, growing to the height of twenty feet; over-topped and sheltered by large beech, and winter's-bark trees, rooted under a thick mossy carpet, through which a narrow indian path winds between arbutus and currant bushes, and round prostrate stems of dead trees, leading to the seaward side of the island. upon the beach, just within the bushes, and sheltered by a large and wide-spreading fuchsia bush, in full flower, stood two indian wigwams, which, apparently, had not been inhabited since the visit of poor ainsworth. he had occupied these very wigwams for two days, having covered them over with the boat's sail; and remains of the ropeyarns that tied it down were still there: a melancholy memento. [illustration: p. p. king s. bull fuegian wigwams at hope harbour in the magdalen channel. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {127} in no part of the strait did we find the vegetation so luxuriant as in this little cove. some of the winter's-bark and currant trees had shoots more than five feet long, and many of the winter's-bark trees were two feet in diameter. the veronica (i believe _v. decussata_) grows in the sheltered parts to the height of twenty feet, with a stem six inches in diameter. it was found too on the windward side of the island in abundance, and of large size, rooted in the very wash of the sea-beach, and exposed to the full force of the cold winds and hail-storms, which rush down the wide western reach of the strait. the fuchsia also grows to a large size; but it is a more delicate plant than the veronica, and thrives only in sheltered places. many were observed six inches in diameter; the stems of the two last plants were used by us, during our stay, for fuel. the day after our arrival, the gale subsided, and the weather became very fine indeed. the stillness of the air may be imagined, when the chirping of humming-birds, and buzzing of large bees, were heard at a considerable distance. a humming-bird had been seen at port gallant last year, and was brought to me by captain stokes, since which none had been noticed. here, however, we saw, and procured several; but of only one species.[99] it is the same as that found on the western coast, as high as lima; so that it has a range of 41° of latitude, the southern limit being 53½°, if not farther south. the islets, at the north part of the port, were well stocked with geese and other birds, which supplied our people with fresh meals. the steamer duck we found difficult to shoot, from its excessive wariness, and power of remaining, for a great length of time, under water. our fine weather lasted but a few hours, and (no unusual occurrence in these regions) was succeeded by a week's rain and wind, during which we were confined to the small space {128} of the adelaide; and for some days had three anchors down, owing to the violent squalls. farenheit's thermometer ranged between thirty-six and forty-six degrees, and we had several snow storms, but the snow did not lie on the low grounds. on the 28th the gale began to subside, and there was a change for the better; but we were again disappointed, and not until the 31st could we effect our departure from this dreary and confined little place. the day before we sailed, three canoes, containing in all sixteen persons, of whom six only were men, came alongside. for about an hour they had hesitated to approach; but when once near us, very little invitation was necessary to induce them to come on board. one was clothed in a duck shirt, which was recognised by one of our people, who had joined us from the uxbridge, as having been given to them a few weeks before, when that vessel passed through magdalen channel: another wore a red flannel shirt, and in the canoe we observed an european boarding-pike, painted green, and a part of the iron-work of the cutter, burned at port famine during our absence; also some relics of the boat in which mr. ainsworth was drowned, which last they had doubtless found thrown up on the beach. upon our inquiring how they became possessed of the iron-work, they pointed towards fort famine; and i have no doubt they were concerned in the fire; but as we could not explain to them the mischief they had occasioned, it was thought better not to notice the affair, and the articles were returned to them. they could have had no idea of our being the owners of the boat, or they would have concealed all that belonged to her. they conducted themselves very quietly during their stay on board, with the exception of one, who tried to pick my pocket of a handkerchief; the offender was ordered out of the vessel, and there was no further attempt to pilfer. they wished to go below; but this was not permitted, because the odour of their oily persons was scarcely tolerable, even in the open air. as to food, tallow-candles, biscuit, beef, plumb-pudding, were {129} equally liked, and swallowed most voraciously. one of them was discovered taking the tallow out of the end of the deep sea lead and eating it, although mixed with sand and dirt. before sunset their canoes were despatched on shore to prepare the wigwams, during which operation three of the men remained on board; and as soon as the preparations were made they called for a canoe and went on shore. we obtained several spears, baskets, necklaces, bows and arrows from them in barter; but they seemed to have very few skins. perhaps those they possessed were hidden in the bushes, because they had no wish to part with them. one woman was covered with a guanaco mantle; another merely wore a seal-skin over her back and shoulders, which, while she crouched in the canoe, was sufficient to cover her person. one had a black stripe down the nose, but she was the only female among them who was so painted. next morning the indians visited us with a fresh assortment of bows and arrows, in the manufacture of which they had evidently passed the night, for every one was quite new; the bows were of green wood, and the arrows not even pointed. they found, however, a ready sale. one of the party was a man who had been turned out of our vessel the preceding evening, for picking my pocket; but he was daubed over with a whitish pigment to deceive us, and would probably have escaped detection, but for the unusual ugliness of his person, which was not so easily disguised. he was much disconcerted by our recognition; and our refusal to barter with him made him angry and sullen. the women had daubed their faces all over with bright red ochre; to add to their beauty, no doubt. we sailed out of the port by the northern passage, and standing across the strait, anchored in san nicolas bay. mr. graves went to bougainville harbour, to communicate with the adeona, and take letters from me to lieutenant wickham. he brought back an account of all being well at port famine, and of the beagle having sailed on the 17th. when we left port famine my intention was to examine {130} the magdalen channel; but, upon leaving san nicolas bay (1st april), the weather was so favourable for our proceeding to the westward, that i changed my mind and steered round cape froward in order to get to port gallant, whence, with a westerly wind, we might more easily survey the coast in returning. an easterly breeze carried us near cape holland, into wood's bay, where we anchored, and obtained a bearing of mount sarmiento, which, being clear of clouds, was a conspicuous, and even splendid object; for the sun's setting rays, shining upon the projecting snowy ridges on its western side, gave it the appearance of a mass of streaky gold. it had been in sight the whole day, as well as the preceding evening, when its bearings were taken from the islet in san nicolas bay. the next day was so calm that we only reached an anchorage in bradley cove, on the west side of bell bay, of which a plan was made; an extensive set of bearings was also taken on the west point of the bay, evidently that called by sarmiento tinquichisgua.[100] the conspicuous mountain at the back of the bay, on its south-eastern side, is particularly noticed by him, and, according to his opinion, is the "campana de roldan" of magalhaens.[101] between bradley cove and point tinquichisgua are two coves, over which a high double-peaked mountain forms a conspicuous object upon rounding cape froward; and they were named in compliment to mr. pond, the late astronomer royal. while at point tinquichisgua we were discovered by some natives to the westward, who immediately got into their canoes, and paddled towards us; but, as we had no arms in the boat, i did not think it prudent to await their arrival; and therefore, after taking the requisite angles, embarked and returned to the adelaide, examining the inlets under mount pond on our way. nothing more was seen of the indians until the following morning, when, as we sailed out of the bay, they made their appearance, but we did not communicate {131} with them. they were as vociferous as usual, and pointed to the shore, inviting us to land. one of them, who stood up in the canoe while we passed, was ornamented about the hair and body with white feathers. this part of the strait teems with whales, seals, and porpoises. while we were in bradley cove, a remarkable appearance of the water spouted by whales was observed; it hung in the air like a bright silvery mist, and was visible to the naked eye, at the distance of four miles, for one minute and thirty-five seconds before it disappeared. a glance at the chart of this part of the strait will show the difference of geological structure in the opposite coasts. the north shore, from cape froward to port gallant, forms a straight line, with scarcely a projection or bight; but on the opposite side there is a succession of inlets, surrounded by precipitous mountains, which are separated by ravines. the northern shore is of slate; but the other is principally of greenstone, and its mountains, instead of running up into sharp peaks, and narrow serrated ridges, are generally round-topped. the vegetation on both sides is almost equally abundant, but the trees on the south shore are much smaller. the smooth-leaved beech (_fagus betuloides_) and winter's-bark are the principal trees; but here and there a small tree was observed, like a cypress, which does not grow to the eastward, excepting on the sides of mount tarn, where it only reaches the height of three or four feet. the scenery of this part of the strait, instead of being as cordova describes it, "horrible," is at this season exceedingly striking and picturesque. the highest mountains certainly are bare of vegetation; but their sharp peaks and snow-covered summits afford a pleasing contrast to the lower hills, thickly clothed with trees quite to the water's side, which is bordered by masses of bare rock, studded with ferns and moss, and backed by the rich dark-green foliage of the berberis and arbutus shrubs, with here and there a beech-tree, just beginning to assume its autumnal tints. in working into the narrow entrance of port gallant, the {132} schooner grounded upon a bank that extends off the mouth of the river; but the water being perfectly smooth, no damage was caused. as a secure cove, port gallant is the best in the strait of magalhaens; from the stillness of its waters, it is a perfect wet dock, and from its position it is invaluable. there are many coves as safe and convenient when once entered; but the prevailing steepness of the shores, as well as the great depth of water, are obstacles of serious importance. here, however, is an exception: the bottom is even and the depth moderate; besides, fortescue bay, close by, is an excellent roadstead or stopping-place, to await an opportunity of entering. for repairing a ship, port famine is more convenient, on account of the quantity and size of well-seasoned timber lying about the beach, and also from the open character of the country. at port gallant the trees are much stunted, and unfit for present use, while the shore, as is the case around almost every cove to the westward of cape froward, is covered with shrubs and brushwood, quite to the high-water mark; so that there is no possibility of walking easily to any distance from the sea-side. a shingle, or sandy beach, twenty or thirty yards in length, occasionally intervenes, but is scarcely preferable to a vessel's deck, for a walk. * * * * * {133} chapter ix. detention in port san antonio--humming-birds in snow showers--fuegians- geological remarks--canoes--carving--birds--fish--shag narrows- glaciers--avalanches--natives--climate--winter setting in--adelaide loses a boat--floods--lightning--scurvy--adelaide's survey--bougainville harbour--indians cross the strait, and visit port famine--sealing vessels sail--scurvy increases--adelaide sent for guanaco meat--return of the beagle--captain stokes very ill--adelaide brings meat from the patagonians--death of captain stokes. our stay at this port was prolonged beyond my intention by thick snowy weather and hard gales, which cut off our communication with the shore; for notwithstanding we were in so sheltered a place, and the vessel had three anchors down, we did not consider her quite secure against the violent squalls. we had been fortunate in procuring observations, and took advantage of our detention to lay down the operations of the preceding days on paper. muscles were found in great abundance on the mud flats. there are three varieties, one of which has a bitter, disagreeable taste, but the others are exceedingly good and wholesome. one of the latter is of large size (_mytilus magellanicus_ of the ency. méth.) the other is of a more globose form than the bitter sort, and has a very obtuse hinge and margin. the bitter kind contains pearls, which are valueless, because small, and of a bad colour. at first there were plenty of sea-birds[102] in the cove, which took refuge at the head of the bay; till after two days, they deserted us altogether. there appeared to be an abundance of fish; but as we had not provided ourselves with a seine, and they {134} would not take bait, we were confined for refreshments principally to shell-fish. no traces of quadrupeds, excepting an indian dog, were noticed. here wallis's people saw a large cloven-footed animal, which they described to be as "big as a jack-ass." it was probably a deer, one or two of which had occasionally appeared at port famine.(e) it has been mentioned that we found many humming-birds at port san antonio, which we attributed to the sheltered situation of the place, and the luxuriant growth of fuchsias and other plants, upon the sweets of whose flowers they feed. here, however, one of the same species was seen sporting about in a most exposed place and during the falling of a snow shower, a proof of the hardy character of this little bird, which, if it does migrate upon the approach of winter to a warmer clime, lingers, at least, as long as it possibly can. this was the middle of april, the winter had, in fact, already commenced, and all the mountains around us were clothed with snow, while the ground was also coated with the same dazzling covering. mr. graves intended to ascend the mountain de la cruz; but a heavy fall of snow prevented the attempt, and we lost the opportunity of obtaining a round of angles from that elevation, which would have materially assisted our operations. we should also have obtained a bird's-eye view of the barbara channel and the sounds on the opposite side of the strait, whose extent and nature we did not know; for cordova's notice of san simon's bay, and a deep inlet which exists to the westward of it, is very unsatisfactory. there were no signs of a recent visit from the fuegians, though at the entrance of the cove we found three or four wigwams in good repair; whence it seems probable, that the place is one of their frequent haunts. when the beagle came here last year, some station staves were left standing; but, before her return, every one had been removed; and when captain stokes went down the barbara channel, to the relief {135} of the saxe cobourg's crew, those staves were seen in the possession of the indians. a fine morning (11th) induced us to leave this quiet anchorage, to examine the openings of the south shore; and in the afternoon, the anchor was dropped in a convenient place, on the west side of the western inlet, named by us warrington cove. while crossing the bay from point elvira, the north extremity of cayetano island, several 'smokes' were observed on the low land, at the bottom of the inlet; and after we anchored two canoes visited us, containing six men, four women, and two or three children. they approached very cautiously, and could not be induced to come alongside. at last the men landed, and invited us to communicate with them. i therefore went on shore with two or three officers, and remained with them half an hour, during which they gradually lost the distrust they had at first evinced; but each man still carried a number of pebbles in the corner of his wrapper, ready to repel any attack we might make upon them; from the knowledge we have since obtained of their character, i think it probable that they had lately committed some act of aggression on a sealing-vessel, and were afraid of retaliation. our conduct tended to assure them of our friendship; and, shortly after we left the shore, they came alongside in their canoes, and were very familiar, eagerly bartering their necklaces and baskets. in their way to us they had probably landed their more valuable goods, such as otter and seal-skins, as well as their weapons and dogs, without which they never go far. the natives of this part are considered by the sealers to be the most mischievously inclined of any in the strait, or tierra del fuego. the appearance of our visitors was certainly against them; but they did not commit themselves during our two or three days' communication, by any act which could make us complain, or cause suspicion of their honesty and friendship. we, however, kept too good a look-out, to enable them to take advantage of our seeming good-nature. among bushes behind the high beach were three wigwams, but the indians had no intention of remaining with us for the {136} night. they went away, to our great satisfaction, at an early hour, and returned to the bottom of the sound, where a large party of their countrymen was assembled. their departure enabled us to look round, in the vicinity of our anchorage, and examine its productions, which differed in no way from those of other parts of the coast. its geological structure is, however, different: the rocks are greenstone, or granite, without slate. mount maxwell, rising immediately over the cove, is the termination of a rocky mountain range, whose summits are crowned with snow. the verdant sides of the hill, interspersed at intervals with large masses of bare rock, produced, from a distance, rather a pleasing effect; but, upon examination, the verdure was found to consist principally of moss, or a stunted vegetation, covering a soft and swampy soil. the upper portions of the mount are so precipitous as not to be easily reached; and, indeed, many parts rise with a perpendicular ascent for more than a hundred feet. on the south side of mount maxwell is smyth inlet, which contains anchorage on the north shore, particularly one in earle cove; but in the centre the water is deep, and on that account, it is not an inviting place for a ship. during mr. graves's absence in smyth harbour, i examined the coast as far as cape edgeworth, where i obtained an extensive set of bearings. the afternoon was particularly favourable for the purpose, the snow-capped mountains of the north shore were perfectly distinct; and among them was a very high one, shaped like a highland target, the peak of the mountain answering to the central spike of the shield. we never afterwards saw it, nor could i, on this occasion, fix its position better, than by estimating its distance. the rock is chiefly greenstone, accompanied by considerable masses of granite. a little islet, off dighton cove, is composed of granite, of a lamelliform structure. mr. graves brought me a specimen of lamelliform granite attached to a mass of greenstone. the indians visited us every day, their number being generally from twelve to sixteen, of which five or six only were men, the rest were women, and children of all ages. one of the latter could not have been more than three weeks old; yet the {137} mother, apparently about sixteen years of age, was always occupied in the laborious employment of paddling the canoes. the child was secured in the mother's lap, with its head on her bosom, by a mantle, which was drawn tightly round both mother and child. their canoes were similar to those of the eastern parts of the strait, about ten feet long, holding four or five grown persons and two or three children, besides their dogs, implements, and weapons: they are formed of bark, and kept in shape by wooden cross supports secured to the gunwale, which is lined by a long, slender pole. they are divided into three compartments, the foremost occupying about one-third of the length, contains the spears, placed ready for immediate use; in the second are the grown persons, with the fire-place between them, the men sitting between the fire-place and the spears, to be ready to use them upon the approach of seals or porpoises; on the opposite side of the fire-place are seated the women who paddle the canoe, in which the men sometimes assist, when great expedition is necessary. behind the women, in the third division, are the elder children and the dogs, the younger children being generally stowed away in the women's laps, for the sake of mutual warmth. the fire is made upon a layer of clay, several inches thick, at the bottom of the canoe; and above the fire, across the gunwales, are laid several pieces of half-burnt wood, for fuel. during our communications with these visitors they conducted themselves peaceably, and made no attempt to pilfer, although there was some little roguery displayed by them in barter. one of the men having parted with all his disposable property, tendered one of his daughters, a fine girl of fourteen or fifteen years of age, for some mere trifle, and, being refused, became very pressing and importunate to close the bargain for the price that was jestingly offered; nor was it without difficulty that he was convinced we were not in earnest. they were as poor as the rest of their countrymen, very badly clothed, and possessing few skins to barter. two of them exchanged their otter skin mantles for cotton shirts, which they continued to wear without complaining of cold. {138} as their visits lasted all day they always brought their food, consisting of the blubber of seals and porpoises. the method used by them in cutting it up is nearly similar to that adopted by the esquimaux indians, as described by sir edward parry in his second voyage, and also resembles the process of the natives of king george's sound, which i have described in the account of my survey of australia (vol. ii. p. 140): a piece of blubber being held in the left hand, a corner of it is taken between the teeth, and it is then cut by a knife, held underhanded, into strips backward and forward, without passing the instrument entirely through: so that when the operation is finished the piece draws out into a long band, about an inch thick, formed by the connected strips. the whole affair from first to last is most offensive to the sight; and the countenance of the carver is beyond description, for his eyes being directed to the blubber, squint shockingly, and give his ugly face a hideous appearance. the strip of blubber is next divided among the party, each of whom proceeds to extract its oily juices by drawing it through his teeth and sucking it, after which it is warmed in the fire to facilitate its division into small pieces, which are swallowed or bolted without mastication. morsels of this dainty food were given not only to the elder children, but even to infants at the breast. on the 14th, while preparing to weigh, the indians came on board and helped to heave in the cable, but without rendering us much real assistance. when the sails were loosed, the women in the canoes began to chatter and scream for fear we should carry off their friends, and their alarm was no sooner given than the deck was cleared of our visitors, who seemed to be quite as much frightened for their safety as the women were. in a few minutes afterwards we were proceeding to the southward, and first tried to anchor in a bay on the south side of smyth harbour, but finding the depth too great, i sent lieut. graves to sound behind an islet where there were indications of a place of shelter, but he returned unsuccessful. during his absence i went to a very narrow passage, which he had discovered, leading to a large channel or sound; but finding it {139} intricate, i deferred trying to enter with the vessel until a more favourable opportunity should offer, and we returned to the place south of warrington cove, called dighton bay, where we anchored off a sandy beach in twenty fathoms, and secured the vessel by laying the kedge on the shore. this sandy beach was the first we had found in the eastern part of the strait. the sand is quartzose, of a white colour, and being a novelty, rendered the place interesting. a stream, supplied by the ravines of mount maxwell, runs over the beach into the sea, and from it an abundant supply of excellent water may be obtained without difficulty. we observed no quadrupeds; but, of the feathered tribe, we found woodpeckers, kingfishers, and woodcocks, and in the sheltered nooks several humming-birds were darting about the flowery underwood of berberis, fuchsia, and arbutus. in the tide-way, at the narrow passage, the sea teemed with fish; over which hovered corvorants and other sea-fowl, preying upon the small fry that were trying to elude their voracious enemies, the porpoises and seals, thousands of which were seen sporting about as we proceeded on our way. whales were also numerous in the vicinity, probably because of an abundance of the small red shrimp, which constitutes their principal food. i went again to examine the passage, and the tide being against us, we were obliged to pull close to the western shore to benefit by the partial eddies, otherwise we could not have proceeded until the turn of the tide. these narrows, named 'shag' narrows, from the quantity of birds there so called by seamen, are not a hundred yards wide. the south end is fronted by an island, from whose summit, about four hundred feet high, i hoped to obtain a good view southward, and after passing the narrows we landed and reached the summit. while looking around at the view, and preparing the theodolite, a woodcock started up from the long grass and walked away so leisurely, that mr. tarn nearly succeeded in striking it with a stick. this bird afforded us a name for the station, which we found to be at the northern side of a large basin, ten miles wide, and six long, terminated at {140} its south end by a channel leading to the open sea, but crowded with islands and rocks. a deep inlet or chasm in the land, at the n.w. corner of this basin, was filled with masses of floating ice, broken from an enormous glacier. after obtaining all the bearings and embarking, we pulled three miles to the westward, and took a round of angles at point cairncross, the south-west point of field's bay, and again another set at the south head of icy sound, near dinner cove, where we found a very convenient anchorage for small vessels. through icy sound we found some difficulty in penetrating, as the channel was much obstructed by ice. three miles within this sound the rocky shore became more precipitous, and at two miles farther, where the width across was not more than one hundred and fifty yards, the rocks rise perpendicularly on each side to the height of seven or eight hundred feet. beyond this remarkable part the channel opens out to a basin about half a mile in diameter, bounded by a sloping glacier, from which immense masses of ice broke off frequently, and falling with a noise like the discharge of a ship's broadside, threw up the foaming water with terrific violence. as we entered the basin, we were startled by a sudden roar, occasioned by the fall of one of these avalanches, followed by echoes which reverberated round the basin and among the mountains. we remained for half an hour afterwards waiting for another fall, but were not gratified. several were heard at a distance, probably high up the sides of the glacier. the examination of icy sound occupied us until dark, when we returned to the schooner. during our absence, indians had again visited the adelaide, the greater number of whom were strangers. we had also seen a party in a canoe close to mount woodcock, who were striking seal, and too intent upon their object to pay much attention to any thing else. on the 16th, the term of our absence having expired, we left dighton bay on our return: at night we anchored in st. nicholas bay, and the day after arrived at port famine. {141} natives had discovered and visited the ship while i was away, but lieut. wickham did not encourage them to remain; and two or three attempts to pilfer being detected, they were treated with very little ceremony; so finding their company was not desired, they went across the strait to lomas bay, where for several days afterwards the smoke of their fires was seen. they were the same indians whom we had met at port san antonio. that these indians should be received so coolly, may seem to have been impolitic on our side, when it is considered that our smaller vessels and boats might be met with, and their crews ill-treated by way of retaliation. it was, however, time that they should know our superiority; for, of late, several very treacherous attacks had been made by them on sealing vessels, and this party was the most forward and insolent we had seen. one of them was teazing several of the men to box, an accomplishment he had probably learnt from the crews of sealing vessels; among others, he fixed upon the serjeant of marines, who very unceremoniously pushed him over the side, and made him return to his canoe, which he resented by pushing off from the ship's side, and throwing a stone at the serjeant, who was standing at the gangway. as it missed him, and did no harm, no notice was taken of his mischief. we afterwards heard that the same party had visited bougainville harbour, where the adeona was at anchor; but as mr. low neither gave them encouragement to remain, nor permitted them to go on board his brig, they very soon went away. the difference between the climates of the western and eastern portions of the strait was very striking. to the westward the country, being principally clothed with evergreens, such as the smooth-leaved beech, and winter's-bark, with an underwood of arbutus and berberis, seems to possess a constant verdure, nor until the snow covers all, does it assume any thing like the appearance of winter. to the eastward, evergreens are less common, their place being occupied by the beech (_fagus antarctica_), whose leaves fall very early. snow had also begun to cover the lower grounds, giving signs of winter. april {142} terminated with finer weather than we had experienced for some weeks, but may set in with north-easterly winds and much rain, succeeded by a heavy fall of snow. "tristis hyems montes niveo velamine vestit." as yet the thermometer had not been very low. on one or two occasions it had fallen during the night to 28°, but generally it ranged between 45° and 33°. the adelaide was again despatched on the 30th april, to carry on an examination of the openings on each side of cayetano island; but she returned on the 21st of may, with the disagreeable intelligence of having had her only serviceable boat stolen by the indians. this was a serious loss, not only on account of so much time being thrown away, but also because we had no other boat to substitute for her. to prevent delay, i sent to mr. low, at bougainville harbour, requesting that he would sell one of his boats; but he was himself so badly off, from similar losses, that he could only assist us by lending one for a few weeks, and as it was the only boat he possessed, it could not be spared to go far from his vessel. i, therefore, despatched mr. graves, in the adelaide, to bougainville harbour, to employ himself in examining the coast thence to cape froward, and in the mean time began to build a whale-boat, to be ready for the adelaide's use as soon as winter had passed over; for, from mr. graves's report of the state of the climate to the westward, very little could be done during the winter months. the following is lieut. graves's account of the loss of his boat:--upon leaving port famine he proceeded at once to port gallant, and surveyed cordes bay; after which he crossed the strait to st. simon's bay, and anchored in millar cove, on its western side, immediately to the north of port langara, from which it is only separated by a narrow neck of land. the adelaide remained there at anchor while mr. graves visited the different parts of the bay. her presence had attracted a large party of indians, who, occupying several wigwams near the entrance of the cove, paid daily visits to {143} our people, and were apparently very familiar and well-disposed. but they had cast a longing eye on the whale-boat, which, when equipped for service, contained many things very useful to them, and they laid a plan to carry her off, which succeeded. one evening she was prepared for going away at an early hour the following day, and, to save time, every thing that might be required was placed in her, and she was made fast for the night. two or three indians were then on board, and observing what was done, laid their plan, and at sunset took their leave as usual. the night was pitchy dark, and at nine o'clock the boat was missed from alongside. the alarm was given, and instant search made at the wigwams of the indians, who had all decamped, without leaving the least trace of themselves or the boat. the 'painter,' or rope by which she had been fastened to the vessel, had been cut through with some sharp instrument, most probably a knife, which our people had sharpened for them on the grindstone that very day. every possible search was made next morning, but without success; the boat that was left was one which could not be used with any advantage, and mr. graves returned to port famine. vexatious as the accident was, i could not blame him for what had occurred, for no one had suspicions of such conduct from the indians, who, on all other occasions, had kept at a distance from us after night-fall. the boat was properly secured alongside, and the night was so cold that no person would have thought the indians would expose themselves to such a temperature (28°); for they must have swum alongside to cut her adrift, and then must have towed her away very gradually, to prevent the theft being discovered, for there were two persons walking the deck at the time. mr. tarn, who accompanied mr. graves on this occasion, brought me a very fine sea-eagle (_polyborus novæ zealandiæ_), and some other birds, and a specimen from a shrub which we had not before observed, a species of _desfontanea_. in order to prevent a similar loss in future, the adelaide {144} was forthwith fitted with cranks outside, for hoisting up her boats when in harbour. winter advanced rapidly; the ground was constantly covered with snow, from one to two feet deep, and every night more fell. in the early part of june we had a gale of wind from the n.w., which flooded the low ground upon which our tents stood; but fortunately the large tent had been accidentally placed on a higher part, and escaped. this flood filled, and, of course, spoiled the water in all the ponds about the tents; and we had afterwards to procure our supplies from a considerable distance. on the 8th of june much lightning was observed to the northward, and repeated rumbling noises were heard, which continued for long periods; one lasted distinctly for the space of twenty minutes. at first, they were thought to be eruptions of some distant volcano; but, from the frequent lightning, they were probably echoes of thunder, reverberating through the deep ravines that intersect the rocky ridges of the cordillera, from which we were distant at least one hundred and fifty miles. a succession of bad weather followed, during which the barometer fluctuated rapidly. on the 14th, the mercury fell to 28. 17. inches, after which it gradually rose, with fine settled weather, until it reached 30. 50., when bad weather again set in. the people at the tents experienced another inundation. had the water risen six inches more, it would have carried every thing away; and as the wind was blowing dead upon the shore, while a heavy surf was beating upon the beach, we could have rendered them very little assistance from the ship. the severity of the weather brought a most disagreeable accompaniment. scurvy appeared, and increased; while the accidental death of a seaman, occasioned by falling down a hatchway, followed by the decease of two others, and also of mr. low, of the adeona, whose body was brought to me for burial, tended to create a despondency amongst the crew that i could in no way check. the monotony of their occupations, the chilling and gloomy appearance of the country, and the severity of the climate, all tended to increase the number of the {145} sick, as well as the unfavourable symptoms of their disease. the beagle's term of absence was, however, drawing to a close, and i caused a rumour to be spread, that upon her appearance we should quit port famine. to give a semblance of reality to this report, the topmasts were ordered to be fidded, and the ship otherwise prepared for sea, which had a manifest effect upon the scorbutic, of whom several were in a bad stage of that horrid disease, and many others were just attacked. we found ourselves now, too, thrown on our own resources for fresh food: scarcely a fish was taken with the hook, and the seine, although frequently shot, never caught anything. of birds, only a few hawks and small finches were procured, which were all reserved for the sick, the greater number of whom lived on shore, at the tents, where they might walk about, and amuse themselves as they pleased. the adelaide returned from bougainville harbour on the 18th of june, having succeeded in the object for which she was sent. the extremity of cape froward, a bluff head, over which is a round-topped hill (precisely the french 'morre') is what sarmiento called the morro de santa agueda. any name given by this excellent old navigator is too classical and valuable to be omitted; therefore, while the extremity itself may retain the modern appellation of cape froward, the mountain by which it is formed may still be allowed to keep his distinction. behind it, the land rises to a higher ridge, the edge of which is remarkably serrated, and probably of a slaty character. the specimens procured from the cape were clay-slate, much intermixed with iron pyrites, and crossed by small veins of white quartz. of the anchorages examined by mr. graves, bougainville harbour, better known to sealers by the name of jack's cove, or harbour, is the most sheltered. it is surrounded on all sides by high precipitous hills, thickly clothed with trees. the depth is moderate, and the water so beautifully clear, that the anchors, and even shells and stones, were distinctly seen upon the bottom. it was here that bougainville procured wood for the use of the settlement {146} at the falkland islands. captain stokes says of this place: "after seeing the abundant supplies of timber which freshwater bay and port famine afford, i had shared in the surprise which byron expresses, that any one should have come so far up the strait to get it; but on examining the spot, i found that a happier selection could not have been made. it is a little cove, just round the eastern point of the bay of san nicolas, about a hundred yards wide and three times as long. here, moored to the shore, a ship may lie in eight fathoms, perfectly sheltered from any wind, the water as smooth as in a wet-dock. shapely trees, of all dimensions, are growing within a few yards of the shore; and the wood, when felled, may be hoisted on board from the beach, by tackles from the yard-arms. here, too, with very little trouble, a supply of water may be got from the many streams that make their way through the underwood which skirts the cove. as we pulled up this sequestered nook, the unusual sound of our oars and voices put to flight multitudes of birds, and the surface of the water was broken by the jumping of fine fish. some very eatable geese were shot. our stay was too short to admit of hauling the seine; but my boat's crew contrived to half-fill the boat with excellent muscles and limpets, which are found here in great plenty." the geological character of the coast between cape st. isidro and san nicolas bay is clay-slate; near the beach, however, this rock is not visible, since it is there covered with a kind of breccia of rounded pebbles, in an indurated sandy rock, of green colour. the pebbles are principally of slate; but some were found to be of granite and other quartzose rock, perhaps greenstone. one of the headlands, called by m. bougainville cape remarquable, was examined by mr. graves for fossil shells, of which the french navigator speaks. half the rock was beaten to pieces, without detecting anything like organic remains. living shells were in the greatest abundance about the base of the cape, but that is the case every where. the species generally found are limpets and muscles, but with little variety and no novelty. {147} on the 21st of june, after a heavy north-east gale, we had an unusually fine day. the hills at the bottom of magdalen channel were more distinct than we had ever noticed them, and mount sarmiento was particularly clear; indeed its outline was so sharply defined, that the distance did not appear to be more than ten miles. this extraordinary transparency of the air was at first considered a presage of wet weather; yet the clear and sharp appearance of the distant land was unlike that which usually precedes a fall of rain. the long series of rainy weather we had experienced made us look for a good result from such an unusual atmosphere, and we were not deceived. the following day our hopes were still further confirmed by seeing three indian canoes, coming across the strait, towards us, from lomas bay, which they would not have attempted had they not been sure of its continuing fine; for their canoes are ill adapted to encounter the short cross sea found during bad weather in mid-channel of the strait. although the presence of the natives did not in general please me, because it naturally put a stop to all work; yet, on this occasion it was agreeable, as it tended in some measure to enliven the monotonous manner in which we passed our days. upon reaching the bay, the indians did not approach the ship, but paddled into the coves under point santa anna, where our boat was employed watering. mr. graves went to them, to prevent mischief, and found they were the same party who had before visited us. when our boats returned, they paddled over to the wigwam at the head of the port, about a quarter of a mile beyond our tents, and began to repair it, and by sunset were housed and sheltered for the night. we had, however, so lately experienced their treacherous disposition, that no confidence was placed in appearances. sentinels were posted at the tents, to give the alarm, should any of them approach; and at eight o'clock a volley of musketry was fired, by way of intimidation, and to impress them with the idea that we kept a watch upon their movements, and were prepared. while the wigwams were repairing, a few of the indians visited our tents; but were not allowed to pass within a rope {148} that, by my orders, was stretched around our property, a restriction which they did not attempt to evade. at sunset all were told to go away, and they immediately, as well as cheerfully, complied. the next morning, and indeed throughout the whole day, the neighbourhood of the wigwams exhibited the appearance of a fair. i visited them, and found that they had not only repaired an old wigwam, but erected another. both together contained the whole party, consisting of twenty-six individuals, among whom were an old man, and two old women. they had brought over a collection of baskets, bows and arrows, stone heads of knives, &c. to sell to our people, who had always shown eagerness to possess these curiosities. the knife-heads were made generally of pitch-stone; but the greater number were of broken glass bottles, which they had collected when they visited us last year. a few strings of beads purchased all their riches; after which they sold their dogs, and mr. graves procured one of them for a knife and a string of beads. it was a remarkably fine animal, and showed great reluctance to be handled by our people, several of whom were bitten in their attempts to take him to the boat. at night one of the canoes was despatched to collect shell-fish, probably sea-eggs, from the reef of rocky bay. the following morning all their goods were embarked, and then they paddled their canoes to the beach, near the tents, where some of their men landed. they had nothing to offer in exchange for several things which tempted them, and were beginning to grow troublesome. one of them, the individual who threw a stone at the sergeant, persisting to pass the boundary that was marked upon the ground, which no one of them had before presumed to do, was pushed back by the sentinel; upon which he ran to his canoe and took out several spears, doubtless intending to try to force a passage; but the appearance of two or three muskets brought him to his senses, and the spears were returned to the canoe; after which he became familiar, and apparently friendly. this affair, however, was soon followed by their departure, which gave me much {149} satisfaction. they went southward, landing for the night in voces bay, and the following day went to the adeona, in bougainville harbour, where they remained some days. the day after the indians left us, a boat came from the adeona, to acquaint us that, in a day or two, she and her companions, the uxbridge and mercury, intended to leave the strait for the falkland islands; upon which i prepared letters for england, and a report of my proceedings for the secretary of the admiralty. the ships passed by on the 30th, and took my letters. this last month (june) set in with snow or rain, which continued until the 11th, when the weather assumed a very threatening appearance. on the 14th the barometer fell to 29. 27, and the wind blew a hard gale from n.e.; but in the afternoon it veered round to s.w., and the mercury rose rapidly. a gale from s.w. followed, and then to the end of the month we had a series of moderate weather, but much snow. the mean temperature for june was 32°,97 the range being between 19°,2 and 48°,7. july commenced with an unusually low temperature and a high barometer; the former, on the 4th was 12°,2, and the latter, at the same time, at 30,5 inches, having risen since the 14th of june 1.82 of an inch. after this we had a few mild and fine days, but paid dearly for them; a northerly gale set in, bringing with it unwholesome damp weather, in which the temperature rose to between 35° and 42°, and melted much of the snow that had covered the ground, quite to the water's edge, during the last two months. our sick-list, particularly of cases of scurvy, increased so much, during this damp, trying weather, that i determined upon sending the adelaide to the northward, to procure a supply of fresh meat from the patagonians; and, at the same time, to survey that part of the strait lying between cape negro and the second narrow. lieutenants graves and wickham, and mr. tarn, went upon this service, the latter being most anxious to procure some change of diet for the sick under his care, for some of whom he was much alarmed. the appearance and severity of this {150} disease, although every precaution had been used, and subsequent attention paid to their diet, are not easy to account for: fresh provisions, bread baked on board, pickles, cranberries, large quantities of wild celery, preserved meats and soups, had been abundantly supplied; the decks were kept well-aired, dry, and warm, but all to no purpose; these precautions, perhaps, checked the disease for a time; but did not prevent it, as had been fully expected. the adelaide sailed on the 16th of july, with every prospect of fine weather. the same evening, an american sealing schooner anchored near us, on her way to staten land. she had entered the straits by cutler and smyth channels, and in forty-eight hours arrived at port famine. after obtaining some trifling assistance from our forge, she sailed. on the 25th, three new cases of scurvy appeared, one being the assistant-surgeon, which increased our sick-list to fourteen. feeling the necessity of doing something, i ordered the hands to be turned up, 'prepare ship for sea!' no sooner had the words escaped the boatswain's lips, than all was life, energy, and delight. the preliminary preparations were made, and every one looked forward with pleasure to the change, except myself. i had hoped to pass the twelve months at port famine, with the intention of completing a meteorological journal, for which this place afforded peculiar advantages. my plan was, on the beagle's return, to despatch her and the schooner along the west coast, and join them in the adventure at chilóe. as our departure was now supposed to depend on the beagle's arrival, every eye was on the stretch to watch for her, and every morning some one of our party ascended the heights, to look out. on the 27th she was seen, beating up from the southward; but as the wind was contrary, she did not anchor in the bay until the evening. her return was greeted with three most hearty cheers; but on passing under our stern, lieutenant skyring informed me that captain stokes was confined to his cabin by illness, and could not wait on me. i therefore went to the beagle, and found captain stokes looking very ill, and in low spirits. he expressed himself much distressed by the {151} hardships the officers and crew under him had suffered; and i was alarmed at the desponding tone of his conversation. he told me that the beagle had been up the western coast as high as cape tres montes, in latitude 47°, had surveyed the gulf of peñas and other portions of the coast, particularly port henry, at cape three points, the entrance of the gulf of trinidad, and port santa barbara, at the north end of campana island. during the survey of the gulf of peñas they had experienced very severe weather, both stormy and wet, during which the beagle's crew were incessantly employed, and had consequently suffered greatly. captain stokes seemed not to have spared himself. he appeared much gratified by my visiting him, and before we parted he was for a time restored to his usual energy, detailing the circumstances of the voyage, and conversing upon the plan of our future operations with considerable animation. the return of the beagle cheered our ship's company, and on the 30th the adelaide came back, with a large quantity of guanaco meat, which had been procured from the patagonian indians at peckett's harbour. when the adelaide anchored there, about thirty natives appeared on the shore. mr. tarn landed, and communicated our wants, saying that he would give tobacco and knives for as much guanaco meat as they could procure; with them was the fuegian, who seemed to be a leading man, and to have become one of the most active of the party. he was the principal spokesman, and upon commencing the hunt he pointed to the snow upon the ground, and called it 'bueno' (good), because it would show the traces of the animals, and the direction they had taken. mr. wickham thus described to me the manner in which they hunted: two men ascended a hill, placed themselves one at each end of its summit, and stood motionless for some time, on the look-out. as soon as guanacoes were seen, their position and movements were communicated, by signs, to the men in the valley, who were thus enabled to approach their game unawares. the guanacoes are taken with the bolas, which entangle their legs and throw them down. as soon as they are killed, {152} they are skinned and cut up. the first night seven hundred pounds of meat were brought, and two thousand and forty-six pounds were obtained in a few days. this ample change of diet inspired me with the hope that our sick, at least those affected by scurvy, would recover, and that after another large supply, which we now knew how to obtain, we might be enabled to prosecute our voyage as was first intended. all hands were therefore allowed fresh meat for a week, and the residue was placed at the disposal of the surgeon, for the use of the sick, but all ineffectually; the list still increased, and lieutenant wickham, with a violent cold, and mr. rowlett, with scurvy, were added to it. the assistant-surgeon's became the worst case of scurvy on board; and our people, finding that the preparations for quitting the place were not going on, began to despond again. captain stokes was anxious to prepare his vessel for another cruize, being very averse to giving up our plans and returning to monte video, since he thought the crews, from utter disgust at the privations and hardships they had endured, would not be persuaded to go on another voyage; but that if they were to go to chilóe or valparaiso, to refresh, they might recover their strength and spirits, and be willing to renew the survey; which, however, he himself seemed to dread, for he never mentioned the subject without a shudder. he was evidently much excited, and suspicions arose in my mind that all was not quite right with him. i endeavoured to prevail on him to give his people a longer rest, but he was the more anxious to make preparations. on the 31st july he sent an application for provisions, and in the evening i received a note from him, which was written in his former usual flow of spirits. the officers, however, knew more of the diseased state of his mind than i did; and it was owing to a hint given to me, that i desired mr. tarn to communicate with mr. bynoe, and report to me whether captain stokes's health was sufficiently restored to enable him to commence another cruize. this was on the 1st of august. the provisions had been sent, in compliance with his application, and the surgeons were on board the adventure, {153} considering upon their report, which was, as i afterwards found, very unfavourable, when a boat came from the beagle, with the dreadful intelligence that captain stokes, in a momentary fit of despondency, had shot himself. the surgeons instantly repaired on board, and finding him alive, had recourse to every means in their power, but without hope of saving his life. during the delirium that ensued, and lasted four days, his mind wandered to many of the circumstances, and hair-breadth escapes, of the beagle's cruize. the following three days he recovered so much as to be able to see me frequently; and hopes were entertained by himself, but by no one else, that he would recover. he then became gradually worse, and after lingering in most intense pain, expired on the morning of the 12th. thus shockingly and prematurely perished an active, intelligent, and most energetic officer, in the prime of life. the severe hardships of the cruize, the dreadful weather experienced, and the dangerous situations in which they were so constantly exposed--caused, as i was afterwards informed, such intense anxiety in his excitable mind, that it became at times so disordered, as to cause the greatest apprehension for the consequences. on the return of the beagle he got better; and the officers were so sanguine in hoping for his complete restoration to health, on account of his progressive recovery, that nothing which had transpired was communicated to me until after his decease. his remains were interred at our burial-ground, with the honours due to his rank, and a tablet was subsequently erected to his memory. * * * * * {154} chapter x. account of the beagle's cruize--borja bay--cape quod--stuart bay--cape notch--remarks on weather, and errors of chart--evangelists--santa lucia--madre de dios--gulf of trinidad--port henry--puma's track- humming-birds--very bad weather--campana island--dangers--gale--wet- sick--santa barbara--wager's beam--wigwams--guaianeco islands--cape tres montes--st. paul's--port otway--hoppner sound--cape raper. the following account of the beagle's cruize is drawn up from captain stokes's unfinished journal, and from detached memoranda, which were found amongst his papers. it will be recollected that, on my departure from port famine, in the adelaide, in the month of march, to survey portions of the southern side of the strait, i left instructions with captain stokes to proceed in the execution of his orders as soon as the beagle was ready. the details of those orders it is unnecessary to repeat here, as they were performed to my entire satisfaction; it will be merely requisite, as briefly as possible, to follow him through a most arduous and distressing service. it is the sequel that embitters the record. "on the 18th of march, i sailed from port famine, and next day reached port gallant. "on the 23d, we anchored in the little cove called borja bay, which, though very confined, and rather difficult of access, suited our purpose extremely well. (see sailing directions). while there we measured the height of one of the principal hills in the neighbourhood, and found it 1,800 feet. "bad weather detained us until the 26th, when we passed cape quod, and reached stuart bay. many places were left unexamined, because my object was to hasten westward before the year was farther advanced. "(27th.) we left stuart bay, and continued our progress to the westward, with westerly winds, thick weather, and rain. {155} the shores of the straits were seldom visible to us, from a thick mist with which they were clouded: it is, however, a bold coast on each side, otherwise the strait would be utterly unnavigable in such weather. near cape notch the mountains spire up into peaks of great height, singularly serrated, and connected by barren ridges. about their bases there are generally some green patches of jungle; but, upon the whole, nothing can be more sterile and repulsive than the view. this afternoon we passed playa parda, and in the evening anchored in marian cove. "in the course of the next day the wind freshened to a strong and squally gale from the w.n.w., with much rain; the weather was so thick that we could scarcely make out the coast. in this kind of weather, the lower parts of the shore are screened from view by mist, and the upper ones are seen looming through it in lofty masses, in a manner which would lead a stranger to believe that the ship was completely environed with islands. "in the evening we anchored in the little cove called half port bay, and next morning resumed our daily struggle against wind, tide, and weather. "we crossed the mouth of a deep sound on the north shore,[103] where no tide or current was remarked: the delineation of the coast about this point is particularly defective in the old charts; fortunately, however, for the navigator, he has here to deal with shores where the omission of a whole island, or even the addition of a few that do not exist, is of less consequence to his safety than the exact limit of one sand-bank in other parts of the world. this night we anchored in upright bay, which, though affording excellent shelter from the prevailing winds, is bad with a southerly one; as, from the steepness of the bottom requiring a vessel to anchor close to the shore, sufficient scope is not left for veering cable. "sheltered by the high land under which we were anchored, {156} with the exception of occasional gusts down the ravines and sounds, we had the wind light at w.s.w.; but the rapid travelling of the scud over-head showed that the usual weather prevailed. we weighed early next morning (30th), and by noon had reached so far to the westward that the easternmost of the round islands in cape tamar bight bore north about two miles. by nightfall we were off cape cortado; but the weather seeming settled and the wind drawing to the southward, i resolved to keep under weigh, and try to get out to sea that night. circumstances favoured us; the weather was fine, the moon remained unclouded, and the wind held at s.s.w. an hour after midnight cape pillar bore w.s.w., distant about two miles, and thence we shaped our course for the evangelists, which we passed at the distance of a mile. "the evangelists, as they are called by the early spanish voyagers, or as they were afterwards named (1670) by sir john narborough, the isles of direction,[104] are a group of four rocky islets, and some detached rocks and breakers, occupying altogether a space of three miles; they are exceedingly rugged and barren, and suited only to afford a resting-place for seals and oceanic birds. from the heavy sea prevalent there, and the raging surf that generally breaks around, landing on them can be rarely practicable; yet sealers effect it. the mate of a sealing vessel told me that he had landed on the largest in a whale-boat, and killed several thousand seals. the evangelists are of sufficient height to be seen in clear weather from a ship's deck, at the distance of six or seven leagues, but the superior elevation of the coast on both sides will usually render it visible, before these islands can be observed. "immediately on rounding the evangelists a cape was distinguished, appearing to terminate the northern coast line, which we made out to be 'cape isabel' of the spanish charts. it is a steep, rocky promontory of great height, having at its base some detached columnar masses of rock, and at its summit a peak, and a serrated ridge; off it is a steep-sided island, {157} which proved to be that (beagle island) of which lieut. skyring and i took the bearing last year, when we were on the summit of cape victory. "northward of cape victory the land forms a deep bight, of which cape santa lucia is the north-eastern headland. the coast in the interval is exceedingly rugged and mountainous. cape santa lucia may be distinguished by a portion of flat table-land, about one-third of the altitude of the mountain from which it proceeds, and terminating at its outer face with a perpendicular precipice. "the coast between capes isabel and santa lucia is dangerous to approach nearer than ten miles, for there are within that distance many sunken rocks, on which the sea only occasionally breaks. some of these breakers were seen to seaward of us, as we proceeded along the coast, at the distance of five or six miles. when off santa lucia, whales were very numerous around us. "the general aspect of this portion of the coast is similar to that of the most dreary parts of the magalhaenic regions: bare, rugged, rocky, and mountainous, intersected by inlets, and bordered by islets, rocks, and breakers. "the information we possessed respecting the prevalent winds on this coast was very scanty; yet, since all we could procure represented them as prevailing from the northward and north-westward, i considered it advisable to take advantage of the present southerly wind to proceed to the northern part of the coast assigned for our survey, instead of stopping to explore the bight between cape isabel and cape santa lucia. "from the bearings at sunset,[105] we ran along the land with bright moonlight, sounding every hour; and at daylight were about ten miles from the island of madre de dios. "we closed the land and proceeded to the northward, keeping at a distance of about three miles off shore, sounding {158} between twenty-eight and thirty-three fathoms, sandy bottom. the weather was clear and fine, and we were enabled to make observations, and take the bearings and angles, necessary for laying down the coast satisfactorily. "at noon we were in latitude 50° 12' south, and in the meridian of cape tres puntas, between which and a cape bearing from us n. 13° e. (magnetic), distant eight miles, there was evidently an inlet: this cape is marked on the chart as cape william. the character of the land is the same with that which we had hitherto passed, bare, rugged, rocky mountains, with peaks, and sharply serrated ridges. from daylight to noon we had run twenty-one miles along the coast; in that interval only one inlet was seen, which was in the latitude of 50° 27' south, agreeing well with the 'west channel' of the spanish chart. it was four miles wide at its mouth, and appeared to follow a winding course to the eastward. the land of cape tres puntas curved in to the eastward, until it closed with cape william; at dusk we were abreast of cape william, and two leagues off shore, where we lay-to till daylight, as i wished to examine the inlet between it and cape tres puntas, which subsequently proved to be sarmiento's gulf of trinidad. the old navigator thus describes its discovery: "'at daylight, 17th of march, 1579, in the name of the most holy trinity, we saw land, bearing e.s.e., ten leagues distant, towards which we steered to explore it. at mid-day, being near the land, we observed the latitude 49½°, but hernando alonzo made it 49° 9'. in approaching the shore we saw a great bay and gulf, which trended deeply into the land towards some snowy mountains. to the south there was a high mountain, with three peaks, wherefore pedro sarmiento named the bay 'golfo de la sanctisima trenidad.' the highest land of the three peaks was named 'cabo de tres puntas ó montes.' this island is bare of vegetation, and at the water-side is low and rugged, and lined with breakers; on the summit are many white, grey, and black-coloured portions of ground, or rock. six leagues to the north of cape tres puntas is the opposite side of the gulf, where it forms a large high mountain, backed {159} to the north by low land, and fronted by many islands. this high mountain, which appears to be an island from the offing, was called 'cabo primero.''[106] "the following night was clear, and the wind moderate from s.e., but in the course of next morning it shifted to n.e., with squalls, rain, and thick weather; we worked into the inlet notwithstanding, and by noon had reached three miles within its s.w. head-land, cape william, and were abreast of a bay, into which i sent a boat to look for anchorage. on her return we stood into it, and anchored in the excellent harbour, afterwards named port henry, where we remained from the 2d to the 5th of april, employed in making a correct survey of the harbour and its adjacencies, and determining the latitude and longitude.[107] "the inner harbour, distinguished in the plan by the name of 'aid basin,' is perfectly land-locked, and sufficiently spacious to contain a numerous squadron of the largest ships in twenty fathoms water, over a mud bottom, and as completely sheltered from the effects of wind and sea as in wet-docks. at the south-west side of the basin is a fresh-water lake, which discharges itself by a small stream, whence casks might be conveniently filled by means of canvas hoses, and the shores around have wood for fuel in abundance; but, from the lofty surrounding mountains, some rising almost perpendicularly to an elevation of two thousand feet, the thick clouds with which this basin was generally overhung, and the dense exhalations that arose from it during the rare intervals of sunshine, together with the exceeding prevalence of heavy rain on this coast, this place must be disagreeable and unhealthy. such objections do not apply to the outer harbour, for while its shores afford shelter, they do not obstruct a free circulation of air. it is sufficiently large to afford convenient and secure anchorage for five or six frigates. "we hauled the seine with very poor success, as a few smelt only were taken; we had no better luck with our fishing-lines; {160} but the trial might have been more profitable at another season, judging from the number of seals we saw on the rocks off the port, which live principally upon fish. muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs abound here, and are good and wholesome of their kind. birds are few in number, and of the species most common in these regions. no quadruped of any kind was seen; but the purser told me that he had observed, near the sandy beach, traces of a four-footed animal, resembling those of a tiger: he followed them to a cavern, and thence to the jungle. he also said that he had seen several humming-birds. "with the exception of wild celery and the arbutus berry, i know not of any useful vegetable production that this place affords, unless the 'winter's-bark tree' may be mentioned. some coarse grass, fit perhaps for animals, may be there procured. the only signs of inhabitants were some wigwams on the western point, which seemed to have been long forsaken: in their construction they were precisely similar to those erected by the migratory tribes in the straits of magalhaens: and the shells of muscles, limpets, and sea-eggs, within and about them, showed that the former tenants of these hovels drew, like the magalhaenic tribes, a principal part of their subsistence from shell-fish. "around the harbour are granite mountains, perfectly bare at their summits and north-western sides, but the lower parts are thickly covered in sheltered places and ravines, partly with trees, and partly with brushwood: among the trees growing here we observed, as usual, two kinds of beech, a tree like the cypress, but of small size, and the winter's-bark. the underwood is composed of all the various shrubs we had met with in the straits of magalhaens; and this brushwood is so thickly spread over the lower parts of the shores of the harbour, that it is only by crawling over it that the distance of a few yards from the rocks can be gained; and being generally of insufficient strength to support a man's weight, it frequently gives way beneath him, and he is so completely buried, as to make it difficult for him to extricate himself. "scarcely any of the trees attain a size to render them fit {161} for any thing but firewood; of those we felled there was scarcely one that was not more or less rotten at the heart, a defect probably caused by the extreme humidity of the climate. "during our stay, the master, accompanied by our boatswain's mate,(f) an experienced sealer, went to take seal on the rocks, and returned in a few hours with some of the inferior sort, called 'hair seal,' which were numerous; but the surf was in most places too heavy to allow them to land without much risk. the fry of the young seals we thought extremely good, not exceeded even by the finest lamb's fry. "on the morning of the 5th we worked to the westward, to clear the land on each side of the inlet; and at sunset, capo tres puntas bore n.b.w. ½ w., distant two leagues. the northerly breeze, which we had worked with since leaving port henry, increased rapidly to a hard gale, and by 8 p.m. we were reduced to the close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. the gale continued with unabated violence during the 6th, 7th, and 8th, from the north, n.w., and s.w., with a confused mountainous sea. our decks were constantly flooded, and we could rarely show more than the close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. only two accidents occurred: the little boat which we carried astern was washed away by a heavy sea that broke over us, while hoisting her in-board; and the marine barometer was broken by the violent motion of the vessel. at noon, on the 8th, cape corso bore from us, by account, s.e. (true), distant fifty-five miles. i had tried to gain a wide offing to get a less turbulent sea, and because not even an outline of the sea-coast of campana island was drawn in the chart. we had not, during these three days, a glimpse of the sun or of a star, for it blew a constant gale, accompanied by squalls, thick weather, and rain. according to the time of year, the season of winter had not arrived, but the weather seemed to say it was already come- sullen and sad, with all it's rising train of vapours, clouds, and storms. {162} "the wind abated at daylight on the 9th, and drew to the southward, and thence to the s.e. (the fair weather quarter of this coast). we bore up to make the land, and at about 10 a.m. the 'loom' of it was seen from the mast-head. at noon, high mountains were visible from the deck; our latitude, by observation, was 48° 51', and our longitude, by chronometer, 00° 27' west of port henry. no soundings were obtained with one hundred and ten fathoms of line. hence we steered east (magnetic) towards a remarkable mountain, which, from our being nearly in the parallel of it at noon, has been marked in the chart as parallel peak. the coast we were upon was that of the island 'campana,' and, in its general appearance, did not differ from that of madre de dios. it was late before we got very close to the land; but, for a couple of leagues to the northward, and about a league to the southward of the parallel of our latitude at noon, we could distinguish rocks and breakers skirting the coast to a distance of two leagues from the shore. "at dusk we hauled off for the night; but instead of being able to resume the examination of the coast next morning, we had to encounter another gale of wind from the n.w., which, before noon, reduced us to close-reefed main-topsail and reefed foresail. this gale suddenly subsided in the western quarter, which was singular; for those we have experienced generally commenced at north, thence drew round to the westward, from which point to s.w. they blew with the greatest fury, and hauling to the southward, usually abated to the eastward of south. "during the afternoon, we again made the land near parallel peak, but could not close it. next morning (11th), with fine weather, and a fresh breeze at s.w.b.w., we once more saw the land about parallel peak; and when distant from the shore about eight miles, steered n.b.e. along the coast. at noon our latitude was 48° 47'. "throughout our run along the coast this day, we skirted a number of rocky islets, rocks, and breakers, lying off shore at the distance of three or four miles. some of the islets were elevated several feet above the surface of the sea; others were {163} a-wash, and there were breakers that showed themselves only occasionally. along this line the surf beat very heavily, and, outside, a long rolling sea prevailed, in which the ship was very uneasy. "this line of dangers is not altogether continuous; for there is an opening about two miles wide, abreast of parallel peak, to the southward of which is a bight, where possibly a harbour may exist; but, considering the prevalence of heavy westerly gales and thick weather, if there be one, few vessels would venture to run for it; and this line must, i should think, be considered as a barrier that they ought not pass. as seal are found on the rocks, vessels engaged in that trade might not, perhaps, be deterred by these dangers, but every other would give all this extent of coast a wide berth. we ran past the breakers at the distance of about a mile, having rocky soundings, from thirty to twenty-three fathoms. "the termination of the coast line northward was a high, rugged island, with a small peak at the north end. the extremity of the main land was rather a high bluff cape, whence the coast extends southward, with craggy, mountainous peaks and ridges, as far as parallel peak. at sunset, the n.w. end of campana bore north (magnetic), distant three leagues, and from the mast-head i could see very distinctly the belt of rocks and breakers extending uninterruptedly to the northward, as far as the end of campana. "we hauled off for the night, and had light variable airs, or calms, until 2 a.m. of the 12th, when a breeze from the northward sprung up, and freshened so rapidly, that by noon we were again reduced to a close-reefed main-topsail and foresail. the gale was accompanied, as usual, by incessant rain and thick weather, and a heavy confused sea kept our decks always flooded. "the effect of this wet and miserable weather, of which we had had so much since leaving port famine, was too manifest by the state of the sick list, on which were now many patients with catarrhal, pulmonary, and rheumatic complaints. the gale continued undiminished until the morning of the 13th, {164} when, having moderated, we bore up and steered n.e. to close the land. at noon a good meridional altitude gave our latitude 48° 30' south, and about the same time we saw the land bearing n.e.b.e., which we soon made out to be parallel peak. after allowing amply for heave of sea, and lee-way, we were considerably southward of our reckoning, which indicates a southerly current; but under such circumstances of wind and weather its exact direction, or strength, could not be ascertained. "we proceeded along the land, taking angles and bearings for the survey, and at sunset the n.w. end of campana bore from us north (magnetic), distant five leagues. being now off the n.w. end of the island of campana, which forms the south-western headland of the gulf of peñas, i considered that, before i proceeded to examine its inlets, i ought to look for the harbour of santa barbara, which has been placed on the old charts in this neighbourhood. accordingly we lay-to during the night, and at 4 a.m. bore up to close the land; at daylight the extremes of it were seen indistinctly through a very cloudy and hazy atmosphere, from n. 39° e. to s. 53° e. about noon the weather cleared off, and we got the meridian altitude of the sun, which gave our latitude 48° 09' south.[108] we directed the course for our dundee rock, and when abreast of it, steered n.e. (compass) for an opening in the low part of the coast ahead, backed by very high mountains, which we found was the entrance of port santa barbara. the coast to the southward was lined with rocky islets, rocks, and breakers, extending a league to seaward, and there were others to the northward. we were in a channel half a mile wide, through which we continued our course, sounding from fifteen to eleven fathoms, and in the evening anchored near the entrance of the harbour. {165} "as our present situation was completely exposed to westerly winds, i went to examine a deep bight in the southern shore, which proved to be a good harbour, perfectly sheltered from all winds, with a depth of three and a half fathoms over a fine sandy bottom. in the afternoon we weighed anchor and warped into a berth in the inner harbour, where we moored in three fathoms. i found lying, just above high-water mark, half buried in sand, the beam of a large vessel.[109] we immediately conjectured that it had formed part of the ill-fated wager, one of lord anson's squadron (of whose loss the tale is so well told in the narratives of byron and bulkeley): the dimensions seemed to correspond with her size, and the conjecture was strengthened by the circumstance that one of the knees that attached it to the ship's side had been cut, which occurred in her case, when her decks were scuttled to get at the provisions; all the bolts were much corroded; but the wood, with the exception of the outside being worm-eaten, was perfectly sound. our carpenter pronounced it to be english oak. "the land about this harbour is similar to that about port henry. its shores are rocky, with some patches of sandy beach, but every where covered with trees, or an impervious jungle, composed of dwarfish trees and shrubs. the land, in most places, rises abruptly from the shore to mountains, some of which attain an altitude of more than two thousand feet, and are quite bare at their summits and on their sides, except in sheltered ravines, where a thick growth of trees is found. these mountains, or at least their bases, where we could break off specimens, were of basalt, with large masses of quartz imbedded in it; but on some parts of the shores the rocks were of very coarse granite. "as in the vicinity of port henry, the thickness of the jungle prevented our going far inland; the greatest distance was gained by lieut. skyring, who, with his wonted zeal to prosecute the survey, ascended some of the mountains for the {166} purpose of obtaining bearings of remote points: he remarked to me, 'that many miles were passed over in ascending even moderate heights; the land was very high and very irregular; the mountains seemed not to lie in any uniform direction, and the longest chain that was observed did not exceed five miles. the flat land between the heights was never two miles in extent: the ground was always swampy, and generally there were small lakes receiving the drainage of mountain-streams. indeed the whole country appeared broken and unconnected.' "some of the mountains were ascertained to be 2,500 feet high, but the general height was about 2,000 feet. a large island, on the northern side of the harbour, is an excellent watering-place, at which casks may be conveniently filled in the boat. it is also an object of great natural beauty: the hill, which forms its western side, rises to seven or eight hundred feet, almost perpendicularly, and when viewed from its base in a boat, seems stupendous: it is clothed with trees, among which the light-green leaves of the winter's-bark tree, and the red flowers of the fuchsia, unite their tints with the darker foliage of other trees. this perpendicular part extends to the northward till it is met by the body of the mountain, which is arched into a spacious cavern, fifty yards wide and a hundred feet high, whose sides are clothed with a rich growth of shrubs; and before it a cascade descends down the steep face of the mountain. "on the shore we found two indian wigwams and the remains of a third; but they had evidently been long deserted, for the grass had grown up both around and within them to the height of more than a foot. these wigwams were exactly similar to those in the strait of magalhaens: one was larger than any i had met with, being eighteen feet in diameter. the only land birds i saw were two owls, which passed by us after dusk with a screeching noise. "on the patches of sandy beach, in the inner harbour, we hauled the seine, but unsuccessfully; we expected to find fish plentiful here, from seeing many seals on the rocks outside, and from finding the water quite red with the spawn of {167} crayfish. muscles and limpets were pretty abundant, and the shells (_concholepas peruviana_) used by the magalhaenic tribes as drinking cups, were found adhering to the rocks in great numbers. "nothing; could be worse than the weather we had during nine days' stay here; the wind, in whatever quarter it stood, brought thick heavy clouds, which precipitated themselves in torrents, or in drizzling rain. we were well sheltered from the regular winds; but many troublesome eddies were caused by the surrounding heights, while the passing clouds showed that strong and squally north-west winds were prevalent. "on the morning of the 24th, we put to sea with a southerly breeze. the extent of coast from the eastern part of port santa barbara to the outer of the guaianeco islands presents several inlets running deep into the land; but it is completely bound by rocks and rocky islets, which, with its being generally a lee-shore, renders it extremely unsafe to approach. observing an opening between some islets, of which we had taken the bearing at noon, we stood in to see whether it afforded anchorage; and approaching the extremity of the larger island, proceeded along it at the distance of only half a mile, when, after running two miles through a labyrinth of rocks and kelp, we were compelled to haul out, and in doing so scarcely weathered, by a ship's length, the outer islet. deeming it useless to expend further time in the examination of this dangerous portion of the gulf, we proceeded towards cape tres montes, its north-western headland. "at sunset cape tres montes bore n. 25° w., distant eighteen miles. in this point of view the cape makes very high and bold; to the eastward of it, land was seen uninterruptedly as far as the eye could reach. we stood in shore next morning, and were then at a loss to know, precisely, which was the cape. the highest mountain was the southern projection, and has been marked on the chart as cape tres montes: but none of the heights, from any point in which we saw them, ever appeared as 'three mounts.' the land, though mountainous, seemed more wooded, and had a less {168} rugged outline than that we had been hitherto coasting, since leaving the strait. we steered along the western coast of the land near cape tres montes, and at noon, being three miles from the shore, observed, in latitude 46° 5. south, the cape, bearing n. 80° e. (mag.), distant seven miles. the northernmost cape in sight n. 26° w., distant ten miles, soundings ninety-seven fathoms. shortly afterwards another cape opened at n. 37° w. (mag.). "the parallel of forty-seven degrees, the limit assigned for our survey, being already passed, i did not venture to follow the coast further, although we were strongly tempted to do so by seeing it trend so differently from what is delineated on the old charts. an indentation in the coast presenting itself between mountainous projections on each side of low land (of which the northernmost was the cape set at noon), we hauled in to look for an anchorage; but it proved to be a mere unsheltered bight, at the bottom of which was a furious surf. we then stood to the southward, along the land of cape tres montes, with the view of examining the north side of the gulf of peñas. "the following morning was fine: cape tres montes bore n.e., distant about three leagues. we lay off and on during the day, while the master went in the whale-boat, to examine a sandy bay (of which cape tres montes was the easternmost point) for anchorage: he returned about sunset, and reported that it did afford anchorage; but was quite unsheltered from wind, and exposed to a great swell. the boat's crew had fallen in with a number of seals, and the quantity of young seal's fry they brought on board afforded a welcome regale to their mess-mates and themselves. "at daylight (27th) we were four leagues from cape tres montes, bearing n. 68° w. (magnetic) a remarkable peak, marked in the chart the 'sugar loaf,' n. 19° e., distant twenty-four miles, and our soundings were sixty-eight fathoms. this peak resembled in appearance, the sugar loaf at rio de janeiro: it rises from a cluster of high and thickly-wooded islands, forming apparently the eastern shore of an inlet, of which {169} the land of cape tres montes is the western head. further to the n.e. stands a lofty and remarkable mountain, marked in our chart as 'the dome of saint paul's.' it is seen above the adjacent high land. the height of the sugar loaf is 1,836 feet, and that of the dome of saint paul's, 2,284 feet. "during the day we worked up towards the land, eastward of cape tres montes, and at night succeeded in anchoring in a sandy bay, nine miles from the cape, where our depth of water was twelve fathoms, at the distance of a cable and a half off shore. we lay at this anchorage until noon the following day, while lieut. skyring landed on some low rocks detached from the shore, where he was able to take some advantageous angles; and on his return we weighed and worked up the gulf, between the eastern land of cape tres montes, and high, well wooded islands. the shores of the main land, as well as of the islands, are bold, and the channel between them has no dangers: the land is in all parts luxuriantly wooded. about a mile and a half to the northward of the sandy beach which we had left, lies another, more extensive; and a mile further, a considerable opening in the main land, about half a mile wide, presented itself, having at its mouth two small thickly-wooded islands, for which we steered, to ascertain whether there was a harbour. the water was deep at its mouth, from thirty-eight to thirty-four fathoms; but the comparative lowness of the shores at its s.w. end, and the appearance of two sandy beaches, induced us to expect a moderate depth within. as we advanced, a long white streak was observed on the water, and was reported from the mast-head as a shoal; but it was soon ascertained to be foam brought down by the tide, and we had the satisfaction of anchoring in sixteen fathoms over a sandy bottom, in a very excellent port, which we named port otway, as a tribute of respect to the commander-in-chief of the south american station, rear admiral sir robert waller otway, k.c.b." * * * * * a deficiency here occurs in captain stokes's journal, which the beagle's log barely remedies. from the 30th of april to {170} the 9th of may there was a succession of stormy weather, accompanied by almost incessant and heavy rain, which prevented the ship being moved; but proved, in one respect, advantageous, by affording a very seasonable cessation from work to the fatigued crew, and obliging captain stokes to take some little rest, which he so much required; but regretted allowing himself, and submitted to most reluctantly. he continues his journal on the 9th of may, stating that, "among the advantages which this admirable port presents to shipping, a capital one seems to be the rich growth of stout and shapely timber, with which its shores, even down to the margin of the sea, are closely furnished, and from which a frigate of the largest size might obtain spars large enough to replace a topmast, topsail-yard, or even a lower-yard. in order to try what would be the quality of the timber, if, in case of emergency, it were used in an unseasoned state, i sent the carpenter and his crew to cut two spars for a topgallant-mast and yard. those they brought on board were of beech-wood; the larger being thirteen inches in diameter, and thirty feet in length. "on the 10th, the weather having improved, the beagle was moved to the head of the inlet, to an anchorage in hoppner sound, and on the 11th i went with lieut. skyring to examine the opening, off which we were anchored. "on each side of it we found coves, so perfectly sheltered, and with such inexhaustible supplies of fresh water and fuel, that we lamented their not being in a part of the world where such advantages could benefit navigation. the depth of water in mid-channel was generally forty fathoms; in the bights, or coves, it varied from sixteen to twenty-five fathoms, with always a sandy bottom. we saw a great many hair seals, shoals of pie-bald porpoises, and birds of the usual kinds in considerable numbers. on several points of the shores were parts of the skeletons of whales; but we no where saw a four-footed animal, or the slightest trace of a human habitation. the unusual fineness of the morning, the smoothness of the water, and the proximity of the adjacent lofty mountains, clothed almost to their summits by the fullest foliage, with every {171} leaf at rest, combined with the stillness around to give the scene a singular air of undisturbed repose. we reached the extremity of the inlet, which we found was about six miles from its mouth; and thinking that it was the inner shore of an isthmus, of no great width, curiosity prompted us to endeavour to see its outer shore: so we secured the boat, and accompanied by five of the boat's crew, with hatchets and knives to cut their way, and mark the trees to guide us on our way back, we plunged into the forest, which was scarcely pervious on account of its entangled growth, and the obstructions presented by trunks and branches of fallen trees. "our only guide was an occasional glimpse, from the top of a tree, of the ranges of mountains, by which we steered our course. however, two hours of this sort of work were rewarded by finding ourselves in sight of the great south sea. it would be vain to attempt describing adequately the contrast to the late quiet scene exhibited by the view we had on emerging from this dark wood. the inlet where we left our boat resembled a calm and sequestered mountain lake, without a ripple on its waters: the shore on which we now stood was that of a horrid rock-bound coast, lashed by the awful surf of a boundless ocean, impelled by almost unceasing west winds. "our view of the coast was limited on each side by rocky mountainous promontories: off the northernmost, which i called cape raper, were rocks and breakers, extending nearly a mile to seaward. having taken the few bearings our situation enabled us to obtain, we retraced our steps to the boat, and by aid of the marks we had left on the trees, reached her in an hour and forty-three minutes. "some of the beech-trees of this wood were fifteen feet in circumference; but i noticed none differing in their kind from those already observed about port otway. a few wrens were the only living creatures we saw; not even an insect was found in our walk. in the beds of some of the streams intersecting the woods was a singularly sparkling sand, which had so much the appearance of gold, that some of our party carried {172} a bag-full on board to be tested. the shining substance proved to be, as i had supposed, the micaceous particles of disintegrated granite. it was not our good fortune to discover streams similar to those sung of by the poet, "whose foam is amber, and whose gravel gold." * * * * * {173} chapter xi. leave port otway--san quintin's sound--gulf of peñas--kelly harbour--st. xavier island--death of serjeant lindsey--port xavier--ygnacio bay- channel's mouth--bad weather--perilous situation--lose the yawl--sick list--return to port otway--thence to port famine--gregory bay--natives- guanaco meat--skunk--condors--brazilians--juanico--captain foster- changes of officers. the beagle returned to port otway the following day, and in an interval of better weather obtained the observations necessary for ascertaining the latitude and longitude of the port, and for rating the chronometers. captain stokes's journal continues on the 19th of may: "we left port otway, and as soon as we had cleared its entrance, steered e.n.e. across the gulf; leaving to the northward all that cluster of islands, distinguished in the chart as the 'marine islands,' and went to within a mile from the eastern shore. thence we ran four miles and a half parallel with the direction of coast e.s.e. (mag.), at the mean distance of a mile off shore. the aspect of the eastern and western portions of this gulf is very different, and the comparison is much to the disadvantage of the eastern. ranges of bare, rugged, rocky mountains now presented themselves, and where wood was seen, it was always stunted and distorted. a long swell rolled in upon the shore, and every thing seemed to indicate a stormy and inclement coast. there are a few bays and coves, in which is anchorage depth, with a pretty good bottom of dark coarse sand: but rock-weed in large patches, seen in some of them, denoted foul ground; and they are all more or less exposed, and extremely unsafe. as night advanced, the weather became rainy and thick; so having reached a bight which seemed less insecure than others that we passed, i hauled in, and at about seven p.m., guided only by the gradual decrease of our soundings, from {174} fourteen to eight fathoms, and the noise of the surf, came to an anchor. "next morning (20th) we found that we had anchored in a small bay, at about half a mile from a shingle beach, on which a furious surf was breaking so heavily as to prevent our landing any where. we were completely exposed to s.w. winds, with a heavy rolling sea; and the surf on all points cut off communication with the shore. a breeze from the s.w. would have rendered it difficult to get out, and would have exposed us to imminent hazard. it is called on the chart bad bay. we left it eagerly, and proceeded to trace the coast to the e.s.e., until we were nearly abreast of a moderately high and thickly-wooded island, called purcell island. we passed to the northward of purcell island, leaving on the left a rock only a few feet above the surface of the sea, which lies about midway between that island and the main land. as we advanced to the eastward, a large and very remarkable field of ice was seen lying on the low part of the coast, which, at a distance, we took for a dense fog hanging over it, as nothing of the kind was observable in any other part. when nearly abreast of san xavier island, a deep sound was observed to the left, or north, which we concluded was the san quintin sound of the spanish chart: it seemed to be about five-miles in breadth, and following a westerly direction. we kept sight of the sugar loaf, and other points we had fixed, until more could be established, which enabled us to chart the coast as we went along. my next object was to trace the sound of san quintin to its termination, and at nightfall we succeeded in getting an anchorage at the entrance. "on the 21st we proceeded up the sound, passing to the northward of dead tree island. our soundings, until abreast of it, were from sixteen to ten fathoms, on a mud bottom; it then shoaled to four fathoms, and after running about three miles in that depth, we came to an anchor at the distance of a mile from the north shore of the sound, in four fathoms. "exceedingly bad weather detained us at this anchorage. from the time of our arrival, on the evening of the 21st, {175} until midnight of the 22d, it rained in torrents, without the intermission of a single minute, the wind being strong and squally at w., w.n.w., and n.w. "when the weather improved, on the 23d, we weighed, and made sail along the northern side of the sound, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it admitted of a passage to the northward. we kept within a mile of the shore, sounding from eight to fifteen fathoms, generally on a sandy bottom; and a run of seven miles brought us within three miles of the bottom of the inlet, the depth of water being four fathoms, on sand. the termination of this sound is continuous low land, with patches of sandy beach, over which, in the distance, among mountains of great height, we were again able to make out and take the bearing of that remarkable one, named the 'dome of st. paul's.' the shores of this inlet are thickly wooded; the land near them is, for the most part, low, but rises into mountains, or rather hills, from twelve to fifteen hundred feet in height, from which many streams of water descend. as soon as a ship has passed dead tree island, she becomes land-locked; and as in all parts of the sound there is anchorage depth, with a muddy or sandy bottom, the advantages offered to shipping would be of great consequence in parts of the world more frequented than the gulf of peñas. "whales were numerous, and seals were seen in this inlet, now called the gulf of san estevan. "hence we went to kelly harbour, at the north-eastern side of the gulf of peñas, four miles n.e. of xavier island. the land around it is rocky and mountainous, but by no means bare of wood. near the entrance it is low, as compared with the adjacent land; but in the interior are lofty snow-capped mountains. "a large field of ice, lying on the low land near kelly harbour, was remarkable. there was none on the low grounds at the other (southern) side of the port, though it was almost the winter solstice at the time of our visit. "another day and night of incessant rain. in the morning of the 25th we had some showers of hail, and at daylight found {176} that a crust of ice, about the thickness of a dollar, had been formed in all parts of the harbour. the water at our anchorage being fresh at half-tide, was, no doubt, in favour of this rapid congelation. lieutenant skyring having completed the examination of the harbour, we left it and steered between st. xavier island and the mainland, through a fine bold channel, nearly four miles wide, with a depth of more than thirty fathoms. the land on both sides is closely wooded, and rises into high mountains. about dusk we stood into port xavier, a little bight, with a sandy beach, on the eastern side of the island; and, at a distance of two cables' length from the beach, anchored for the night in seventeen fathoms. "(26th). this sandy beach extended about half a mile between the points of the bay, and, at fifty yards from the water, was bounded by thick woodland, which rose with a rapid ascent to the height of a thousand feet. the trees were like those in the neighbourhood of port otway, and were stout and well-grown. a tree, large enough for a frigate's topmast, might be selected close to the shore. the winter's-bark tree attains here a greater size than i had before seen. one, which was felled by our wood-cutters, measured eighty-seven feet in length, and was three feet five inches in circumference. all the trees were in full foliage and verdure, though the season corresponded to the latter part of november in our northern latitudes. at the south end of the sandy beach was a stream of fresh water, several yards in width, and various waterfalls descended from the mountains. the shore to the southward was composed of fragments of granite, lying at the base of a lead-coloured clay cliff, at least three hundred feet in height. in this cliff the mountain-torrents had formed deep chasms, and strewed the beach with its débris, and with uprooted timber. the only living creatures seen were steamer-ducks, king-fishers, and turkey-buzzards. "while on shore, i received a melancholy message, announcing the death of serjeant lindsey, of the royal marines. during the last few days he had suffered from inflammation of the bowels, which brought his existence to a close. {177} "the following day (27th) a grave was dug, and we discharged the last sad duties to our departed shipmate. a wooden cross was erected at the head of his grave, on which was an inscription to his memory: we also named the south point of the bay after him. about noon we left port xavier, and coasted the island, at the mean distance of a mile, examining it for anchorages, until, after a run of eight miles, we reached its south point. for the first four or five miles of that distance, the coast of the island consisted of a high steep cliff, having at its base a narrow beach, composed of various-sized masses of rock. in the interior there were heights, rising twelve or fourteen hundred feet, wooded nearly to the summits, with many streams of water descending from them; but for the remainder of the distance the coast was low, and the wood stunted and scanty. all along the shore rolled a heavy surf, that would have rendered any attempt to land exceedingly hazardous; there was no place fit for anchorage, except a small bight, near the extreme south point, into which we stood, and with some difficulty succeeded in anchoring at a cable's length from the shore. the bay proved to be that called by the spanish missionary voyagers 'ygnacio bay.' over the south point,--a narrow tongue of land, about five hundred yards across, with rocks and breakers stretching off shore, to the distance of two miles,--we took bearings and angles to various fixed points in the northern part of the gulf. the latitude, chronometric differences of longitude, and magnetic variation, were determined on shore at this southern point. "our observations being completed, we left this anchorage; and as it is little likely to be visited again, it will be enough to say that it is exceedingly dangerous. nothing would have induced me to enter it, but the duty of examining the coast for anchorage, and the danger of remaining under sail close to an unexplored shore. "under an impression that the island of st. xavier[110] was the {178} scene of the wager's wreck, i wished to examine its western side; but a strong n.n.e. wind did not permit my doing so, without risking the loss of more time than could be spared for an object of mere curiosity. i steered, therefore, to the south-eastward for an inlet, which proved to be the channel's mouth of the spanish charts, and reached it, after running seventeen miles from the south end of xavier island. we got no soundings with ninety fathoms of line, when at its entrance; but making no doubt that we should get anchorage within, we left, at the distance of half a mile, the islets of the northern point; passed between two others distant apart only one-fifth of a mile, and shortly after anchored in twenty fathoms, sheltered by an island to the westward, but with rocky islets around us in all directions, except the s.e., some of which were less than a cable's length from us.[111] here we were detained until the 10th of june by the worst weather i ever experienced: we rode with three anchors down and the topmasts struck; and though we lay within a couple of hundred yards of the islands and rocks, and less than half a mile from the shores of the inlet, such a furious surf broke on them all, that it was but rarely a boat could land, even in the least exposed situations the inlet afforded. the evening of our arrival was fine, and we put up the observatory tent, on the island to the westward of us; but the weather was so bad, during the next day, that we could effect no landing to remove it, although we anticipated the result that followed, namely, its being washed away. "in the short intervals of the horrible weather that prevailed, boats were sent to the northern shore of the inlet, for the purpose of procuring water and fuel; but though they sometimes succeeded, by dint of great perseverance, in landing through a raging surf, it was but seldom they could embark the small casks (barecas) which had been filled, or the wood they had cut. "upon this shore the master observed remains of some indian wigwams, that seemed to have been long forsaken, and {179} he described them to be exactly like those we had hitherto met to the southward. "this was the northernmost point at which we noticed traces of human beings. "finding the boats' crews suffer much from their unavoidable exposure during continually wet weather, i ordered some canvas to be given to each man for a frock and trowsers, to be painted at the first opportunity, as a protection against rain and spray. "nothing could be more dreary than the scene around us. the lofty, bleak, and barren heights that surround the inhospitable shores of this inlet, were covered, even low down their sides, with dense clouds, upon which the fierce squalls that assailed us beat, without causing any change: they seemed as immovable as the mountains where they rested. "around us, and some of them distant no more than two-thirds of a cable's length, were rocky islets, lashed by a tremendous surf; and, as if to complete the dreariness and utter desolation of the scene, even birds seemed to shun its neighbourhood. the weather was that in which (as thompson emphatically says) 'the soul of man dies in him.' "in the course of our service since we left england, we have often been compelled to take up anchorages, exposed to great risk and danger. but the beagle's present situation i deemed by far the most perilous to which she had been exposed: her three anchors were down in twenty-three fathoms of water, on a bad bottom of sand, with patches of rock. the squalls were terrifically violent, and astern of her, distant only half a cable's length, were rocks and low rocky islets, upon which a furious surf raged. "i might use bulkeley's words in describing the weather in this neighbourhood, and nearly at this season: 'showers of rain and hail, which beat with such violence against a man's face, that he can hardly withstand it.' "on the 10th, the wind being moderate, and the weather better, preparations were made to quit this horrid place. we put to sea, with a moderate breeze from n.b.w., which {180} increased rapidly to a strong gale; and scarcely were we fairly freed from the channel, than we found ourselves in a heavy confused sea. anxious to clear the entrance, i had not waited to hoist in the yawl, with which we had weighed one of our anchors, expecting to find smooth water as we went out; but the sea we met made it unsafe to tow her, and while hauling up to hoist her in, she was so badly stove by blows received from the violent motion of the ship, that we were obliged to cut her adrift. this was a heavy loss. she was a beautiful boat, twenty-eight feet in length,--pulled and sailed well, and was roomy, light, and buoyant; her loss was second only to that of the ship. "we endeavoured to clear the guaianeco islands, by carrying a heavy press of sail, but soon after midnight were obliged to furl the reefed mainsail. before daylight the wind shifted suddenly to w.b.n., taking us aback by a violent squall, with much vivid lightning and heavy rain. our admirable little vessel paid off without sustaining any damage; but for a minute her situation was critical. at daylight, the land of cape tres montes bore w. ½ n. (magnetic), distant four leagues. the violence of the gale we had just had put it out of our power to clear the gulf; and, from the state to which we were reduced by the loss of our yawl, both gigs being in bad condition, and our cutter so much stove as to be useless, i considered that it would not be justifiable to attempt proceeding in a lone ship to an unknown and most stormy coast, without a single efficient boat; so i resolved to hasten to port otway, and put the boats into an effective state. we had baffling winds all day; but in the evening succeeded in reaching the harbour, and anchoring nearly in our old berth. on the 13th and 14th, we had a continued hard gale, with the usual accompaniment of heavy rain. the carpenters were, however, kept constantly at work to render the cutter effective. on the 15th, the state of the sick list caused me to require from the surgeon, his opinion as to the 'necessity of a temporary cessation of surveying operations.' mr. bynoe's reply stated 'that in consequence of great exposure to a long-continued succession of {181} incessant and heavy rain, accompanied by strong gales, the health of the ship's company had been seriously affected, particularly with pulmonic complaints, catarrhal, and rheumatic affections; and that, as a recurrence of them would probably prove fatal in many instances, a temporary cessation would be of the greatest advantage to the crew, by affording an opportunity of recruiting their health.' "on receiving the above communication from the surgeon, i ordered the yards and topmasts to be struck, and the ship covered over with sails. precaution was used to prevent the people from being subjected to frequent exposure, by not employing any of them in boats, except once a day in procuring muscles, and every thing was avoided that could in the least interfere with the recovery of their health: but this place is exceedingly ill adapted for the winter quarters of a ship's company, as the woods that surround it, down even to the water's edge, allow no space for exercise on shore, and there is neither game nor fish to be procured, except shell-fish; of which, fortunately (muscles and clams), we found an abundance, and they proved useful in removing symptoms of scurvy, besides affording a change of diet. the place being destitute of inhabitants, is without that source of recreation, which intercourse with any people, however uncivilized, would afford a ship's company after a laborious and disagreeable cruise in these dreary solitudes. every port along this coast is alike ill suited for a winter's residence, and it was only our peculiar situation that induced me to determine on making a short stay at this place." * * * * * here poor captain stokes's remarks and notes end. those who have been exposed to one of such trials as his, upon an unknown lee shore, during the worst description of weather, will understand and appreciate some of those feelings which wrought too powerfully upon his excitable mind. the beagle remained quiet until the 29th of june, when the surgeon reported "the crew sufficiently healthy to perform their duties without any material injury to their constitutions." {182} leaving port otway, she steered along the coast with, strange to say, easterly winds and fine weather, which enabled lieut. skyring to add much to the survey of the coast of madre de dios. captain stokes now began to show symptoms of a malady, that had evidently been brought on by the dreadful state of anxiety he had gone through during the survey of the gulf of peñas. he shut himself up in his cabin, becoming quite listless, and inattentive to what was going on; and after entering the strait of magalhaens, on his return to port famine, he delayed at several places without any apparent reason; conduct quite opposite to what his would naturally have been, had he then been of sound mind. at last, want of provisions obliged him to hasten to port famine; and the day on which he arrived every article of food was expended. the fatal event, which had cast an additional gloom over every one, decided our quitting the strait. both ships were immediately prepared, and we sailed on the 16th august; but previously, i appointed lieutenant skyring to act as commander of the beagle; mr. flinn to be master of the adventure; and mr. millar, second master of the adventure, to act as master of the beagle. the day we sailed, mr. flinn was taken ill; and, lieutenant wickham being on the sick list, i was the only commissioned officer able to keep the deck. as the wind was from the n.w., we were obliged to beat to windward all night, and the next morning were off sandy point; but it blew so very strong from the westward, and the weather was so thick from snow-squalls, which passed in rapid succession, that we bore up, and anchored in freshwater bay, where the ships were detained by northerly winds until the 21st, when we proceeded; the wind, however, again opposing, we anchored about half a mile from the shore, in a bight, seven miles southward of sandy point. the following day we were underweigh early, and reached gregory bay. when off elizabeth island, i despatched the beagle to pecket's harbour to recall the adelaide, in which lieutenant graves had been sent to procure guanaco meat. the beagle worked through, between elizabeth island and cape negro, and was seen by {183} us at anchor off pecket's harbour before we entered the second narrow. upon our anchoring under cape gregory, two or three patagonians were seen on the beach, and before half an hour had elapsed others joined them. by sunset several toldos, or tents, were erected, and a large party had arrived. when the adelaide first went to pecket's harbour, mr. tarn told the indians that the adventure would be at gregory bay in twenty-five days, and, accidentally, we arrived punctually to the time. the patagonians must have been on their way to meet us, for they could not have travelled from pecket's harbour in the short space of time that we were in sight. to their great mortification, however, we held no communication with them that evening, and the next day the weather was so bad we could not even lower a boat. at noon the wind blew harder than i had ever witnessed; but since we were on good holding-ground, and the water was smooth, no danger was anticipated. as the snow-squalls cleared off, we looked towards the patagonians, with the full expectation of seeing their huts blown down:--to our astonishment, they had withstood the storm, although placed in a very exposed situation. we counted twelve or fourteen of them, and judging by our former experience of the number belonging to each, there must have been, at least, one hundred and fifty persons collected. during the gale they kept close; and it was only now and then that a solitary individual was observed to go from one toldo to another. the weather having moderated, the beagle and adelaide joined us on the following day. they rode the gale out, without accident, off the entrance of pecket's harbour. the next morning being fine, we prepared to proceed; but previous to weighing i landed, and communicated with our old acquaintances. maria was with them, and, if possible, dirtier, and more avaricious than ever. we collected the guanaco meat they had brought for us; distributed a few parting presents, and then returned on board. the adelaide brought sixteen hundred pounds of meat, which, with what was first obtained, amounted to four thousand {184} pounds weight; and cost altogether ten pounds of tobacco, forty biscuits, and six pocket-knives. at first a biscuit was considered equivalent to forty or fifty pounds of meat; but as the demand increased, the price rose four or five hundred per cent. with the patagonians were two of mr. low's crew, who had left him. they were portuguese, in a miserable state, and appeared to be thoroughly ashamed of being the companions of such a dirty set: they could not speak english, and could give us very little information. they had not then assumed the indian garb, although, from the state of their clothes, they would very soon be obliged to adopt it. at pecket's harbour a few words of the native language were collected, which are very different from those given by falkner, in his description of the patagonian natives: he says himself, that the language of the northern indians differs materially from that of the 'yacana cunnees.' during lieutenant graves's communication with the natives, at pecket's harbour, he obtained some interesting information respecting these indians, which will be given in a subsequent part of the work. the adelaide brought me a few very gratifying additions to my zoological collection, among which was the zorillo, or skunk, of the pampas; differing in no way whatever from the species found about the river plata, in such numbers as to impregnate the air with their disagreeable odour for many miles around. i have frequently found the scent of this offensive little animal distinctly perceptible when i was on board the adventure, lying at anchor about two miles from monte video, with the wind blowing from the land.[112] {185} a very large condor was shot by one of the adelaide's party, which measured, in length, four feet three inches and a half, and nine feet two inches between the extremities of the wings. it was presented to the british museum. many exaggerated accounts of this bird have been given by old voyagers; but the largest dimensions stated, of whose accuracy there exists no doubt, are those of one that was preserved in the leverian museum, which measured thirteen feet one inch, from wing to wing. this, however, must have been an old bird; for the one we killed is larger than the usual size of specimens which have been obtained. molina states, in his account of this bird, vol. i. p. 298, that the largest he ever saw measured fourteen feet and some inches (spanish measure), from the tip of one wing to that of the other. m. humboldt also gives a detailed description. it is with the condor, says this celebrated voyager, "as with the patagonian, and many other objects of natural history; the more they are examined, the more they diminish in size." they inhabit the highest mountains of the andes, and only descend to the plains when pressed by hunger. frequently, in troops, they attack cattle, deer, guanacoes, and even the puma, and always succeed in killing them; but their principal food is carrion, of which, in a country so abundantly stocked with quadrupeds, there is probably no want. our departure from the strait was attended with beautiful weather; the moon was full, and the wind fair and moderate. {186} cape virgins was passed soon after sunset, and we proceeded on our course with rapidity. the timely supply of guanaco meat had certainly checked the scurvy, for we had no new cases added to the number of the sick, now amounting to twenty. the beagle was not so sickly; but, during the last cruise, upwards of forty cases, principally pulmonic, had occurred, and several were not yet recovered. on the passage, a man fell overboard from the beagle, at night, and was drowned. in latitude 45° s. we were delayed three days, by northerly winds and damp foggy weather, after which a fresh s.w. gale carried us into the river plata. having obtained good chronometer sights in the afternoon, we steered on through the night, intending to pass to the westward of the archimedes shoal; which would have been rather a rash step, had we not been well assured of the correctness of our chronometrical reckoning. at this time brazil and buenos ayres were at war, and some of the blockading squadron of the former were generally to be met with in the mouth of the river; but we saw none, until half-past two in the morning, when several vessels were observed at anchor to leeward, and we were soon close to a squadron of brigs and schooners, whose number was evident by a confusion of lights, rockets, and musketry, on board every vessel. i bore down to pass within hail of the nearest, which proved to be the commodore's, the marañao of eighteen guns; and on approaching, explained who and what we were; but they were so confused, i could not even make myself understood. the breeze, at the time, had fallen so light, that, fearing to get foul of the brig, the ship was hove up in the wind, and the anchor ordered to be let go. unluckily a stopper was foul, and before another bower could drop, the brazilians had fired several muskets into us, happily without doing any mischief; and threatened us, if we did not immediately anchor, with a broadside, which, in their utter confusion, i am astonished they did not fire. [illustration: a. earle t. a. prior monte video.--custom house. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {187} having anchored, and lowered the topsails, i sent a boat to inform the brazilian who we were, and to request, that in consequence of the number of our sick (we had only ten serviceable men on deck), we might not be detained, as even a few hours might prove of serious consequence; but all i could urge was unavailing, and we were detained until daylight with trifling excuses. we were so situated, that unless the brig veered her cable, or dropped out of our way, we could not move without getting foul of her, else i should have proceeded without permission. after daylight, the brig gave us room, by tripping her anchor; and upon an officer coming on board to release us, i told him my opinion of the affair, and said i should report the captain's conduct to his admiral. this report was afterwards made, in a very spirited manner, by captain henry dundas, of h.m.s. sapphire; but the admiral defended the conduct of his officer by saying that he had merely acted, "magna componere parvis," as an english blockading squadron would have done in a similar case. whether the act was borne out, or not, by the law or custom of blockade, it was very uncivil; and one for which, after the explanation given, and the proofs offered, there could not be the slightest occasion. owing to this detention, we did not reach the anchorage at monte video until too late in the day to procure refreshments for the sick. we found, to our sorrow, that fresh provisions were so extremely scarce, owing to the war, that none could be procured for our ships' companies; and had it not been for the kindness of señor juanico, a well-known, and highly esteemed resident at monte video, who supplied us plentifully with bitter (seville) oranges, we might have been much distressed. the free use, however, of this fruit alone caused a rapid change in the health of those affected by scurvy, and in less than a week every man was at his duty. a few days after our arrival, through the intervention of the british minister, a peace was concluded between the belligerents, in which buenos ayres gained all it had contended for, and brazil gave up what she had so imperiously demanded. i was extremely gratified by meeting, at this port, the late captain henry foster, in h.m.s. chanticleer, on his pendulum voyage. he was established at an observatory on a small island, called rat, or rabbit island, whither i lost no {188} time in proceeding, and found him deeply engaged in that series of observations which has reflected so much honour upon his memory. before he sailed, i made an arrangement to meet the chanticleer, either at staten land or cape horn, for the purpose of supplying her with provisions, to enable him to proceed thence to the cape of good hope, without returning to monte video. on the 13th of october, we sailed for rio de janeiro to procure some stores, which had been sent from england for our use, and to be caulked and refitted. the beagle remained at monte video, to prepare for our next cruise. before we were ready to leave rio de janeiro, the commander-in-chief, sir robert otway, arrived from bahia, in his flag-ship, the ganges. sir robert acquainted me, that he considered it necessary for the beagle to be hove down and repaired;--that he intended to supersede lieutenant skyring; and had sent the requisite orders to monte video. when the beagle arrived, lieutenant robert fitz roy, flag lieutenant of the ganges, was appointed as commander; mr. j. kempe, mate, as lieutenant; and mr. m. murray, second master of the ganges, as master. although this arrangement was undoubtedly the prerogative of the commander-in-chief, and i had no reason to complain of the selection he had made to fill the vacancies, yet it seemed hard that lieutenant skyring, who had in every way so well earned his promotion, should be deprived of an appointment to which he very naturally considered himself entitled. the conduct of lieutenant skyring, throughout the whole of his service in the beagle,--especially during the survey of the gulf of peñas, and the melancholy illness of his captain,--deserved the highest praise and consideration; but he was obliged to return to his former station as assistant surveyor: and, to his honour be it said, with an equanimity and good-will, which showed his thorough zeal for the service. captain fitzroy was considered qualified to command the beagle: and although i could not but feel much for the bitterness of lieutenant skyring's disappointment, i had no other cause for dissatisfaction. [illustration: a. earle s. bull corcovado mountain, rio de janeiro. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] * * * * * {189} chapter xii. adventure sails from rio de janeiro to the river plata--gorriti- maldonado--extraordinary pampero--beagle's losses--ganges arrives- another pampero--go up the river for water--gale, and consequent detention--sail from monte video--part from our consorts--port desire- tower rock--skeletons--sea bear bay--fire--guanacoes--port desire inlet- indian graves--vessels separate--captain foster chanticleer--cape horn--kater's peak--sail from st. martin cove--tribute to captain foster--valparaiso--santiago--pinto--heights--chilóe--aldunate. the adventure sailed from rio de janeiro on the 27th of december 1828, leaving the beagle to complete her repairs, and follow to the river plata. the day before our arrival at maldonado, we were overtaken by the commander-in-chief, in h.m.s. ganges, and entered the river in company. the ganges proceeded to monte video; but we went into maldonado bay, where i had determined to wait for the beagle. since our last visit to this place, the island of gorriti had been occupied by brazilian troops, who, before going away, set fire to the buildings, and destroyed all the wood-work. as one object of my stay was to obtain observations for the latitude and longitude, i erected our portable observatory, and set up an azimuth altitude instrument. on the 30th of january, after some intensely hot and sultry weather, we experienced a very severe 'pampero.' it was preceded by the barometer falling to 29.50, and by a strong n.w. wind, which suddenly veered round to s.w., when the pampero burst upon us. our ship and boats fortunately escaped any bad effects from the violence of the squall, which was so strong as to lay the former, at anchor, upon her broadside; but on shore our tent was blown down, and a boat that had been lately built, and fresh painted, on the island gorriti, was completely destroyed. the part above the thwarts, was torn away from the bottom of the boat, and carried, by the violence of the wind, for two hundred yards along the beach. a boat, also, {190} on the opposite shore, was blown to atoms. when the squall commenced, one of our boats was coming off from the island; the officer being quite unconscious of the approaching hurricane, and as she was overloaded with people, i felt very uneasy until after the squall cleared away, when i observed her beached on the opposite shore, many yards above high water mark, to which position she had been driven by the force of the wind. the violence of this pampero, during the twenty minutes it lasted, was terrific. old inhabitants of maldonado declared, that they had experienced nothing like it for the last twenty years. the spray was carried up by whirlwinds, threatening complete destruction to every thing that opposed them. in less than half an hour it had diminished to a strong s.w. gale, which lasted during the night. just before the pampero commenced, l'aréthuse, french frigate, was observed over the point of land under all sail; but not being seen after the squall cleared off, we were much alarmed for her safety. at daylight, however, the next morning, she was seen at anchor under lobos island, and near her was our consort, the beagle, of whose approach we had known nothing; but she appeared to be lying quietly, with topmasts struck, under the lee of the island. l'aréthuse slipped her cable in the afternoon, and ran out to sea. on the 1st of february the wind moderated, and enabled the beagle to join us, when we found that she had been nearly capsized by the pampero; and had suffered a considerable loss of sails and masts, besides injury to her boats. both topmasts, and jib-boom, with all the small spars, were carried away; and her jib and topsails, although furled, were blown to pieces. the vessel was on her beam ends for some time; but letting go both anchors brought her head to wind and righted her, which prevented the necessity of cutting away the lower masts. to add to their misfortune, two men were blown overboard, from aloft, and drowned. these severe losses caused considerable detention; but, fortunately, the ganges arrived, and rendered every assistance in repairing and replacing the beagle's damages. {191} on the night of the 2d of february we experienced another very severe pampero, during which one of the beagle's boats, hauled up on shore, was blown to atoms. the barometer had previously fallen to 29.39. on the 9th of february, we went to monte video, and on the 17th ran up the north side of the river for water; but did not find it fresh until we were within four miles of cape 'jesus maria.' the wind was against our return, so that we had to beat down the river, in doing which the adelaide grounded, but without receiving any injury. we anchored twice in our passage out, and, at the second anchorage,[113] experienced a very heavy westerly gale. in attempting to weigh at its commencement, our windlass was so much injured, that we were obliged to ride the gale out, which we did by veering to one hundred and ten fathoms of chain cable; and the beagle, to one hundred and fifty fathoms. owing to a short heavy sea, in which the adventure frequently pitched her bowsprit and stern alternately under water, her jolly-boat was washed away. this loss we could ill afford, as we were already three boats short of our establishment, and wants; and as the adelaide had suffered severely, by losing her topmast and jib-boom, and carrying away the head of her bowsprit, we were obliged to return, very reluctantly, after the gale had subsided, to monte video; whence we finally sailed on the 1st of march. on the 5th a s.s.e. gale separated us from our consorts, our course, therefore, was directed for the first rendezvous, at port desire. when off cape blanco, the high land of espinosa, in the interior, was clearly distinguished at a distance of sixty miles, and might probably be seen twenty miles further; so that its height must be, at least, four thousand feet. this range is of irregular form, and has several peaked summits, so very different from the general features of this coast, where the heights are either flat-topped, or of an undulating outline, that i suppose the rock to be of a character unlike that of the porphyry hills common hereabouts. {192} on anchoring off port desire (14th), we found that the beagle had arrived, but had not met the adelaide. the following afternoon i landed to examine the tower rock, a very conspicuous object, on the south side of this harbour, having the appearance of an enormous dead tree with its branches lopped off. on our way to it we passed over an undulating plain, composed of a sandy light soil, lying on a rocky basis, which in many parts protruded. the soil was so poor, as only to produce a few tufts of grass, and here and there a straggling bush of berberis, or piccoli, a dwarf woody shrub, which is much esteemed as firewood by the sealers who frequent the coast. sir john narborough, in describing this place, says, "the soil is gravelly and sandy, with tufts of dry seared grass growing on it;" again: "from the tops of the hills i could see a great way into the land, which is all hills and downs, like cornwall, toilsome travelling to those who were not used to it." the tower rock is evidently the remains of what was once probably a considerable rocky mass, which has either been partially destroyed by some convulsion, or, more probably, has been gradually worn away by the effect of weather. like all the débris around, it is of a fine-grained red porphyritic claystone, much decomposed, but very hard, and difficult to break.[114] it stands erect at the summit of a mound or heap of broken stones, of all sizes, some being very large blocks, from ten to twenty, or thirty tons weight. it is about forty feet high, and twelve in diameter, having its upper portion cleft, as it were, for about one-third down the middle, which gives it a resemblance to the forked branch of an immense tree. it is covered with moss and lichen, and, from its peculiar shape and prominent situation, presents a very remarkable object. near it we observed traces of an indian visit, among which was a horse's skull. from the sterility of the soil and absence of fresh water, it is probable that it is but little frequented by them. port desire is celebrated as being the place where {193} schouten, the dutch navigator, is said to have found skeletons measuring eleven or twelve feet in length! captain fitz roy informed me that he had not seen the adelaide since we separated. the beagle had lost another boat in the gale; the eleventh we had lost in the expedition since leaving england. as the adelaide did not make her appearance, i determined upon proceeding in the adventure to sea bear bay, a few miles to the southward of port desire, to await her arrival with the beagle. while standing into the bay, we were amused by a chase of a novel description: a guanaco was observed following a fox, which had much difficulty in keeping his pursuer at a distance. as the guanaco is not carnivorous, it may have been in playfulness: reynard, however, by his speed, and anxiety to escape, did not seem to think it an amusement. how the chase terminated we did not see, for they disappeared in a valley. while the ship was being moored, i landed to examine some wells near the outer point, which have been said to afford some tuns of good water. i found them to be deep holes in the solid rock, within the wash of a heavy surf, and large enough to contain two hundred gallons of water; but in one only was the water fresh, the sea having broken into the others, and, of course, spoiled their contents. they receive the rain from the ravines, and are much depended upon by sealing vessels which frequent this coast. sea bear bay was discovered in the voyage of the nodales, in the year 1618; they describe the place, but give it, as it deserves, a very poor character. "the port," they say, "for a short stay, is not bad, since it affords a good depth of water and a clear bottom; but otherwise it possesses nothing to make it worth a ship visiting it, for there is neither wood nor water, which are what ships most require." nodales called the bay 'sea lion,' from the multitude of sea-lions (_phoca jubata_) found on penguin island. why it has been changed to sea bear bay i cannot determine. in one of mr. tarn's excursions into the country, he observed a sail in the offing, which he thought was a whale-boat; and {194} supposing it might be in distress, if not one of the adelaide's, kindled a fire to attract attention. as the grass was very dry, it blazed furiously, and spread rapidly around, yet without exciting fear that it could do us any injury; but the next morning flames being observed on the crest of the hills, behind the valley in which our tent had been erected, a boat was sent to save it, and remove the instruments. our men had just left the ship, when, fanned by a land breeze which rose with the sun, the flames flew on with rapidity, descended the valley, and before the boat reached the shore, had consumed every vestige of the tent, and several articles of minor consequence. the sextant and artificial horizon, lying on the ground, escaped destruction, and the dipping-needle had fortunately been taken on board. before the fire burned itself out, the whole country for fifteen or twenty miles around was completely over-run, so that all hope of procuring guanacoes was destroyed. previous to the fire, mr. tarn had shot one; but being young, the carcase only weighed one hundred pounds, and was scarcely worth the trouble of sending fifteen miles for; however, as an amusement to the people, i sent a party to bring it on board, and it proved sufficient to furnish the ship's company with a fresh meal. we had seen several herds within four miles of the ship before the conflagration; but the country was so very level and open, that these shy animals were always warned of the approach of our people by their vigilant scouts. so watchful and attentive is the look-out at his post, that he never drops his head even to feed, and it is only with the greatest cunning and care a man can get near the herd. the best way is, to lie concealed near the water holes, and await their coming to drink. a small stream of fresh water trickled over the beach into the bay, fringed by a patch of grass which the fire had spared, at which having once observed a guanaco drinking, we set a watch; but whether the animals were aware of it or not, none came until the morning we sailed, when a small herd walked down to the place quite unconcernedly, having no doubt first ascertained that there was no danger. {195} the little vessel mr. tarn saw was an american sealer, which anchored in the bay next morning. besides the guanacoes, and fox, above-mentioned, we saw no quadrupeds, although two or three sorts of cavia and the puma are common in this neighbourhood. of birds, nothing interesting was seen, except a plover (_totanus fuscus_?), oyster-catcher (_hæmatopus niger, rostro rubro, pedibus albis_), and one of the night bitterns, very much resembling the young of the european bird;[115] but these three species had previously been found at port famine. several lizards were taken, and preserved. this extremely sterile and barren country is very unfavourable for animals of any kind. the soil is like that already described about port desire. the rock is of the same character as at port st. elena and port desire: red porphyritic claystone.[116] on the 23d of march, a week having passed since we came to port desire, my anxiety for the adelaide's safety was much increased; especially as both wind and weather had been favourable for her approach to this rendezvous. i therefore despatched lieut. wickham overland to port desire to order the beagle to join us, and proceed with us to the other points of rendezvous, port san julian and cape fairweather. lieut. wickham reached port desire after a fatiguing walk, and early next morning the beagle was beating into sea bear bay against a very strong wind which increased, and detained us. i seized this opportunity of completing our consort's provisions to five months. captain fitz roy informed me that he had taken advantage of his stay at port desire, to ascend the inlet to the head. it extended for thirty miles, and the water was salt to its very extremity; but, from the height of the old banks on each side, it appeared likely that at times there may be considerable freshes. at the head of the river he lighted a fire, {196} which spread, and soon joined that which mr. tarn had made. their union probably burned many square leagues of country. on the 27th, we were still detained by a southerly gale. captain fitz roy accompanied me in search of indian graves, which are described to be on the summits of the hills. we found the remains of two, one of which had been recently disturbed, but the other had been opened a considerable time. no vestiges of bones were left. it is said that the corpse is extended in an east and west direction, on the top of the highest pinnacle of the hill, and then covered over with large stones until secure from beasts of prey. decomposition takes place, or the flesh is consumed by small animals or insects, without the bones being removed, so that complete skeletons are formed. according to falkner, the bones are collected at a certain period, and removed to some general cemetery, where the skeletons are set up, and tricked out with all the finery the indians can collect. the avidity they evince for beads and other ornamental trifles is, perhaps, caused by this desire of adorning the remains of their ancestors. the next morning we left sea bear bay and proceeded to san julian, off which we anchored for a few hours, while captain fitz roy entered the port to look for the adelaide, or for some vestige of lieutenant graves's visit. finding nothing in the port, nor any tracks upon the shore, we went on towards cape fairweather, and in our way met the adelaide. after parting from us during the gale in which all her sails were split, she went to port desire, where she arrived first, and, not seeing us, proceeded to the two other places of rendezvous, and had been lying at anchor eight days off cape fairweather. finding we were not there, she was returning to port san julian, when we met her. the weather being calm, so good an opportunity of supplying the adelaide with provisions was not lost, and she was completed to six months. on the 1st of april we were off cape virgins, and parted from the beagle and adelaide; captain fitz roy having previously received orders from me to proceed through the strait of magalhaens, and despatch the adelaide to survey the {197} magdalen and barbara channels, while he was to survey part of the south shore of the strait and the jerome channel, and then proceed, in company with the adelaide, to chilóe. the adventure then proceeded along the coast of tierra del fuego towards staten land, for the purpose of communicating with the chanticleer, or obtaining some intelligence of her. the appointed rendezvous was new year's harbour, and the day on which i had promised to be there was past. it was so foggy that no part of the coast of tierra del fuego could be seen; but as any detention might cause captain foster inconvenience, i did not wait for fair weather, but went at once to the place appointed. when crossing strait le maire, we were very nearly drifted through by the tide, which, however, changed just in time to admit of our keeping on the north side of staten land. with a strong squally breeze we entered new year's harbour, and seeing nothing of the chanticleer, should have sailed without further investigation, had we not observed a cleared white space on one of the islands, which being near the place where i had requested captain foster to leave a document, i concluded was intended to attract our attention. the anchor was therefore dropped in twenty-five fathoms (the island bearing from n. to n.w. ¼ w.), nearly in the spot where captain cook anchored, and a boat was sent to the white mark, near which a flag-staff was observed, at whose foot was a tin canister, containing a letter from captain foster, which informed me of his having been obliged, in consequence of a longer detention here than he had anticipated, to alter his arrangements, and requesting me to meet him at st. martin's cove, near cape horn, about this day. we therefore lost no time in getting under weigh, but in doing so, broke an anchor. we passed round cape st. john, and with a fair wind made rapid progress to the westward. at noon, the next day, being seventy-five miles from cape horn, bearing w. by s., the high mountains on the s.e. end of tierra del fuego came in sight, among which the 'sugar loaf'(g) was a conspicuous object. {198} by an angular measurement of its altitude, and the distance given by the chart, its height must be nearly five thousand feet, and the average height of its neighbouring mountains full three thousand. a south-west gale now set in, and delayed our reaching cape horn until the 16th, when we anchored off the entrance of st. martin's cove and found the chanticleer moored within. a boat soon after came with the welcome information of all being well on board her. we were not able to warp into the cove until next day, and in doing so found much difficulty, owing to the violence of the squalls, which repeatedly obliged us to slacken the hawsers quickly, else we should have carried them away. the adventure was moored in seventeen fathoms, about a cable's length within the low green point on the south side: and the chanticleer lay in ten fathoms near the head of the cove. the summit of cape horn being in a line with the south point of entrance, we were quite land-locked, and perfectly sheltered from all winds, excepting the williwaws, or furious gusts from off the high land, which sometimes suddenly struck the ship, and threw her on her broadside; but being as momentary in duration as they were sudden in approach, we found them more disagreeable than dangerous. during our stay here i made a partial survey of the bay of st. francis, which has since been completed by captain fitz roy. st. joachim's cove, to the southward of st. martin's cove, is more exposed than the latter, but is of easier depth. these coves are separated from each other by a steep and precipitous mass of hills of greenstone, which in many parts appear to be stratified, the dip being to the westward, at an angle of 40°. i landed at the point, and ascended the hill, which i found more difficult to do than i supposed, the whole surface being covered with stunted beech bushes, so thickly matted or interwoven together, that i was obliged to walk or crawl over their tops. among them were occasionally seen the berberis ilicifolia and veronica, the latter of very small size. another day, lieutenant kendall, of the chanticleer, accompanied me {199} to weddel's port maxwell, which is evidently st. bernard's cove of d'arquistade.(h) port maxwell is contained between jerdan island, saddle island, and a third island, forming a triangle. it has four entrances, the principal one being to the north of jerdan island, and affords tolerable anchorage in the centre, in nineteen and twenty fathoms, sand;[117] nearer the shores of the island the depth is more moderate, but the bottom is very rocky. the summit of saddle island, which i ascended for bearings, is composed of large blocks of greenstone rock, on one of which the compass (kater's azimuth, without a stand) was placed; but the needle was found to be so much influenced by the ferruginous nature of the rock, composed of quartz and feldspar, thickly studded with large crystals of hornblende, that the poles of the needle became exactly reversed. an experiment was then made, by taking bearings of a very distant object, at several stations around, about fifty yards from the magnetic rock, when the extreme difference of the results amounted to 127°. the block upon which the compass stood, in the first instance, is now conspicuously placed in the museum of the geological society.[118] saddle island, like the others near it, is clothed with low stunted brushwood of beech, berberis, and arbutus, and the ground is covered with a species of chamitis, and other mountain plants. while mr. kendall and i were absent from the boat, the crew caught several kelp fish, which are very delicate and wholesome food. on the following day, while going with mr. kendall to wollaston island, we passed a great many whales, leaping and tumbling in the water. a blow from one {200} of them would have destroyed our boat, and i was glad to cross the sound without getting within their reach. we returned by the west side of jerdan island, where there are bights which might afford shelter to a small vessel. the sound that separates wollaston island from the bay of st. francis, i named after sir john franklin, and the harbour to the east of the point on which we landed, after lieutenant kendall, who was one of sir john franklin's companions in his last journey to the north-west coast of america. on the west point of kendall harbour, i observed a magnetic property in the rock, which is of the same character as that on saddle island. weddel noticed the same at st. martin's cove; but i placed the compass in various parts of that cove, without observing any difference from the correct bearing. this was, perhaps, owing to the rock being much covered with soil; for, being of the same character with that of the places above-mentioned, it should cause a similar effect. the next day s.w. gales and thick weather set in, and confined us almost to the ship. taking advantage of a short interval of more moderate weather, i ascended the highest peak on the south side of the cove, immediately over the anchorage, taking two barometers, one of the englefield construction, and the other a syphon barometer, on m. gay lussac's plan, made by bunten, of paris. mr. harrison accompanied me, taking charge of one barometer, whilst i carried the other. my coxswain carried a theodolite. on landing, the barometers were set up at the edge of the water and read off, and at the same moment the barometer on board was read off. we then ascended, but the rise was so precipitously steep as to offer very great impediments; and had it not been for a water-course, in whose bed we climbed for the first part, the ascent, with delicate instruments, would have been almost impracticable. we had ascended but little way, when the unfortunate theodolite escaped from my coxswain, rolled down the ravine, and was much damaged. it was an excellent magnetic transit, and for that purpose was irremediably injured; but, as a theodolite, it was yet useful. the first third of the ascent, from the {201} comparative facility offered by the water-course, was only impeded by loose stones, which frequently yielded to the foot, and rolled down the gully, to the great danger of those who followed. the banks of the ravine were saturated with water, and covered either with spongy moss, or matted with plants,[119] which afforded no assistance; had it not therefore been for straggling shrubs of arbutus, or veronica, and tufts of rushes, growing on the steeper parts, we should have had many a fall; and however unimportant we might think bruises and scratches, a broken barometer would have been a serious accident, and much care was required to avoid it. we had to leave the bed of the torrent, when it became full of wood, and then our difficulty increased much; for in many places we had to scramble over the thickly-matted and interwoven branches of the stunted bushes of beech which frequently yielded to our weight, and entangled our legs so much, that it was no easy matter to extricate ourselves. at the height of one thousand feet, vegetation became much more stunted; we found the plants and shrubs of very diminutive size, consisting principally of the deciduous-leaved beech, one plant of which, though not more than two inches high, occupied a space of four or five feet in diameter, its spreading branches insinuating themselves among wild cranberry, chamitis, donacia, arbutus, and escalonia, so closely matted together, as to form quite an elastic carpet. for the last two hundred feet, we walked over the bare rock, on which no other vegetation was observed than lichens. the summit of the peak is formed by a loose pile of green-stone rock, in which the hornblende appears in very varied forms, sometimes in large crystals, and again so small and disseminated, as to be scarcely visible; on the summit it is seen, in very long, narrow (? filiform) crystals, and the feldspar predominating, gives it a white appearance.[120] the only living creatures we saw were a solitary hawk and {202} one insect, a species of oniscus. nothing, in fact, could be more desolate, and we had only the satisfaction of a good observation for the height, and an excellent bird's-eye view of the surrounding islands and channel, to repay us for the labour of the ascent. on reaching the top, the barometers were suspended under the lee of the rock, twelve feet below its summit, and i then proceeded to set up the theodolite, which i found more damaged than i had anticipated; but not so much as to deprive me of a very extensive round of angles, in which were contained bearings of the ildefonso islands. we were thus occupied about an hour and half, which afforded me an opportunity of obtaining two good readings of the barometer. the view to the n.w. was very extensive, and bounded by long ranges of snow-clad mountains of great height; the atmosphere was remarkably clear, and every object unusually distinct. bearings of the islands of diego ramirez would have been taken, but for the extreme force of the wind, which more than once blew me from the theodolite, and once actually threw me on the ground. the temperature was not below 38°; but, owing to the wind, the cold was intense, and the rapid evaporation produced the most painful sensations, particularly in our feet and legs, which were thoroughly wet when we reached the top. our descent was not effected in less than an hour and twenty minutes, owing to the difficulty of passing through the beech thickets; but we reached the base without injury to the barometers, which was being more fortunate than i expected. they were again set up on the beach, and read; after which we returned on board, amply gratified and rewarded for our fatigue. the height of the peak, which, from its vicinity to the station selected by captain foster for the pendulum experiments, could not receive a more appropriate name than kater's peak, was found to be 1,742 feet above the high-water mark.[121] {203} the next day, after a beautifully clear and mild morning, with a fresh northerly breeze, the weather became cloudy, and the wind veered to the s.w. blowing excessively hard, with hail and rain. the gusts, or williwaws, rushed through the valley of the cove with inconceivable violence, heaving the ship over on her broadside every minute, so that we were obliged to have every thing lashed as if at sea. fortunately, we had completed wood and water, and now only waited for observations, to rate the chronometers, for our run to valparaiso, whither it was my intention to proceed. days, however, passed without a glimpse of the stars, and the sun only appeared for a few minutes above the hills. captain foster had completed his observations, and embarked all his instruments, excepting the transit, which remained for taking the passages of stars; but the bad weather continued, with little intermission. on the 3d, the gale was most violent, and the williwaws became short hurricanes, in some of which the ship drifted and fouled her anchors. on the 10th, we had a dry and fair day, which permitted us to sight the anchors and moor again. the fine weather was of only a few hours duration, when the gale again sprung up, and lasted, with little intermission, until the day of our departure (the 24th). from the 4th to the 22d the sky was so perpetually clouded, that the only transits obtained in that interval were, one of antares, one of regulus, and one of the limb of the moon, though captain foster even slept close to the telescope, in the greatest anxiety to obtain observations. on the night of the 22d four stars were {204} observed, by which the error of the clock was satisfactorily ascertained. captain foster's pluviameter, a cubic foot in size, placed on a stand two feet above the ground, at an elevation of forty-five feet above the sea, contained eight inches and a quarter of rain, after standing thirty days; therefore, with the quantity evaporated, at least twelve inches must have fallen. the day after the above was registered, the vessel only contained seven inches and a quarter; so that in twenty-four hours one inch had evaporated, by which an idea may be formed of the sort of weather we experienced, and of the humidity of the climate. with respect to the geological features, i can only add, that all the islands on which i landed, and, i believe, all the others, are composed of green-stone of various characters. the lower portion, or base, being less decomposed, is a fine-grained green-coloured rock, in which the component parts are so blended as not to be distinguished from each other. it appears sometimes in strata, dipping at various angles, from 20° to 45° from the vertical; and is very similar to the rock which alternates with granite in the straits of magalhaens, at the entrance of the barbara; and also to that about pond harbour, and bell bay. at a greater elevation the feldspar predominates, the hornblende is observed in distinct crystals,[122] and the rock contains a considerable quantity of iron, which is observed in the reddish tinge of its surface. i have before noticed the magnetic property of this rock, which was more or less according to the quantity of hornblende: the beach-stones are different sorts of green-stone. the lower parts of the hills, around st. martin's cove, are thickly wooded with the smooth-leaved, evergreen beech, which i have before described. its leaves were as fresh and vivid, when we sailed, as if it were the height of summer; but those of the deciduous-leaved beech had assumed their autumnal tint, and were falling fast. neither species attained a greater size, in diameter, than six or eight inches. the winter's-bark was {205} found in sheltered places, but not larger in dimensions than the beech.[123] where no trees are produced, the ground is covered with tufts of chamitis and donacia, which, being of a bright-green colour, give the sides of the hills a lively and verdant appearance. had the state of the weather permitted our boats to leave the neighbourhood of the cove, or had the woods afforded any addition to collections for natural history, our detention would have been more agreeable; but, with the exception of a few corvorants, divers, and 'steamers,' with now and then a solitary hawk, or a patagonian 'warbler,' we saw no traces of animal life. no indians came near us, having been frightened away by the chanticleer; for when captain foster was absent at night, after attempting to land at cape horn, several rockets were fired off as signals, and a few indians who were then in the cove were so much alarmed, that they went away next day, and never afterwards showed themselves, although i dare say we were very narrowly watched by them. having supplied the chanticleer with the provisions she required, we prepared to leave st. martin's cove. on the 24th the chanticleer sailed, and in two hours after we also left this dismal cove, in which we experienced a succession of very bad weather, an almost constant s.w. wind, and for the last month a scarcely ceasing fall of either rain, hail, or snow. the chanticleer bore away round cape horn, and was soon out of sight. this was my last meeting with captain foster, who, the night before we sailed, communicated to me a presentiment, which he could not shake off, that he should not survive the voyage. i cannot now resist indulging in the melancholy satisfaction of saying a few words to the memory of my late excellent {206} friend, and lamenting, with many others, the severe loss which science suffered in his death. he was a fellow of the royal, and astronomical societies, and to the former had contributed, to use the words of his royal highness the duke of sussex, as president of the royal society, a most valuable and extensive series of observations upon the diurnal variation, diurnal intensity, and dip of the magnetic needle; and upon other subjects connected with the terrestrial magnetism and astronomical refraction, which formed an entire fourth part of the philosophical transactions for the year 1826. for these papers he received the copley medal; and the lords of the admiralty acknowledged their sense of the honour which was thus conferred upon the profession to which he belonged, by immediately raising him to the rank of commander, and by appointing him to the command of the chanticleer, upon a voyage of discovery and observation in the south seas. the address of the president of the royal astronomical society, at the anniversary meeting,[124] also bears ample testimony to his active and useful services in the expedition, under captain parry, towards the north pole; as well as to his ardent zeal, very great attention, and accuracy, in every thing which he undertook for the promotion of science; and concludes the notice of his death in the following words: "in the premature death of this young and accomplished officer, the society has to deplore the loss of a zealous and active votary to science; and his memory will be long held dear by those who were more intimately acquainted with him in the relations of private life." captain foster was unfortunately drowned, near the close of his voyage, while descending the river chagres in a canoe. no sooner had we cleared the land, than we found a strong westerly wind, and a heavy sea; so that if we had entertained any expectation of making a quiet passage to the westward, we should have been disappointed. the land of hermite island, and its vicinity, has a most remarkable appearance when seen from the south. its outline is a series of peaks, following each other in regular succession, {207} and resembling the worn teeth of an old saw. mount hyde is made sufficiently distinct by its rounded apex, and by being higher than any land near it. kater's peak also is remarkable in this view, from its conical form and very pointed summit, and from being situated at the eastern end of the island. the 'horn' itself needs no description; it cannot easily be mistaken.[125] westerly winds carried us as far as 60° south latitude before we could make any westing, and then we had a slant from the eastward, followed by variable winds. our run to valparaiso was much like all other voyages in this climate; we had the usual quantity of foul and fair winds, with a share of tempestuous weather, and arrived at valparaiso bay on the 22d of june. while remaining here our chronometers were cleaned, and some of them repaired; and the ship was refitted and provisioned, with a full supply for the beagle and adelaide as well as herself. at the latter end of july, lieutenant wickham accompanied me to santiago, the capital of chile, ninety miles from the port, for the purpose of waiting upon general pinto, the director; and communicating to him the purpose of our voyage, to prevent exciting suspicion, or receiving any interruption on the part of the authorities of places we might visit, particularly chilóe, where our stay might be viewed with distrust or apprehension; for rumour had already said that the english were about to take that island. ridiculous as such a report was, i deemed it sufficiently important to induce me to explain to the chilian government our views and orders, which could be done better by personal explanation than by a correspondence. we commenced our journey early on the 11th of july, travelling in a covered chaise, drawn by three horses, one in {208} the shafts, and the others outside, attached to the carriage by a single trace of hide; and preceded by a drove of horses, from which, at the end of every stage of twelve or fifteen miles, we selected a relay. the day was so very stormy, that we saw but little of the country. immediately after leaving the almendral, or suburbs of valparaiso, we ascended twelve hundred feet, and then descended about four hundred feet to an extensive plain, reaching to the cuesta de zapato, the summit of which, at least the highest part of the road over it, we found by barometrical measurement to be 1,977 feet above the sea. in the interval we passed through the village of casa blanca, lying eight hundred and three feet above the sea. after passing the cuesta de zapato, between it and the cuesta de prado, is another extensive valley, through which runs the river poangui. at curacavi, where we crossed the river, the height above the sea is six hundred and thirty-three feet;[126] and the road proceeds by a gentle ascent to the foot of the cuesta de prado, near which is the village of bustamente, eight hundred and eight feet above the sea. this 'cuesta' is passed by a very steep road, and is ascended by twenty-seven traverses, which carry one to a height of 2,100 feet above the plain, or 2,950 feet above the sea. when we reached the summit of this mountain the weather was so cloudy, that the andes were almost concealed from view. beneath us was the extensive plain of maypo, with the city of santiago in the distance, a view of considerable extent, and possessing very great interest; but from the state of the weather, its beauty would not have been seen to advantage, had not portions of the towering andes, raised by optical deception to apparently twice their height, appeared at intervals among the clouds. on {209} a fine day, when the range of mountains is uncovered, the view is grand; but not so imposing as when their lower portions are concealed, and their summits partially exposed. this part of the andes rises about 11,000 feet above the plain, and is covered half way down the sides with snow, the lower edge of which is regularly defined, and presents a change of colour so abrupt and horizontal as to appear unnatural, and therefore diminish the grandeur of the scene very much. but under whatever circumstances this view is seen from the cuesta de prado, it is magnificent, and produces an effect beyond description. the road descends down the eastern side of this cuesta, to a plain about 1,100 feet below the summit. so much rain had fallen during the two preceding days, and last night, that our driver expressed some doubt whether we should be able to cross the podaguel, a river which is frequently impassable from the strength of its current. the idea of spending a night at the miserable hovel we were leaving was enough to induce us to run a considerable risk, and we set off to make the attempt. the water was very deep, and the current sufficiently strong to render it a performance of some danger; but, this difficulty being passed, we soon reached the city of santiago, and in the house of mr. caldcleugh, enjoyed the hospitality and society of a warm-hearted friend. i waited on the director (pinto), who received me with the greatest politeness. he entered into the particulars of our past voyage with much interest, assuring me that every facility should be afforded, and every assistance rendered, whenever it might be required; and in this assurance we never found ourselves deceived, for on all occasions the conduct of the executive authorities towards us was marked in attention, and even kindness. i make this observation with the more pleasure, as it was very unusual in our communications with the authorities of those governments we had previously visited, to find the objects of our voyage considered in the least interesting. although the weather, during our visit to santiago, was not there considered fine, we left the city and its neighbourhood with a strong impression of the salubrity of the climate, and the {210} mildness of its temperature, which even in the middle of winter, and at the height of nearly 2,000 feet above the sea, ranged no lower than 45° fahrenheit, and during the day the maximum height of the thermometer never exceeded 62°.[127](k) we returned to valparaiso on the 26th of july, and made preparations to sail; but were detained by a strong northerly gale for many days, in which we were enabled to render assistance to a large indian trader that would otherwise have been wrecked. on the 10th of august, we sailed for chilóe; and on our way were greatly delayed by southerly winds, which carried us in sight of the island of juan fernandez. we reached our destination on the 26th, and found the beagle, to our great delight, arrived, and all well. captain fitz roy came on board before we anchored, and gave me an outline of his proceedings, and those of the adelaide, which had not {211} returned, but was daily expected, having been despatched to survey some interior channels on her way to chilóe. our anchorage was off point arenas, which is not only the best in the bay, but appeared to be well adapted to our wants. the beagle had arrived early in july, and had sent to valparaiso for stores with which to refit, and make preparations for another cruize to the south. the harbour master, mr. williams, an englishman, visited us soon after our anchoring, and by him i forwarded to the yntendente (or governor), don josé santiago aldunate, the letters brought for him from chile. in the afternoon i received his acknowledgments, and offers of all the assistance in his power to render. as it was probable that our stay would occupy some weeks, i established myself at a house in the town, obtained by his kindness; and there fixed my portable observatory, and set up an azimuth altitude instrument. * * * * * {212} chapter xiii. beagle and adelaide anchor in possession bay--beagle passes the first narrow--fogs--pecket harbour--adelaide arrives with guanaco-meat- portuguese seamen--peculiar light--party missing--return--proceed towards port famine--fuegians--lieut. skyring--adelaide sails to survey magdalen and barbara channels--views--lyell sound--kempe harbour--cascade bay--san pedro sound--port gallant--diet--rain--awnings--boat cruise--warning- jerome channel--blanket bags--otway water--frequent rain--difficulty in lighting fires. the following is an account of the beagle's and adelaide's operations, after separating from the adventure, on the 1st of april, at the entrance of the strait of magalhaens. light northerly winds were favourable for their entering the strait, and they reached possession bay the first night. the following day was foggy, and almost calm, until the afternoon, when both vessels weighed, and proceeded with the tide. at sunset the adelaide anchored on the north shore; but the beagle stood on, and entered the narrow. after dark, when within it, with a rapid tide running, the wind fell light, and an anchor was let go, under the north shore, in eight fathoms; but the cable being accidentally checked too soon, snapped like a small rope, and the vessel was hustled out into deep water. as it would have been both useless and imprudent to let go another anchor, the beagle was kept underweigh, and worked to the westward, aided by a very powerful tide, which speedily carried her through the narrow, without accident, although the night was dark; and they had no guide but the chart and lead. at eleven o'clock she was anchored within the narrow, in twelve fathoms, soon after which the tide turned, and ran with great strength; but the night was calm, as well as the next morning. while waiting for wind, and the change of tide, several patagonian indians were observed on horseback hunting {213} guanacoes. a very large dead cod-fish was also seen, floating past, which was taken on board; on its skin were several parasites.[128] with the evening tide the beagle reached gregory bay; and the next day (april 4th) worked through the second narrow, and anchored in pecket harbour. as soon as she arrived people were sent on shore to make a large fire, to show the natives where the ship was, and attract them to her. next morning, the 5th, it had spread very much, and overrun several acres of ground, which showed either a very dry soil, or that there had not been much rain for some time. the ground was covered with cranberries; so much so, that it had quite a red tinge; they were very good. plenty of wild celery was found, but no wood of any kind. water was obtained in small quantities, from a spring about eighty yards from the beach, abreast of the anchorage: it may also be procured by sinking wells. early on the 6th of april the adelaide anchored near the beagle. captain fitz roy went on board, and found that lieutenant graves had seen the indians in gregory bay; and had anchored there for the purpose of obtaining guanaco meat, of which he got about nine hundred pounds weight. thick fogs had prevented his getting through the first narrow until the 4th. at gregory bay, lieutenant graves took three portuguese seamen on board, who claimed his protection, having been left by an english sealing vessel nearly a year before. one of them asked to be again put ashore, and was landed on quoin hill to carry a message to the indians, from whom he promised to bring a supply of meat in two days. the other two were entered on the books as supernumeraries, and employed in the adelaide. having given the beagle two-thirds of the meat, the adelaide weighed; and in two hours was out of sight, on her way to port famine. {214} the following are extracts from captain fitz roy's journal of this cruise of the beagle. "monday 7th april. several of our people were employed in gathering cranberries, and preserving them for future use; they are anti-scorbutic, as well as the wild celery, much of which has been used with our guanaco soup. "wednesday, 8th. i went to oazy harbour with lieutenant skyring, who surveyed the harbour while i examined the cove to the northward. "oazy harbour appears large, but the part where there is anchorage is very small, and a strong tide sets in and round it, by which a bank is thrown up, a short distance inside the entrance; there is very little wood, and some difficulty in obtaining fresh water, even in a small quantity. the anchorage outside might be more convenient for procuring guanaco meat from the indians than gregory bay, but it is exposed to winds between w.s.w. and s.s.e. "at my return to the beagle, i was much surprised to find that lieutenant kempe, mr. bynoe, and a boy, had not yet come back from a shooting excursion. a boat had been to the appointed place at sun-set, and had waited an hour without seeing them. at seven, a light was seen on the top of quoin hill, and i sent a boat to the spot, with cautions about landing, being in doubt whether it was shown by them or by the indians; but the boatswain, who went with her, could find no person, nor any light. he waited some time, and returned on board.(l) a similar light was again seen, more than once, during the dark and gloomy weather, with small misty rain falling, and a light breeze from the westward, which we had all night. "thursday, 9th. no signs of our officers, nor any appearance of the indians. fearing that some accident had happened, i sent two boats away, with arms and provisions, to look for them all round the harbour, and the large lagoon which communicates {215} with it. both boats were thoroughly cautioned about the indians, for i had thoughts of their treachery. just as the boats got out of sight, three people were observed on the ridge of a hill, about six miles distant; and, at the same time two other persons appeared, much nearer the ship, on the east side of the harbour. which was our party, and who the others were, it was perplexing to say. both disappeared again for about two hours, when our stragglers came over a hill, very near the ship. upon their arrival on board, they were scarcely able to move: they had been on their legs, almost without food, and without shelter from the rain, since they left the ship. their intention had been to walk round the harbour, which appeared an employment for two hours only; but at its head they found a lake, and beyond that lake a much larger one, joined to the first by a passage, which they could not cross. when they arrived at this passage, it was too late to return by the way they went, and their best chance seemed to be going on. after dark, they tried to make a fire, but the rain prevented them. it was too dark to see their way, and the cold rain obliged them to keep moving about, though in one place. when daylight came, they travelled on, and until they reached the ship at two o'clock, were constantly walking. "the other people seen by us must have been indians; none were met by our wanderers, but several places were passed where fires had been made by them. "april 10th. directly our boats returned, we weighed and made sail; but the wind soon failed, and the tide setting against us, obliged me to anchor. "april 11th. made sail towards the passage between elizabeth island and cape negro, and anchored there to wait for the tide, which ran past us when at anchor, at the rate of three knots an hour. about cape negro the appearance of the land entirely changes. a low barren country gives way to hills covered with wood, increasing in height, and becoming more rocky and mountainous as you go southward. "on the 13th, when working near the land, against a light southerly breeze, we saw a small canoe paddling along shore, {216} and some people walking on the beach. while the ship was standing off, i went to them, being the first savages i had ever met. in the canoe were an old woman, her daughter, and a child, and on shore were two fuegian men with several dogs. their figures reminded me of drawings of the esquimaux, being rather below the middle size, wrapped in rough skins, with their hair hanging down on all sides, like old thatch, and their skins of a reddish brown colour, smeared over with oil, and very dirty. their features were bad, but peculiar; and, if physiognomy can be trusted, indicated cunning, indolence, passive fortitude, deficient intellect, and want of energy. i observed that the forehead was very small and ill-shaped; the nose was long, narrow between the eyes, and wide at the point; and the upper lip, long and protruding. they had small, retreating chins; bad teeth; high cheek-bones; small chinese eyes, at an oblique angle with the nose; coarse hair; wide ill-formed mouths, and a laugh as if the upper lip were immoveable. the head was very small, especially at the top and back; there were very few bumps for a craniologist. they asked earnestly for 'tabac, tabac,' but seemed very timid. we bartered some biscuit and old knives for a few of their arrows, skins, spears, &c. "their canoes, twenty-two feet long, and about three wide, were curiously made of the branches of trees, covered with pieces of beech-tree bark, sewed together with intestines of seals. a fire was burning in the middle, upon some earth, and all their property, consisting of a few skins and bone-headed lances, was stowed at the ends. "the young woman would not have been ill-looking, had she been well scrubbed, and all the yellow clay with which she was bedaubed, washed away. i think they use the clayey mixture for warmth rather than for show, as it stops the pores of the skin, preventing evaporation and keeping out the cold air. their only clothing was a skin, thrown loosely about them; and their hair was much like a horse's mane, that has never been combed. "april 14th. anchored in port famine." {217} "april 16th. lieutenant skyring went on board the adelaide with mr. kirke, five seamen, and one of the beagle's whale-boats. mr. bynoe, the assistant-surgeon, also went as a volunteer. "april 17th. the adelaide sailed to survey the magdalen and barbara channels; after which she was to rejoin the beagle at port gallant. she soon got into a strong southerly wind, and could make no progress, as the current was against her; she therefore again stood into the bay, and anchored. "a sharply cold night made us remember we were far south, although the weather by day had been mild. i have said little about this anchorage, as it has already been described. the appearance of the surrounding country is striking and picturesque. mount tarn, with its patches of snow, rising from thick woods, and the high snow-covered mountains in the distance, with dark blue sea at their base, are very remarkable objects. "we sailed on the 19th with the adelaide, which had been prevented from going sooner by strong and unfavourable winds: and about noon we parted from our consort, whose course was southerly, into the magdalen channel, while we went towards lyell sound. "i cannot help here remarking, that the scenery this day appeared to me magnificent. many ranges of mountains, besides mount sarmiento, were distinctly visible, and the continual change occurring in the views of the land, as clouds passed over the sun, with such a variety of tints of every colour, from that of the dazzling snow to the deep darkness of the still water, made me wish earnestly to be enabled to give an idea of it upon paper; but a necessary look-out for the vessel, not having a commissioned officer with me who had been in the strait before, kept my attention too much occupied to allow me to make more than a few hasty outlines. under the high land the beagle had but little wind, and night closed upon us before we could gain an anchorage in lyell sound, so we shortened sail after dark, and kept near mid channel until the morning. {218} "the night was one of the most beautiful i have ever seen; nearly calm, the sky clear of clouds, excepting a few large white masses, which at times passed over the bright full moon: whose light striking upon the snow-covered summits of the mountains by which we were surrounded, contrasted strongly with their dark gloomy bases, and gave an effect to the scene which i shall never forget. "at daylight, on the 20th, we were close to lyell sound, and stood along its west side, looking for an anchorage, until we found a very good harbour, about a mile inside mazaredo point. "i then went away, with two boats, to examine the sound, leaving the master to sound and plan the inner harbour. "kempe harbour, within lyell sound, would hold six large ships in security; but, like most of the harbours hereabouts, access is difficult, on account of the squalls off the high land, which are so irregular, and often violent. "during the night of the 21st, it blew strong in squalls, and the chain-cable kept us awake by rattling very much over rocks; yet when the anchor was hove to the bows next morning, it appeared to have been well bedded in stiff clay. to these sounds we afterwards became familiarised. "wednesday, 22d. strong squalls from the south-eastward during the night, and in the morning; when, being anxious to reach cascade bay, i weighed, though the weather was thick, and the wind against us. the flaws were so variable, that we were two hours knocking the helm and sails about before we could clear the anchorage, and move half a mile in still water. i should recommend warping in and out of these harbours, in preference to making sail: as it is far easier, if a ship is provided with small hawsers and kedges: and the hawsers can often be made fast to the rocks, or roots of trees. "the tide rises about four feet in kempe harbour; and there is a place where a vessel might be grounded or careened with perfect safety. "mazaredo peak (bougainville's sugar loaf) is an excellent guide to kempe harbour; the valley-like appearance of {219} the land also shows its situation to a vessel in the straits. what at first appears to be lyell sound is kempe harbour, the sound lies more to the left. "after passing mazaredo point, the land is rugged and less woody; it is not very high, and has a peculiar, rounded appearance, like the tops of loaves of bread. "there was slate in kempe harbour, which seemed to me fit for roofing purposes. "in cascade bay we found the abundance of limpets and muscles usual on these shores, and of particularly good quality. the indians live almost entirely upon them and sea-eggs, though birds, and occasionally a seal, add to their subsistence. vegetation, both on shore and in the water, is most abundant. at every step one sinks knee-deep in moss, grass, fern, or low bushes. trees seem to arrive but seldom at perfection; the climate is so moist that they rot while growing, before they attain any size. moss grows every where; each bough is covered with it: and the water appears to be as favourable to the growth of kelp as the land is to that of plants. the large kind (_fucus giganteus_) shoots up, from many fathoms depth, to the surface, with strong stalks and large leaves. "23d. a bad day; blowing strong, and at times raining. mr. murray, mr. stokes, and i, went with three boats to continue our work of exploring and sounding. "saturday, 25th. we weighed and made sail; but the breeze failed, and flaws came against us. while laying out warps, and hanging by the stream-cable, a squall took the ship and drove her against the rocks, but without doing her any injury, for they were quite wall-sided. the main-yard and spanker-boom were among the trees. we again laid out warps, and had made some progress, when another strong squall obliged us to go back into our anchorage, to remain until the hail, snow, wind, and rain should cease. "26th. an unpromising and wet morning; but the heavy rain being over, we weighed, and in a few hours reached the western side of san pedro sound. "about a mile from the point we anchored in murray cove, {220} which affords good shelter from westerly winds, and is very easy of access, being a small roadstead rather than a harbour. "27th. we set out early with the boats, but the weather was too bad to do much; however, something was done, and at dusk we went ashore on a small island in the sound. it rained very hard all the afternoon and during part of the night. we sheltered ourselves as well as we could with the boat's sails and tarpaulins; but during the night the wind shifted, and blew so hard, that it threw down our slight shelter, and made me very anxious about the ship; for i was doubtful of the security of the anchorage where she lay. "28th. this morning was very cold, it rained hard and blew strong; but when it cleared away for a short time, we set to work again, to explore what appeared to be a channel. "after a three hours' pull against wind, snow, and hail, my channel proved to be only one of the numerous inlets which encroach upon the fuegian territory; and the boats returned to the beagle, with the help of strong squalls from the s.w. i was not a little glad to see the ship in the place where i had left her. during the night another anchor had been let go; but she had not moved from her position. this anchorage is so easy of access, that i hope it will be of use to vessels passing through the strait. there is room for one large sized ship to lie conveniently, or for two or three small craft. "the weather has not yet been so cold as i expected it would be: snow lies on the deck a short time, but the thermometer has not been lower than 31° (fahrenheit). "29th. a rainy, blowing morning: mr. stokes and i set out in the boats; but it rained so much, that we could only make a fire to dry our clothes, and remove the numbness, caused by sitting a long time in the wet. "on the 3d of may, we anchored in port gallant: though perfectly secure, this is a dismal harbour in winter, being so surrounded by high mountains, that the sun is seldom visible. until the 7th, in addition to our usual daily duties, we were occupied in preparing for an excursion, in boats, to the jerome channel. salt provisions were entirely withheld from the crew {221} for three days, and instead of them, preserved meat, shell-fish, and a large pig, brought from monte video, were substituted. we found in this, as in almost every fuegian harbour, abundance of muscles, limpets, and wild celery; some fish and some wild-fowl. many of our party thought shags good eating, but only one person could be found daring enough to try whether old sir john narborough was quite warranted in saying that a fox was 'savoury food,' and that one repented of his experiment during a week's serious illness. "my reason for entirely stopping the use of salt-meat, for a few days, was the belief that, at least, two or three days' change of diet is necessary to cause any real alteration in the system; and that it is better to give fresh provisions for three days in succession, and salt-meat during the remainder of three weeks, than to give fresh-meat at three separate intervals in the same period. "during the wet weather of these regions, we derived great benefit from awnings, painted for the purpose, while refitting at rio de janeiro and maldonado: they kept the lower, and a great part of the upper deck quite dry, even in heavy rain. "may 7th. mr. stokes and i set out with a cutter and whale-boat, to explore the jerome channel. we were well provided, with as much as the boats could stow, of what we thought likely to be useful during a month's cruise. of water we took but little, trusting to the wetness of these regions for a supply. each man had his clothes covered with canvas, or duck, well painted; and instead of a hat, every one had a 'south-wester' (like a coal-heaver's cap). "our provisions, being sufficient for twenty-eight days, made the boats rather deep; and i soon found the cutter pulled very heavily, and was obliged to take her in tow. all our party slept in the cutter the first night, the whale-boat being made fast astern. towards midnight it blew fresh, and as the boats were anchored near the wash of the beach, they rolled a good deal; and soon afterwards, feeling the whale-boat hanging heavily on her rope, i hauled her up alongside, and found she was almost swamped; in a few minutes she {222} must have sunk with all her heavy cargo, to us invaluable. the plug had worked out by her rolling:--i seldom left her afloat at night after this warning. having saved the boat, made me think less of all our things being wetted, and of some of the instruments being almost spoiled. "at daylight, on the 8th, we pulled along shore, with the wind against us, and reached point york before the tide made strongly; but that place we could not pass; and sooner than give up an inch of ground, let go our grapnels, in the middle of a race of tide, that tumbled in over both gunwales, and ran past us at the rate of five knots. at one p.m. it slackened, and we pulled on into bachelor river, very glad to get so good a place to dry our clothes, and put the boats to rights. three deserted wigwams gave us shelter; and while some made fires, others went to collect shell-fish, or shoot birds. though the season was so far advanced, some shrubs were in flower, particularly one, which is very like a jessamine, and has a sweet smell. cranberries and berberis-berries were plentiful: i should have liked to pass some days at this place, it was so very pretty; the whole shore was like a shrubbery. i cannot account for the exaggerated accounts of the fuegian coasts given by some voyagers: it is true that the peaks of the mountains are covered with snow, and those sides exposed to the prevailing west winds are barren, and rugged; but every sheltered spot is covered with vegetation, and large trees seem to grow almost upon the bare rock. i was strongly reminded of some of the greek islands in winter, when they also have a share of snow on their mountains. "may 9th. the tide carried our boats rapidly up the jerome channel, which, though narrow, is quite free from danger. the west shore is very high, and steep, and well covered with wood; the eastern is lower, and less woody. "having passed this channel, we entered the mysterious indian sound, with all that anxiety one feels about a place, of which nothing is known, and much is imagined. i hoped to find a large river; and the strong tide setting up the channel convinced me that there was a body of water inland, but of what nature {223} remained to be discovered. at dusk we put into a small creek, and secured the boats, hauling up the whale-boat on the sand. when too late to remove, we found the place of our bivouac so wet and swampy, that nearly two hours were occupied in trying to light a fire. supper and merry songs were succeeded by heavy rain, which continued throughout that night and the next day without intermission. "10th. continual hard rain prevented our moving: the whale-boat's men were thoroughly drenched in their tent during the night; but made a better one in the morning. the cutter, having a tarpaulin cover, gave her crew a better lodging; and although a small and loaded boat, only twenty-four feet long, could not be expected to allow much room to a dozen sleepers, during such weather, with the help of our blanket bags,(m) we did very well. "11th. during this night, also, it rained very hard. early the next morning, however, it cleared a little, and we got under-weigh. when in the fair-way our hopes were much excited; for beyond a high island, like a sugar-loaf, appeared an opening without land. i tasted the water repeatedly, fancying it less salt, and that we were approaching a river. "less salt it might have been, from the number of waterfalls dashing down the mountains on each side of the channel, which is here about two miles wide, with a current, or rather stream of tide, running at the rate of two knots an hour. "at noon, we reached the sugar loaf: it cost a struggle to get to the top with the instruments; but the view repaid me. for three points of the compass towards the north-east, i could see no land, except two islands; and the farthest extreme to the eastward, appeared to me distant, at least, thirty miles. no mountains or high land could be seen to the north or east; the country seemed there to change its character, and become {224} lower and less wooded. this was, indeed, an animating view: i stood considering what might be the boundary of this water, till i recollected, that the longer i thought about it, the longer i should be finding it out; so we pushed on with the boats, of course taking the necessary bearings and angles, until we reached the 'point of islets' in 'otway water.' "on the 12th, our oars were going early. "the two islands, 'englefield' and 'vivian,' were the only land upon the horizon for six points of the compass. the southern coast trended away nearly east from cape charles, preserving the high mountainous character of the fuegian shores, while that to the northward was low, though as yet well wooded. "i was nearly tempted to try whether fanny bay led towards the gulf of xaultegua; but fortunately did not, as i should have regretted the time so employed. "point hamond is thickly-wooded with evergreens, similar to those of the strait; and with a species of pine, about thirty or forty feet in height. "to the s.e. three remarkable promontories stand out in bold relief from the fuegian shore; but beyond them the land sinks into the tame flatness of patagonia. "the water on the west shore is not deep; from ten to thirty fathoms at a quarter of a mile off shore, but getting more shallow advancing northward. there is anchorage for a vessel after passing indian channel, the whole way along; and as the prevailing winds are off shore, it would generally be safe. in indian channel i only know of two anchorages, cutter bay and bending cove. "such constant rain fell during this evening, that it was not until after much trouble that we at last made fires. carrying dry fuel in the boats we found indispensable, and i would recommend any person who passes a night on shore in this wet climate, with a boat, to carry a sheet of copper, or a piece of flat iron, in preference to any boat-stove, as a fire can be lighted upon it much more easily, and it does not take much stowage: the great difficulty about fires here is getting fuel to burn when the ground is wet, or when snow lies on it. {225} "13th. raining so steadily all day, that it was useless to proceed: i could neither see my way, nor notice any thing but wind and rain. "14th. so mild was the weather, that i bathed this morning, and did not find the water colder than i have felt it in autumn on the english coast; its temperature, at a foot below the surface, averaged 42°; that of the air was 39°. from this place, point hamond, i saw seven points of the compass clear of land, my eye being twenty feet above the level of the sea. the water was quite salt, therefore we were certain of being in an unexpected inland sea, or large lagoon. four miles from point hamond lie englefield and vivian islands, rather low, but well wooded with evergreens. they are the only islands of any note in the otway water. the farthest point i could discern i called cape marvel, for much i wondered at the hitherto unsuspected extent of this inlet. "at noon we were off the north end of englefield island. mr. stokes and i observed the sun's meridian altitude satisfactorily from the boats, so smooth was the water. this quiet day was too fine, for it was hard work pulling from nine till five, without any help from sails. towards evening a breeze sprung up in our favour, and with its assistance we ran along the land about ten miles. taking advantage of the moonlight, i did not look out for a resting-place till past seven o'clock, when we had a great deal of trouble in landing; the coast having quite changed its character; and instead of deep water with a rocky shore, we found a flat shingly beach and shoal water, with very large stones scattered between high and low water marks, so numerously as to make it dangerous for a boat, especially at night. upon landing, we found the ground quite changed into a fine light soil, with stunted bushes and trees; and so dry was the wood, that a fire was easily kindled, but not a drop of water could be got any where to cook our supper. a considerable rise and fall of tide was observed, much greater than near indian channel. "15th. no breakfast this morning, for want of water--a decided proof of the change of climate and country. north of {226} us the sky was clear; but to the southward, over the strait, hung thick clouds. the trees were not evergreen, and at this time their leaves were withered and falling. "while pulling along shore, and passing a low projecting point, we saw the smoke of three fires, and approaching nearer, observed four canoes lying on the beach, near several wigwams. their owners soon appeared, running along the shore, hallooing and jumping. the first who came near us reminded me of an old-fashioned sign of the 'red lion,' for he was painted red all over, and looked more like a wild beast than a human being; another was covered with a bluish mixture; a third was quite black. several had the lower half of the face blacked, and the oldest men and women were painted entirely black. there were about eight men, six or eight boys, and perhaps a dozen women and girls. some had a skin over their shoulders, but others had no covering at all, except paint; they seemed apprehensive, and hid several skins and other things in the wood, as soon as they saw us approaching. "when they found we were peaceably disposed, and had tobacco and knives, they were eager to barter with us. how they have learned the use of tobacco is curious, but they are fond of it to excess. guanaco, as well as seal and otter skins, are in their possession; therefore they probably barter with the patagonians. they have also the skins and horns of a deer, which, as i understood them, inhabits their country.(n) they catch small animals with snares, made of whalebone, just like hare-snares. this tribe was very rich in fuegian wealth, such as skins, arrows, lances, &c. they appeared to be of a race similar, but superior, to the fuegians, being stronger, stouter, more lively, and more active. i persuaded one of their boys to have his face washed, and found his natural complexion was scarcely darker than that of a european. their language sounds like that of the fuegians, and the huts and weapons are precisely similar to their's. we asked them for water, and they pointed to a place about a mile further, {227} making signs to us that we must dig in the earth for it. we went there, and near a green-looking spot some good water was found. we then landed, and enjoyed our breakfast at one o'clock, being not a little thirsty. "the natives were still with us; they seemed inquisitive and cunning; and shewed great surprise at a sextant and artificial horizon, by which they sat down, attentively watching what was done. i put my watch to their ears; they were much astonished, and each came in his turn to hear it tick. i pointed to the watch and then to the sky; they shook their heads and suddenly looked so grave, that from their manner in this instance, and from what i could understand by their signs, i felt certain they had an idea of a superior being, although they have nothing like an image, and did not appear to us to have any form of worship. we could learn scarcely any words of their language, because of their trick of repeating whatever we said. "they saw how we lighted a fire, by means of a tinder-box, and took an opportunity to tread it out of sight. our loss was not known until leaving the spot, when that material necessary was missed. it was evident they had stolen it; and while i was meditating a reprisal, one of our men by chance trod upon the missing box, which was artfully hid under the sand. after this discovery, they seemed rather inclined for a skirmish, all having clubs, while our men appeared to have no weapons. however, we parted without a quarrel. "the features of these people differed from those of the fuegians whom i had previously seen, in being better formed, and having a less artful expression. "we pulled hence along a low shore until evening, when distant land began to show itself, stretching to the northward and eastward, and bounding this supposed inland sea. at dusk we discovered an opening, which appeared to be either a river or a channel, and i steered for its north bank, securing the boats for the night in a place we named donkin cove, as a mark of respect to the preserver of meat, to whom we had been so often thankful. a little of this meat, mixed with wild fowl, and some wild celery, makes a wholesome and {228} agreeable mess. on boat service, meat preserved in tin is particularly useful, being already cooked, and therefore fit for dinner without the aid of fire. "we were surprised at the mildness of the weather. indeed, the change of climate was as pleasant as it was sudden and unexpected. "16th. at daylight, we found ourselves in the entrance of what was thought a river. under this impression, i hoped to penetrate into the interior of the country, and meet some new tribes of patagonians. as soon as we could get underweigh, we pulled and sailed along a winding channel, on one side of which was a pleasant-looking, woody country, extending towards tierra del fuego; and on the other, a low, barren district, like eastern patagonia. the banks on both shores were from five to forty feet high, sloping, and covered with grass. "the current was in our favour, which with the saltness of the water, inclined me to think it a channel, and not the mouth of a river. in this opinion i was confirmed in a short time, by seeing surf breaking against some land beyond an opening, which showed that we were approaching a large body of water. soon after, we reached the extreme west point of this small channel; and, to our surprise, saw an expanse, at least thirty miles across from east to west, and twenty from north to south. i thought it more at first, but probably was deceived. west and south of it i observed high snow-covered mountains; and the summit of one was remarkable, being like a castle with a high tower. northward, the land was low; excepting a few ranges of down-like hills with large plains between them. "it happened to be a very clear day, and all that could be seen at any time was visible. in two places there seemed to me to be openings to the westward; in the southernmost i could see no land at all; the other was backed by distant mountains, but still had the appearance of an opening. after this i went to the top of a hill near me, about three hundred feet high, to gain a better view, yet so small an elevation made but little difference, and i rather thought the opposite coast farther off than i had at first supposed. {229} "having sent the cutter back a short distance, to make a fire and land our things, i crossed the channel to a fine level plain, and measured a base line. in crossing, i found a most rapid tide, at least five or six knots at neap tides, and to pull against it was out of the question. it caused a considerable swell and race at the entrance, which is not a quarter of a mile wide, though it averages twelve fathoms in depth. on the plain was growing thick grass, like that in the vicinity of the river plata. so rich and good were the grass and trefoil, that i saved a few seeds, hoping some day to see their produce in england. no tree was seen; the soil seemed dry, rich, and light. skunks, and a small kind of cavy, had burrowed every where, which proves the climate to be of a different nature from that of the strait. the bones and traces of guanacoes were numerous, and some horses' tracks were found; as also part of a dead guanaco, which appeared to have been a prey to wild beasts. water was not so plentiful as to the southward; but quite sufficient for all useful purposes, many small brooks being noticed, besides springs in the sides of the low hills. we shot a swan(o) and some coots; the swans were so fat, or so tame, that they would not rise from the water. "17th. while on whitestone plain, a very heavy squall of wind and hail passed over from the s.w., so cuttingly cold, that it showed me one reason why these plains, swept by every wind from s.s.w. to n., are destitute of trees. "after dark, we returned to the cutter and partook of a large mess, made of the swan we had shot, the coots, some limpets, and preserved meat. the shortness of the days was becoming very inconvenient; from eight to four were the only hours of daylight; but some of the nights were so fine, that i got many sets of observations of the moon and stars. * * * * * {230} chapter xiv. place for a settlement--frost--boats in danger--narrow escape--sudden change--beagle hills--fuegian painting--tides--medicine--water warmer than the air--jerome channel--mr. stokes returns to the beagle--cape quod--snowy sound--whale sound--choiseul bay--return to the beagle- adelaide returns--plan of operations--difficulties removed- preparations--wear and tear of clothing--ascend the mountain de la cruz- sail from port gallant--tides--borja bay--cape quod--gulf of xaultegua- frost and snow--meet adelaide--part--enter pacific--arrive at chilóe. "18th of may. very cold, raining heavily, and blowing strong from s.w. the tide turned this day (full moon), and set to the westward at 1.15. i only say 'turned,' because i could not distinguish the ebb from the flood, so little rise and fall was there. no sooner had the tide ceased to run in one direction, than it began to run as strongly in the other, for about six hours. for the last four nights i noticed, that soon after sunset the sky was suddenly overcast, a trifling shower fell, and afterwards the heavens became beautifully clear. the climate must be much like that of the east coast of patagonia, as shrubs grow here like those i saw at port desire. while walking, the leaves and dry sticks crackled under foot, which is very different from what one observes about the strait of magalhaens, where everything is wet and spungy. i was inclined to think this place suitable for a settlement. there is water, wood, and good soil, fit for planting, besides pasture land; the climate is not bad; and probably the patagonian indians might be induced to trade in guanaco meat, as they now do at gregory bay; while any of their hostile incursions would be prevented by the channel. "19th. two natives, a man and a boy, came to our boats this morning; they seemed to have neither curiosity, nor fear, nor even a relish for tobacco. they took a piece of tinder, picked up a stone, and went away to some wigwams, at a little distance, where we soon afterwards saw a fire burning. {231} "during this night and the preceding it froze sharply; but the sky was so clear, that i observed many sets of distances, on each side the moon. "20th. we went eastward through the little channel. every thing was frozen; and the boat's sails were useless until thawed. we left donkin cove directly after noon, and with a fresh and fair wind, steered towards pecket harbour. i may as well mention here my reasons for taking this course, instead of going farther westward. "considering our very limited time, and provisions, i wished to do first what was most useful; and to find a new passage, seemed to me the primary object. having surveyed the narrow winding channel, and proved its navigability for vessels of any class; i thought it desirable to ascertain next the nature of the separation between otway water and the strait of magalhaens, between laredo bay and pecket harbour. "a western passage might be sought by the adelaide schooner, or by myself, at a future time. if we tried to cross the skyring water, our success would be very doubtful, for during the whole time we had been in the channel, the wind blew strong from s.w., raising so much sea, that it was with great difficulty i could sound outside the western entrance, even in a whale-boat. "a fine breeze carried us rapidly eastward; but it freshened too fast, reef after reef was taken in, until at two o'clock we were obliged to lower the sail, and pull to windward; for as far as we could see, the shore continued unbroken, flat, and low, with a high surf breaking on it. to have attempted to land, would have been folly; and as the wind continued to increase, and a current setting to windward caused a very short awkward sea, i sent mr. stokes off in the cutter, under his small close-reefed sails, to hang to windward as long as he could carry sail, while i kept the whale-boat head to wind. at three o'clock, we were embayed, and about a mile from the shore. my boat was deeply laden, and as our clothes and bags got soaked, pulled more heavily. we threw a bag of fuel overboard, but kept everything else to the last. at sunset the sea {232} was higher, and the wind as strong as ever. i saw the cutter a little before, about three miles from us, standing to the eastward on a wind; but whether she would clear the shore i could not make out. "after dark, finding we could not well be worse off as to risk, i bore up, and pulled with the sea rather abaft the beam, twisting the boat 'end on' to each wave as it came, hoping to get into smoother water to the westward. night, and having hung on our oars five hours, made me think of beaching the boat to save the men; for in a sea so short and breaking, it was not likely she would live much longer. at any time in the afternoon, momentary neglect, allowing a wave to take her improperly, would have swamped us; and after dark it was worse. shortly after bearing up, a heavy sea broke over my back, and half filled the boat: we were baling away, expecting its successor, and had little thoughts of the boat living, when--quite suddenly--the sea fell, and soon after the wind became moderate. so extraordinary was the change, that the men, by one impulse, lay on their oars, and looked about to see what had happened. probably we had passed the place where a tide was setting against the wind. i immediately put the boat's head towards the cove we left in the morning, and with thankful gladness the men pulled fast ahead. in ten minutes the sea was smooth, and the breeze so moderate, as not to impede our progress. our only anxiety was then about the cutter; for we could not tell how she had weathered the gale. i was sure she would have prospered if kept by the wind; but some accident, or change of purpose, was to be feared. "about an hour after midnight, we landed in safety at donkin cove; so tired, and numbed by the cold, for it was freezing sharply, that we could hardly get out of the boat. the embers of our morning fire were still burning; so we put on some wood, and lay down round them. no men could have behaved better than that boat's crew: not a word was uttered by one of them; nor did an oar flag at any time, although they acknowledged, after landing, that they never expected to see the shore again. we resolved to start early to look for {233} the cutter, and fell asleep: but before daylight i was roused by some one, and to my joy, saw mr. stokes standing by me. he had just arrived with the cutter, having kept his wind till the sea fell; and since that time had been pulling towards this spot: with what thankful feelings all hands lay down to sleep may be easily supposed. "21st. this morning i believe no one waked before ten o'clock. drying our clothes, and putting the boats to rights, occupied most of the day. our time was now so short, besides having almost expended our provisions, that i gave up the idea of crossing the otway water, and decided to return nearly the way we came, after taking a view from the higher ground. "22d. a sharp frost, during the past night and this day, hardened the ground, and with four of my boat's crew, i walked to the beagle hills. our way led through a scattered wood, the only one seen on the north side of the channel, and in which most of the trees appeared to have been burned. we gained the summit of the heights soon after noon, and were amply rewarded by an extensive view. "although not more than eight hundred feet above the sea, i could discern the gregory hills (so plainly as to make out their yellowish brown colour); cape bartholomew, nassau island; cape monmouth; the high peaks over cape froward; the range of mountains thence to the jerome channel, and from the jerome, westward to all those about cape phillip, and cape parker; and the whole extent of the otway and skyring waters; the latter being bounded to the n.w. by down-like hills, about six or eight hundred feet high. north of the beagle hills, a range of similar downs extended; and to the east was a succession of lagoons, completely intersecting the flat country towards pecket harbour. "we left a memorial, cut in lead, at the foot of a post sunk in the ground; but the air was so cold, that the men, who wished to add their names, were unable to mark them on the lead. it was eight o'clock before we regained our bivouac, much fatigued by the day's work. "23d. i went into a wigwam, where there was a woman {234} and two children. a rough likeness made of her did not please at all, because it was white: she took out her red paint, and put some on her own cheeks, as drawn on the paper, and then was quite satisfied, sitting as still as a mouse, while i made another sketch. in return for the compliment paid to her countenance, she daubed my face, as well as my coxswain's, with the same red mixture. "24th. a sharp frost during the night. we left donkin cove, as soon as i had taken observations for the chronometers. a fine breeze in our favour carried us rapidly along, and at dusk we were near englefield island. the last few nights have been so clear, that two or three of the men, and myself, have slept in the open air without any other covering than our blanket-bags, and clothes. my cloak has been frozen hard over me every morning; yet i never slept more soundly, nor was in better health. "we had a good view of mount misery this day. it is about 3,000 feet in height; twice as high as the surrounding mountains, and quite bare, even of snow, on the summit. the night tides here rise more than those of the day at this season: the times of high water do not differ much on the opposite shores. about an hour after dusk we reached englefield island, having made a capital run, with a fresh and fair wind. creeping in the dark, along shore, we at last found shelter for the boats, and formed a snug place amongst the bushes for our tent and fires. one of my boat's crew was ill this day; the first man that had been seriously so, although several had been slightly affected by the muscles and limpets; and one had fits. a draught of hot port wine and winter's-bark, certainly seemed to be an efficient medicine for the slighter complaints. "25th. blowing strong from the westward, with much rain. i forced a way, with much difficulty, among thick bushes, to the top of the island, and when i got there found, to my mortification, that by no possible contrivance could i see round, for i was encompassed by lofty trees of nearly equal height. "26th. we crossed over to the east shore: the temperature of {235} the water, between englefield island and the nearest land, one foot beneath the surface, was 42°; the air at the same time being 38°. while the sea water preserves this temperature, it must tend much to moderate the severity of cold, one would naturally expect in this latitude, near so many snow-covered mountains. we arrived at the point of islets, soon after sunset, on the 27th. "28th. almost every night i observed that the wind subsided soon after sunset, the clouds passed away, and the first part of the night was very fine; but that, towards morning, wind and clouds generally succeeded. from point of islets, we sailed southward; and were again close to the mountains: from whose appearance at this spot, no one would suppose that any passage lay between them; so intricate and winding are the channels. "i was sorry to leave the open country, behind me; but time pressed; and there was yet much to do with our loaded boats, which could not make very great progress in the short daylight afforded by this season. after passing bennett island the land became rugged, and mountainous on each side, covered, however, with wood and vegetation wherever it could grow; and we were again in the magalhaenic regions. "this day i examined as much of the west side of the channel, as time would allow, and reached corona creek at about eight o'clock. what i called the sugar loaf must be the corona island of cordova's officers; for at some distance it looks somewhat like a crown. it is singular that they inserted (in their chart) an island near their corona, which cannot be distinguished from the main-land, until one is within two miles of it; and as at that distance the otway water is plainly visible, must they not have seen the opening? tired of their job, did they return without prosecuting the discovery, or was the weather too thick to see far? their description of the jerome channel, leads to the supposition of a continual current setting through in one direction, instead of a regular ebb and flood; and the surest sign of a passage between places in tierra del fuego, is a current or stream. {236} many large inlets and sounds look like channels; but on going a short distance into them, you find dead water. "29th. we passed through jerome channel, and reached the bar, off bachelor river, after dark; but the cutter got aground, and gave us some trouble to float her again. afterwards one of the men was landed on the bar, and by his walking in the deepest water, and the whale-boat going next, we got into the little river at nine o'clock, not sorry to be in safety. there are tide races between the jerome channel, and bachelor river, which are sometimes dangerous; but as the breeze was moderate, we passed them without difficulty. "may 30th. employed chiefly in stowing the cutter afresh, packing specimens, and preparing my boat to take what remained of our provisions. at two next morning, when the tide served, mr. stokes set out to return to the beagle: and having both wind and tide in his favour arrived early at port gallant. "the wind increased after daylight, and blew strong, with squalls. i waited a short time, but, having no hopes of its improving, left the river. my boat was much lumbered, having the chronometer-box, and more instruments than before; yet she pulled pretty well, even against the heavy squalls. after landing at the west side of the entrance to the jerome channel, to take bearings and angles, we pulled along shore to the westward, and at dark hauled the boat up in a small sheltered corner. after she was secured, we employed ourselves looking for limpets and muscles for supper, by the light of a lanthorn, as we had good appetites, and our provisions were scanty. "june 1st. we pulled along shore against a strong and squally wind, and before evening nearly reached cape quod; but not being able to pass it, stopped in a cove on the east side. "2d. at the oars again, early, having a fine clear morning, with the tide rather in our favour. by eleven, cape quod was astern of us; and a long view of the strait presented itself. this part is very rugged and barren, and looks triste, indeed; still wherever a tree can take root it tries to grow. this night was passed on a small island at the west point of snowy sound. {237} "3d. we began at daylight, and worked, from point to point, up the sound, thinking it a channel. two good anchorages were found on the west side, but none on the east, except a trifling cove between the little island and the land, which would only shelter a small vessel. the night was passed on an island five miles within the sound. it rained hard for an hour before we landed, and all the night afterwards. our rest was not the most satisfactory, as the ground was wet and swampy. "two of the boat's crew got into a hole under a tree thinking they should be warm; but in the middle of the night they complained of not being able to get up, and of being half frozen. "4th. the rain ceased at times this morning, but the wind continued. after going to the top of an island, we pulled and sailed onwards, not having a doubt of soon getting into whale sound. at noon, the passage appeared suspiciously small; yet i could not doubt the fine large opening laid down in our old charts, and proceeded until the shore made a sudden turn, when, to my astonishment, i saw a high black cliff stopping farther progress. after a hearty growl, we turned back, and landed to look for a sleeping place. not a spot could we find that was not wet like a sponge; but night was closing in, and obliged us to stay where we were. it was bitterly cold, all of us were wet through, the ground was a mere swamp, we could not get a fire to burn, and the frost was sharp. "after daylight on the 5th, we succeeded in making a large fire, and spent two hours drying our clothes and warming ourselves. in order to lighten the boat, no one carried more clothes, since leaving the cutter, than those he wore, except one shirt. we hastened back towards charles island, passing some very remarkable glaciers, one of which looked like an enormous frozen river, covering the whole side of a mountain. many portions were of a transparent blue colour, which, contrasted with the snowy whiteness of others, and with the dark shadows of bare rocky places, had a very striking effect. at noon, we passed out of the sound, and steered for charles island, with a {238} light breeze in our favour. seeing a canoe coming across, we made towards it, and found a wretched-looking family, consisting of a man, his wife, and three children, with some small dogs, seemingly more miserable than their owners. a few wooden-headed spears were all the property they possessed, excepting the worn-out skins thrown over their shoulders. the man sold me a little dog for a bit of tobacco, and afterwards wanted to have him again, because his wife would not consent to the bargain. however, i kept the dog, and they began to abuse us in right earnest, the woman alternately crying and scolding, and the man apparently calling on the wind and water to destroy us. his gestures were very expressive and animated. i was surprised to see so much feeling for a wretched little half-starved puppy, and made them happy by returning him, without asking for the tobacco. "el morrion(p) (the helmet) was certainly an excellent name for the promontory we passed this day. it reminded me of the 'castle of otranto.' "we reached a small islet, at the west point of charles bay, and passed a good night on the top of a bare rock. so often had we slept in wet places, that a dry, though stony berth, was thought very comfortable. the boat's two sails, oars, and boat-hook, formed our tent. "6th. we left the islet as soon after day-light as we could get breakfast, and take the required bearings and angles; went into spot cove, thence crossed to charles island, and to the narrow opening between it and the nearest land. ulloa's memory can no longer be preserved here in an island, though it may in a peninsula. this small channel is narrow, and has a strong tide setting through it. there is anchorage all the way, though generally over a rocky bottom, and it is navigable for small vessels: its average width is a quarter of a mile, and its length about three miles. for a boat going westward through the strait, it is far preferable to the regular channel. two old fuegians were living here, a man and a woman. "when in whale sound, appearances were such that had i {239} not been to the bottom of snowy sound, i should have thought they joined. after going far enough, to see quite to the end, we returned, hauled the boat on a shingle beach, and secured her for the time. when a bit of shingle beach could be found, it was a prize; for on it we could always make a good tent, and have a dry bed, besides hauling the boat up easily. there is a greater rise and fall of tide here, than at the other side of charles island, being not less than seven or eight feet, at springs. during the night, a dog stole a small piece of pork, which we had reserved for our last dinner; and, until his track was discovered, there was no little distrust among our party. "whale sound is a large and deep inlet, ending in a valley between mountains. on the south side, a vessel may anchor in one place, at the west side of last harbour; but there, though the harbour appears large, the anchorage is small, and close to the shore. we pulled and sailed along the south shore, landing occasionally to take bearings, until we reached choiseul bay, and in a cove, at its west side, we passed the night. this is a place no ship need approach: it is a large, deceiving bay, full of islets and patches of kelp, under which, probably, there are rocks, and between the islets the water is deep and unfit for anchorage. the temperature of the sea this day, in the middle of the sound, one foot below the surface, was 45°. "8th. as it rained heavily, we remained under such shelter as we could obtain; and prepared for our return to the beagle, by making use of the only razor we had. when the rain ceased, we left the cove and sailed across to port gallant, with a fresh breeze. the smoke of natives' fires was seen near the entrance of the barbara channel; and on prince island, where we stopped a few minutes, the first man seen had on an old pair of sailor's trowsers, which he had obtained from the beagle, tied round his legs in six places. the wigwam these people were living in was not half covered: both wind and rain passed through it. how they bear the cold is surprising, being without clothes: one minute sitting close to the fire, and the next perhaps up to the waist in water, getting muscles or sea-eggs. the women dive for sea-eggs, even in the middle of winter; {240} but the water is never very cold (42° to 44°).(q) in the afternoon we saw the beagle's mast-heads, and soon afterwards arrived on board, and enjoyed the happiness of finding all hands well, and every thing ready for farther progress. lieutenant kempe had turned the few hours of light, each day afforded, to the best account. those who have had the care of ships in remote places, will know my feelings at finding all as it should be, after a long absence, in a country little known. not a man had been ill; and the weather had been very tolerable compared with what was expected. there was less snow on the mountains than when i left port gallant early in may. one thing only disappointed me,--the adelaide had not arrived. it was past the time appointed for her, but she might have found much more to do than was expected, or might have been obliged to return by the magdalen, instead of coming through the barbara channel. "during my absence, two sealing vessels had been at port gallant, on their way through the strait. from one (an american), which arrived on the 7th of may from staten land, information was received that the adventure had not been there. the chanticleer had remained some time, but had sailed for the cape of good hope. the master of the american had a brother staying with a boat's crew in staten land, during the whole of april, who would probably have seen the adventure, had she called. the other was mr. cutler's vessel, the uxor, bound to the united states; he had been through a channel which leads from the gulf of trinidad to cape tamar, and spoke well of it; but could give no drawing, nor precise information; having passed through rapidly. "lieutenant kempe had been at the summit of the mountain de la cruz, and left a memorial. no rare animals had been seen, nor any new birds. small fish were still caught with hook and line, but very few with the seine. "i never was fully aware of the comfort of a bed until this {241} night. not even a frost-bitten foot could prevent me from sleeping soundly for the first time during many nights. "9th. at one o'clock this day, i heard an exclamation of 'the schooner!' and soon saw her standing across from the barbara channel with a fair wind. before she anchored in port gallant, i went on board, and, to my joy, found lieutenants skyring and graves, and all their companions well, having thoroughly completed the work they had to perform, without loss, or even an accident. the difficulty of their task was increased by very bad weather; but they succeeded in tracing and surveying the magdalen channel to its junction with the sea, and thence returned by the barbara channel to port gallant; carrying on a regular chain of triangles, and connecting their work with points previously fixed in the strait of magalhaens. a multitude of small islands, and much bad weather, detained them longer than was expected. "while lieutenants skyring and graves, assisted by mr. kirke, were employed surveying, mr. bynoe collected geological and other specimens.[129] "11th. we had nearly reached the shortest day; the sun did not rise above the hills until past eleven; it disappeared again before two (the land being less high towards the n.w.), and even in those three hours was seldom visible. "12th. finding that lieutenant skyring agreed with me in thinking that the channel from cape tamar to the gulf of trinidad might be surveyed by the adelaide, in her way to san carlos de chilóe, i resolved to send him and lieutenant graves on that service, hoping that it would lead to the discovery of a passage into the skyring water, and give vessels another way of getting into or out of the strait, should thick weather or adverse winds oppose them in the usual channel. "in making this arrangement there was much to be considered. as i had received no orders from captain king to employ the adelaide in surveying, after her return from the magdalen channel; and as i had been desired to repair, with her, to san carlos, in chilóe, during which voyage lieutenant {242} skyring was to be on board his own vessel, the beagle, it would be incurring considerable responsibility, to order a new piece of service to be undertaken, which might not be successful; and would require officers, men, a boat, provisions, and stores from the beagle. "i did not doubt that the measure would be approved by captain king, because he had discussed the feasibility of such a plan with me, and had expressed a wish that it should be tried; but as i had not received any orders, i could not decide without anxiety. "another, though a minor difficulty, arose from sending lieutenant skyring in command of the adelaide, over lieutenant graves, her proper commander, who had expected to take her to chilóe, and was quite competent to undertake this or any other service in which she might be employed. both these officers excelled in their professional duties; but skyring had been on the western coasts of patagonia before, and was the senior. "much to the credit of lieutenant graves, he removed one weight, by volunteering to go any where i thought proper to direct, either alone or with lieutenant skyring, and the necessary orders were forthwith given. (see appendix). mr. kirke was again to form one of their party, as well as mr. bynoe, who exchanged temporarily with mr. park. the beagle's whale-boat was also lent, with five able seamen to man her; and good care was taken that nothing the ship could give should be wanting in their outfit for a service which, at that time of year, must be severe and tedious. "anchors and cables, hawsers and kedges, were abundantly supplied, because in warping into unknown places, or anchoring hastily, many an anchor is unavoidably broken or lost. "the boat's crew, who had been away with the adelaide, and were going in her again, were supplied with extra clothing at the expense of government, the wear and tear of their clothes having been far beyond what they could be expected to make good out of their pay. {243} "as an instance, i may mention, that a careful north countryman carried with him, when he left the beagle, two new pair of shoes (besides those on his feet), and three pair of new stockings: but brought back only a ragged pair of stockings and the remains of one shoe. the others had been fairly worn out, or lost, in scrambling over rocks and ascending mountains. "one height ascended by lieutenant skyring was so steep, that the men were obliged to pass the instruments from one to another, at a great risk of their own lives; and when they reached the summit, the wind was so strong, that a heavy theodolite and stand, firmly placed, was blown over; and even a kater's compass could scarcely be used. "with good clothing and provisions, weather may be almost defied, and work may be done at the less unfavourable times; but without them, ill-humour and ill-health must inevitably appear in such a climate as this. "14th, sunday. i had the satisfaction of keeping this day in a proper manner, for the first time since we entered the strait. so much had depended upon employing every minute of our time while the weather would allow, that there had been little distinction of days. "17th. the morning being fine, with not much wind, though a sharp frost, i left the ship with mr. murray and four men, and landed in fortescue bay, intending to ascend the mountain 'de la cruz,' if the snow and ice did not prevent me. "on the beach, close to the water, i suspended the mountain barometer, and let it remain half an hour before we began the ascent, which, from the snow lying so deep, was troublesome; for at one step a hard rock received one's foot, and at the next, perhaps, a deep hole amongst broken trees. sometimes we tumbled head foremost into soft snow, slightly covering rotten mossy boughs and swampy ground; and at others, slipped between the concealed trunks of trees, which, though much decayed, were hard enough to cause many a bruise. each movement of our arms or legs shook down a shower of snow from the trees, among which we were forcing our way. "at noon we gained the part that is clear of wood, but {244} so very steep and slippery was the summit, that we were obliged to go on our hands and knees, forcing them as deeply into the snow as possible, to avoid sliding down again. the highest point is not visible from port gallant. "while i took angles with the theodolite, the seamen made a fire. it was well we carried some fuel and a tinder-box, with a sheet of copper, upon which to kindle it; for without a fire we should have been quite numbed. standing in one place for two hours, after being much warmed by exertion, made us more sensible of the cold. the highest spot is but a few yards wide, and by barometrical measurement is 2,280 feet above the sea.[130] the height is, in truth, small; but as the mountain is so steep, and rises so abruptly from the sea, it appears considerable. "when we had finished our observations with the barometer and theodolite, we deposited a memorial, containing a list of the officers and crews of the beagle and adelaide--an account of the object of their voyage, how far it had succeeded, and where we were going--and a collection of coins, well-soldered up in a tin case--upon the bare rock; and made a great pile of stones over it. "having again examined the barometer, we began to descend; for the sun disappearing behind the distant mountains, warned us that it was time to return. we had enjoyed a magnificent view on all sides, and were reluctant to leave our station. in descending, we made rapid progress at first, sliding many yards together down the soft snow; but, by the time we reached the woody part, it was getting dark, and having foolishly tried to return by a straight line, instead of going round, we found steep cliffs, and ravines covered with rotten trees, which perplexed us exceedingly. darkness, and the deep snow, much increased our dilemma; yet we could not resist laughing heartily at the ludicrous scrapes some of the party got into: one man was rather a-head, looking for a way to descend a steep place, when the snow slipped from under him, and down he went, about eighty feet, partly sliding, {245} partly falling, but quite against his consent. what he did by accident, we were obliged to do, because there was no alternative; so away we slid, one after another, like so many sledges upon russian ice-hills, holding the instruments as we could, by one hand, while the other was employed to check or steady us. with a little more of this sort of work, and some struggling through the wood at the bottom, we reached the shore, where a boat was waiting for us, and at about eight arrived on board, in a half-wet, half-frozen condition.[131] "19th. every thing was brought on board, the ship unmoored, and all made ready for our departure next morning. "20th. sailed from port gallant, leaving the adelaide to rate her chronometers, and rejoin us before leaving the strait. in the evening we anchored in elizabeth bay, after a severe day's struggle against a strong and contrary wind, with much rain. "21st. blowing hard again this morning from the n.w., with a great deal of rain. weighed and made sail under reefed courses and treble reefed topsails, but the wind and tide were more than a match for us, so we stood across into whale sound, and worked up under the lee of carlos island, finding the tide there rather in our favour. the 'williwaws' (i know no better name for the sudden gusts that come off the high land) gave us some trouble, occasionally laying us almost on our beam ends. at half past two i was induced to anchor under the lee of the south-east extremity of carlos island, and thought our day's work was repaid by a snug position close to a weather-shore, besides having made some little progress; but after dark the wind became more violent, and a williwaw drove us out into deep water. we set the storm sails, which, with the weather-tide, known to be then making strongly, i hoped would take her a-head sufficiently to clear rupert island (lying under our lee), and all hands then went to the capstan; but while heaving-in the cable, our bower anchor again caught the ground and brought us up. we veered away cable {246} directly, let go another anchor, and rode out the rest of the gale, which was extremely violent, without driving. "the instant our anchor caught, i knew we must be on a ridge, of which lieut. skyring had spoken to me, lying between rupert and carlos islands, across which the tide makes strongly, at the rate of about three knots. rupert island was still under our lee, distant less than half a mile. "22d. blowing hard and raining. at 9 a.m. it cleared and moderated, but so strong a tide set past us, to the south, that we could not attempt to weigh. it differs here from that in mid-channel by two hours, which may much assist a vessel if she manages so as to take eight hours tide in her favour. "at eleven we unmoored, and got ready for moving at the turn of tide.[132] at one we weighed and made sail with a moderate wind from n.w., and by keeping close to carlos island, and making short boards, we had a weather-tide, while in the fairway of the strait the stream was running to the s.e. we anchored in bachelor's bay (or york roads), choosing an outside berth in order to have more room to weigh again and work with the morning tide. it blew hard in the night, but we rode securely, although the tide ran at least three knots where we were. "23d. we started and worked to the westward, and at nine were abreast of borja bay; but by trying for too much, nearly lost all that we had gained, for in standing across from the bay, hoping to weather cape quod, the flood tide took us so strongly, that it cost three hours close working to get to an anchor even in borja bay. we had rain and sleet continually through the day, and it blew hard at night, but as plenty of chain was out, the topsails and courses were close reefed, and the top-gallant masts on deck, we were ready for anything. "24th. heavy squalls, with almost constant rain, prevented our moving westward, and similar weather continued throughout the day, becoming worse at night. had we had plenty of provisions i should not have minded this delay, because we might have remained at anchor till it was over; but so much {247} had been said about the difficulty sometimes found in working through the strait, that it concerned us greatly not to lose a chance of making progress. during this night the squalls were very heavy. the holding ground must have been excellent, for williwaws drove the ship from one side to the other as if she had been a chip upon the water. "26th. weighed this morning, weathered cape quod, and worked to the westward, the weather having cleared and become very fine. the part where most tide is felt was then past. cape quod projects so far south that the strait is there extremely narrow, and though very deep, has a strong tide. "27th. at daylight we found ourselves to windward of marian's cove. looking eastward upon the land about cape quod, it has a very bleak and rugged appearance. the almost perennial west winds prevent vegetation from growing on the heights exposed to their action. hence the desolate look of the western shores of tierra del fuego. we saw a sail beyond cape notch, and, just before we moored, close to the shore in half-port cove, we made her out to be the adelaide. "28th. a bad morning, snowy and blowing, but the wind being moderate between the squalls, i went in a whale boat to examine the gulf of xaultegua, and pulled along the south shore towards cape monday. having gained some distance to windward, while the snow was so thick it was impossible to see the shore, we made sail across the strait, and hit the place within a cable's length. when the snow ceased falling, we saw a large space of water before us, the land opposite being at least five miles distant. we sailed towards a strange looking islet in the middle of the gulf, very similar to the old mouldering figures of the fabled sphinx, but the snow becoming again almost incessant, only allowing us to see our way at intervals, while the wind was too strong for even a close reefed sail, we landed, and hauled the boat up on an island. i was in hopes of finding an opening which would lead me to the skyring water; and my boat's crew, being almost as eager as i was, cared little for the wind or snow. this night we made a larger tent than usual, with a top-gallant studding sail, and {248} the consequence was, we were extremely cold, as there was a sharp frost, and the snow was lying every where very deep. next night we were wiser, and reduced our tent to the smallest dimensions. "29th. early in the morning we resumed our search. i had a chronometer with me, but as we never saw the sun, nor even a star, i should have been as well without it. we pulled and sailed towards the northernmost corner first, but found no opening, and went thence to the eastward, with a strong and favourable breeze. passing still-hope point i felt sure of finding a passage, for before me were the tops of mountains seen from the otway water. i was, however, deceived, the gulf ended in two bights, or inlets, unconnected with other waters: so we returned to still-hope point and hauled up the boat. the night passed very well, in a snug place among trees, although the snow was falling thickly. early next morning we left the shore, having employed a quarter of an hour in clearing the snow out of our boat. when we started, it snowed fast but without wind, and we steered by compass for the sphinx. i sketched what i could see of the south side of this gulf, but did not consider it worth delaying longer, in such weather, for so unimportant a place, while anxious that the beagle should reach chilóe before her provisions were expended, and that i should fall in with the adelaide before leaving the strait. if ever a minute survey is made of this gulf, it should be after all others have been examined, as it is utterly useless. the temperature of the water within it we found to be 40° fahr. we landed on st. anne's island, having run near thirty miles since the morning, and thence we sailed across the strait, reached his majesty's little vessel, and found that the adelaide had not yet passed by. all looked cold and wintry, every thing being covered with snow; and our sails were hard frozen, for the first time. "july 1st. after beating loose the sails, we stood out in the ship to meet the adelaide, which was seen coming towards us. i went on board, and found every one well. they too, in attempting to anchor off carlos island, had, like ourselves, been driven {249} out: we compared chronometers, and supplied her with a few things not thought of before (keeping under all sail meanwhile to profit by an easterly wind); and the beagle's officers lent the adelaide their own stove. "in the afternoon, we parted company; the adelaide stood towards upright bay, and anchored at dusk, while we steered out of the strait, with a freshening breeze from the east, which increased much as we made westing. at midnight, we were in the pacific, and all our anxiety about weeks of beating to windward upon short allowance of provisions, vanished as quickly as the land astern. the glass falling, with the wind in the s.e. quarter, foretold unusually bad weather; we therefore shortened sail by degrees, making all secure. "2d. at six o'clock in the morning, it was blowing a gale of wind, with so much sea, that it was necessary to steer right before it,--or heave-to,--which with a fair wind was not preferable; and we found the vessel scud extremely well, under close reefed fore and main topsails, and double reefed foresail. our quarter boats caused anxiety, for the davits were low, and at every lurch the boats were risked. frequently they dipped in the sea, and sometimes were half filled; but they hung fast till by a moment's neglect of the steerage, a sea broke over the whale-boat, and carried her away. the other, being much smaller and stronger, held on well, though frequently under water. towards midnight the gale broke; by the next morning the weather was more moderate; and from that time it continued fine, until our arrival at chilóe. "on the 5th, at daylight, we saw land at a great distance, which afterwards proved to be the island of guafo, and in the afternoon the south end of chilóe was seen. "on the 8th, we were working towards the port of san carlos, being off point huapilacuy, and next day (9th) anchored in the port of san carlos, which seemed to be well sheltered by a country, the appearance of which was very agreeable when contrasted with that of tierra del fuego. "the town reminded me of a cornish village. i thought, from their appearance and colour, that the houses were built {250} of stone, and roofed with slate; but afterwards found they were of wood, from their foundations, to the tops of their roofs. except a few cleared spaces, the island is entirely covered with trees, even on the highest hills. the captain of the port (an englishman) boarded us as we neared the anchorage, and was very obliging in his offers. from him i learnt that the adventure had not yet arrived, nor even been heard of on the coast. we anchored under the lee of barcacura heights, in a good berth, and moored ship. i went on shore immediately, and paid my respects to the governor, don josé santiago aldunate, a brigadier-general in the chilian service, whose kind manner, and friendly offers of every assistance he could render us, were very gratifying. from the master of a merchant ship, lately arrived, i was surprised and concerned to learn, that the adventure had not reached valparaiso before the time of his sailing thence (20th of june).[133] "refitting the beagle, repairing and building boats, occupied most of the officers, and all the crew, while mr. stokes and i were engaged in the work of the survey, during our stay in the port of san carlos. our ship required caulking, which, in so rainy a climate, was difficult to accomplish. so continually wet was the weather, that had we not dried our sails, and unbent them, during three fine days which we had(r) on our arrival, they would not have been dry during our stay." * * * * * {251} chapter xv. extracts from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves--magdalen channel--keats sound--mount sarmiento--barrow head--cockburn channel- prevalence of south-west winds--melville sound--ascent of mount skyring- memorial--cockburn and barbara channels--mass of islets and rocks--hewett bay--cypress trees useful--adelaide rejoins beagle in port gallant- captain king's narrative resumed--plan of future proceedings--adelaide arrives at chilóe--abstract of lieutenant skyring's account of her proceedings--smyth channel--mount burney--'ancon sin salida'--natives- kirke narrows--guia narrows--peculiar tides--indians in plank canoes- passage to chilóe. the extracts from captain fitz roy's first journal being ended, i shall now give some passages from the journals of lieutenants skyring and graves, while employed in the adelaide, exploring and surveying the magdalen and barbara channels. the reader will remember, that the adelaide parted company with the beagle, at the entrance of the magdalen channel, on the 19th of april; and steered to the southward under the direction of lieutenant skyring. lieutenant graves says:-"the east and west shores of the magdalen channel run nearly parallel to each other: but the east side is broken by a large opening, named keats sound, which runs into the land for eight miles, and appears very like a channel.(s) "at the s.w. angle of the magdalen channel stands mount sarmiento: the most conspicuous, and the most splendid object in these regions. rising abruptly from the sea, to a height of about 7,000 feet, it terminates in two sharp peaks, which seem absolutely in the sky: so lofty does the mountain appear, when you are close to its base. {252} "two thirds of the height are covered with snow; and two enormous glaciers descend into the deep blue waters of the sea beneath. when the sun shines, it is a most brilliant and magnificent sight. "many days were almost lost to us, in consequence of heavy gales, accompanied by torrents of rain; but we profited by intervals of fine weather to move from cove to cove. "on the 5th of may, while working out of stormy bay, we grounded, and remained fixed upon a rock several hours, but were lifted off again by the next tide, without having sustained material injury. "to vessels navigating this channel, i should strongly recommend giving a preference to the south shore, where there are many openings, and i have no doubt good anchorages, which, as our time was limited, and the weather very tempestuous, we had not an opportunity of examining. if any such exist they would have a decided advantage over those on the north shore, from being generally to windward, and therefore easy to leave, as well as more secure. king and fitz roy islands, lying in mid-channel, between stormy and park bays, are of bold approach, as are also the kirke rocks, which lie further to the s.w. "one morning, being anxious to obtain a more secure situation for the vessel, we started in search of a better berth, intending, if possible, to reach a bay on the other shore, near barrow head, apparently affording good anchorage; but after beating about, from nine until four o'clock, without being able to reach it, the breeze freshening, and sea increasing, we bore up, and again anchored under the lee of the same island. s.w. winds prevail in these parts throughout the year: in confirmation of which, besides the experience we ourselves have had, all the trees which stand exposed, are bent in an opposite direction; and on the s.w. side of all the land open to that point, not only does the vegetation commence much further from the water's edge, but it is scarcer, and more stunted. in sheltered places the trees grow to within a foot of high-water mark. [illustration: c. martens t. landseer mount sarmiento. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {253} "may 11th. we remained at the above-mentioned anchorage; and while lieutenant skyring was examining a cluster of islands in the vicinity, i obtained observations for the latitude and longitude; and as it was the first fine day, indeed the only one since entering this channel in which we had a fair proportion of sunshine, it was taken advantage of to dry and air all our clothes and bedding, and clean out the vessel thoroughly. "the next anchorage we took, was in a cove just large enough to hold the schooner, at the entrance of dyneley sound, on the north shore. in crossing over, we had a fine view of mount sarmiento; and looking to seaward, from the hill over this cove, the tussac, and the fury rocks, at the entrance of melville sound, which are much resorted to by sealers, were clearly distinguishable. "during our stay here, until may 15th, the neighbouring coast was examined, whenever the weather permitted. we also communicated with several canoes full of indians, but gained no additional information respecting the habits of the natives. "the next start carried us through the islands of melville sound, to an anchorage in a small cove, at the n.e. end of the largest of the magill islands, upon which is mount skyring. having resolved to ascend to the top, as it offered so commanding a view, and was so centrally situated, we remained for that purpose." the weather, for several days, was very unfavourable, and it was not until the 21st, that there was any reasonable prospect of obtaining a view from the summit; when lieutenant skyring and mr. kirke had a most laborious excursion, and the latter was nearly frost-bitten in ascending the mountain; but they were fully recompensed for the trouble and difficulty they had experienced. lieutenant skyring says:-"we gained the summit after three hour's hard travelling. during the last five hundred feet of ascent, the mountain was almost precipitous, and we had the utmost difficulty in passing the instruments from hand to hand. its formation is remarkable, although, i believe, the same structure exists throughout the hills around. the base is a coarse granite, but this solid {254} formation cannot be traced half the height; above is an immense heap of masses of rock, irregularly and wonderfully thrown together, many huge fragments overhanging, with apparently very little hold. this station was the most commanding we had chosen during the survey, and answered well for the object we desired; which being attained, we returned on board, and i rejoiced when all were safe, for it was neither an easy, nor a pleasant enterprise." a document, of which the following is a copy, was enclosed in a bottle and a strong outer case, and left at the summit of the mountain. (copy.) this memorial was left by the officers of h.m. schooner adelaide, while employed on a survey of the magdalen, cockburn, and barbara channels; and any person finding it is requested to leave the original document, and build the pile, under which it is placed, at least six feet higher. signed this 16th day of may 1829, by w. g. skyring, lieut. and assist. surveyor of h.m.s. beagle. thomas graves, lieut. of h.m. schooner adelaide. james kirke, midshipman h.m.s. beagle. alex. millar, master assist. h.m.s. adelaide. benj. bynoe, assist. surgeon h.m.s. beagle. jno. park, assist. surgeon h.m.s. adventure. god save the king. "in the cockburn channel,[134] the flood-tide sets to seaward; {255} but it was not found to be of consequence to a vessel in working through. the rise and fall is not more than six, or at most, eight feet, at spring-tides. "may 22d. we quitted this anchorage; and having worked to the westward, through the adelaide passage, took up a berth in a small bay, two miles and a half to the northward, where we remained during the night, and next morning; then, after examining the neighbouring coast sufficiently to carry on our triangulation, proceeded to an anchorage on the north side of bynoe island. from the summit of this place an extensive view was obtained of the islands in melville sound, as well as of the entrance to the cockburn and barbara channels. such a complicated mass of islands and rocks, i never before saw; to lay them all down correctly would occupy a long time. sufficient, however, has been done to take the navigator through this labyrinth; but i am well aware, that very much is still wanting to complete the survey. "fury and north harbours, of which the former became more particularly known to us from the prince of saxe cobourg having been wrecked there in december 1826, were laid down from an eye-sketch only; but the peaks of the island, and its extremes, were fixed by triangulation.[135] "melville sound is formed by the islands which separate the cockburn from the barbara channels. generally speaking, they, as well as the coasts in the immediate neighbourhood which are exposed to seaward, present a most barren and desolate appearance. "until the 26th of may, we were much occupied among the surrounding islands; but time being short, we took advantage of a southerly wind to run up the barbara channel, and soon reached an anchorage in hewett bay. while securing the vessel, a canoe, containing only a man, woman, and child, and three dogs, was seen coming round the south point of the bay. as they seemed very unwilling to pay us a visit, remaining at a distance, and vociferating as usual, 'ho-say,' 'ho-say!' mr. bynoe and i communicated with them in the dinghy; but {256} finding they had not an article worth bartering for, we soon left them, and returned on board. it was suspected their companions were not far off, and indeed, the day after, lieutenant skyring saw several canoes; but the moment he was discovered, they were beached, and the men, taking to the woods, kept at a distance. "on the 29th, we left hewett bay, and, after threading the needle through a multitude of islands, islets, and small rocks, for more than three miles, reached an anchorage in a small cove, at the north entrance of brown bay, where we were detained, and confined to the vessel, by heavy gales, and stormy weather, until june 2d; when, having a fine day, we reached a spot (marked in the chart as north anchorage) sufficiently secure for a small vessel; but not to be recommended to any other. "between hewett bay, and the above anchorage, there are several rocks, among patches of kelp, which, as they only show themselves at half ebb, or near low water, render the navigation rather intricate. a good maxim in these channels is, 'avoid kelp, and you avoid danger.' forty-three days had passed since we left port famine; and in this interval, i find we had nine favourable days, twelve partially favourable, some hours of which we could employ in the work about which we were engaged, and the remaining twenty-three were days of rain and wind, far too unfavourable to serve our purpose in the least. "june 4th. while turning to windward, we, for the first time, felt the influence of the tide, which, from the channel's narrowing, begins to be sensible: here it was sufficiently strong to prevent our gaining ground in beating to windward, although with a good working breeze; we therefore ran into a bay on the west side, and anchored. the country around had rather a pleasing appearance, the shores being partially covered with the evergreen, and deciduous-leaved beech, and a few stunted cypress-trees. these last are serviceable for boat-hook spars, or boats' masts; and, when seasoned, work up very smoothly, and wear well: the beech-trees do not equal those found further northward in the strait, except here and there in sheltered corners. {257} "with a leading wind, the next morning, we reached the south narrows of the barbara channel, through which we were carried by a strong tide, and anchored in bedford bay. "here, as well as throughout the barbara channel, the flood tide sets to the southward. we obtained at this place angles which connected our triangulation with points fixed by captain king during the previous year, and finished our examination of these channels within a very few days of the time allotted. "on the 8th of june we attempted to pass through the shag narrows, but not saving the tide, were obliged to anchor for the night in field bay, which is small and much exposed to southerly winds; the bank also is very abrupt, and the water is deep close to the shore. "on the 9th we succeeded in clearing the narrows, and reached port gallant early in the afternoon, where we rejoined the beagle." having given these brief extracts from journals kept on board the beagle and adelaide, during the time occupied by the adventure about cape horn, or on her way to chilóe, i will resume my own narrative. as it was my intention to remain at this port[136] until the beagle and adelaide were equipped, the adventure was made snug, and, by way of relaxation, such of the officers as could be spared from the duties of the ship, resided in turns at the town, where also the ship's company had frequently permission to amuse themselves. the hoxsley schooner arrived from valparaiso and brought me letters from the admiralty, acquiescing in my request to return to england direct, instead of proceeding by way of new south wales and the cape of good hope, as was originally intended. i therefore determined to return to valparaiso as soon as our consorts had taken their departure, proceed thence to port famine, where we were to be joined by the adelaide, and afterwards repair to rio de janeiro to await the beagle's arrival, when we should sail for england. {258} on the 20th of september my anxiety for the adelaide was relieved by her appearance, and by finding all on board her in good health. she had gone up the coast by the channels that communicate with the strait of magalhaens at beaufort bay, passing inside of hanover island and madre de dios; and lieut. skyring gave me a very interesting account of their discoveries, of which the following is an abstract. it will be remembered that the beagle left the adelaide at anchor under cape upright. while there the wind freshened up from the eastward, and threw a swell into the bay, which rendered the anchorage very unsafe, as the schooner's stern was in the foam of the sea that broke on the rocky shore close to her. much anxiety was felt for their safety, but the anchors held well. as soon as the weather permitted they sailed, entered beaufort bay, and steered towards a deep opening to the eastward of cape phillip, into which they ran with a steady s.e. wind, and found an anchorage on the west side in deep harbour. on the 5th of july lieut. skyring and mr. kirke were absent in a whaleboat, exploring a deep opening eastward of cape tamar, which they found to terminate in two sounds, named by them icy sound and glacier bay; the first from its being covered with a sheet of ice, and the latter from its being full of large masses which had been detached from an extensive glacier occupying the bottom of the bay. the examination of this opening was made in search of a channel, through which, vessels had entered the strait, and the schooner was to proceed to her rendezvous. the result proved that the adelaide was already in the channel they were looking for, therefore they returned on board, and proceeded (7th) to the northward. in passing mount joy a strong tide was observed, the certain indication of a channel; for, as has been before remarked, within sounds the tide has no perceptible stream. to gain a better knowledge of their way they anchored early in good's bay; the course of the channel, from the intersection of points, and intervention of islands, being by no means distinct. lieut. graves made a plan of the bay, while {259} lieut. skyring, and his assistant,[137] completed the survey of the entrance to the passage, which was named smyth channel, as a compliment to capt. w. h. smyth, r. n., under whom, while surveying the mediterranean, both lieuts. skyring and graves had served. the best channel they found to the eastward of renouard island, and the adelaide took that course, but stopped a night in a small cove on the eastern side of the island, and in passing shoal island next day struck on a rock; she was got off however without injury, and anchored afterwards, for a night, on the north side of the island of the narrows. the two following days (10th and 11th) were spent in examining the coast, and exploring clapperton inlet, which had the appearance of being a channel. from the hills at the bottom lieut. skyring noticed a considerable tract of low land and open plain, extending to the northward. on the 12th, being sunday, they remained quiet, and on the 13th the weather was so calm that they only reached hose harbour, on the east side; and the next day oake bay. thence crossing the channel in a whaleboat they explored some distance along that shore; and on the 15th anchored in otter bay. this slow progress was unavoidable, owing to the calm state of the weather, and to the survey being principally, if not entirely, carried on in boats. on the 16th the schooner was towed onwards, and passing over an extensive shoal flat of three fathoms, reached the summer islands, where she might have stopped, but, as the tide was still favourable, she proceeded to an anchorage under long island, the most northern in the elson group. the eastern shore of the channel was there very different in character from what they had so long been accustomed to, being nearly level; and, extending for some distance off every low point, there was shoal water. for some days a lofty mountain, covered with snow, had been in sight; which, by angular measurement, proved to {260} be 5,800 feet in height. it was named mount burney, in compliment to the admiral. on the 17th the adelaide reached fortune bay, situated at the east extreme of a headland, on each side of which is a channel, leading, apparently, towards cape isabel. the northern seemed to be the principal one, and therefore was followed next day (18th) as far as welcome bay. continuing the survey onwards they reached victory passage, which they entered, thinking they were in the mouth of the 'ancon sin salida,' as laid down from sarmiento's journal by admiral burney. the weather, however, became so bad, that they were obliged to take shelter in island bay, and the next day the wind setting in from the eastward, they gave up, for a time, their search for the 'ancon sin salida,' and proceeded by smyth channel, as far as hamper bay, where they were again detained by bad weather. here a few rock fish were caught, but at no other time during this cruise were the fishermen successful, although the channel was so filled by porpoises and seals, that it is probably well stocked with fish at the proper season: and there are many places where the seine might be shot. proceeding slowly on the 25th, the adelaide struck on a rock, and remained fast for a few hours, but as the tide rose she swung off without damage. upon examining rocky bay they found it a complete bed of rocks; yet, bad as it was, the adelaide was obliged to remain there five days, owing to the tempestuous state of the weather. on the 30th they reached the north end of smyth channel, and anchored in narrow creek. on the 31st lieut. skyring went to a remarkable hill, which he called mount trafalgar, but thought it might have been the 'monte trigo'[138] of sarmiento, so much did its appearance remind him of a corn stack. the day was most favourable: a round of angles, and an extensive view down lord nelson's strait, were obtained from the summit. they remained on an island all night, sheltered by the boat, and next morning went to two points, called by sarmiento 'oueste,' and 'mas {261} al oueste,' (west and more west,) returning to the adelaide in the evening. the following morning was fine, and the adelaide moved out of smyth channel, the survey of which was completed very satisfactorily, although their progress was slow, owing to constant northerly winds. by towing the adelaide during tedious calms, they reached montague bay in the evening, and next day anchored in relief harbour, on the s.w. side of vancouver island. as it was evident that the 'ancon sin salida' was within piazzi and ceres islands, up the west coasts of which they had passed, lieut. skyring left the schooner moored in relief harbour, and proceeded, on the 4th august, to the southward, in a whale-boat with mr. kirke; but he took no more than a week's provisions, that time being all he could devote to this exploration. the 4th, 5th, and 6th, lieutenant skyring employed in pulling or sailing to the southward and eastward, through winding and intricate passages; although strong winds and much heavy rain annoyed him, and impeded his progress. on the 7th the weather was much more favourable than it had lately been. the boat pulled and sailed to the southward, and at noon lieutenant skyring ascended a height,[139] having on each side of it a deep opening, but he was disappointed in the view; and, after taking bearings, pulled round the adjacent bights, one of which was exactly opposite artist bay, in smyth channel, and so near it that the two waters were only separated by a few hundred yards;[140] the other,[141] eastward of the height, was large, and closed at the bottom by very low lands. it was directly supposed to be the 'ancon sin salida;'[142] but sarmiento's description, and the chart compiled by burney, {262} were insufficient to enable them to decide with any degree of certainty. after looking round this bay, they continued to the eastward, and passed a point beyond which there was apparently a wide channel; having run about six miles down it without discovering any termination, they hauled their boat up on the beach for the night. on the 8th, two canoes were noticed on the west shore; but seeing strangers the natives, apparently much frightened, all landed, except an old man; and taking with them what they most valued, hid themselves among the brush-wood, leaving their canoes fastened to the sea-weed. by some fuegian words of invitation, the men were, however, induced to approach and traffic, receiving for their otter skins whatever could be spared. in appearance and manner these indians were exactly similar to the fuegians; and by their canoes only, which were built of planks, could they be distinguished as belonging to another tribe. after leaving the natives, the boat passed cape earnest, and lieutenant skyring observed a wide channel leading north and then n.n.w.;[143] also, another opening to the eastward. the wind being easterly, he ran some distance to the northward, to gain more knowledge of the first inlet; and having gone ten or twelve miles from cape earnest, and observing the opening for eight miles beyond to be as wide as where they then were, he concluded it to be a channel, or else a deep sound terminated by low land, for there was evidently a division in {263} the mountains, such as to justify this belief. returning, they entered the smaller opening to the eastward, and were almost assured of its being a channel; for when they were between the points, many porpoises and seals were observed, and a tide was found setting westward, at the rate of two knots. at dark, they hauled their boat on the beach of an excellent bay, at the north side of the narrow reach, and secured her for the night. on the 9th, shortly after daylight, they set out in a n.e. direction to ascertain the truth of their supposition; and before noon knew, beyond a doubt, that they were correct in their belief, being in the narrows of a channel before unknown, that had eluded sarmiento's notice. these narrows, which lieutenant skyring felt assured would lead to a large opening, were upwards of three miles in length, and generally about one-third of a mile in breadth. a strong tide took the boat through; and at the n.e. extremity, where the narrows were reduced to four hundred yards in width, the water, although a neap-tide, rushed at the rate of four knots, forming whirling eddies, which were carefully avoided by lieutenant skyring. at spring-tide, the strength of these rapids would probably not be less than seven knots. having passed through them, a clear channel was seen, upwards of two miles wide, running to the n.b.e. for, at least, eight miles, and then turning directly eastward, between moderately high land. another channel, nearly a mile and a half wide, trended to the s.e. for two or three miles, and then also turned to the eastward. here they stopped. lieutenant skyring regretted extremely not being able to prosecute the discovery, and have one more view from the eastern point of the n.e. channel; but as only one day's provisions remained, it would have been imprudent to delay his return. it was evident, that they had passed through the range of the cordilleras,[144] for to the eastward the country appeared totally different, the highest hill not being above seven hundred feet. the opening to the n.e. was thought to communicate with the 'waters' lately discovered by captain fitz roy. the latitude {264} was obtained on point return; and in the afternoon, reluctantly but anxiously, they retraced their way, and passed that night at their former quarters, in whale-boat bay. on the 10th, at daylight, they proceeded on their return. the wind was fair until they reached cape earnest, when it drew right against them; and they had the unpleasant prospect of a tedious pull to the schooner, with very little provision. the 11th was a thoroughly wet day, and the wind was so strong from the northward, with a very heavy sea running, that it was impossible to proceed. on the 12th, they left the bay soon after daylight, and having pulled along shore a few miles, crossed union sound, and gained the narrows of san benito, the wind being still fresh from the northward; thence they continued pulling until they hauled up, after dark, in a bay, opposite point benito, and waited till the morning of the 13th, when with a fresh s.w. wind they made good progress, which was of the more consequence, as their provisions were expended, although they had eked them out with corvorants and muscles. at last, the sight of the adelaide rejoiced them, and they soon afterwards reached her. their appearance was a relief to all who were on board, as they were becoming very anxious, and lieut. graves was preparing to send the other whale-boat in search of them. during their absence he had made the necessary astronomical observations, and finished the examination of those shores adjacent to the harbours. from the 13th to the 17th, the schooner was detained by bad weather, and the following day only succeeded in reaching escape bay, in san estevan channel, which was found to be a good and well-sheltered anchorage, although small. on the 19th, after angles had been taken on each side of the channel, the adelaide got under weigh, and steered up the channel. at noon she passed the mount which they supposed to be sarmiento's monte trigo, and soon after, nearing esperanza island, they sought for some mark by which to recognise the mountain of the fox ('monte de la zorra'). in the white part of a cliff, they fancied some resemblance to an {265} animal, and noticed a harbour opposite, in which they anchored. they had such trouble in getting to the northward, that this day's run, though only eighteen miles, was a cause of much satisfaction. on the 20th, at daylight, the boats were employed around the anchorage, and at nine o'clock the vessel was underweigh, and working to the northward, although it rained hard then, as well as throughout the whole day: after beating until the evening, she anchored on the west shore. constant rain fell through the whole night, and during the 21st; it was therefore impossible to make any progress to the northward. on the 22d the adelaide weighed, and the weather being calm, was towed during the whole forenoon. at noon a southerly wind sprung up, and by the evening she was in the guia narrows (of sarmiento). they tried for anchorage in unfit bay, conceiving it to be sarmiento's port ochavario; but none being found, the vessel was towed into a cove, and securely moored. next day the boats surveyed the guia narrows. although long, they did not appear hazardous to pass, for the tides are not very rapid. the ebb tide runs to the northward, but at the south entrance of the san estevan channel, the ebb sets to the southward; which difference in direction, within so short a distance, is extraordinary, and difficult to account for without knowing more of the coast. certainly there is a meeting of tides between the two entrances; probably, all the land westward of san estevan is a collection of large islands, and water flows into this channel, from the pacific, through many openings, which may be the cause of this peculiarity. 24th. with light breezes from the eastward, the schooner weighed and stood through the narrows; passed point san juan, and continued along the eastern shore of concepcion strait to guard bay, where she was moored. 25th. rainy weather until near noon, when the boats were employed. on the 26th the schooner was towed out, and, as it was calm, {266} kept a boat a-head the whole day. she anchored in a small bight, formed by chance islands, about seven miles from guard bay. the 27th was rainy, but the boats went to different points, and angles were taken before the schooner weighed and worked northward. at noon she came to an anchor in a small bay, northward of the hocico de caiman. constant rain during the remainder of the day. on the 28th it rained too incessantly the whole morning, to allow the party to work, even in boats; and the day was passed in laying down former observations. 29th. after angles had been taken near the anchorage, the schooner was moved, and worked along the coast. a strong wind from the n.w., with a heavy sea, brought the vessel under close-reefed sails, and obliged her to anchor in walker bay. on the 30th, the adelaide anchored in molyneux sound. to give a clearer idea of the delays experienced in making progress to the northward through these intricate channels, i shall now extract part of lieutenant skyring's journal, in his own words: "31st. wind n.n.w. with a heavy swell in the strait; the boats at daylight went north and south of the anchorage, and angles were obtained. at nine, ready for starting; but the weather was too unfavourable, and continued so until the 4th of september, when, at seven o'clock in the morning, we weighed. at nine, squally--obliged to double-reef; but the tide serving, we gained a few miles to windward, and at one, p.m., stood among a mass of islands on the west side, and moored in tom's bay, steadying the vessel with the stream anchor. in the afternoon the survey was continued, and from the heights a view was obtained of the gulf of trinidad, and of several points observed last year. another detention of two days, owing to bad weather. "7th. cloudy; weighed at daylight, and stood for the narrows. at eight, squally, with thick snowy weather; but, being once under weigh, we refrained from returning, until compelled. it certainly was not a favourable day for working {267} through; but the wind moderated, and our attempt succeeded. no anchorage being found by the boats on the north side of the narrows, we made for the weather-shore of the gulf, and anchored early in windward bay. in the afternoon, angles were taken on middle island, and east and west of the anchorage. the time of our departure drawing near, it became doubly necessary to work constantly, that we might join this survey with that of last year, in the beagle. "8th. weighed at daylight; wind light from n.w.; but, falling calm, boats were detached for continuing the angles, and the latitude was observed on red beak rocks. at five o'clock, we gained an anchorage, close to the eastward of the ancon del morro, on the s.e. side of division isle, in a bay which answered our purpose, although it was rather a confined place. some angles were taken on point candelaria, preparatory to continuing our course next morning. "9th. at daylight weighed and stood over to the northern shore, and at eleven, anchored in neesham bay, in eleven fathoms. boats employed in the afternoon, on the survey. while at anchor, two canoes, containing together thirty-two indians, came alongside; they were chiefly men, a finer race of people, better formed, and better featured than the fuegians, and much less noisy. their canoes were made of planks, the longest upwards of twenty-three feet in length: they appeared exceedingly buoyant, and pulled quickly. "10th. at daylight, we sailed out of the bay, with a light breeze from the eastward; at seven, the wind increased, and a heavy sea rose in the gulf. it was my intention to get an anchorage under mount corso; but, as that was now a leeward coast, with a heavy sea setting upon the shore, it would have been improper to attempt seeking for one. if it had answered our purpose, we might have gone to port henry, and, indeed, this was the only safe course we could have pursued, if our object had been to remain in the gulf; but no time was left to wait for favourable weather; therefore i chose in preference to leave the gulf, and take advantage of the fair wind to gain an offing, the time of our return being so near. {268} "we left the gulf two days before i had expected to have done so; but we all rejoiced at our departure. no crew could have performed their duty more willingly than the adelaide's; but such lengthened fatigue as they had undergone, was sufficient to make any men feel happy at the prospect of a respite. "it was a pleasing reflection to lieutenant graves and myself, that the orders had been fully executed; that the coast we had passed was throughout well connected; and that this service was concluded without any illness or accident among the crew, without any damage to the vessel, without any loss of boats, or even the slightest misfortune." during the adelaide's passage to chilóe, lieutenant skyring and his companion were assiduously employed in transferring their observations to paper, notwithstanding the violent motion of their little vessel, during ten days of rough weather. * * * * * {269} chapter xvi. chilóe--its probable importance--valdivia founds seven cities; afterwards destroyed by the indians--migration of spanish settlers- province and islands of chilóe--districts and population--government- defence--winds--town--durability of wooden buildings--cultivation--want of industry--improvement--dress--habits of lower classes--morality- schools--language--produce--manufactures--exports and imports--varieties of wood--alerse--roads--piraguas ploughs--corn--potatoes--contributions- birds--shell-fish--medical practitioners--remedies--climate. as the island of chilóe was formerly shrouded from notice, by the policy of its master, the king of spain, and therefore little known to the world; i have considered it not irrelevant to the narration of the voyage, to introduce a short account of its present state, particularly as since the trade of the whole coast has been opened, a new era has dawned upon this interesting island; and although it has been, as yet, the least frequented of the south american states, i think the time is not far distant, when it will become an important part of the chilian territory. after the foundation of the city of penco, or concepcion, by don pedro de valdivia, in the year 1550, he passed on towards the south in search of convenient situations for other cities; and crossing the river bio bio, which separates concepcion from the territory of the araucanian indians, successively founded imperial, valdivia, villa rica, angol, cañete, and osorno; the last being effected in the year 1558. the necessary distribution of the spanish forces, to protect so many points, made them comparatively defenceless, in a country inhabited by a large population of indians, who contemplated the hostile occupation of their native land, by the invading army, with a deep dissatisfaction. they had for some time endured, with sullen patience, the yoke of the spaniards; but at last, incensed by the servility and bondage to which they were reduced, and, probably, by no small portion of ill-treatment; the whole population rose simultaneously, and waged a most destructive and {270} harassing war against the spaniards, in which the above-mentioned cities were all destroyed, and the greater number of their inhabitants put to death. the destruction of the city of osorno caused the province of chilóe, or, at least, the adjacent districts of calbuco and carelmapu, to be occupied. this town, being more distant from the seat of war, where the main body of the indian army was actively employed, was enabled to hold out for some time; but, at last, cut off from assistance, prevented from communicating with friends, and utterly destitute of supplies, the inhabitants retired to the fort, or citadel; which they maintained, until compelled, by absolute want of provisions, to abandon their position, and proceed to the south, with a view of establishing themselves in carelmapu and calbuco; where they hoped to be safe from attack. their retreat was attended by much suffering; many died from fatigue, and many were cut off by the indians, who hovered about them and murdered all who fell into their hands.[145] at last they reached their destination, and established themselves first at carelmapu, which is on the main-land, on the north side of the boca de chilóe, opposite to san carlos; and afterwards at calbuco, on an island at the entrance to the gulf of reloncavi. the latter position by its insularity, was effectually protected against any attack from indian tribes, who, for many years, continually harassed the inhabitants of carelmapu. at what date this journey was made does not appear; nor is it certain that these places were occupied before the foundation of the city of castro, in 1566, by the licentiate lope garcia de castro, in pursuance of an order from the viceroy of peru, marshal don martin ruiz de gamboa.[146] the island of chilóe, from its situation, is a place of considerable importance, and may be termed the key of the pacific. {271} it is the northernmost of that vast archipelago, which borders the coast from latitude 42° south to cape horn. the province of chilóe, one of the eight divisions of the chilian republic, includes several islands, and extends on the main-land, as far as the south bank of the river maullin;[147] which takes in the districts of carelmapu and calbuco. its southern extent is not defined; but as the existence of chilian authority is not known, to the southward of the chonos archipelago, certainly not farther south than the land of tres montes, the parallel of 47° may be considered its southern limit. the country thence, to the strait of magalhaens, is known by the appellation of western patagonia. besides the isla grande, as chilóe is called, the following islands are inhabited:--achao, or quinchao, lemuy, quehuy, chelin, linlin, llignua, quenac, meulin, caguach or cahuache, alao, apiao, chaulinec, all in front of castro; the chaugues islands, opposite to tenoun; calbuco, llaichua, quenu, tabor, abtao, chiduapi (on which is the fort); huar in the neighbourhood, and district of calbuco; and, to the south, tanqui, to which may be added caylin, which is also called el fin de la cristiandad.[148] of the above, next to the isla grande, the principal are quinchao and lemuy, both of which are very populous, and {272} almost entirely cultivated. the other islands are small, and very close to each other; but separated by navigable channels, which offer many dangers to the frail vessels in which the islanders move about. the province is divided into ten districts, or partidos, as follows:- 1. san carlos, containing the northern coast of the island, as far as chacao. 2. chacao. the n.e. part of the island. 3. carelmapu and maullin. 4. calbuco. 5. dalcahue, extending from chacao to tenoun. 6. quenac. 7. quinchao. 8. castro. 9. lemuy. 10. chonchi, which extends from castro to the south extremity of the island. by the census of 1828, the population of the large island, and those in its neighbourhood would appear to be, comparatively, very considerable; the number of souls being 43,131:[149] particularly as the greater portion of the interior, and much of the sea-coast, are quite uninhabited. the population of the district of san carlos is confined principally to the town; for between it and chacao, there are very few inhabitants. at chacao there are only about two hundred houses, and dalcahue is but thinly occupied: but castro, quinchao, and lemuy, are very populous. these three districts are the most fertile and productive part of the island, particularly for seven or eight miles round castro. the peninsula opposite to that town, which is entirely cleared, would abundantly repay its cultivators, were industry more common among them. chilóe is governed by an 'yntendente,' or civil governor, who exacts obedience to the constitutional laws, as well as to the orders of the executive powers, and the resolutions of the provincial assembly, which is composed of members, elected {273} by the people, at the rate of one deputy for 7,500 souls; but whatever the number may be, short of 90,000, twelve deputies are to be elected. the duration of the assembly is biennial, and its business is to superintend the civil regulations of the province. under the yntendente each province has a local governor, whose principal duties are to maintain order, preside in the municipal meetings, see their regulations carried into execution, and obey the orders of the yntendente of the province. whilst we were at chilóe, the duties of yntendente, and military commandant, were performed by one person, brigadier-general don josé santiago aldunate; but, upon his resignation, the offices were separated: the military commandant retaining the charge of the treasury. the duties of the military chief, are to dispose of the troops under his command, as he sees occasion, so as to ensure the quietness, and subordination of the province, for which he is responsible; and to render the yntendente such assistance as he may require; but, for all ordinary purposes, the militia, who are under the immediate control of the yntendente, are employed. for the administration of the law there is a judge (juez de letras), who tries all civil as well as criminal actions. the province sends two deputies to the chilian congress, one from san carlos, and the other from castro. at the beginning of the year 1829, the militia amounted to more than seven thousand men, and the regular troops to three hundred and thirty, which was quite sufficient for the province. the port of san carlos is capable of being well defended, and, during the time of the spaniards, was in a good state of defence. the entrance was protected by a battery on the highland of the corona, and by the castle of aguy, which effectually commands it. farther in, on the same side of the port, was the small, but well-placed, two-gun battery of barcacura; close under which is the anchorage. on the town side there are several batteries; but, towards the pudeto it is weak, although capable of being made very strong. fort san carlos, which, for some years past, has been used as a cemetery, was well-selected as to position, and constructed in a manner very {274} creditable to the engineer. it was surrounded by a deep and wide ditch; and under it lay two small batteries: one, san antonio, commanding the passage between the small island of cochinos, and the main; and the other flanking the anchorage off the town. at the mole were two guns, and opposite to it, under the governor's house, was the battery, del carmen, mounting twelve or fourteen guns. in the town, in a convenient situation, there were excellent barracks, capable of containing more than one thousand men. the original establishment was at the sandy point, on the western side of the port, where the situation is better sheltered, and, perhaps, equally capable of being well defended. it is, also, on the windward side of the harbour, and close to the safest anchorage which the port affords; but the inconvenience of water-carriage was found to be so great, that the establishment was removed to its present site. a still better situation might have been selected opposite to sandy point, at leche agua; where the anchorage is perfectly safe, and the communication with castro could be more advantageously made. northerly and westerly winds prevail, and the town is exposed to all their fury, which, at times, is extreme. the anchorage nearest to it, for the sake of convenience, and expedition in loading and unloading cargoes, is often taken up, but is very unsafe, many vessels having been lost there, from the bottom being shoal, and rocky; and the swell, during a northerly gale, is so short and deep, that anchors will not hold. the town is built on two rising grounds, and in the valley that separates them; through which a rivulet runs into the bay, at a mole which affords sufficient protection to the boats and piraguas frequenting the port. the houses, which are all of wood, are generally small, and have but little comfort. the plaza, or square, without which no town in chile of the least importance is to be found, is situated on a flat piece of ground at the summit of the southern hill, and commands an extensive view. it is about one hundred and eighty yards square, with a flag-staff in the centre. [illustration: san carlos de chilóe.] [illustration: c. martens s. bull san carlos de chilóe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {275} on the north side there is a strong, well-built stone storehouse, and opposite to it is the church, also built of stone. on the side next the sea is the yntendente's residence, a low range of wooden buildings, erected without regard to taste, convenience, or comfort; and opposite to this are two or three dwellings, very little superior to common huts, or ranchos. within the last few years, however, some substantial buildings have been erected by the more wealthy people in the town, an example which is likely to be followed. during our visit, several were built equally creditable for strength and convenience; and not a little remarkable for the rapidity, with which they were completed. wood, being abundant, and cheap, as well as easily worked, is the only material used in the construction of houses, which, with the exception of the provision-store, and the church, are all built of it; and notwithstanding the perishable nature of the material, which is not protected by paint, or any external coating, from the humidity of the climate, they are of extraordinary durability. the treasury, one of the oldest houses in the place, has been built upwards of seventy years; and is even now tight, and dry, and by no means unserviceable: but its removal has been ordered, and, probably ere this, it has been replaced by another. in chacao, where, in former days, the yntendente resided, the greater number of the government-buildings, not less than sixty or seventy years old, are still standing. this durability can only be accounted for by the nature of the wood, and the practice of charring the ends of the timbers before they are inserted in the ground. the lower frame is of 'roble;'(t) the beams are of laurel, and the floors and partitions, as well as the weather-boarding and shingles, of 'alerse:' the latter forms an excellent substitute for tiles, or slate, being much lighter, and almost as durable. some of the houses are thatched with reeds; but this shift is only used by those who cannot afford the expense of shingling. the inclosures, round the houses, are fenced with stakes of {276} luma, three or four yards in length, fastened above and below to cross-rails, by ligatures of creeping plants, of which there is an abundance in the woods close to the town: the general name for them is buque. the land in the vicinity of san carlos, which is a peninsula, is cleared of timber, and partially cultivated. in the valley, through which the rivulet runs into the sea near the mole, there are a few attempts at gardens; but the extent to which the inhabitants cultivate, seems to be confined to a rood of potatoes and wheat, which, with a litter of pigs, and an inexhaustible store of shell-fish on the coast, are the principal support of their families. it is not surprising, when so little personal trouble is necessary to provide subsistence, that the chilotes(u) should not be an industrious race. byron, in his narrative of the loss of the wager, has given a most excellent and correct account of the inhabitants of this island; which, excepting for those about san carlos and castro, may well serve at the present time. in the town, trade, a free communication with other parts of south america, and the residence of several europeans, have introduced approaches towards refinement; and besides the articles of luxury that occasionally make their appearance, such as chairs and tables, crockery-ware, and similar domestic comforts; shoes and stockings are now, on feast days, in common use among the females; although in many instances one can easily observe, that the wearer is actuated by vanity, rather than by any comfort or pleasure she derives, from a confinement to which her feet have not been accustomed.[150] this is one of the steps towards civilization, which the chilote peasantry are making, and among the higher classes 'el ultimo modo' (the latest fashion), is not less the theme of conversation than it is in other parts of the republic. in style of dress, among the upper ranks, the men are more advanced than the women, many having been in other countries. {277} they have given up the use of the poncho, and in this particular, they say they are before the gentry at concepcion, who wear it on all occasions: and probably are quite right, for, with respect to comfort, there is much to admire in the poncho, as, of all cloaks, it is the most generally convenient, and the best adapted for protecting the person, especially on horseback, where it is indispensable: its use, however, offers the wearer such an opportunity to neglect the other part of his dress, which it effectually conceals, that sometimes, beneath the poncho, the body is very ill-clothed. the dress of men in the lower orders, consists of a pair of trowsers, and a shirt, over which is thrown the all-concealing poncho. the women are as slightly clad; but instead of a poncho, they wear a rebozo, or shawl, which, however, is very often dispensed with, and their persons are left too much exposed. these lower classes, or indians, as they, with much reason, are termed, are scarcely superior to the uncivilized savages of the southern coasts; and live principally upon shell-fish, with what little they are enabled to procure besides by the sale of a few pigs, or poultry, which they rear on the scanty store of potatoes and wheat, that remains after their new crop comes to maturity. one roof shelters a whole family. father and mother, sons and daughters, dogs and pigs, all live and sleep in their only room, in the middle of which, a fire is made; whence the smoke escapes by numerous apertures in the roof and sides of the dwelling. as to their morals, within the precincts of their habitations, i have reason to believe they have not much to boast of, although they are described, by agüeros and other writers, as most innocent, and well-conducted. agüeros speaks highly of their character; and cites padre ovalle, who, writing upon chilóe, between the years 1629 and 1636, says: "the natives of these islands are the most docile and noble (dociles y nobles) of all chile, and are the least given to drunkenness, and other vices; therefore they are best disposed to be edified by the light of the gospel." since the province became subject to the chilian republic, {278} the government has made several attempts to improve the condition of the inhabitants; among which, the instruction of public schools, was not the least important. from an official report there appear to be ninety schools, in which 3,840 children receive an education, according to the abilities of the masters, who are employed; but these, from the small salary attached to the situation, cannot be expected to be superior. the language in common use, is spanish; the original indian tongue being almost forgotten: but it is supposed to be the same as that spoken by the indians of madre de dios; for, on a late occasion, a whaler which had been upon the coast of those islands, and had taken on board an indian, as a pilot, called at castro; and during her visit, the indian communicated with those who understood the language of the chonos, and by them was tolerably well understood. this indian has been frequently embarked on board american or english sealers, which frequent those coasts, to serve as a pilot to the seal-rookeries.[151] he is known by the name of dan. the products of the island, for the year 1828, according to the census, and returns, officially made, were- wheat 64,935 fanegas (175 lbs. in a fanega) about 200,000 bushels. barley 21,645. potatoes 194,805. and the muster of stock, and apple-trees, as follows:- horned cattle 5,411 head. sheep 86,580 swine 21,645 apple trees 75,754 the manufactures of the province are carro, a coarse woollen cloth, two and a half, or three yards long, and three quarters of a yard wide, used for men's garments, and of very durable quality. ponchos--both these and the carro are manufactured by women, in a rude sort of loom, of wool dyed of various colours from plants that are found in the island, or imported for the {279} purpose. of the latter indigo is much used, and it is the general colour for the ground-work of the ponchos. frezadas, bordillas, sabanillas, mantillas de lana, blankets or rather counterpanes of different textures, are also among the manufactures: none of the above are exported, being made merely for their own use. cables, hawsers, and rope, they make of a plant, called quilineja, which is supposed to be the root of a species of _callixene_. no wine or spirit is made in the province, but chicha (a very good cyder) is manufactured from apples. the only other fruit produced is the 'frutilla,' a kind of strawberry. the exports must very nearly amount to the value of foreign imports, which consist principally of sugar, wine, brandy, salt, wearing apparel, and household furniture. the import duty on european and north american produce is twenty-seven per cent.; from which, however, some articles, such as arms and munitions of war, instruments of music, and other things of less importance, are exempt. spirits of all kinds, foreign wines, tobacco, tea, and cards, are monopolized by the government, and sold at an immense profit. the unauthorized sale of these goods is declared illegal, and is punishable by a heavy fine, and sequestration of goods. the exports, during the year 1828, consisted of wood in beams, planks, and boards; hams, wheat, a small quantity of dried fish, fire-wood, and brooms,[152] to the amount of 52,320 dollars, of which 35,683 dollars were for wood, and 10,887 for wheat. these articles were exported in sixteen vessels under national, and eight under foreign flags. the exports are said to be increasing very much. in the year 1791, agüeros describes the exports of alerse planks (tablones) to lima, to be between fifty and sixty thousand in number; and some years previous to have been in a much greater quantity. the number of alerse boards exported, during the last year, was 328,928, but of planks only 2,623. the island, and neighbouring part of the main land, produce {280} a great abundance, as well as variety, of wood fit for exportation, as well as home consumption. the following is a list of the principal trees, with their qualities, and the use to which they are most adapted. avellana (_quadra heterophylla_), a handsome tree, in appearance like the ash of europe, of a light wood, which shrinks very much when dry, and may be used with advantage for oars, being light, strong, and springy, as well as for planking small vessels below the water, and for the ceiling within; it is bad for firewood, being too light. the seed is a nut, about the size of a cherry, the kernel of which is roasted and eaten. the tree abounds at concepcion, and in the country to the south, and grows on the peninsula of lacuy. roble (_fagus obliqua_, mirb.), a large tree; and, from the durable quality of its timber, considered the best in the island, for ground-frames of houses, planks for vessels, and beams. the piraguas are built chiefly of this wood. there are two sorts, one an evergreen, and the other a deciduous-leaved tree. it is evidently a beech, and the same that grows in all parts of the strait of magalhaens; the smooth-leafed sort is _f. obliqua_ of mirb.--see bertero, in mercurio chileno, no. 14, p. 640. tiqui, heavy wood; but esteemed strong and durable. piraguas are sometimes built of it. laurel, used for house building in-doors, for beams and rafters, and posts; durable when not exposed to damp, in which it soon perishes. mañu, a tree of great dimensions, tall and straight, the leaf is like that of a yew; it is a very useful wood in ship-building, for planks, and, next to alerse, is the best for spars which the island produces; but the large trees have a great tendency to become rotten at the heart, owing possibly to the humidity of the climate, and to the very wet soil. as the adelaide wanted a mast, i sent her round to castro for a mañu spar, for which i agreed to pay eighty dollars; but of twenty trees that were cut down, not one was sound at the heart. the wood is heavy, with large knots, which penetrate into the trunk to a great depth. a great deal of this timber grows in the gulf of peñas. {281} muermo. there is no wood produced on the island more useful than the muermo. it is used for timbers, and knees, and all other purposes of ship-building: and is excellent for the planks of boats, as it bears wet and dry without suffering from either. it is abundant, and much used as firewood, for which it is well suited. luma (_myrtus luma_), a very tough and useful wood, used for tree-nails, for stakes in fencing, for rafters in the roofs of houses; and is exported in large quantities to lima, for shafts and poles of carriages. the fruit is sweet, and might yield a strong spirit; it is called cauchao. ciruelillo, a small tree, used only for washing-bowls and boxes; it is of little value. quiaka. of no value. tapu, a very crooked tree, growing along the ground in swampy places. it might serve for floors, and timbers for small vessels; but it is not used, from its being so very hard. tenu, something like muermo, and considered a good wood. peta, a species of _myrtus_, of which hoops for barrels are made. ralral, considered to be like the wood of the walnut-tree, and of general use, on account of its toughness and durability; it is made into blocks for ships. meli, more tough than luma: of this the country people make pick-axes, for cultivating the ground (agüeros, p. 127). pelu, also tough; useful for axle-trees and gun-carriages (agüeros, p. 127). mayten, useful for turning; and lasts long under water. the above mentioned are produced on the island; but the two following, alerse and cypress, are from the main-land, in the neighbourhood of the cordilleras. they are not only in general use in chilóe, but are exported in large quantities to all the ports to the northward. the alerse, near chilóe, is of better quality than that which comes from concepcion. the cypress is brought to the island in 'tablones' (or planks), seven or eight feet long, two inches thick, and nine or ten inches wide, as is also the alerse; but the latter, from the facility with {282} which it splits, is brought in boards also, four feet long, half an inch thick, and six inches broad, which, as i have before remarked, are the principal articles of barter. the alerse is found in great quantities near calbuco; but at so great a distance from the beach that it cannot easily be conveyed thither for embarkation, except in the above form. the tree is cut down and squared, then hewn by the axe into as many logs of seven or eight feet long as it will afford; and these, with the assistance of iron wedges, are split into planks and boards, in which state, without being further trimmed, they are tied together in bundles, and carried on men's backs, or dragged over the ground to the beach. the extraordinary straightness of the grain of this tree enables the natives to split it, so as to make it appear as if it had been dressed with an adze, or even with a plane; but, as i have said, the axe is the only instrument used. so great is the difficulty of obtaining a spar of this wood, that when i wished to procure a new mast for the adelaide, i offered four times the value of an alerse spar to the natives, besides the assistance of twenty men, and tackles, &c. to assist in conveying it to the beach. the temptation was almost too great to be withstood; but the man to whom i applied, who had before been employed to get masts for a schooner in the chilian service, and a flag-staff for the town, said that it would take his own party two months to bring one to the beach: with the assistance of our people, however, it might be done in a month. the trees were distant, and there were two or three ridges of heights to cross, that would cause much delay. the facility with which these people usually handle timber was a sufficient proof to me that such a task, if refused by them, must be very difficult indeed, and i gave it up, as the yntendente was so obliging as to give me the flag-staff, which had taken the same party two months to procure. the hoxsley, a national schooner, built at chilóe, for the government, was masted with alerse spars, which proved to be very strong. alerse is used principally for the floors, partitions, and {283} weather-boards of houses, also for shingling the roof; for which purpose it is very superior and durable: after exposure to the weather it turns blue, and has the appearance of slate. it does not shrink or warp; and though brittle, is of a very close grain, and well adapted for furniture. of this wood the country people make staves for casks; and the bark of the tree is used for caulking the seams of vessels, for which it answers remarkably well, being extremely durable when constantly wet, though it soon decays when exposed to the sun and air. spars of alerse, eighty or ninety feet in length, may be procured; and from eight hundred to a thousand boards are frequently obtained from a single tree. i was told that as many as one thousand five hundred have sometimes been cut out of one trunk. alerse is found on the island, but not of any size. it is also common in the strait of magalhaens, in all those parts west of cape froward; but there, from the poverty of the soil, it is of very stunted growth. the cypress is thought to be a different tree, but i rather imagine it to be only a variety; the wood being white, whilst that of the alerse is of a deep red colour. as the trade of the island is principally carried on by water, roads are seldom used for that purpose, for which, indeed, the few that exist are far from being convenient. between san carlos and castro there is a road cut through the forest, forty or fifty feet in width, in the middle of which is a causeway, four or five feet wide, formed of logs of wood, laid transversely. this is the only way of communication, unless, which rarely occurs, the weather has been dry during some days; for, off the causeway, there is a mere bog, in which a horse frequently sinks up to the girths in mud. in many parts of the causeway, indeed, where the logs have decayed, and have not been repaired, the passage is equally bad, so that in wet weather, only persons without a load are able to pass. for the greater part of the way, the trees on each side prevent an extensive view; but on approaching within five or six miles of castro, the country becomes more open, having been cleared by cultivation, and there, of course, the road improves. {284} there is a track branching off from the main road to the district of dalcahue; but on it, i believe, there is no causeway. as the only mode of supplying the town of san carlos with provisions is by water-carriage, it is frequently ill supplied during winter, when n.w. winds prevent the arrival of the piraguas. a southerly wind for two days, at that season, brings from fifty to a hundred piraguas from dalcahue and castro, laden with hams, potatoes, pigs, grain, fowls, calves, dried fish, and charcoal, which are sold at a cheap rate, paying one-tenth to the government. the arrival of so many piraguas at san carlos creates no slight bustle in the neighbourhood of the mole; and a stranger happening to arrive at the time would think it a place of considerable trade; the return, however, of the n.w. wind, with all its attendant "vapours, clouds, and storms," very soon dispels the illusion: the piraguas depart, one after another, and in two days all is dull and monotonous. these piraguas, the boats used by the natives of the archipelago of chilóe, are all similar in form and material; but vary much in size, according to the voyage they have to perform. the largest are from thirty-five to forty feet long. the head and stern are alike, and resemble those of a whale-boat, being sharp at both ends. the transverse section is that of a thick wedge, so that they have no bearings, and must be extremely unsafe,(v) particularly with so lofty a sail as they hoist; and yet these vessels have made long, and even dangerous passages, as is fully attested in agüeros's account of the missionaries' visit to the archipelago southward of tres montes. these boats are literally sewn together, there is not a nail used in their construction; every portion of the hull is of a vegetable nature. the lower, or garboard strake, is sewn to the keel by strips of the stem of a creeping plant, called pepoi,[153] and the seam is caulked with bark of the alerse, which, while under {285} water, is admirably adapted for the purpose. the upper planking consists of three or four broad boards on each side, sewn together, and their seams caulked. the wood of which they are made is the roble, or sometimes tiqui. agüeros's description of the construction of a piragua cannot be improved. "they are constructed of five or seven planks, each of which is from two to four fathoms long, half or three-fourths of a yard wide, and two or three inches thick. these are fashioned, or worked, narrow at each end, so as to form the bow and stern, and afterwards are exposed to the fire, in order to burn the outer surface on both sides. to unite these planks, they bore or burn holes, two inches from each other, along the edges of the planks, through which they sew them together with a rope of solid reeds (soquillas), or twisted cane (coligues), forming a junction as close as a seam of cloth. to prevent water from passing through the seams, they apply along the plank, within and without, pounded leaves of trees, over which they pass the stitches, and with the same preparation of leaves the holes are filled up. thus constructed, it is in appearance a perfect boat, or vessel, but without keel or deck. that they may resist the pressure of the water, and retain their shape, curved pieces (curbas) of wood, called 'barrotes' are fitted inside, and fastened by wedges of wood, instead of nails. for all this, they are dangerous; and, since their sails, oars, and other furniture are very inferior to what boats require, they are much exposed to be easily sunk, and the risk is greatly increased by want of care and management in those who navigate them." in the above description agüeros has given a very good account of the rude manner in which they are built, and has not in the least magnified the danger attendant on their use. it is, indeed, a miserable and unsafe vessel; and for the rudeness of its construction, and the poverty of its equipment, is a perfect prototype of the crew which it conveys. the largest have from eight to ten people, each of whom furnishes one poncho, and the 'patron,' who steers, and directs {286} the course and all their movements, provides two ponchos, all which are sewn together to form their sail, which is hoisted by 'lazos,' or thongs of bullock's hide. these sails are generally in a wretched state, the name santisima is applied to them all by the crews, with the hope of securing the protection of their patron saint. the anchor is of wood, formed of four crooked pieces, in the shape of a grapnel with four flukes, at the bottom, or crown of which a large stone is fastened, to increase its weight. the crews are exceedingly timid, and instead of making exertions to extricate their vessel from any impending danger, they throw themselves on their knees, beating their breasts and calling loudly upon their saint, for 'misericordia.' i was given to understand that very few of them can swim, which seems extraordinary, since they are born and bred in the immediate vicinity of the sea, and depend chiefly upon its productions for subsistence. the fact speaks strongly for the indolence of their character, even although the rigour of the climate forms a bar to bathing as a mere amusement. several piraguas were lost while we were at chilóe, and, as may be inferred, their crews were all drowned. with regard to the cultivation of land, they are very far behind, and, comparing the present state with the description of byron (1740), and of agüeros (1791), very little improvement seems to have been made. the ground is prepared by make-shift ploughs, of a very rude construction. two poles of hard wood (luma), about three yards long and proportionably large, trimmed to a sharp point at one end and rounded at the other, are held by the middle, one in each hand, and pointed very obliquely into the ground; in this direction they are forced forward, by pressing against the blunt end with the abdomen, which is defended by a sheepskin, suspended in the form of an apron. after these have penetrated twelve or fourteen inches into the soil, a second person, generally a woman or a boy, places a stout stick under the poles, or 'lumas,' as they are called, close to the earth, to form a solid support for them. [illustration: p. p. king t. landseer breast ploughing at chilóe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {287} the large ends are then forced down, the ground turned up, and the lumas pushed forward again, while the woman uses her stick to turn the clods over, to the right and left, alternately. these clods are afterwards broken up by a wooden tool, in the shape of a pick-axe, called 'hualate,' made of the wood named meli. rude as this process is, the operation is rapidly performed, and i have seen a field, ploughed in this way, that would not do much discredit to an expert ploughman with a european plough. the soil is a rich, sandy loam, of a dark red colour; and although rarely, if ever manured, produces fair average crops. according to the usual allowance of 175lbs for a fanega of wheat,[154] the weight of a bushel would not be more than 51½lbs., which shews that the grain is but poor. wheat is sown in the month of april, and cut in the same month of the following year; but from the humidity of the climate, and constant rain, particularly at that season (the commencement of winter), it is frequently reaped before it is ripe, and almost always gathered in wet. every subsequent sunny day is taken advantage of, to dry the grain, but a part must be spoiled by mildew. the evaporation, however, is so great, that merely moving it about, and keeping it thinly strewed in granaries, will effect much. it is trodden out by oxen, and to clean it, the grain is thrown up in the wind by means of broad wooden shovels, and effectually separated from the chaff. this rude winnowing takes place frequently in the principal streets of san carlos, and even at the mole, where one would suppose that a great deal must be lost; but from the adroitness of the operation, it is not only well cleaned, but suffers no diminution. potatoes are planted in september, october, and november, and are fit to dig up in may. of the proceeds of harvest, one-tenth is paid as a tribute, or {288} tax, to the government; but forced contributions may be required, when the necessities of the state demand them. these contributions are sometimes unfairly levied in chile; for the subsidy is only taken from those who possess grain, or some equally tangible article which can easily be turned into money; so that persons who are rich enough to live without cultivating land, or trading for their support, contribute nothing towards the emergency of the state. how does this accord with republican principles? or how can a republican government, so conducted, expect to become respectable among nations? i am not aware that such contributions have yet been levied in chilóe. from the character of general aldunate, i do not for a moment think he would commit such an act of injustice; but it is in the power of any yntendente to call for them, and i afterwards witnessed an example of this, during my visit to concepcion. a considerable quantity of wheat, purchased by a russian vessel, for the use of their settlements on the coast of california, was brought down to the port, at a time when the government was much in want of money, and knew no just way of obtaining it. they therefore very unceremoniously seized the wheat, and applied its value in dollars to their own use, giving only an uncertain, almost a nominal security to the owner for the recovery of his money. the only way of accounting for such an arbitrary proceeding is, that the country was distracted by civil war, and that the person who owned the property was opposed to that party, which at the time happened to have the upper hand, and which held, by main strength alone, the reins of government. among the birds of chilóe, the most remarkable are the 'cagge,' the 'cancania,' or 'canqueña,' and the 'barking bird.'[155] {289} the shell-fish,[156] for which this island is justly famed, are principally brought from calbuco, and consist of the finest {290} muscles, of which there are two sorts: the choro (_mytilus choras_, molina), and cholgua (_mytilus magellanicus_, lamarck), picos (_balanus psittacus nob. lepas psittacus_ molina, 1, p. 223), a large barnacle,[157] and the oyster (_o. edulis_), which is exceedingly well-flavoured. besides which there are several kinds of shell-fish of less value, but equally abundant, such as navajuelas (_solen sp._); caracoles (_turbo_); cornes (_pholas chiloensis_, molina); campaña (_calyptræa_); lapas (_crepidula_); tacas (_chama thaca_, molina); locos (_concholepas peruviana_, _murex loco_ of molina); quilmagues; piures (_pyura sp._ molina); and others. the apparently inexhaustible abundance of shell-fish with which nature has provided the inhabitants of these islands, the facility with which they are obtained, and their consequent cheapness, is the principal cause of that want of industry which is so remarkable in the chilotes. of the above-mentioned shell-fish, those deserving more particular notice are the large muscle, the oyster, and the pico. molina has described the choro of conception, which is not at all different from that of chilóe. it is often found seven or eight inches long. the fish is as large as a goose's egg, and of a very rich flavour: there are two kinds, one of a dark brown, and the other of a yellow colour; but the last is most esteemed. there is also another sort, much larger than the choro, yet equally delicate and good, the fish of which is as large as a swan's egg: it is called cholgua; but as the shells seem to be of the same species, i think the distinction can only be owing to size. in febres's dictionary of the chileno language, the word {291} cholchua is rendered into spanish by "cascara de choros blancos," or shell of the white muscle. cholhua, or cholgua (the letters g and h are indiscriminately used), must be a corruption; for it is now used in chilóe to distinguish the large from the small choros. the manner in which the natives of these islands, both indians and descendants of foreigners, cook shell-fish, is very similar to that used for baking in the south sea islands, and on some parts of the coast of new holland. a hole is dug in the ground, in which large smooth stones are laid, and upon them a fire is kindled. when they are sufficiently heated, the ashes are cleared away, and shell-fish are heaped upon the stones, and covered, first with leaves or straw, and then with earth. the fish, thus baked, are exceedingly tender and good; and this mode of cooking them is very superior to any other, as they retain, within the shell, all their own juiciness. the oyster, which is a true _ostrea edulis_, is found in beds, at low water, or taken with the dredge. it is about the size of the native oyster of england, and not at all inferior to it in flavour. in agüeros's account of chilóe, he notices this excellent shell-fish; but remarks, that the islanders are ignorant of the value at which it is appreciated. it is rather curious, that, excepting in the neighbourhood of chilóe, the oyster is very rarely to be met with on the south american coast, while there it is in the greatest abundance. we have never observed any shells of this fish anywhere between the river plata and chilóe; nor is it known elsewhere upon the western coast, i believe, to the southward of guayaquil, which is very near the equinoctial line.[158] the oyster-shells at port san julian are fossils. of the linnæan genus, ostrea, there are many sorts, on all parts of the coast, both east and west, but they are what we call the pecten or scollop. at coquimbo, a species of scollop is much used as an article of food, and called oyster; but it has no further right to the name than because linnæus classed them all as _ostrea_, and molina describes this to be _ostrea edulis_. {292} the pico, which is a barnacle, grows to a very large size; at concepcion, however, it is still larger, being six or seven inches in length. it has, when properly cooked, very much the flavour of a crab, and by the inhabitants of this archipelago is considered preferable to any other shell-fish. before concluding this imperfect description of the shell-fish of chilóe, the piure claims some consideration, if it be only for its peculiar and disagreeable appearance. it was considered by molina as a genus allied to _ascidia_ (mol. i. 214), none of the varieties of which are inviting in their look, as an edible substance, but the piure is still less so. it is thus described by molina: "the piure, scarcely deserving the name of a living animal, is as remarkable for its figure, as for the manner in which it is lodged. the body is about the size and shape of a small pear, an inch in diameter; or it may be described as a small, conical, fleshy bag, of a red colour, filled with saline liquor, and provided with two trunks or processes in the upper part, one of which is the mouth, similar to that of the tetias; and between these processes are seen two small, black, and shining points, which are supposed to be the eyes. i could distinguish no other organs, nor any viscera in the fleshy substance of which it is composed, which is smooth without and spongy within. they are extremely sensitive, and when touched, spout water out of both apertures. these small animals are shut up in a firm, but glutinous case, of various shapes; one case often contains eight or ten distinct bodies, separated from each other by cells, formed of a strong membraneous substance. they are attached to rocks or stones, under water, excepting when left uncovered by a low tide. the natives eat them boiled, or roasted in their shells. they also dry them for exportation to the province of cusco, where their flavour is much esteemed, and considered equal to that of the lobster." at chilóe, the piure is said to be a remedy for barrenness; and to such an extent has this idea prevailed, that a chilote woman, eating this fish, literally says, if asked what she is doing, that "she is making children." one would not, however, suppose, from the number of children which are seen {293} crowding round the doors, that the chilotes had any necessity for such food. if one may judge from the few applications made to our medical men for advice, the climate is either very healthy, or the natives prefer their own mode of cure. they have very few medical advisers, and those few are not held in much estimation, being people of little or no education. a prejudice against medical men has been, even in late years, extended to foreign practitioners, and carried to great lengths. this illiberal feeling is, however, fast wearing away; but, among the lower orders, the application of herbs and other simples is yet wholly resorted to for the removal of their complaints. one day, when i was employed in making some astronomical observations, at sandy point, a woman passed me, and forcing her way through a thicket of thorny plants, began to gather branches of a species of arbutus (_a. rigida._), a small shrubby plant, which is every where abundant, especially to the south, and in the strait of magalhaens. my curiosity prompted me to inquire her reason for collecting it with such apparent anxiety. she replied, with a desponding air, "it is chaura[159] for a poor, sick child. these branches," she said, "are to be put into the fire, and, being green, will produce a thick smoke, and yield a very strong aromatic smell. the child, who is only five months old, is to be held over it, which, as they say, is a good remedy; but," she added, with an air of doubt, "i know not (dicen que es bueno, pero yo no sé)." "who says so?" i asked. "los que saben (those who know)," replied the half-credulous mother, with a deep sigh, partly doubting the efficacy of the remedy, but unwilling to lose the advantages of whatever virtue it might possess, for the benefit of her sick infant. the climate of chilóe is considered, by those who live in other parts of chile, to be "rigorous, cold, and damp." certainly there is much reason for such an opinion, particularly in the winter months, when it almost always rains, and the wind, with little cessation, blows hard, from n. to n.w., and, {294} by the w. to s.w.; but notwithstanding the great quantity of rain that falls, the evaporation is great, and it cannot therefore be called unhealthy; indeed, from experience, it is considered quite otherwise. agüeros, to whose excellent account of chilóe i have so often referred, dilates much upon this subject, and from having resided there a considerable time, may be taken as the best authority. those who now reside upon the island speak very much against it, and all whom i met, previous to my visit, condemned it, as being "the worst in the world." perhaps we, who had lately been experiencing a much more disagreeable climate, went to chilóe with the expectation of finding it exceed in severity that to which we had been accustomed in the strait of magalhaens, but we found ourselves agreeably mistaken. our visit certainly was in the better season, and we had, perhaps, no right to form a decided opinion upon the other part of the year. i shall, therefore, first quote agüeros, and then describe what we found the weather from september to december; yet as these months were considered by the inhabitants to be finer than is usual at that season, we can only form a vague idea of the spring and summer. for the autumn and winter i must depend upon the accounts of others. after explaining the contra-position of the seasons, to what is experienced north of the equator, with regard to the months of the year; agüeros says, "chilóe has also its four seasons, but does not enjoy the benefit of those changes, as do other parts of chile; for there is neither that abundance of fruit, nor are its fields adorned with so many and such beautiful flowers, and useful medicinal plants. the summer is the best time; for in the month of january, from ten o'clock in the morning till three in the afternoon, the heat is excessive. between these hours, however, a sea-breeze, which is called 'vira-zon,' refreshes the air. in the winter the temperature is very cold; but the frosts are by no means so severe as in europe. i have never seen ice, even in the small streams, nor does snow lie any length of time on the ground. "in the winter months, as well as in other parts of the year, there are falls of rain, and heavy gales from n.n.w., and west, {295} which last frequently for the whole moon, with scarcely a cessation, and the wind, at times, is so furious, that the houses are not secure, and the largest trees are torn up by the roots. the weather, when it is fine, cannot be depended upon for any length of time; not even in summer; for in the month of january i have frequently experienced gales, and rain, as severe and copious as in the winter. during the summer months southerly winds are more prevalent, and, while they last, the weather is fine, and clear, and the air particularly dry. "although the winter months, and a considerable part of the other seasons, are very disagreeable, owing to the severity of the winds, and exceeding quantity of rain, it cannot be denied that the climate is healthy. in chilóe no epidemic diseases are experienced. the small-pox and measles are not known;[160] nor have tertian fevers, so common in the north, ever been experienced on the island. spotted fever (tabardillo), and acute pains in the stomach, are the only disorders to which the inhabitants of this archipelago are subject. thunder and lightning are rarely experienced; but earthquakes have occurred at intervals. in the year 1633 the church and houses were destroyed, and in the year 1737 much damage to the village of isla grande was caused by earthquakes." so far agüeros. on the whole, the climate is not so unfavourable as we had been led to expect from all that we had heard. captain fitz roy arrived there in july, during the latter part of which, and the month of august, the weather was very wet, with some heavy gales from the n.w.; but in his meteorological journal for those months there is no record of the thermometer falling below 38°, and it is recorded to have fallen to that degree only on one occasion, the general height being from 45° to 50°. the first part and the middle of september were boisterous and wet; but towards the end of the month the wind was chiefly from the southward, and the weather dry and {296} extremely fine. in october it was rather changeable; but for the last ten days, with the exception of one, on which there was a fresh gale with a heavy fall of rain, it was fine and dry, and the winds were moderate. the month of november was generally fine, but the first half of december continued tempestuous and wet. the mean temperature of the months, and other meteorological remarks, are as follows: column headings: a 3 p.m. water at anch. b pressure reduced to 32°. c dew point. d dew point less than air. e expansion. f dryness by thermo. scales. g weight of a cubic foot of air. h quantity fallen. i quantity evaporated. j remaining in the gage at end of month. +-------------+-------------------+------+----------------------------+ | 1829 | temperature | | hygrometer (daniells') | +-------------+-------------------+------+----------------------------+ | | mean | ex. of | | | | | | | | |at 9 a.m.| temp. | | | | | | | | |----+----+----+----| | | | | | | | months |air | a |max.|min.| b | c | d | e | f | g | +-------------+----+----+----+----+------+----+----+-----+-----+------+ | july 22 days|46.9|47.9| -| -|29.927| -| -| - | - | - | | aug. 31 | -| -| -| -| - | -| -| - | - | - | | sept.30 |47 | -|64.5|35.2|30.061|40.9|6.18|296.9|806.2|3.3854| | oct. 31 |50.9| -|73 |37 |29.979|45.8|5.14|349.8|845.0|3.9575| | nov. 30 |53.5| -|68.5|42 |29.898|48.4|4.79|416.2|844.5|4.3361| +-------------+----+----+----+----+------+----+----+-----+-----+------+ +-------------+-----+-----+---------+-----+ | 1829 |no. of days| rain | | +-------------+-----+-----+---------+-----+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | months |fine.|rain.| h | i | j | +-------------+-----+-----+----+----+-----+ | july 22 days| - | - | -| -| - | | aug. 31 | - | - | -| -| - | | sept.30 | 7 | 7 |1.68|0.48|1.2 | | oct. 31 | 21 | 10 |4.22|2.25|1.97 | | nov. 30 | 14 | 16 |4.89|2.28|2.61 | +-------------+-----+-----+----+----+-----+ {297} this table partly shows the state of the weather during three spring months. the greatest quantity of rain in the gage at the end of the month of november did not exceed 2.6 inches. at st. martin's cove, near cape horn, after thirty days' observation, the rain-gage contained eight inches; so that although chilóe bears the character of being a very wet place, it is not one-third so bad as cape horn. the time of our visit to san carlos was certainly the finest part of the year; and i believe that the weather we experienced was unusually dry even for the season; therefore, the above table does not present a fair criterion of the climate: i do not, however, think it is by any means so bad as has been represented. * * * * * {298} chapter xvii. chilóe the last spanish possession in south america--freyre's expedition--failure--second expedition under freyre and blanco- quintanilla's capitulation--chilóe taken--aldunate placed in command- chilóe a dependency of chile--beagle sails to sea coast of tierra del fuego--adelaide repaired--adelaide sails--adventure goes to valparaiso- juan fernandez--fishery--coats--dogs--geology--botany--shells--spanish accounts--anson's voyage--talcahuano--concepcion--pinoleo--araucanian indians--re-enter the strait of maghalhaens--fuegians. the island of chilóe was the last place the king of spain possessed in south america; and even to this day he is not without friends there, who would gladly restore his absolute monarchy, notwithstanding the advantages that are acknowledged to have been derived from the change of masters, and the consequent opening of trade, which has added very much to the comfort, as well as civilization of the inhabitants. during the struggle for independence, this island was too distant from the seat of war to render it important; but when all other parts of chile were freed from the king's troops, the new government despatched an expedition, consisting of between three and four thousand men, commanded by the director-general freyre, to attack it. upon the appearance of this expedition off the harbour of san carlos, the spanish governor, quintanilla, was inclined to capitulate; but, instead of anchoring in the roads, the squadron proceeded to chacao, landed troops there, and despatched some of their forces to castro, where they were repulsed by the spanish and native troops, and obliged to re-embark. in this interval, one of the ships left the squadron, and returned to valparaiso, whence she was immediately ordered back; but meanwhile the director had embarked his troops, and returned to concepcion. not long afterwards, in january 1826, a second expedition, under the same general, sailed from valdivia, convoyed by a strong squadron, under the command of admiral blanco. {299} "upon this occasion the troops landed, on the 8th, at the little inlet of the bay of huechucucuy; and fort corona was immediately taken. on the 10th, the disembarkation of the troops was completed. a battalion was left to mask fort aguy, while a force, under colonel aldunate, passed on, and took the battery of barcacura. on the 10th, admiral blanco shifted his flag; and, leaving the o'higgins outside, stood into the bay with the rest of the squadron, which anchored off barcacura. "the governor, quintanilla, with upwards of three thousand royalists, took up a strong position on a hill, at the s.e. side of the bay, flanked on the left by an impenetrable wood, on the right by the shore, and supported by three gun-boats in shallow water. these were taken by the boats of the squadron, under captain bell, and turned against the royalists. their position was thus enfiladed, and they retired. freyre then advanced: some skirmishing took place: quintanilla capitulated; and the territory of chile was no longer sullied by the spanish flag. "colonel aldunate, majors maruri, asagra, and tupper (a native of jersey); and captain bell, of the navy, greatly distinguished themselves.--miller's memoirs." colonel aldunate was afterwards invested with the government of the island; but, owing to the disaffection of the troops, who were urged on by the king of spain's agents, a revolution took place, aldunate was imprisoned, and afterwards sent to valparaiso, and the spanish flag once more waved in chilóe. it was, however, for a short time only; aldunate was despatched once more, and with a small force of three hundred veteran troops, headed by colonel tupper, and accompanied by the aquiles, brig of war, again obtained possession of the island, which he has since kept, though not quietly, for the royalists were constantly on the alert, and made several futile attempts to recover the place for their king. time has now reconciled the greater number to the change; and, i believe, chilóe may be considered a contented dependency of the republic of chile. {300} the beagle being ready to resume her voyage, sailed on the 19th of november to survey the southern coasts of tierra del fuego; after which, she was to rejoin the adventure at rio de janeiro.[161] as the adelaide had received some damage in getting aground, it was requisite to lay her on the beach for examination and repair. her mainmast, also, was found to be sprung so badly, as to render a new one necessary; which we should have found much difficulty in obtaining, but for the kindness of general aldunate, who, finding that we were at a loss, proposed to give us the flag-staff of the town, a beautiful spar of alerse, that was in every way suitable. previously, however, to accepting his offer, being aware that such an act might expose him to much reproach from the people of the town, who were all very proud of it, i caused inquiry to be made whether a spar of the necessary dimensions could be brought from calbuco; and in the meantime we proceeded with the repairs. a creek behind sandy point offering every convenience for heaving her down, the adelaide was moved into it, and laid on the beach. on stripping her copper off, the injury proved to be considerable; but not beyond our means to repair. upon examination, the foremast was found to be in a bad state, but could be rendered effective by fishing it with the sound portion of the other mast, therefore our only real difficulty was to get a mainmast. from the account i received from calbuco, i found that, without a great delay, not less than two months, and sending a portion of our people with ropes and tackles, there was no chance of procuring a spar: it could only be obtained at a considerable distance from the shore, and when felled must be dragged over several high ranges of hills, which might be called mountains, before it could be got to the water-side. general aldunate, through whom this inquiry was made, then renewed his offer of the flag-staff, which i accepted most thankfully; and by his order it was taken down, and conveyed to the ship, soon after which it was converted into an excellent mainmast for the schooner. before it was moved, a new, but shorter staff, with a topmast, was fitted for the flag; notwithstanding which, many unpleasant observations were made, and absurd reports circulated, which spread to chile, and even to peru, that the english were about to take possession of chilóe, and had already removed the flag-staff of san carlos. [illustration: old church at castro.] [illustration: near pt. arena.] [illustration: pt. arena.--san carlos chiloe. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {301} by lieutenant mitchell's activity in superintending the adelaide's repairs, she was got ready for sea at the beginning of december, and sailed on the 8th, under the command of lieutenant skyring, with orders[162] to survey those parts of the gulf of peñas which had not been examined by the beagle; particularly the river san tadeo, in san quintin's sound; the openings behind xavier island; the channel's mouths; and the guaianeco islands, where the wager was wrecked: and then to proceed down the mesier channel, behind the island campana, which was supposed to communicate with concepcion strait, by the brazo ancho (or wide channel) of sarmiento. he was then to go to the ancon sin salida, examining all the openings into the main land, on his way, and search for a communication with the large waters, discovered by captain fitz roy, through which he was to try to enter the strait, and join the adventure, at port famine, during the month of april. lieutenant skyring again took with him, by captain fitz roy's permission, mr. kirke and mr. bynoe, of the beagle; mr. alexander millar and mr. parke also accompanied them. having thus despatched our companions, we prepared, on board the adventure, to return to valparaiso; intending to proceed to rio de janeiro; by way of concepcion, port famine, and monte video; for the sake of adding some links to our chronometric chain: with a view to which, i had taken the opportunity of having the chronometers cleaned at valparaiso by mr. roskell, agent for messrs. roskell chronometer-makers at liverpool. general aldunate being on the point of returning to valparaiso, i had an opportunity of obliging him, and showing my sense of the assistance, and essential kindness we had {302} received, by offering him and all his family a passage in the adventure, which he accepted; and on the 17th we left chilóe. in our way we touched at concepcion, and anchored at valparaiso on the 2d of january. we remained there until the 11th of february, and then sailed on our return to rio de janeiro, with the intention of passing though the strait of magalhaens, and taking that opportunity of completing some few parts, which our former surveys had left unfinished. as the breeze, which, on this coast, blows with the constancy of a trade wind, would carry us close to the island of juan fernandez, i determined upon visiting it, for a few days; and then proceeding again to concepcion. we reached cumberland bay, on the north side of juan fernandez, on the 16th, and anchored, within two cables lengths of the beach, in ten fathoms. i have seldom seen a more remarkable and picturesque view, than is presented by the approach to juan fernandez. when seen from a distance, the mountain of the 'yungue' (anvil), so called from its resemblance to a blacksmith's anvil, appears conspicuously placed in the midst of a range of precipitous mountains, and is alone an object of interest. it rises three thousand feet above a shore, which is formed by an abrupt wall of dark-coloured bare rock, eight or nine hundred feet in height, through whose wild ravines, broken by the mountain torrents, views are caught of verdant glades, surrounded by luxuriant woodland. the higher parts of the island are in general thickly-wooded; but in some places there are grassy plains of considerable extent, whose lively colour contrasts agreeably with the dark foliage of myrtle-trees, which abound on the island. the yungue is wooded, nearly from the summit to its base; whence an extensive and fertile valley extends to the shore, and is watered by two streams, which take their rise in the heights, and fall into the sea. this valley appears to have been formerly cleared and cultivated by the spaniards, who had a colony here; for the stone {303} walls, which served to divide their enclosures, still remain. from walter's account of anson's voyage, and the view given with it of the commodore's tent, there is no difficulty in determining this valley to be the spot on which his encampment was placed. the island is now (1830) occupied, or rather rented from the governor of chile for a term of years, by don joachim larrain. the establishment consists of a superintendent (mayor-domo), there called, 'the governor;' and forty persons, who are employed in the seal and cod fishery, and in drying fish for the chilian market. their dwellings are erected on the flat land, at the north side of the bay, where the soil is richer than in other parts; and where it is more sheltered from the squalls, which, during strong southerly gales, rush down the valley of the yungue, the situation of the former establishment, with great violence. the remains of a fort, called san juan baptiste, are yet in a tolerable state; and from an inscription on the wall, it appears to have been repaired, or completed, in the year 1809. it is situated on a rising ground, about one hundred and thirty feet above the sea, at the s.w. part of the bay, and overlooks the village; there are now no guns mounted, but, with a few, it might be made very effective in a short time; and, from its situation, would command the bay. in the middle of the beach are some ruins of a four-gun battery, and there are also traces of a fort at the n.w. end of the bay. at present, except wild-goats, wild peaches, figs, abundance of fish, and excellent fresh water, no refreshments can be procured. an establishment of forty persons, with very little to do, might naturally be expected to cultivate the land, raise vegetables and fruit, and rear poultry and pigs, to supply the vessels, which frequently touch here for wood and water; but it is not the character of the chileno to take any trouble, unless obliged, although his own comfort and advantage may be materially concerned. the mayor-domo, however, told me that their attempts to {304} cultivate the soil, and raise potatoes, had been defeated by the destructive ravages of a worm. by sending a boat to the east point of the bay, to fish in forty fathoms water, a most delicious kind of cod-fish may be taken, in such numbers, that two men, in half an hour, could fill the boat. craw-fish, of large size, are almost equally abundant; they are taken with a hooked stick: one of our boats caught forty-five in a very short time. the inhabitants catch them, and cure their tails, by exposure to the sun, for exportation to chile, where they are much esteemed, and fetch a high price. wild-goats are very numerous among the inaccessible parts of the island, but are not easily obtained; they are sometimes shot, or taken with a lazo. these animals, according to woodes rogers, and other writers, were originally left on the island by juan fernandez, who, for a short time, lived there. according to the 'noticias secretas,' p. 50 to 56, they are supposed to have been landed by the buccaneers, who frequented this island. certain it is, that, without such refreshments, the buccaneers would not have been able to carry on their harassing war of plunder against the spanish possessions on the american coast to such an extent; nor should we, perhaps, have heard anything more about commodore anson, and the crews of the centurion and gloucester, who were, on their arrival at this island, in the last stage of scurvy. to prevent juan fernandez from being so tempting a resort to buccaneers, the viceroy of peru caused a great many dogs to be landed, which hunted down and destroyed the goats in great numbers: this in some measure has prevented their subsequent increase. the dogs however drove the goats to places where they could not follow them, and were then obliged to destroy seals for food. large troops of these dogs still range about the lower grounds; but the heights are in the undisturbed possession of wild-goats; which may be seen in numbers browsing on elevated and almost inaccessible places, where they live in safety. the geological character of this island, according to mr. caldcleugh, who accompanied me in this trip, is of basaltic {305} green-stone, and trap, which appears, at first sight, to be volcanic; but, on a more particular examination, the lava-like appearance of the rock does not seem to arise from an igneous origin. the green-stone is full of crystals of olivine, which, as they decompose, leave hollows, resembling those of scoriæ. mr. caldcleugh communicated an account of the structure to the geological society.[163] in captain hall's interesting journal, there is a list of geological and mineralogical specimens, of which one from mas-a-fuéra[164] is named 'vesicular lava.' may it not be this same rock in a decomposed state? the late signor bertero, whose botanical collections from chile have enriched many of the principal herbaria in europe, accompanied me to make a collection of the flora of the island; and he considered that the character of the vegetation was very little allied to the chilian, but partook more of that of california. the sandal-wood, which has been described as indigenous to this island, was not found by us, growing, but a large quantity was collected about the hills and vallies, in a dry state, and apparently very old. it is of the red kind, and still preserves a strong scent. the mayor-domo told me there were no sandal-wood trees in the island; but we had reason to think his information was incorrect, for one of the inhabitants would have taken us to a place where he said they were growing in large quantities, had not our arrangements for sailing interfered. the island produces several kinds of grass; but the most abundant herbaceous plant is a species of oat, which grows very luxuriantly, and towards the westward covers the ground for many miles. the neighbourhood of cumberland bay is over-run with strawberry plants, wild radishes, mint, and balm, besides peach, apple, cherry, and fig trees, which are {306} found wild every where, and remind one of lord anson's visit.[165] not only in its botanical productions does this island differ from the chilian coast, but also in its shells: the shell fish being extremely scarce, and dissimilar in character. on the rocks we found a patella and a small chama, but we saw no mytilus. from the deep water i fished up some coral, and attached to one fragment was a new species of arca.[166] the fishing-lines brought up, from the depth of eighty fathoms, a branch of coralline, to which an infinite number of a species of caryophyllia were attached. the existence of coral is mentioned in mr. barry's translation of the 'noticias secretas de america; por don j. juan, y don a. de ulloa,' a work which contains a long and, generally speaking, good account of the island; but their description of the anchorage does not agree with ours. they say, "the distance between the two points, which form the bay, is two miles, and its depth about half a league; and, although the depth is nearly the same in all parts, the best berth to moor ships is in the front of the 'playa del este;' but it is necessary to be close to the stones of the beach, for at one or two cables' length there are fifty fathoms water, and the outer anchor is in the depth of seventy or eighty fathoms; but if the vessel is three or four cables off, it will be necessary to drop the outer anchor in one hundred fathoms, which, even with two cables an end, will scarcely secure the ship." now, at three cables' length from the beach, we had only ten fathoms, our outer anchor was dropped in seventeen fathoms, and in a line between the two points of the bay there is not more than fifty fathoms. if the accounts of those spanish officers were correct, the earthquakes, which certainly affect these islands, must have caused a considerable uprising of the base of the island; but, on referring to the plan in anson's voyage, the soundings in 1741 do not appear to have been different from ours. the innermost ship, whose berth we occupied, is, in that plan, at anchor in {307} nineteen fathoms, and the depth between the points of the bay is shown to be about fifty fathoms. there are few persons who have not read, with much interest, mr. walter's account of the centurion's voyage, and who are not well acquainted with his description of this island, which we found exceedingly correct. the views of the land, although old-fashioned in execution, are most correctly delineated, and the plan of the bay is quite sufficient for every common purpose of navigation; but as we had an opportunity of fixing its latitude and longitude more correctly, it became desirable to make a more detailed plan than commodore anson's. the seals and sea-lions, which were so abundant formerly, are now reduced to such a small number, as to make the seal-fishery scarcely worth notice. they have been destroyed by taking them indiscriminately, without regard to age or sex, leaving none to propagate the race but those who by chance escaped. at present the island is let to a tenant, who is not permitted to kill them until the young have taken to the water, by which means an opportunity is given for them to increase. i am not aware that there are any indigenous animals. dogs, goats, and rats, have been imported. land birds are not numerous; some pigeons, said to have been imported, and a few hawks, are occasionally seen, besides three species of humming-birds, two of which are new to science.[167] of sea-birds we saw very few; but were informed that the 'goat islands,' at the south-west end of juan fernandez, are completely covered by them at the breeding season. during our stay, several excursions were made, in various directions, from the village, and much facilitated by beaten paths, one of which leads up a valley, westward of that of the {308} yungue, and thence to a pass over the principal range, communicating with the other side of the island. this pass, called the puertozuela, is 1,800 feet high, and was visited several times by the officers. on one occasion, they went to the western part of the island, to hunt wild goats. the party set out in boats with the mayor-domo, or governor, as their guide; but before they reached the proper landing-place, became so impatient that they landed, intending to walk back. the governor, however, persevered, and returned, in the evening, with five fine she-goats, which he had taken with 'lazos.' our pedestrians found their return by no means so easy as they had contemplated, being obliged to pass the night in a cave, which they fortunately found at sunset, and they did not reach the ship until the following afternoon, fatigued, but much pleased by their ramble. the thermometer on board ranged, during the day, between 63° and 82°, and the barometer between 29.98, and 30.16. on shore the thermometer stood higher, in fine, unclouded weather, and lower when the summits of the hills were covered with clouds. we put to sea on the 22d, anchored at talcahuano on the 3d of march, and sailed again on the 17th, to proceed through the strait of magalhaens. while at concepcion i had an opportunity of seeing pinoleo,[168] the indian chief, from whom captain basil hall endeavoured to obtain the release of a captured araucanian female, whose husband had been murdered in cold blood before her eyes.[169] mr. rouse, our consul, procured for me the necessary introduction, and, with one of the governor's aides-de-camp, accompanied us to the indian quarters, situated on the {309} outskirts of the town, towards the river bio-bio. we found the chief's residence (little better than a rancho, or hut of the country), surrounded by indians, some of whom were armed; and at the door were his two daughters, young, and rather good-looking, whose persons and dress we had leisure to examine, whilst waiting the chiefs pleasure to receive us. they were clothed with a mantle, or wrapper, of green baize, enveloping the body from the neck to the feet, and fastened at the breast by a toup, or tupu[170] (a silver pin, or skewer, headed with a round silver plate, three inches in diameter), over which hung a string of beads. their hair, which was remarkably fine and clean, as well as neatly dressed, was divided into two plaited tails ('trensas'), and their foreheads were ornamented with a broad fillet, worked over with beads.[171] they also wore necklaces, bracelets, ear-rings, and anklets of similar manufacture. our names having been announced to pinoleo, he came to the door to receive us, and invited us to enter. some of our party he recognized, and seemed pleased at their visiting him. we were early, and found him sober; but from his bloated and haggard appearance, it seemed that he had not been long so. on entering the hut, we observed a number of indians, scarcely sober, seated round, near the walls. some turbid wine was presented to us, in a silver cup, which we sipped as it passed round; but the last of our party knowing that to return the cup without emptying it, would be an offence, was obliged to drink the contents, and a bitter potion they were. pinoleo was then stout and rather corpulent, five feet ten inches in height, of a fairer complexion than the generality of his countrymen, and had lost much of his hair. he had laid aside the indian {310} dress, and wore the deshabille of a spaniard, a shirt and pair of trowsers, in a very slovenly manner. he spoke spanish with great facility, and appeared to be quite at his ease in conversation. he has the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the chilian army, and receives pay, as a retainer for his friendship. a very short visit was sufficient to satisfy us, and we took the first opportunity of retiring, for fear of a second cup of wine. while leaving the hut, we were beset by some of his followers, asking for money. the indian quarter is a scene of drunkenness the whole day; the women, however, are prevented from thus injuring themselves; they are industrious and cleanly, and are principally occupied in the manufacture of ponchos. these indians are frequently at war with other tribes, who live on the south side of the bio-bio river, and who have never yet been conquered by white men, of which they are not a little proud.(w) these araucanians are by no means to be despised. the cacique mariloan,[172] who resides near san carlos, on the bio-bio, has three hundred fighting men under his own command; and from the influence he holds over neighbouring caciques, could bring upwards of one thousand men into the field. upon the occasion of a late revolution in chile, a deputation of chiefs was sent by the araucanian caciques to inquire into the cause of those disturbances, of which they had received intelligence. they first asked for an interpreter, whom they cautioned to give a true and literal translation of their speech; and then they made a long harangue, in which they explained the cause of their visit, and declared their willingness to assist their friends, if their aid should be required, to expel a foreign foe; but if the troubles were caused only by the quarrels and dissensions of parties, they would not take an active part. they were then given to understand that an attempt had been made by one party to put down another, upon which they declined assisting either. the conference being ended, some horses were {311} slaughtered and skinned. large holes were dug, and the skins put into them, to form substitutes for vessels, into which barrels of wine were poured, and the indians commenced their feast of horses' flesh and turbid wine, which threw them rapidly into a state of excitement and intoxication, that lasted some hours after the wine was all drunk. in this neighbourhood, the araucanian pine (_araucaria imbricata_) is found, but very few of the trees grow near the sea. one beautiful specimen which i saw in a garden was, at least, forty feet in height, with branches sweeping the ground. the cones of these trees, called piñones, are brought to the town from the mountains where they grow, and are roasted, to be sold in the streets. on the 31st of march, the land about cape lucia was seen, and at noon it bore e.b.n., distant twelve miles, when the wind ceased, and a heavy swell setting us towards the land, made our situation an anxious one. a breeze, however, sprung up, and by carrying a press of sail, we succeeded in gaining an offing before dark. the night was very squally, but next morning (1st april) the weather was better, so we stood in, and made the evangelists, which were seen from the mast-head, at a distance of twenty-two miles. between these islands and cape pillar we found a most turbulent sea; yet no sooner had we entered the strait, than the water became perfectly smooth. i intended anchoring in the harbour of mercy; but the night proved fine, and the wind was so favourable, that we proceeded by the chart, using a patent log, and passing within two miles of the headlands. sail was reduced as much as possible, to give us space sufficient to run on during the night, steering e. ¾ s. by compass. towards midnight the weather became cloudy, and occasionally the land was concealed from our view. abreast of cape tamar, and as far as cape providence, some sharp squalls raised a sea, rather heavy, considering we were in the strait; but afterwards the water became smooth again. off the latter cape, the patent log indicated a distance run equal to that shown by the chart, which proved that we had {312} experienced no current. at daylight we were in the entrance of the 'long reach,' abreast of cape monday. while passing the opening opposite to playa parda, a schooner was observed at anchor, and a boat was seen coming out to us. it contained the mate of the schooner industry, of new bedford, who informed us that she had been lying there, weather-bound, for nearly a month. he came to make inquiries about good anchorages to the westward (having already lost two anchors), and to learn in what part of the strait he was; his own idea being, that the vessel was under cape monday. having given him the required information, we proceeded; but the wind fell light, and we were glad to anchor in the cove of playa parda. with our chains we found it safe; but the bottom, being rocky, would probably do much injury to hempen cables. the opening opposite to us, where the schooner was lying, was evidently sarmiento's 'abra.' it appeared to us to be a mile and a half wide, with an island in the entrance. within, it seemed to take a south, then a south-west direction, and afterwards to trend round a low hummocky point of the eastern shore, under a high, precipitous ridge, on the opposite or western shore, towards the s.e.; beyond this its course could not be observed. when passing through this part of the strait, captain stokes found the weather so bad, that although the distance across was only two or three miles, the shores were often concealed by clouds and rain, so as to render it impossible for him to make any survey of them. we were detained the two following days by bad weather. on the 5th we proceeded, but before we got abreast of snowy sound, heavy rain set in, which lasted all day. as we passed borja bay, a schooner was observed at anchor in it, so like the adelaide, that we altered our course to communicate with her. from a boat which came off to us, we learned that it was a sealing-vessel, called the hope, of new york, going through the strait, from staten land. she had seen nothing of the adelaide. when abreast of bachelor river, a canoe, containing two {313} men and two women, came out to us; but we did not delay long, and at five the anchor was dropped in fortescue bay. as it did not appear that the adelaide had preceded us, i determined upon remaining, to make a chronometric measurement from port gallant to port famine; and the next morning lieutenant graves landed, and obtained a set of sights for time. in the early part of the day, two canoes, containing eight or ten fuegians, entered the bay. they came from the westward; but we did not recognize among them any of those who visited the ship as we passed bachelor's river. several had red baize shirts, and some had 'union caps,' such as are supplied to our men-of-war; which they must have procured from the beagle or adelaide, or from the chanticleer, at cape horn.(x) after hanging about us all day, they landed at sunset, and took up their quarters in some old wigwams in the inner harbour. the canoes of these natives were very different in their construction from any we had seen to the eastward. instead of being paddled, they were pulled with oars; one of which was an ash oar, probably obtained from some sealing-vessel. the canoes were large; at the bottom was a plank, twenty inches wide, to which were sewn the sides, in the manner of the piraguas, and they were caulked with bark, in a similar way. we did not remark any thing peculiar among these people which we had not perceived in other natives of tierra del fuego, except that they frequently used the word 'pecheray,' a word particularly noticed by bougainville, who thought that it meant the name of the tribe; and, in consequence, the fuegians have been often called pecherays. on one of the officers cutting a lock of hair from a woman's head, the men became angry, and one of them taking it away, threw half of it into the fire, and, rolling up the other portion between the palms of his hands, swallowed it. immediately {314} afterwards, placing his hands to the fire, as if to warm them, and looking upwards, he uttered a few words, apparently of invocation: then, looking at us, pointed upwards, and exclaimed, with a tone and gesture of explanation, 'pecheray, pecheray.' after which, they cut off some hair from several of the officers who were present, and repeated a similar ceremony. from this fact, one might suppose the word to be connected with their ideas of divine worship; but we had heard it used for so many opposite things, that i could not consider it of so much importance as some of the officers were inclined to think it. the next day a party ascended the mountain de la cruz, to deposit a pewter plate, on which were cut the names of the ship and officers. at the summit they found the pile of stones made by captain fitz roy, which they left undisturbed; but made another, in which a bottle was placed, containing the little spanish coin, and copies, on vellum, of the memorials we had formerly taken from it, also several english coins, and some medals. the bottle was corked, covered with resin, and enveloped in sheet lead. our party returned in the evening, having been seven hours in going up and descending. the next day i obtained an angular measurement of the mountain de la cruz, with a theodolite, having measured a base of 2,608 feet, which gave for its elevation 2,364 feet, 74 feet more than captain fitz roy's barometrical determination. during the day several fuegian families had arrived, and, by the evening, ten canoes, containing altogether about sixty natives, were collected. i landed to visit them, for i had never before seen so many assembled. we entered all the wigwams but one, which was said to be occupied by a woman in labour. in the opening stood her husband, painted all over with a red ochrous earth, and his head and breast ornamented with the white down of birds. the other fuegians called him 'pecheray;' and appeared to consider him, while in the character he had assumed, as a being superior to themselves. {315} hence, there evidently is something of a superstitious nature connected with the word; but our frequent attempts to find out its precise meaning, were unsuccessful. on repeating this expression to a group of natives, one of them immediately coughed up a piece of blubber, which he had been eating, and gave it to another, who swallowed it with much ceremony, and with a peculiar guttural noise; then, looking up, and pointing with his finger to the skies, solemnly pronounced the talismanic 'pecheray,' this word is also used in pointing to the sun. on the 10th april, i went to charles islands, and surveyed them. there is very good anchorage for a small vessel, in eighteen fathoms, at the north end of the passage which separates them; and at the bottom, or elbow, under the eastern island, in thirteen or fourteen fathoms. the next day, a fresh arrival in two canoes increased the number of indians to eighty; rather a formidable body for a small vessel to encounter. they conducted themselves, on the whole, very peaceably, but seemed determined that our curiosity should not be gratified by finding out the contents of the 'tabooed' wigwam. it was always guarded by the 'pecheray,' who seemed ready and determined to dispute all access to it, by means of a heavy club. one of the midshipmen, however, with a little coaxing, persuaded the man to let him put his head in; but those who were inside, having received their lesson, threw ashes in his face, and nearly blinded him. after this, seeing they were determined on the point, i desired that no further attempt should be made to ascertain what was really going on inside the wigwam. we sailed the next day (11th), not without some apprehension that the adelaide might meet this large concourse of indians before they separated; as port gallant was a place rarely passed by vessels without stopping, and the natives being all housed behind a point of land, could not be seen until too late. we were abreast of cape froward at noon; in the evening we anchored in french bay, and next day (13th) reached port famine. as i purposed remaining until the adelaide should arrive, the tents were set up, the boats landed for repair, and the transit instrument was set up, in the hope that a comet {316} might be visible, which we had seen in our passage from concepcion to the strait; but the weather was at first too cloudy, and afterwards the comet itself was too faint to be discerned.[173] on the 21st, nine canoes arrived in the bay, containing a large party of fuegians, principally those who frequent the magdalen channel, and probably the sea-coast. they had generally shown themselves disposed to be mischievous, and i determined upon preventing their encamping near us; for their presence would greatly impede our watering and wooding parties, by distracting the attention of the people. i, therefore, went to meet them at the watering-place, under point st. anna, where they had landed, near one of our boats which was on the beach. among them we only recognised three who had visited us before, and those three were brought to our remembrance by their former misconduct. i had always made it a rule to treat them kindly, with the view of obtaining their good-will; but i found it was the wrong way to gain their respect, for it only made them expect more from me, the consequence of which was, that when we separated, neither party was pleased with the other. i used on this occasion a more dictatorial tone than i had hitherto done; for, seeing several with slings in their hands, and a collection of large, round pebbles wrapped up in the corner of their mantles, i desired them to throw the stones away, which they did not hesitate to do. the indians were now all landed, and evidently presuming upon their numerical strength, upwards of eighty being assembled, began to make themselves very familiar. i thought it best to check their advances, by desiring them not to visit the side of the bay where our tents stood, but to go round point st. anna, to an adjoining cove. they seemed to understand me perfectly, and soon afterwards embarked, while i returned on board. the natives, however, landed again, in the middle of the bay, at the north side, and there encamped. next morning, the men of the tribe visited our tents, but found them surrounded by a rope i had caused to be fixed, {317} and which they were not permitted to pass. at noon, after observing the sun's transit, i went to the barrier, and while the people were at dinner, endeavoured to amuse our visitors, who were from fifteen to twenty in number, by showing them several trifles; among the rest, a pocket set of coloured glasses, belonging to the transit. they looked through them at the sun, but handled them rather roughly, and broke the frame; upon which i expressed my anger, and turned them away. soon afterwards, however, i walked towards them, and selecting the indian who had offended me, gave him a bunch of beads, and thus restored peace; but desired them, at the same time, to go to their wigwams, which they did. in their way, they mischievously broke down a part of my meridian mark; seeing which, i sent a carpenter, attended by a marine, to repair it, and went myself to inspect its being again set up. the natives were collected round it, evidently in expectation of my being angry, and awaited my approach. upon my coming near, i showed them that i was much displeased, and ordered them into their canoes; when one of the party, muttering a few words, picked up a stone from the ground, and was fixing it in his sling, when i took the marine's musket, and presented it at him, upon which the whole took to their heels; the principal offender and another ran along the beach, and the rest to their canoes. i could not resist the opportunity of letting them know we were prepared for them, by firing over the heads of the two who were running near the water. the report of the musket attracted the attention of lieutenant mitchell, who was on board on the look-out, expecting some fracas would, sooner or later, take place; and seeing four or five canoes paddling across, and the two indians running along the beach, he manned a boat, and pulled towards the canoes, which tried to evade him, and stones were thrown at him as he approached. a musket fired over their heads, soon quieted them, when he pulled round their canoes, to show them they were in his power, but did not molest them, and then allowed the party to proceed. this affair alarmed the women at the wigwams, and hastily {318} gathering up their effects, they hurried into their canoes, and joined the others, who all paddled round point st. anna. the men, however, landed there, and remained on shore, armed with slings, spears, and bows, ready to defend themselves, and, by their gestures, defying us to land. no attention was paid to them, and, after a short time, they went over the hills to the coves on the north side of the point. as we had now openly quarrelled, i thought it better that they should keep at a distance; and therefore, taking two boats, pulled round the point, to tell them to go five miles farther, to rocky bay; but the canoes were already beached, and the women had taken up their quarters. as we approached, the hills echoed with the screams of the women and the shouts of the men; all of whom, stark naked, armed, and daubed with white paint, their heads being stuck full of white feathers, hastened down to the point of the bay. the place, from its nature, offered a good defence, as the beach was lined by large rocks, behind which they could conceal themselves from our view, and yet assail us with stones. when within a few yards of the beach, we held a parley--the object of which was, that they should go farther to the northward; to this they vociferously replied, by desiring us to leave them. seeing there was no chance of enforcing our demand, without shedding blood, i ordered the boats away; and on getting about a musket-shot from the beach, one of the fuegians threw a stone, which fell close to us. in an instant, every one of them was concealed behind the rocks; but we returned their fire, and another large stone fell within two feet of the boat. a second musket was fired, and another stone was returned, with equal precision. after the interchange of a few more stones for bullets, they ceased throwing them, and we returned on board. it was very unlikely that any of our shot took effect; for we were at a long distance, and could only see their heads above the rocks. fortunately, none of the stones struck us, for they were large enough to have caused a severe bruise. it is astonishing how very correctly they throw them, and to what a distance. when the first stone fell close to us, we all thought ourselves out of musket-shot. {319} the next morning, five or six natives were seen crouching down among high grass, on the hill over our watering-well, waiting for the people to go for water; probably with the intention of assailing them, for it appeared afterwards that their slings and bows were in readiness. to show them they were not out of our reach, i caused a six-pound shot to be fired over their heads, which, as it went high above them, made no impression. the gun was then pointed lower, and another ineffectual shot fired. a third, however, fell close to them, when they jumped up, shook their mantles in the air, with the most violent gestures, and, apparently in a furious rage, scampered off; but the last man, before he disappeared, threw an immense stone, which did not reach one quarter of the distance. we saw nothing more of the natives until the evening, when lieutenant mitchell, who went to look for them, found they had moved away to rocky bay, where they had encamped on the open beach. the next day, i sent him to endeavour to make peace, which he very easily effected, by the interchange of a few trifles. after this we had much bad weather, during which most of the indians kept close to their wigwams; but a few occasionally communicated with our watering party, quite peaceably, as if nothing had happened. a day or two after, the weather improved, and the fuegians dispersed, probably for want of food, some going to the northward, but the greater part along shore to the southward. these people pointed upwards to the sky, when they were going away, repeating the word 'pecheray.' this was our last interview with the wretched fuegians. naturally petulant and quarrelsome, they are also ever intent upon mischief; the fear of punishment alone restraining them. weakly-manned vessels passing through this strait should always avoid them, if they are numerous; for unless they are given what they want, they try to steal it, and any consequent punishment probably brings on a quarrel. their conduct, and servile bearing, at our first seeing them, gave them an appearance of being timid and inactive; while, in reality, they {320} are the very reverse. had we attempted to land on the last occasion, i do not think we should have effected our object, without receiving some severe contusions from their stones, which they sling with such extraordinary precision and force: so much so, that i consider the sling, in their dexterous hands, to be equal to a musket in ours. indeed, with many of us, a native would have had the advantage. it has been too much the practice, when obliged to fire upon them, to fire over their heads; by which proceeding the savages are led to consider our weapons as so uncertain in their effect, that they become much depreciated in their estimation. it would be almost preferable to inflict a slight wound, in order to show the nature of our arms, and as a warning against further hostilities. when the uxbridge, sealer, was at anchor in a harbour in the magdalen channel, some indians, who were on board, angry at being ordered out of the vessel at sunset, threw stones at the person who was walking the deck, as they returned to the shore. several muskets were fired over their heads, at which they expressed neither fear nor concern; but paddled leisurely away, and the next morning came off again to the vessel, as if nothing had happened. at port famine, duclos guyot had a skirmish with natives, the particulars of which are described in dom pernetty's history (ii. 653). three of the indians were killed, and three of the french were severely wounded. it may be here remarked, that the chief's name, according to m. duclos guyot, was 'pach-a-chui,' which is not unlike 'pecheray;' the women were called 'cap, cap,' probably a mistake for 'cab, cab;' which evidently means 'no, no!' for it was an expression we frequently used, and was never misunderstood. their cunning is sufficiently proved by the theft of the adelaide's boat, in st. simon's sound (page 142). the absence of the fuegians permitted us to move about a little; and among other places, we visited their late encampment at rocky bay, our approach to which was offensively indicated by a most sickening smell. on our way, i found two fossils; one was very interesting, bearing the appearance of a {321} large orthoceratite:[174] the other was a venus. from rocky point we descried a strange sail, which, by her movements, we thought must be the beagle: i returned, therefore, and sent lieutenant mitchell out to her. she arrived in the evening, but proved to be a ship belonging to the hudson bay company, called the dryad, bound to the columbia river, and last from the falkland islands. she came to wait for mr. low, of the adeona, who had promised to pilot her through the magdalen channel. the adeona arrived on the 3d of may; and the following day, to our great joy, the adelaide hove in sight: and being becalmed, was towed to an anchorage. the result of her cruise proved to be very interesting, although no communication had been discovered between the 'ancon sin salida,' and the skyring water. the only loss they had sustained was, however, a severe one; mr. alexander millar having died of inflammation in the bowels. the death of this promising young man threw a damp over the happiness we felt at meeting again, after having so nearly completed this long and tedious voyage. we had, for some days, been getting ready for sea, and now hastened to complete our preparations. the dryad, after receiving some assistance from us, sailed in company with the adeona, and passed out to the pacific, by going through the magdalen channel. the day afterwards we took our final departure--crossed the shoal that extends off magdalena island, in five fathoms, sailed on rapidly, and passed gregory bay at noon. seeing us approach, a large party of patagonians, at least a hundred in number, assembled at the usual place of communication; but as both wind and tide were in our favour, and we could derive no novel information from them, we continued on our course. the indians were probably much mortified and disappointed; but all on board were delighted by avoiding the anticipated delay. we showed our colours to them, but i dare say our friend, maria, was not very well pleased with my want of courtesy, in passing by so old an acquaintance {322} without a salutation; or, what she coveted much more, such presents as she had always received when we anchored. just before entering the first narrow, we passed through a furious 'tide-race,' which broke over the adelaide, and not a little impeded her progress. no accident, however, was the consequence; and a rapid tide, running at the least nine knots an hour, swept us through the narrow, and round the reef off cape orange: after which we proceeded rapidly, and rounded cape virgins at ten p.m., not a little elated by leaving behind us, with no expectation of ever seeing it again, the famous strait of magalhaens. our voyage to monte video was rather long; but we delayed there only to water the ship, in the usual place, off cape jesu maria, and then proceeded to rio de janeiro, where we awaited the arrival of the beagle. our anxiety for her safety, during so hazardous a survey as that of the sea-coasts of tierra del fuego, was soon removed, by hearing that she had touched at monte video; and, on the 2d of august, our consort was seen entering the harbour; when we were delighted by finding all well on board, and the little vessel quite ready for sea, having refitted on her passage. * * * * * {323} chapter xviii. adelaide's last cruise--port otway--san quintin--marine islands--unknown river or passage--san tadeo--isthmus of ofqui--san rafael--sufferings and route of the wager's party--channel's mouth--byron--cheap--elliott- hamilton--campbell--indian cacique--passage of the desecho--osorio- xavier island--jesuit sound--kirke's report--night tides--guaianeco islands--site of the wager's wreck--bulkeley and cummings--speedwell bay--indigenous wild potato--mesier channel--fatal bay--death of mr. millar--fallos channel--lieutenant skyring's illness--english narrow- fish--wigwams--indians--level bay--brazo ancho--eyre sound--seal- icebergs--walker bay--nature of the country--habits of the natives- scarcity of population. i will now relate the principal incidents of the adelaide's last cruise. the following pages contain extracts from lieutenant skyring's journal, and also notices obtained from other sources. the adelaide sailed from chilóe on the 8th of december 1829, made cape tres montes on the 14th, and anchored in port otway the same evening. of this place lieutenant skyring writes: "good anchorage, wood, water, and shell-fish (such as muscles and clams), port otway affords: but no more. excepting in one or two sandy bights, a landing is hardly to be effected; walking along shore is impossible, and it is scarcely practicable to enter the country, the land being so thickly wooded, from the summits of the hills down to the water-side. no soil is to be discovered; the shrubs, and even the trees, which are of large growth, rise out of moss, or decomposed vegetable substances. the climate is very wet; none but amphibious animals were seen, among which hair-seals were numerous. there were very few birds, excepting turkey buzzards; and not a trace of human beings; indeed, i do not believe indians ever go there--(y) they rarely leave the direct channels; as a proof {324} of which, some articles left by the beagle, in a conspicuous place, were found by us untouched." during the adelaide's stay at port otway, the openings on the east side of hoppner sound were explored, yet they proved to be only small inlets. mr. kirke examined some, which appeared to communicate with san quintin sound; but found them to be merely channels dividing the group of the marine islands,[175] excepting the most southern, which is the entrance of newman inlet, a deep bight, without anchorage, but abounding with hair-seal. from byron's narrative it would appear, that there is a channel somewhere hereabouts communicating with the gulf of san rafael, to the east of the peninsula of tres montes; for the indian guide wanted to conduct the wager's barge through it, but was prevented by the strength of the current. the adelaide sailed from port otway on the 18th, and the same evening reached san quintin sound, anchoring opposite an opening northward of dead-tree island, that proved to be the mouth of the river san tadeo, by which byron and his unfortunate companions effected their escape to chilóe. the sufferings of this party, which are so affectingly described in byron's narrative of the loss of the wager, made so deep an impression on our minds, that i thought it not irrelevant to the object of this voyage to endeavour to trace their steps. among the numerous incidents that occurred to them, the passage of the 'desecho,' or carrying-place over the isthmus of ofqui, is, from all the circumstances connected with it, one of the most interesting. it may be remembered, that, upon the departure of captain cheap, and his shipwrecked crew, from the place of the wreck (byron's narrative, p. 69), they proceeded round the shores of the gulf of peñas, with an intention of tracing the coast of chilóe. they first attempted to steer for cape tres montes, which headland they had seen, in one of the intervals of fair weather, from the summit of mount misery, and which appeared to be twenty or thirty leagues distant. the wind, {325} however, freshened to a gale, and they were obliged to run before it, and throw all their provisions overboard to lighten the boat. at night they took refuge in a small opening, which led to a secure harbour, and next day advanced a little farther, till they reached some small islands, where they were detained three or four days by bad weather. after leaving that place, they found an opening, into which they rowed, flattering themselves it would prove to be a passage; but, being disappointed, they were obliged to return. this was probably the inlet, called 'channel's mouth.' xavier island was the next place they went to, named by them montrose island. byron describes this island so exactly, that there cannot be the least doubt of its identity. "the next morning," he says, "being calm, we rowed out; but as soon as clear of the island, we found a great swell from the westward: we rowed to the bottom of a very large bay, which was to northward of us, the land very low, and we were in hopes of finding some inlet through, but did not; so kept along shore to the westward. this part, which i take to be fifty leagues from wager island, is the very bottom of the large bay it lies in. here was the only passage to be found, which (if we could by any means have got information of it) would have saved us much fruitless labour. of this passage i shall have occasion to say more hereafter."--byron's nar. p. 74. this is evidently san quintin sound. they proceeded to the westward and northward, entered a larger bay (holloway sound), and discovered another headland at a great distance to the westward (cape tres montes), which they reached with much difficulty; but being unable to get round it, and losing the boat that accompanied them, besides being obliged to leave four of the marines behind, they became quite disheartened, and returned to wager island, to linger out their miserable lives, without the least prospect of again seeing home. this expedition occupied two months, during which they lived principally upon sea-weed, called 'tangle;' but sometimes passed whole days without eating anything at all. while they {326} were absent, some indians had visited the wreck; and, about a fortnight after their return, they arrived a second time, in two canoes. among them was an indian cacique of the chonos tribe, who live in the neighbourhood of chilóe. it was supposed that a report of the wreck had reached that place; and that this cacique, and another indian, had come to derive some advantage from it. as the cacique spoke spanish, the surgeon, mr. elliot, made himself so far understood, as to let him know that they wished to reach some of the spanish settlements; and eventually bargained to give him the barge, and every thing in it, if he would conduct them to chilóe. the party consisted of captain cheap; mr. elliot, the surgeon; mr. campbell, mr. hamilton, and mr. byron, midshipmen; and eight men, besides the two indians; in all fifteen. the first night they slept on an island, and the next laid upon their oars, to the westward of montrose island, not being able to land. they then pulled, "to the bottom of a great bay, where the indian guide had left his family, a wife and two children." there they staid two or three days; after which, taking on board the family, they proceeded to a river, "the stream of which," byron says, "was so rapid, that after our utmost efforts, from morning to evening, we gained little upon the current; and, at last, were obliged to desist from our attempts, and return." this was probably a river, or channel, to the westward of san quintin sound, which eluded our search; and, if so, it must communicate with channels north-eastward of the peninsula of tres montes. the indians, anxious to get the barge to the chonos, had no other way to effect their purpose; for the usual route was over the 'desecho;' to pass which, it was necessary to take a boat or canoe to pieces, and carry her, piecemeal, over a high mountain. after losing the barge, they crossed the peninsula of forelius, by hauling canoes over a narrow neck of land, and reached the water of san quintin sound; where they met another native family, with whom they proceeded to the river san tadeo, "up which they rowed four or five leagues; and then {327} took to a branch of it that ran first to the eastward, and then to the northward." there they landed, took the canoes to pieces, and carried them over the isthmus; then putting them together again, re-embarked, and proceeded through the chonos archipelago to chilóe. when at chilóe, i saw an old man, pedro osorio, who had been in two of the last missionary voyages (in 1769 and 1778), to the guaineco islands; where the wager was wrecked. he related to me the particulars of these voyages, and gave me an account of the 'desecho,' over which the missionaries transported their piraguas. he also remembered byron and his companions; and described them by the following names:--don david (captain david cheap); don juan (john byron); hamerton (hamilton); and plasta. the name plasta is not once mentioned in byron's narrative; but on referring to bulkeley's and cumming's account, one plastow is described as the captain's servant; and perhaps he was one of the number who remained with captain cheap.(z) pedro osorio must have been upwards of ninety years of age, in 1829.(a) a detailed account of these voyages is given in agüeros's historical description of the province of chilóe, p. 205. captain stokes's 'dead-tree island,' in the entrance of san estevan gulf, is near the 'cirujano island' (surgeon island) of those voyages. pedro osorio told me that it was so called, because the surgeon of the wager died there. from byron's narrative it would appear, that the surgeon died, and was buried, just before they embarked to cross the sound.--see byron, p. 147. as the examination of the river san tadeo, and the discovery of the 'desecho,' formed a part of lieutenant skyring's instructions, he proceeded up it, in a whale-boat, accompanied by mr. kirke. the entrance of the river is blocked up by a bar of sand and stones, which, at low spring-tide, must be nearly dry; and a heavy swell breaks upon its whole length, joining the surf of the beach, on each side; so that there is {328} no deep channel; and, except in very fine weather, an attempt to cross is hazardous. at its mouth, the breadth is about a quarter of a mile, but within the entrance it increases for a short distance: at three miles up, it is three hundred yards, and thence gradually diminishes. the shores are a mixture of clay and sand; and the country, on both sides, is low and marshy, abounding with brant-geese, ducks, teal, and snipe. the land, near the mouth of the river, is studded with dead trees (a species of pine, about twenty feet high), which appear to have been killed by the sea overflowing the banks;(b) as it does at high-water for several miles. three miles from the entrance this river divides into two branches, one leading n.w., and the other eastward. considering the latter, from byron's description, to be the proper course, lieutenant skyring followed it. at nine miles from the mouth, a stream was found falling into the river from the north, in every respect differing from the principal stream; the water being fresh, dark, and clear, and the current constantly running down, uninfluenced by the tide; while the water of the river was brackish and turbid, and affected by the ebbing and flowing of the tide, although, at that distance, its effect was much diminished. the shores of the black river, as this new stream was called, are thickly wooded, which is not the case with the principal stream. they had entered it about a hundred yards before they discovered that they had left the main river; but being desirous of proceeding, they followed its windings, the next day, for three leagues; during the greater part of which distance, they found a strong current against them, and were also much impeded by fallen trees lying in the bed of the river. in many parts they dragged their boat along by the help of overhanging branches, or projecting roots; and the width, generally, was not more than fifty yards. as no piragua could pass there, lieutenant skyring felt assured that he was not in the right stream; therefore, returning to the main river, he proceeded {329} up it during the next two days. at two miles above the junction, the tide ceased to be felt; and a rapid current met them, which increased in strength until they were unable to stem it; and as they were prevented from tracking the boats, by trees growing on the banks, they could ascend no farther. this place was not more than eleven miles from the sea; although, from the tortuous course of the stream, they had gone double that distance, and were about two miles from the foot of a mountain, whence the river descends. the mountain was very high, and the vallies, or ravines, were filled with glaciers. from byron's description, it seems probable that lieutenant skyring was near the carrying place; but as further delay could answer no good end, he very prudently returned, looking carefully about, as he proceeded, for some signs of a landing-place, but without success. he re-crossed the bar, reached the adelaide without accident, and the next day went on in her to xavier island. on the way they passed dead-tree island; where, observing seal on the rocks, a boat was sent ashore, and her crew succeeded in killing a few sea-elephants, twenty feet long. favoured with fine weather, they were enabled to land on the north side of xavier island, to improve the former survey; and in the evening anchored in xavier bay, where they remained four days; during which, jesuit sound was explored, and found to terminate in two narrow inlets. being a leewardly opening, it is unfit for any vessel to enter. the name jesuit sound, and those of the two inlets at the bottom, benito and julian, are memorials of the missionaries, who, in the expedition of 1778, entered and explored it.[176] (agüeros, p. 232.) the adelaide anchored the next night in ygnacio bay, at the south end of xavier island, which lieutenant skyring {330} recommends for small vessels; the depth of water being six or eight fathoms, and the anchorage well sheltered from the wind. on the 31st they anchored under the hazard islands, in the channel's mouth: "preparatory," writes lieutenant skyring, "to commencing new work with the new year; for since entering the gulf, except while examining the san tadeo, we had followed the beagle's track, and only completed what she left unfinished; but from this place all would be new. this was the last wild anchorage she had taken; and although now fixed in the best situation, and in the height of summer, we found our position almost as dangerous as hers. "early on the 1st of january 1830, mr. kirke went in a whale-boat to examine the openings, at the mouth of which we had anchored: he returned on the 9th, having traced to the end, all which had the least appearance of being channels. the two largest, the south and the east, penetrated into the cordillera for thirty miles. all these inlets are narrow but deep arms of the sea, running between ranges of very steep hills; their sides affording not the least shelter, even for a boat, and apparently deserted; for neither seal, nor birds of any kind were seen, nor were there even muscles on the rocks." mr. kirke, in his report, says: "the three northernmost of the inlets of the channel's mouth end with high land on each side, and low sandy beaches at the head, beyond which there rises a ridge of high mountains, about two miles from the beach. the s.e. inlets end in rivers rushing down from the mountains, and a rocky shore: not the smallest shelter could i find, even for the boat. two days and nights i was forced to keep her hauled up on a rock, just above high-water mark, in a strong gale, while the williwaws were so violent, that we were all obliged to add our weight to that of the boat, to prevent her from being blown off: and twice we were washed out of our resting-places, on the beach, by the night tide rising about fifteen or sixteen inches above that of the day." this opening in the coast is noticed by the pilot machado (agüeros, p. 210); but by whom the name of channel's mouth was given, does not appear. it is by no means descriptive of {331} what it has been proved to be; but as lieutenant skyring thought that a change in the name would not answer any good purpose, he very properly left it unaltered. the day after mr. kirke returned, very bad weather set in, and detained the adelaide nine days, during which nothing could be done, out of the vessel. january 19th, lieutenant skyring writes, "with moderate weather, and an easterly wind, we left the channel's mouth, and, standing for the guaianeco islands, passed those of ayautau (between which and the mainland are several rocky reefs, though the passage seems to be sufficiently clear for any vessel); and skirting tarn bay, we distinguished the mesier channel, and could see many leagues down it. the entrance of the mesier channel is very remarkable, from having two high and singular peaks on the islands at its mouth: the northernmost very much resembling (although higher than) nelson's monument, near the strait; and the other, more to the southward, and much higher, resembling a church with a cupola, instead of a spire. both are easily made out from the westward, at a distance of twenty or thirty miles. "we reached the guaianeco islands in the afternoon. the two largest are divided by a narrow passage, on the west side of which we anchored, in ten fathoms, in a spacious and secure haven, which proved to be speedwell bay of bulkeley and cummings; the boats were employed next day, and, while the examination of the coast was pursued, i sought to ascertain the exact spot of the wreck of the wager, but never could discover it: not a fragment of that ill-fated vessel was seen in any of our excursions. a few pieces of the boat lost by the beagle last year were picked up; but nothing more that could tend to denote the misfortunes which have occurred near these islands. "from the description of the wager's wreck, in bulkeley and cummings, there seems to be little doubt of the place being at the n.w. end of the eastern guaianeco island, near my rundle's passage, which is the place so often mentioned in their account as the 'lagoon.' {332} "being well supplied with powder and small shot, the people provided themselves plentifully, during our stay at speedwell bay, with a variety of wild-fowl, namely, geese, ducks, redbeaks, shags, and the ibis; curlew, snipe, plover, and moorhens, were also met with, and fish were observed in shoals near the vessel, but, as we had no seine, they escaped. with hooks and lines our fishermen had no luck; the baits were no sooner at the bottom, than they were taken away, and for a day or two the cause of their loss was unknown; but being accidentally ascertained, small trap-nets were made, and great numbers of crabs were taken, about a pound each in weight. "in almost every bay we noticed the potato, growing among wild celery, close above high-water mark: but in so unfavourable a situation, choked by other vegetables, its produce was very small. "the trees are not of large growth in these islands, neither is the land thickly wooded; but above the beach, and almost round the coast, there is a breast-work of jungle and underwood, from fifty to one hundred yards broad, and nearly impenetrable; beyond which is a great extent of clear, but low and swampy ground. "on the 25th, we left this port, and ran to the s.e., through what i have named rundle's passage. this small channel, where the islands approach each other, is about a quarter of a mile wide, perfectly clear in the whole extent, and also at its southern entrance; but at the northern there are many detached rocks, which are obstacles to entering speedwell bay, except in daylight. rounding the islets, at the s.e. extreme of byron islands, we anchored in muscle bay, which lies on the northern side: by no means a secure place,--but the only one that could be found, by the boats, after many hours' search. i selected this situation in order that the entrance to the fallos channel, and the whole outline of these islands, might be laid down, and properly connected with the land of port barbara; which was thoroughly executed by mr. kirke and mr. millar, although delayed in the completion of their {333} work until the 1st of february.(c) on that day we sailed, and entered the mesier channel, anchoring in a small open bay, the only stopping-place we could perceive; which, from the loss we sustained shortly after our arrival, was called fatal bay. it is insecure, and the anchorage ground confined: the only convenience was, that wood and fresh-water were near. during our stay we had much rain, which retarded us. mr. kirke went away in a boat, whenever the weather permitted, and, on the 8th, we sailed for an anchorage, about ten miles to the southward, where he had previously been; but a sad event happened before our departure. "on the afternoon of the 3d, we had the misfortune to lose mr. alexander millar, who died in consequence of a severe attack of inflammation of the bowels, which carried him off, after an illness of only three days. "on thursday afternoon he was buried, close to the shore, near the anchorage, and just within the edge of the wood. "that our progress had been so slow during the last month, was a great disappointment; but we had had many causes of detention. all the early part of january the weather was stormy: eighteen days we were anchored within the channel's mouth; yet during two only could our boats leave the vessel. "among the guaianeco islands we had moderate weather, but also much wet: still the chief cause of our delay, i fear, was my own illness. from the beginning of january, i had been confined to my bed, with a tedious and obstinate disease; and from that time most of the angles were taken, and all the observations were made, by mr. kirke, who was ever exceedingly willing and indefatigable. after the loss of mr. millar, not only almost the whole duty of surveying fell upon him, but much of the duty of the vessel. "at noon this day (8th), we moored in island harbour, a small but excellent landlocked anchorage, with good holding {334} ground, and abundance of wood and water. the two following days, mr. kirke was away examining the coast; the third we were confined by bad weather; and, indeed, during our whole continuance at this place, we had very much rain. "we sailed early on the 12th from island harbour, and by night reached waterfall bay, an anchorage about fifteen miles to the southward: the wind all day was light, and the tide, the greater part of the time, against us; so that, with every exertion, we scarcely gained anchoring ground before it was quite dark: the strength of the tide was upwards of a mile an hour, at neap-tides: the ebb and flood were of equal duration, the former running to the s.b.e., the latter n.b.w. thirty miles within the mesier channel it is as wide as at the entrance, and for several miles to the southward appears clear: so that no one is liable thus far to mistake its course. "the land on the west side appears to be a number of large islands, with here and there wide passages leading to the s.w., rendering it probable that there are many (although not direct) communications between the mesier and the fallos channels. our anchorages were chiefly on the eastern shore, that the openings on that side might be more readily examined; but all which appeared to run far inland were found to be merely narrow inlets, or sounds ending abruptly. on each side the land is hilly, but not high; and this distinguishes the mesier channel from many others, whose shores for miles are formed by ranges of steep-sided mountains. here, in many places, there is much low land, which is generally thickly wooded, yet with no greater variety of trees than is to met with in the strait of magalhaens. the beech, birch, pine, or cypress, winter's-bark, and a kind of red-wood, form the forests; but none were observed that could be at all serviceable for the larger spars of a vessel. "(16th). left waterfall bay, and with a n.w. breeze passed middle island, entered lion bay, and moored in white kelp cove. the coast survey was soon finished, but we were confined at our anchors here four days; not by bad, but by extraordinarily fine weather. during such intervals, so very rare {335} in these regions, the wind, if there is any, is almost always southerly, and light. "at every anchorage we had found indian wigwams, but as yet had not met with any natives. here we took a great number of fish; and, among them, one like the ling, found on the east coast of patagonia, off cape fairweather, but of smaller size, for the largest did not weigh more than two pounds. very few water-fowl were seen; steamers and shags were the only ones shot; but in the woods we noticed king-fishers, woodpeckers, barking-birds, parroquets, and humming-birds. "(21st.) with a light northerly wind we left this cove, and about ten miles to the southward the appearance of the channel changed greatly. instead of sailing through unconnected land, of moderate height, we were confined between two mountainous ridges.[177] at noon we were obliged to anchor in halt bay, no opening appearing to the right or left, and being apparently embayed. on the west side, the high land was skirted by several low islands, among which our only way of proceeding seemed to lie. this day and the next mr. kirke was away, seeking a passage; and having found one, and noticed the tides, we sailed through on the 23d, and gave it the name of the english narrow. it is long and intricate, chiefly formed by islands; and in three places, where the shores approach each other, the distance across is less than four hundred yards, yet with a fair wind and slack tide, there is no hazard in passing. in the afternoon, we moored in ten or twelve fathoms in level bay, a spacious anchorage near the southern entrance of the narrow; the bottom mud and sand, and the depth of water equal throughout. mr. kirke, who was among the islands opposite this bay, saw numerous shoals {336} of fish in many of the bights; with a seine, therefore, an abundant supply might be obtained. "the woodland eastward of our anchorage had very recently been on fire, and the conflagration must have been extensive, and very destructive; for throughout a space of ten or twelve miles along shore, all the trees had been consumed, the dead trunks of the larger ones alone remaining. we left level bay on the morning of the 25th, and passed a canoe full of indians; but they pulled to the shore, and ran into the woods; therefore, since they avoided us, and we had a fair wind, i did not seek their acquaintance. we had noticed traces of them in the neighbourhood of the narrow, on each side of which many wigwams, that had been recently occupied, were seen. "for the next ten or twelve miles we went through a fine reach, whose shores were low, and whose channel was interspersed with several islands, affording probably excellent anchorages; but to the southward the hills became more steep, and, except in the ravines, were destitute of vegetation. at four or five leagues to the e.s.e., beyond the english narrow, an opening, apparently a channel, presented itself, and the reach in which we were sailing seemed to end. doubtful which course to follow, we anchored the vessel in rocky bight, and despatched the boats to examine both passages. that to the e.s.e. was found to run direct nearly ten miles, and to communicate with a fine clear channel, trending to the s.s.w., which proved afterwards to be the wide channel (brazo ancho) of sarmiento. at the junction, a considerable arm extended to the n.n.e., apparently a continuation of the wide channel. "on mr. kirke's return from examining the passage in which we were sailing, i learnt that the same width continued about five miles southward of our present anchorage, and that there the shores approached closely, forming the intricate passage called rowlett narrow; which, after a s.e. course of many miles, also joins wide channel. the island formed by the two channels was named saumarez island, in honour of the gallant admiral. "it rained hard and blew strongly the whole day, which {337} prevented our moving; but on the 27th we shifted our anchorage to fury cove, in wide channel. "mr. kirke, on the 28th, examined an opening to the northward, called sir george eyre sound, which terminates in a wide fresh-water river, running through low land from a large glacier. the low grounds extend two or three miles from it, and then the land becomes high. behind the glacier there is a ridge of high mountains, covered with snow, which we had seen twice before; first, from near white kelp cove, and again from halt bay. in the sound, we saw three whales, and being the first we had observed, since leaving the gulf of peñas, they inclined us to think we were near the gulf of trinidad. a great number of fur seal, besides two of their rookeries, or breeding-places, were also seen. several icebergs were floating out of the sound, some of which were dark-coloured; and upon one i found a quantity of rock that had come down with it from the mountains. there was serpentine and granite, specimens of which were collected, and given to captain king. one of the bergs, which was large, was aground. it was nearly seven fathoms above the water, and bottom could not be found by sounding round it with twenty-one fathoms of line. "fury cove is diminutive; there is not more than sufficient space for two small vessels; but the ground is good, and in every other respect it is a secure haven. we sailed on the 3d of march with the expectation of soon recognizing some known points in the gulf of trinidad; but as the wind failed, we were obliged to anchor for the night in sandy bay, in eight fathoms. "as we proceeded to the southward, the appearance of the country gradually changed: the mountains seemed more barren, the trees and shrubs more stunted, the land rose more suddenly, and the shores of the channel became bolder, and presented an uniform rocky line of coast. "(4th.) we again steered southward, and at noon an opening appearing on the east side, which ran several miles inland, i sought an adjacent anchorage, in order that it might be explored. our boats were examining the shore all day, and {338} sounding in the coves, but no fit spot was found; therefore we were forced to stop in an ill-sheltered nook, termed small craft bight, which just served us (having fair weather) as a resting-place until morning (5th), when we set out again to find a better anchorage; for i still desired to ascertain whether the opening to the eastward was a sound or a channel. in our course to the southward we traced both shores in search of a stopping-place; but there was neither bight nor cove where it was possible to anchor, until we arrived at open bay, which lies near the entrance of wide channel. even this was such a very insecure place, that although i remained the next day, to examine the neighbouring coast, it was far too exposed an anchorage for the vessel to continue in while the boats were away at a distance. "disappointed by not finding a place for the schooner near the opening i wished to explore, i was yet averse to leaving it unexamined, having traced every inlet to its extremity for upwards of two hundred miles along the continent. i wished to continue so sure a mode of proceeding; and although i felt certain that this opening terminated like the rest, and mr. kirke held the same opinion, i would gladly have prevented any doubt by following its course in the boats, could we have gained a safe anchorage for the vessel. the nearest harbour that could be found was thirty miles from the opening, and it would have detained us too long to send the boats such a distance; so considering that we had yet a great extent of coast to examine; that my state of health did not permit me to undertake any very exposed or arduous service; and that mr. kirke was the only person to whom such duty could be entrusted, i was induced to relinquish our former practice of exploring every opening to its end. "we left open bay on the 7th, and soon entered concepcion strait, keeping along the east shore, and sending a boat, at every opening, to seek a situation for the vessel. in the afternoon, a tolerably sheltered bay was found, at the south end of the north canning island, open only from s.e. to s.w.; but those winds being frequent and violent, and the {339} bay exposed to a long reach of sea from that quarter, it cannot be accounted a safe harbour; yet it was very far preferable to many places in which we had been obliged to anchor. "this bay (portland bay) is on the north side of an opening called by sarmiento 'canal de tres cerros,' and from the broken state of the interior high land, one is led to imagine a channel might be found there. his conclusion, i have no doubt, was drawn from this appearance, since the view down the opening is very limited, and, at the distance of three or four miles within the entrance, is interrupted by several small islands. mr. kirke passed between those islets, and followed an opening to the s.e., for upwards of eight leagues. on his return, he reported that he had found a fine channel, of which the principal entrance was the opening of sarmiento's 'canal san andres.' "on the 12th, in full anticipation of making some interesting discovery, we sailed into the 'canal san andres,' anchoring in the afternoon in expectation bay, where we remained until the 15th. during that time, mr. kirke was employed examining the different openings, and tracing this supposed channel farther. at his return, he said that he had found a termination to every opening, even to that in which we then were, which he had previously thought to be a channel. like the rest, it extended only to the base of the snowy cordillera, and then was suddenly closed by immense glaciers. "this information caused great disappointment, as all hope of passing through the cordillera, thus far northward, was now given up; and i was fearful we should be delayed many more days before we could extricate ourselves from this (as we then supposed) false channel. we were many miles within the entrance; in that distance there were no anchorages, and the wind being generally from the westward, i anticipated much labour before we could effect our return; but the very next day we were so fortunate as to have a slant of fair wind, by which we cleared this opening, and a second time entered concepcion strait. knowing, by our former survey, that there was no anchorage along the coast to the southward of cape san andres before reaching guard bay, i ran over to madre {340} de dios, and brought up in walker bay. fortunate we were, too; for before midnight the weather became so stormy as to oblige us to strike the topmasts and yard, let go a second anchor, and veer a long scope of cable. at few places in these channels where we had anchored, could we have veered even half a cable. we remained the following day, and on the 21st, the weather being moderate, ran for the guia narrow, and having a favourable tide, passed through easily. "it was my wish to have anchored among the islands to the southward of cape charles, since that would have been the most convenient place for the adelaide, while examining the opening beyond cape san antonio; but hauling round the headland into a bay formed by those islands, no soundings could be gained; and not perceiving any bight at all likely to afford shelter, i continued my course for puerto bueno, where sarmiento thought there was good anchorage. in the evening, with the assistance of the boats, we moored in schooner cove, puerto bueno, and the next day, mr. kirke went to examine the opening north of san antonio. "while we remained, a plan was made of this port, which lies five miles s.e. from cape charles and three and a-half from bonduca island. the shore is steep, and without any indenture. to the southward is lear bay, a mile in extent, affording anchorage, but not to be chosen when such an excellent haven as puerto bueno is near. the south extreme of this bay forms the north point of puerto bueno, and a few hundred yards south of that point is rosamond island, which is low and pointed; four hundred yards s.s.e. of this, is a small round islet, bold to on every side; and between this islet and a low point, a quarter of a mile to the s.e., is the widest channel to the anchorage. sarmiento, indeed, most appropriately named it puerto bueno. it has both an inner and an outer port, the depth of water throughout is from nine to six fathoms, and any position in either i consider safe; but excepting that it affords better shelter, it differs in no respect from other anchorages in these regions. wood and water are generally found in abundance near them all: fish may be caught; geese, ducks, shags, and {341} steamers may be shot; and shell-fish gathered. the country, also, has the same appearance, and is of a similar nature; for if you force a passage through the woods, it is over fallen trees and moss; if you walk over clear flat ground, the place is found to be a swamp; and if you ascend the hills, it is by climbing over rocks, partially covered with spongy moss. "mr. kirke returned on the 24th, having found that the opening beyond san antonio led to the n.e., and at ten miles from the cape communicated with that called the canal san andres. "at daylight we left schooner cove, and in passing down sarmiento channel i tried, though unsuccessfully, to reconcile some of his remarks with our own observations. south of san marco and san lucas there are two extensive bays, which we afterwards found communicated with an opening between san mateo and san vicente, separating the greater part of the eastern shore of this channel from the main land. "i wished to anchor near cape san lucas, but around that opening no place could be distinguished likely to afford shelter, the shore in every part being bold, steep, and rocky. a like uniformity of coast presented itself as far as cape san mateo; but on the west side, along both esperanza and vancouver island, lie many bays that are well adapted for vessels. sailing, however, under cape san lucas, we stood for san mateo, and succeeded in anchoring in a small port, formed by weasel island, scarcely large enough, but perfectly safe, when once we were secured. from this place the boats were despatched. an opening east of our present station was to be traced, and this part of sarmiento channel, with the entrance between san mateo and san vicente, was to be laid down. these operations, which in moderately fair weather would not have occupied three days, were not completed before the 31st, from our being delayed by violent winds, and almost continual rain. we had also had exceedingly bad weather during our stay in puerto bueno, and those employed in the boats had undergone very severe fatigue, and had suffered much from wet and cold. a short distance within the entrance of the {342} opening, between cape san mateo and san vincent, it turns suddenly to the south and s.b.e., continues in that direction for nearly thirty miles, washing the base of the cordillera which rises from it precipitously, and is closed by a low isthmus, two miles across, dividing this inlet from stewart bay, and over which mr. kirke passed to take the bearings of several points that he recognised in collingwood strait. "in the prosecution of the survey northward of our anchorage, those passages were discovered which separate so much of the east coast of sarmiento channel from the main land; and the islands thus made known i named after commodore sir edward owen,[178] the channel of separation being called blanche passage. "one of the boats met with a canoe containing eight indians; this was only the second that had yet been seen during our cruise. "an interview, which two of the schooner's men had with these people, is so characteristic of the habits of the natives who wander in canoes, that i add the account, as given by one of those men: 'when we arrived at the wigwam, there were two women and five children inside, and a dozen dogs near it. at our entrance, the children crept close to one side of the wigwam, behind their mothers, who made signs for us to sit down on the opposite side, which we did. the women, seeing that we were wet, and meant to do them no harm, sent the two eldest children out to gather sticks, and made up a large fire; so we cut some pieces of bread from a loaf which we had, and distributed them. they all appeared to like the bread, particularly the youngest, which was sucking at the breast; for it eat its own slice, besides one we gave its mother. after we had been there about half an hour, and had given them some beads and buttons, a man came in from behind the wigwam, where he had concealed himself when we entered, and sat down beside us. by signs, he asked where our boat was, and how many men there were with us. we told him the men and boat were a little way off, and made signs that we wanted to {343} stay all night with him. we then gave him some bread, which he smelt, and afterwards eat. he offered us some sea-elephant blubber, about two inches and a-half thick; we took it, and making signs it was not good, flung it on the fire. as soon as it began to melt, he took it from the fire, put one part in his mouth, and holding the other drew it back again, squeezing out the oil with his teeth, which were nearly shut. he put the same piece on the fire again, and, after an addition to it, too offensive to mention, again sucked it. several more pieces were served the same way, and the women and children partook of them. they drank large draughts of water as soon as they had done eating. as it grew dark at about eight o'clock, the man began to talk to the women about our 'sherroo' or boat, and our men, who he thought were near. they seemed to be alarmed, for the women shortly after left the wigwam, and did not return. they were quite naked. the man took the youngest child in his arms, squatted down with the rest, and making signs that he was going to sleep, stretched himself by the fire, the children lying between him and the side of the wigwam. soon afterwards another man came in, who seemed to be about twenty-two years of age, younger by ten years than the first we saw. he had a piece of platted grass round his head, in the form of a band. after talking some time with his companion, he talked and laughed with us, ate some bread, and would have eaten all we had, if we had not kept it from him. he ate about two pounds of blubber, broiling and squeezing it, as the other had done, and drank three or four pints of water. we had only one case knife, which he was very fond of borrowing now and then, to cut the blubber, pretending that the muscle shells, which he broke for the purpose, were not sharp enough. he examined all our clothes, felt our limbs and breasts, and would have taken our clothes off, if we had let him. he wanted a knife, and was continually feeling about us for one, as we did not let him know that we had only one. he opened a rush basket, and took out several trifles, such as fire-stone,[179] feathers, spear-heads, a sailor's old mitten, part of {344} a guernsey-frock, and other things, some of which he offered for the knife. "'about midnight it rained very hard, and the inside of the wigwam became soaked with wet; so they all roused up, and made a large fire; then ate some blubber, and drank some more water. they always carried a firebrand with them when they went out in the dark to get water, or for any thing else they might want. when they had well warmed themselves they lay down again. the young man lay close to us, and, when he supposed we were asleep, began to search the man who had the knife, but we kept watch and he could not get it. about two hours afterwards he made up the fire, and went out, as we thought, for firewood: but for no other purpose than to take away bushes from the side of the wigwam, that he might have a clear passage for what he intended to do. returning, he took up a piece of blubber, and asked for the knife to cut it. as soon as he had cut a slice, and put it on the fire, he darted through the part of the wigwam, which he had weakened, like an arrow. the other man seemed to be very much vexed, and thinking, perhaps, that we should do some mischief in consequence of the loss of the knife, watched an opportunity, when he thought we were asleep, to take out all the children, and leave us quite by ourselves. about two hours after, he returned, and pulling down dry branches, from the inside of the wigwam, made up a large fire. we had no doubt that the younger man was at hand watching us, and just at daybreak, as we were preparing to start, he jumped into the wigwam with his face streaked almost all over with black, and pretended to be quite a stranger. when we asked for the knife, he would not know what we meant, but took up one of our shoes that lay on the ground, and gave it to us. the band of grass was taken off his head, and his hair was quite loose. there were neither skins, spears, nor arrows in the wigwam, but no doubt they were in the bushes; for when we threatened to take the canoe he jumped into the wood, resting on one knee, with his right hand on the ground; and eyed us sharply till we were out of sight.' {345} "the other family seen in the mesier channel we did not communicate with, and it may be remarked that in this passage, although between four and five hundred miles in extent, we did not meet twenty human beings; a strong evidence that these regions are very thinly inhabited, particularly when it is considered that we made no rapid progress, and that our boats traversed, through different channels, at least twice the distance run by the vessel." * * * * * {346} chapter xix. sarmiento channel--ancon sin salida--cape earnest--canal of the mountains--termination of the andes--kirke narrow--easter bay- disappointment bay--obstruction sound--last hope inlet--swans--coots- deer--river--lagoon--singular eddies--passage of the narrow--arrival at port famine--zoological remarks. "(april 1st). this morning the weather was very unsettled, squally, and thick: but as no delay could be admitted, when there was a possibility of moving, we left at eight o'clock, and followed the course of sarmiento channel. i have no doubt that a passage exists eastward of point san gaspar, leading to collingwood strait, and forming an island between that point and cape san bartolomé: but with the n.w. wind and bad weather we then had, that bight was too leewardly for us to venture into. "the knowledge of an opening there could be of no great importance, yet had i been able to find an anchorage near cape san bartolomé i would gladly have profited by it, in order to assure myself of the existence of a passage. in hauling round, the appearance of the land favoured my impression; but our chief object being to seek a channel through the high mountains, i stood toward stewart bay, the most southern part examined by the boats. finding i could not anchor there without entering the bight and risking delay, which i was unwilling to do, as i wished to reach whale-boat bay as soon as possible, we proceeded and anchored in the evening in shingle roads, ready for moving the next morning. having, last year, passed along the whole line of coast, from cape earnest to this place, there seemed to me no necessity for a closer examination, for i knew there was no opening within that distance, and i could very little improve what was then laid down on the {347} chart. the weather was very unpromising, and at daylight the next morning it blew hard from the n.w., but we weighed and ran to the southward. when in the 'ancon sin salida' of sarmiento the wind suddenly shifted to the s.e., and was so strong that we were quite unable to beat between cape earnest and the northern island of the 'ancon,' but passing round, found anchorage near the east end in a small bay: however, as the wind had moderated, and the canal of the mountains was open to us, on the east side of which there appeared to be several secure bays, we kept under sail, and in the evening anchored in leeward bay, which we at first thought would afford excellent shelter, but on reaching it found we had erred exceedingly. there was no time to look for another, so we moored, and prepared for bad weather, which, as usual, was soon experienced; and we were kept two days without a possibility of moving, or doing any thing to make our situation more secure. we had heavy squalls during the whole time; the wind being generally west or w.n.w., but at times nearly s.w., when more swell was thrown into the bay. "on the 5th we got clear of this bad and leewardly anchorage, the wind being more to the n.w.; but we had still such very squally weather, with rain, that it was a work of several hours to beat to whale-boat bay, where we moored in the evening, and prepared for examining the coast with our boats, both to the east and west. before leaving leeward bay, a round of angles was taken from high ground north of the anchorage, and it was satisfactory to reflect that the 'ancon sin salida' was traced far more correctly than could be done in our former visit. there was constant rain and squally weather all the morning, and only in the latter part of the day could any work be performed in the boats. on the following morning mr. kirke went to trace the canal of the mountains, and i rejoice to say that i was again able to assist in the boat service, and went to examine some openings. after leaving kirke narrow on the right hand a wide sound appeared, about nine miles in length; and having traversed it, we turned to the east, through a narrow intricate channel (white narrow), {348} obstructed by several small islets, and passed suddenly out into a clear, open bay. our prospect here became wholly different to that which for months before we had daily witnessed. north and south of us were deep bays, while to the east, between two points seven or eight miles apart, our view was unobstructed by land, and we were sanguine in hoping that we had discovered an extensive body of water. there was also a considerable change in the appearance of the country, which no less delighted than astonished us; for so gratifying a prospect had not been seen since leaving chilóe. eastward, as i said before, we could perceive no land; to the north-east and south-eastward lay a low flat country, and the hills in the interior were long, level ranges, similar to that near cape gregory, while behind us, in every direction westward, rose high rugged mountains. i fully believed that our course hereafter would be in open water, along the shores of a low country, and that we had taken leave of narrow straits, enclosed by snow-capped mountains: the only difficulty to be now overcome was, i imagined, that of getting the vessel safely through the kirke narrow; which, hazardous as i thought the pass, was preferable to the intricate white narrow, through which we had just passed. such were my expectations; and with so noble a prospect in view, i hastened to look for anchorage for the schooner, which i succeeded in finding at a place named by me easter bay, and returned on board the next day through kirke narrow. mr. kirke employed three days about his work, having traced the inlet, which trended northward from cape grey for nearly eleven leagues. he found that it was bordered on each side by a steep range of mountains, broken here and there by deep ravines, which were filled with frozen snow, and surmounted by extensive glaciers, whence huge avalanches were continually falling. the western side of this canal is formed by the southern termination of the andes. at the northern end are two bays, with sandy beaches, backed by low land, which, however, rises gradually to high peaked mountains, distant about two miles. "early on easter tuesday we left whale-boat bay, and {349} proceeded towards the kirke narrow. we had been unvarying in watching and trying the strength of the tides during our stay; but the observations never accorded with those in the narrow, and our calculations this morning, after all the trouble we had taken, were found to be erroneous. on approaching the place we met a stream of tide setting to the s.w. between two and three knots; the wind was light; we sometimes gained ground--at others were forced back by the strength of the tide--and thus kept hovering near the entrance until eleven o'clock; when the tide slackened, and we neared the eastern end, which is by far the narrowest part, and where, i apprehended, every exertion would be required to clear the rocks; but fortunately it was at the moment of slack water--we passed through easily, and our anticipated difficulty vanished. this eastern entrance is narrowed by two islands, which contract the width, at one part, to a hundred and fifty yards. when clear of this passage, point return, point desire, and easter bay were in sight, and we found ourselves in a channel much wider than those to which we had been lately accustomed. to the south was a deep sound, apparently branching in different directions between high land, but our principal object was the low country to the n.e., and through this we were so sanguine as to make sure of finding a passage. in the evening we anchored in easter bay, and moored the schooner in four and six fathoms, over a muddy bottom. "next morning (12th) the boats were prepared for going away to gain a better knowledge of the country around, to find out the best anchorage, and to become acquainted with some of the many advantages that, from the prospect before us, we considered ourselves sure of experiencing. mr. kirke went to examine worsley sound, and he was desired to examine every opening as he proceeded eastward. as soon as he was gone, i set about measuring a base between easter bay and focus island; which, being of moderate height, appeared to be a favourable position for extending the triangulation. this work was soon finished; but i was greatly disappointed, when on the summit of the island, with the view that presented itself {350} to the eastward. the low points, before mentioned, beyond which, from easter bay, we could distinguish no land, and between which we expected to make good our course to the s.e., appeared to be connected by a low flat country. an extensive sheet of water was indeed observed to the eastward, yet i could only, from its appearance, conclude that it was a spacious bay. "my attention was next drawn to the southward, in which direction, to the east of woolley peninsula, appeared a wide and deep opening, and this i determined to explore on the morrow; for it was now the only course likely to lead us to fitz roy passage, where it became every day more indispensable that we should arrive, since our provisions were getting short. at my return on board, i learnt from mr. kirke that he had examined the greater part of worsley sound, whose eastern shore formed a line of coast almost connected with that of the bight before us, to which the name of disappointment bay was given. "it was arranged that he should proceed from his last point, and carefully trace the shore of disappointment bay to the eastern headland of the southern opening, down which it was my intention to proceed. with these objects in view, we left the schooner next morning. a fair wind soon brought me to the entrance, where i landed to take bearings on the west side, and arrived at the promontory of 'hope' by noon. there i ascended to the summit of the hills, but found them so thickly wooded, that my anticipated view of the land was almost intercepted, and the angles taken were in consequence very limited. "at this promontory the course of the channel trends slightly to the eastward; and its direction is afterwards to the s.s.e., being open and clear for eight or ten miles, when low land stretching across from the west side intercepts the view. in passing to the southward, i landed frequently to continue the angles, and hauled up, at the close of day, in rara avis bay, still doubtful of the nature of the opening. "next morning, passing point intervene, we pulled into an extensive reach; and having landed, to take bearings, on the {351} east side, near cape thomas, i proceeded, in hopes that beyond the next point some better prospect would be gained: on arriving there, however, my expectations were instantly checked by a bold rising shore, continuing uninterruptedly as far as the oliver islands, which we passed soon afterwards. "the width of the channel between the oliver islands and the northern shore is not more than a mile, but it afterwards increases, and turns sharply first to the west, and then s.s.w. in the west reach there are many small islands, and the high ranges on both sides being detached from each other, gave me yet some hopes of finding a passage between them. proceeding in the afternoon, a bight appeared to the s.s.e., about two miles to the westward of cape up-an'down, which was examined, although there was no prospect of meeting with success by tracing it, and in it were found two small passages leading to the s.e., suitable only for boats. we ran down the largest, and a mile within the entrance were embayed. at the bottom of this bight the land was low, and i tried to get on some eminence, that i might command a view to the s.e., but was always impeded by an impervious wood. i observed, however, distant high land in that direction, and could see a sheet of water, about six miles from me: but whether it was a lagoon, or a part of the skyring water, was doubtful. i could not, at this prospect, rejoice as magalhaens did, when he first saw the pacific, for my situation, i began to think, resembled that of sterne's starling. "keeping along the south shore, until late in the evening we gained the west end of this reach, and finding no shelter for the boat, crossed to the broken land on the west side, and passed that night in hewitt harbour. "on the following morning, we pursued our course to the s.s.w., and at eleven o'clock reached the extremity of this extensive sound. all our suspense was then removed, and all our hopes destroyed; for the closing shores formed but a small bay in the s.w., and high land encircled every part without leaving an opening. "throughout the examination of this sound, we did not {352} distinguish any decided stream of tide, and the rise and fall did not appear to have ever exceeded a foot: that there was a slight tidal movement of the water seemed evident, from the streams of foam coming from the cascades; and also from the fallen leaves which were borne on the water, from the shores of the bays, in long lines; but signs like these are indicative of there being no strength of tide: i have frequently noticed such appearances in large sounds, or inlets, but never in any channel where there was a current. "the bays between hope promontory and point intervene are frequented by immense numbers of black-necked swans (_anser nigricollis_): hundreds were seen together; they appeared not at all wild when we first passed; but, on our return, there was no approaching them within musket shot. many ducks and coots were also observed. on a rock, near the oliver islands, was a small 'rookery' of hair-seal; and, in our progress down the sound, we passed some few shags and divers. this is the enumeration of all we saw, and these few species seem to possess, undisturbed, this obstruction sound; for we neither observed any wigwams, nor saw any traces of inhabitants. "having no interest in remaining, after some necessary angles were taken on meta islet, we commenced our return; and, with a fair wind, made good progress, landing only where it was necessary for angles, and reached the vessel on the evening of the next day (16th). i have fully stated the examination of this sound, and have been, perhaps, unnecessarily particular and diffuse; but i think that when its near approach to the skyring water is known by others, it will be considered very singular that no communication exists between them. to every one on board the adelaide it was a great disappointment. the only inlet now remaining to be explored was through the s.s.e. opening, east of point return; which, on the 18th, i went to examine. mr. kirke returned on the same day as myself, having traced the coast as far as he had been directed, and found the large expanse of disappointment bay nearly bounded by a flat stony beach; and the water so shallow, that even his whale-boat could seldom approach the shore within a quarter of a {353} mile; but he had left a small opening in the n.e. unexplored, which, as our last hope, i thought it necessary to examine; and he went for that purpose the next morning. situated as we were, we had great reason to be very earnest in the search for a passage; and, i think, that no channel into the skyring water, however small and intricate, would have been left unattempted at this crisis. during the vessel's continuance in easter bay, the men, who remained on board, were employed in clearing the hold, and completing wood and water to the utmost, in order that we might not be delayed at any anchorage after our departure thence. "on the 18th, i went, in a boat, down the opening east of point return; and by noon reached virginia island. two miles to the southward the channel branches to the s.e., and to the s.w.; i followed the latter branch, landing where necessary to continue the angles, and arrived in the evening at the extremity, which was closed by low land; in the middle was a wide and rapid stream. the slot of a deer was seen along the margin of the shore. next day we proceeded down the s.e. branch to the centre island, thence steered towards an opening that appeared in the s.w., and passing through a narrow winding passage, entered a large bay, which was closed at the bottom by low land, similarly to the branch examined yesterday. only an opening to the n.e. now remained to be explored; but night coming on, we hauled up in tranquil bay, near the northern extremity. the n.e. opening was found to trend eastward for three miles, and then turn to the s.e., forming an extensive bay, whose shores were encircled by low land, and only separated from obstruction sound, by an isthmus two miles broad. our search being concluded, i hastened back, and arrived on board the schooner late in the evening. finding mr. kirke had not returned, i still entertained some little hope, and the vessel was prepared to move either one way or the other as soon as he came back. "late on the 21st, mr. kirke arrived. the opening in the n.e. had been traced for nearly thirty miles from the entrance, first to the n.e., and then to the w.n.w., till it was closed {354} by high land far to the northward of worsley bay. many deer were seen on the plains eastward of the inlet, and some were shot at, but escaped. swans, ducks, and coots had been killed in such numbers, that on their return all the schooner's crew were plentifully supplied. of this place mr. kirke says: 'at the commencement of the n.e. sound there is low land, which extends about thirteen miles up its shores. the entrance is three or four miles wide; but five miles up, the inlet is contracted to about half a mile in width, by a shoal connecting three islets with the western shore. these islets were literally surrounded by black-necked swans, mixed with a few which had black-tipped wings: the male of the latter has a peculiar note, which sounds like 'ken kank,' but the female only sounds 'kank.' "'a few coots were shot in this neighbourhood, out of an immense quantity seen. in each of two flocks, i think, there must have been upwards of a thousand. "'from these islets the sound trends nearly north for seven or eight miles, when it is again narrowed by an island, on each side of which there is a narrow passage for a vessel; but the eastern one is the best. the few bays near here are fit for small vessels only. "'beyond this island the face of the country begins to alter from low to mountainous land, with long flats in the valleys, and the sound also changes its course more to the n.w. near a high bluff on the eastern shore, eight miles further up the sound, the land becomes higher and covered with snow; yet there are still a few level patches between the mountains. from this bluff the sound trends about a point more westerly for five or six miles, to a place where there is a small inlet, on the left, between two snow-covered, mountainous ridges. the water there was changed to a clayey-colour, and had a brackish taste. continuing our course for two miles, i found a large expanse of water, the north end of which was limited by low land, backed by high snowy mountains in the distance; its southern extreme terminated at the foot of high mountains, also covered with snow; and had a large run of water from a {355} glacier on the western side. in returning we saw some deer on the eastern shore of the low land, between the islands of the second reach, but could not get within gun-shot: they appeared to be of a dark colour, and fully as large as a guanaco. some of our men thought they could distinguish small straight horns, but i could not myself see them.(d) i endeavoured to cross the isthmus, where lieutenant skyring had seen water from focus island, near easter bay, and first attempted it by the course of a fresh water river, at the head of the bay; but i found the country so thickly covered with stunted wood, about eight feet high, and exceedingly prickly, that i lost my way twice, and returned to the shore; i tried again however, about half a mile more to the eastward, and at last got to a high part of the land. when there, and mounted on another man's shoulders, i could scarcely see above the trees (which, at the roots, were not thicker than a man's wrist): there was evidently a large expanse of water, but i could not distinguish much of it. i think it probable that it is fresh, as the river, fifty yards wide, is rapid, and appears to run out of it. there is not any high land in the neighbourhood, whence such a run of fresh water could be supplied. "'i saw numbers of deer tracks about this place, and the boat's crew observed three deer similar to those above-mentioned.'--(kirke ms.) "we weighed on the 22d, and towed out of easter bay, with the hope of repassing kirke narrow; but shortly afterwards so dense a fog arose, that we could distinguish no land, and were unable to profit by the advantage of a light fair wind, with otherwise favourable weather. in the afternoon, when it cleared up a little, we anchored in fog bay, on the west side of the channel, about three miles from kirke narrow. {356} "(23d.) a thick fog confined us at our anchorage till eight, when, having some hopes of the weather clearing, we weighed, and stood for the narrow, but a continued haze prevented us from entering until after noon. as we approached, no tide could be perceived, and again we were doubtful of our calculations, having expected to find it favourable, however, we steered for the islands. to give a better idea how we were driven about as we tried to approach this narrow, i have attempted, in the subjoined plan, to show the direction of the currents, and the courses we were carried by the eddies. [illustration] "the wind was light from the north-eastward. upon our reaching the station marked 1, without having previously {357} noticed any current, we observed a strong rippling in the narrow, and immediately sent the boats a-head to tow us towards mid-channel. we proceeded rather quickly until we arrived at 2, when our progress was checked, and we were carried rapidly back, as far as 3. in the narrow the tide was evidently against us; but in crossing to the n.w. at 4, we were forced by the counter-current against all the efforts of the boats--were carried close to the large island--and for the space of thirty yards, were brushing the overhanging trees with our main-boom. this part was, most fortunately, quite steep; for had the vessel touched in her swift course, she must have been swung with violence against the rocks, and much damaged, perhaps irreparably. "no sooner had we passed the end of this island, than we were shot into mid-channel to 5, and then as suddenly and swiftly carried back by the stream of the tide. the boats could never keep hold of the vessel while in these whirlpools; and it was several times fortunate that they had cast off the tow-rope in time, for thrice we were twisted round, as if on a pivot, by those violent eddies. "a favourable moment was seized, the boats were again sent a-head; and, by great exertions, we were towed out of the influence of the tide, and then waited for the time of slack water. "at three o'clock mr. kirke was sent to guard point, to ascertain the time of high water; and at half-past four, in consequence of his signal, we towed in with both boats, and passed the islands with a favouring tide; but one quarter of a mile farther, we met ripplings, which we had no sooner entered than a reverse of tide was found, as if the waters from the sounds were gradually forcing back the tide of the channel. we still, however, made progress to the s.w.; but it was not before eight o'clock that we anchored in the west entrance of this narrow, pleased, indeed, to be again secure, and to have escaped unharmed. "24th. thick, hazy weather in the morning; but at eight o'clock it cleared a little, so we weighed, and soon reached the {358} ancon of sarmiento. a strong s.e. wind, during the forenoon, carried us past cape año nuevo, and at noon we were near the opening into smyth channel, which i have called victory passage. we moored in sandy bay, in eight fathoms, purposing to remain during the next day (sunday); and on the 26th, with a moderate wind from the northward, we left sandy bay, and stood to the south, passed the elson islands by noon, and at three moored in hose harbour. next day we cleared smyth channel, and anchored in deep harbour. "(28th.) wind light and northerly. we towed out of deep harbour at daylight, stood across beaufort bay, and anchored in tamar bay; where, the weather being unfavourable, we remained during all the next day, filling water and cutting wood,--preparatory to our run to monte video,--in case of not finding the adventure at the appointed rendezvous, port famine. "on the 30th, with a moderate breeze from the n.w., we left tamar bay; but the wind soon after becoming contrary, we made but little progress, and anchored that evening in a small cove, near the east point of upright bay, where we passed the following day, in consequence of the wind continuing easterly, and causing much sea in the strait. "2d. weighed, stood out, and made all sail, steering through the strait. we passed playa parda early that afternoon, and cape quod soon afterwards, and as there was every appearance of a moderately fine night, continued our course. we hauled in near port gallant, when it grew dark, and burned a blue light, to call the attention of any vessel lying there; but no return was made, so we passed on. at midnight we were between cape holland and cape froward, the wind being light and the weather moderate. "3d. on rounding cape froward, we beat up in-shore against a n.n.e. breeze, and in the evening were three or four miles to the northward of point st. isidro. after a tempestuous night, we reached port famine, where, to our great joy, we found the adventure." with the exception of such fish and birds as had been {359} previously observed near the strait, lieutenant skyring and his party saw few living creatures. one novelty which mr. bynoe gave me was a splendid corvorant, which, being quite new, and the most beautiful of the genus, i named _phalacrocorax imperialis_.[180] i also received a species of swan, quite distinct from the common one of the strait, which has been long known as the black-necked swan (_anser nigricollis_ of ind. orn., ii. 834; and latham, x. 223). considering it an undescribed species, it was named _cygnus anatodoides_.[181] several deer were seen, but none obtained. there is reason, however, to suppose them to be of a novel species. the horns are short and straight. * * * * * {360} chapter xx. beagle sails from san carlos--enter strait--harbour of mercy--cape pillar--apostles--judges--landfall island--cape gloucester--dislocation harbour--week islands--fuegians--latitude bay--boat's crew in distress- petrel--passages--otway bay--cape tate--fincham islands--deepwater sound--breaker bay--grafton islands--geological remarks--barbara channel--mount skyring--compasses affected--drawings--provisions- opportunities lost. captain fitz roy having received his orders on the 18th of november (see appendix), sailed the following morning from san carlos, and proceeding to the southward, approached the entrance of the strait of magalhaens on the night of the 24th. the following are extracts from his journal:-"at daylight on the 25th, with the wind at s.w., we made cape pillar right a-head (e.n.e. by compass), distant seven or eight leagues. the wind became lighter, and we were set by a current to the s.w., which obliged us, in nearing the cape, to alter our course from e.n.e. to n.n.e., to avoid being carried too near the apostle rocks. a dangerous rock, under water, on which the sea breaks, lies half a mile more towards the north than either of the apostles. cape pillar is a detached headland, and so very remarkable that no person can fail to know it easily. "a very good latitude was obtained at noon, from which, and the astronomical bearing of the cape, we made its latitude within half a mile of that given in the chart by captain stokes and lieutenant skyring; and the weather being clear and fine, sketches were taken of all the surrounding land. at one, we passed the cape, and at three, anchored in the harbour of mercy. by the distance we had run, as shown by the patent log and compared with the chart, there had been a current against us of more than a knot an hour. {361} "in working into the harbour we passed over several patches of kelp, under which the bottom was plainly visible; but the lead never showed less than five fathoms, until we were about to anchor, when the vessel shot a-head into a weedy place, where we had three fathoms. this was about a cable's length in-shore (towards the highest mountain) of the spot marked by lieutenant skyring as good holding ground, to which we warped and anchored. it proved to be very good ground, being extremely tough clay. "27th. a promising morning tempted me to try to obtain observations and a round of angles on or near cape pillar. i therefore left the ship with the master, and went in a boat to the cape. to land near it in much swell was not easy upon such steep and slippery rocks: at last we got ashore in a cove, and hauled the instruments up the rocks by lines, but could get no further, on account of precipices. i, therefore, gave up that attempt, and went outside the cape, to look for a better place; but every part seemed similar, and, as the weather was getting foggy, it was useless to persevere. in going to the cape, and in returning, i measured the distance by a patent log, and found the mean of the two measurements agree with the chart. what current there was, ran to the westward. "a small ox, which we had carried from chilóe, was doomed to end his voyage at this place, and probably we were the first people who ever eat fresh beef in the strait of magalhaens. "28th and 29th. gloomy days, with much wind and rain; and the gusts coming so violently over the mountains, that we were unable to do any work, out of the ship. "30th. still blowing and raining. "dec. 1st and 2d. cloudy days, with strong wind; but one short interval of sunshine was gladly made use of for rating our chronometers. "3d. this morning we weighed, and worked out; and at one p.m. we were three miles westward of cape pillar, with every appearance of a n.w. gale. shortly after, the weather became so thick, that i could not see any part of the coast; and therefore stood off shore, under low sail, expecting a bad {362} night. contrary to my expectation, the wind did not much increase; but the thick weather, and a heavy swell, induced me to stand farther out than i had at first intended. at eleven, p.m., we wore and stood in until daylight on the 4th, when we found ourselves so much to the southward, that the land about cape pillar bore n.b.w., the cape itself being shut in. we steered for the land, hoping to turn the day to some account; but those hopes soon ceased, for before we had run sufficient distance to make a serviceable base line, the weather became so thick as to oblige us to haul our wind. we saw just enough to make out a number of rocks and breakers, lying at a considerable distance off shore. after noon it was clearer, and we again stood in-shore; but found that the current was setting us so fast to the southward, that it was necessary to carry all sail and keep on a wind, to avoid losing ground; yet, with a fresh, double-reefed topsail breeze and a deeply laden weatherly vessel, we could not hold our own, and at seven in the evening were close to an islet which lies off cape sunday. we had seen very little of the coast thus far: the current had rendered the patent log useless for measuring bases, and the weather was very unfavourable for astronomical observations. the land appeared to be high and mountainous, as far as cape deseado, whence it seemed lower and more broken, forming a large bay between that cape and cape sunday. many rocks on which the sea breaks violently lie at a distance from the shore, besides those two clusters called the 'apostles' and the 'judges:' the latter off cape deseado, and the former off apostle point, a little south of cape pillar. "5th. to our mortification, we found ourselves a great way off shore; and landfall island, which was eight miles to leeward the last evening, was now in the wind's eye, at a distance of about six leagues. a strong wind, with much swell, prevented our regaining lost ground in a northerly direction, i therefore preferred standing to the s.e. by the wind, intending to seek for a harbour, as it seemed hopeless to try to survey this coast while under sail, with such obstacles to contend against as a current setting about a mile an hour, and a sky {363} generally clouded over. our only chance appeared to be, going from harbour to harbour and keeping close in-shore. "behind landfall island the coast forms a deep bay, apparently full of islands, and it is said there is in that part a communication with the strait of magalhaens. looking from seaward there seems to be an opening. "from the southern point of this bay the coast presents a high and regular line for a few miles, and then there is a succession of islets, rocks, and broken land. we stood in close to the breakers, but too late in the evening to find an anchorage. i observed kelp on the surface of the water, growing up from the bottom, while the lead gave a depth of forty-five fathoms. this was in a wild-looking, open bight, full of rocks and breakers, and much exposed. "we stood off, close to the wind, hoping to make northing and westing during the night; but at midnight it fell calm, and at day-break on the 6th, to our astonishment, we found ourselves to the southward of cape gloucester, a high, remarkable promontory, standing out from the land as if it were an island, with a peaked top, which, from the southward, appears notched. the day proved very fine, and as a breeze sprung up from the s.e. and gradually increased, i had hopes of seeing more of the coast, along which we had been hustled so fast, and so much against our inclination. "in running along shore, i noticed several inlets that seemed likely to afford good harbours. this coast has not, by any means, such a rugged and harsh appearance as i expected; but the number of islets and breakers is quite enough to give it a most dangerous character. the land is not very high near the sea, and seems to be wooded wherever the prevailing winds will allow trees to grow. soundings were taken at various distances within four miles of the shore, and the depth generally was between twenty and one hundred fathoms. a good idea may be formed of the current which had taken us to the s.e., when i say that, even with a fresh and fair wind, it occupied us the whole of the 6th to regain the place we had left the previous evening. {364} "7th. at daylight it blew half a gale of wind; but we stood in, a little south of the cluster of rocks, called the judges, towards a part of the shore which promised to afford a harbour. on closing it we saw an inlet, apparently large; but so fortified at the entrance by rocks and breakers, that i did not like to run in, without first sending a boat; yet it blew too strong, and there was too much sea, to lower one; therefore i stood off to wait for more moderate weather, for the place suited my purpose exactly, being near enough to the judges, and apostles, to fix their situation. this morning, mr. murray slipped across the forecastle and dislocated his shoulder: an accident which deprived us of his services for some time, and on account of it, we called the place where we anchored soon afterwards, dislocation harbour. so many rocks lie off this coast, that a vessel ought not to approach it unless she has daylight and clear weather. the lead will give warning, should the weather be thick, as soundings extend at least to four miles off shore, at which distance there are from thirty to one hundred fathoms, and generally speaking, there is less water as you approach the land. "on the 8th, 9th, and 10th, we were busily occupied in surveying the harbour and adjacent coast. in this place water may be obtained very easily, as boats can lie in a fresh water stream which runs from the mountains. wood is also plentiful. the harbour is large enough for four small vessels, and the bottom is very even, from fifteen to twenty-five fathoms, fine white sand. the entrance is narrow, but all dangers are visible, and now are laid down in the chart. it is much exposed to west winds, and the westerly swell, which might for weeks together prevent a vessel from getting out to sea. "11th. a strong wind and much haziness prevented my weighing until near noon, when it became more moderate, though the weather was still thick. we then worked out with a light and variable breeze, which baffled us near the entrance, but at last we gained a good offing. i rejoiced to be outside, for our business in the harbour was over, and i had feared that west winds would detain us. the promontory, just to the southward of dislocation harbour, appeared to me to be 'cape {365} deseado,' and that to the northward i called chancery point. mr. wilson ascended some heights at the back of the harbour, from which he saw many lakes, among barren and rugged hills; but a farther view was obstructed by other mountains. "an oar was picked up near the watering place, and recognised by one of the men as the same which was left on a rock near cape pillar (in observation cove) by captain stokes, in january 1827. there could be no doubt of the fact, as the man's initials were on the oar, and it is curious as a proof of an outset along the south side of the strait (near cape pillar), and of its continuation along shore. traces of a fire were found, which showed that the natives visit even this most exposed part of the coast. the land about here is high, and craggy; and very barren, except in the valleys, where much wood grows. some wild fowl were seen and shot. "from cape deseado, the coast is high and unbroken for three miles; (a rocky islet lies about a mile from the shore) then there is an opening which probably leads into a good harbour behind a number of islands. several islands succeed, for a space of two miles, after which is barrister bay; an exposed place, full of islets, rocks, and breakers, extending nearly to murray passage. in sailing along this coast we passed inside of several breakers; and, i hope, noted all that lie in the offing: but, we cannot be sure, for breakers on rocks which are under the surface of the sea do not always show themselves. as it was getting dark, we hauled to the wind, near cape sunday, and, in doing so, were startled by a huge breaker which suddenly foamed up at a small ship's length from us. although looking out on all sides we had not previously seen any break near that spot. during the night we carried a heavy press of sail to avoid being drifted to the s.e., and at daylight i rejoiced to find that we had not lost ground, so we steered for the land, and rounded graves' island. observing several openings, i hauled close round a point, and tried to enter one of them; the wind, however, baffled us, and our anchor was let go in an exposed berth, but on good holding ground. we found a cluster of islands with so many anchorages between {366} them, that thinking they ought to be surveyed, i returned on board, weighed, and worked towards the nearest opening. we shot into it, and warped to a berth four cables' lengths up a narrow passage, and anchored in twenty-four fathoms, upon sand and clayey mud. "13th. many wigwams were found in this neighbourhood, which showed that our fuegian acquaintances were occasional visitors. the inner harbour seemed to be a fine basin; but the bottom was found inferior to that of the anchorage at which the beagle lay moored. "15th. strong wind and frequent rain prevented much being done out of the ship this day. i went to the top of a mountain near the ship, but could not take many angles because of the violent squalls and the rain. at night it blew a hard gale: the squalls came furiously over the heights, and obliged us to let go a third anchor and strike topmasts. we were quite sheltered from the true wind; but were reached most effectually by the williwaws, which came down with great force. however vexed we might have been at not being able to go far from the ship, we were certainly very fortunate in escaping this gale at a secure anchorage. it appeared to be blowing very heavily at sea. "16th. a strong gale all day, with much rain, prevented our leaving the ship. in coming down a height on the 15th, i found some red porphyry rock, like that about port desire; and the first i had seen in these parts. another novelty was a tract of about two acres of pure white sand thinly covered with grass. "though the middle of summer, the weather was not much warmer than in winter. the average height of the thermometer was about ten degrees greater; being nearly the same, as during the months of august and september, in chilóe. "17th. a continuance of bad weather: no work was done in the boats this day. in the afternoon i tried to go up the mountain i had ascended on tuesday, to bring down a theodolite which i had left at the top; but the wind obliged me to return unsuccessful. "18th. similar weather continued until noon: frequent strong {367} squalls, and rain: the sky being so constantly overcast that we saw neither sun nor stars. although no progress was made in this weather, it was some satisfaction to think that we lost nothing but time; and that we saved much wear of the vessel by lying at anchor instead of being at sea. being more moderate in the afternoon, our boats went away, and the ship was prepared for sailing. we tried to get some fur-seal, which were seen on a rock near the harbour, but they were too wary. "my boat was almost capsized by a 'blind breaker,' which rose suddenly underneath her, and in an instant she was surrounded by and floated upon a white wave of foam, which broke all round and over, but without upsetting or swamping her. "19th. weighed and ran across to an anchorage in landfall island which i had seen from the heights. we anchored in a sheltered bay lying on the north side of the larger island, at the east opening of a passage which separates it from the smaller. these islands are high and, towards the sea, barren; but the sides of the hills, towards the east, are thickly wooded. "a large smoke made near the bay showed us, that the fuegians were in possession of our intended quarters; and soon after we anchored, a canoe came off to us full of men, women, and children, sixteen in all. they were in every respect similar to those we had so frequently met before; and from their unwillingness to part with furs or skins, unless for serviceable articles, such as knives, &c. appeared to have had dealings with europeans: beads and trinkets they did not value. they had, in the canoe, many eggs, and dead birds, which they eat raw: the birds were a light blue, or dove-coloured, petrel, about eight inches long, which goes on land for a part of the year to lay eggs in holes in the ground. during this and the following day, we were fortunate enough to obtain observations, and nearly all the necessary bearings and angles. "as yet i was pleased with the anchorage; the bottom shoaled gradually from twenty to five fathoms (fine sand), and it was sheltered from west winds, besides others, except north. having obtained particularly good observations for latitude at {368} this spot; i called it latitude bay. it is remarkably easy of access, and is also easy to leave: rather rare qualities in a fuegian harbour. cape inman being prominently situated, is a good guide to the anchorage. "sunday 20th. a fine day; and, knowing its value, we turned it to account. from a height i saw cape gloucester and the point of land on this (the northern) side of it; and to the northward i could distinguish the land about the entrance to the strait. the landfall islands appeared to be the top of a ridge of mountains lying (partly below the sea) in the same direction as most of the neighbouring ranges. many dangerous rocks lie off the s.w. side; and there is no passage for a ship between the islands, for the opening is narrow, and has only two fathoms in some places. "21st. this morning i sent the master and mr. wilson[182] in a whale-boat to the east end of the island, to make a plan of that part, and get some angles and bearings necessary for continuing the survey. "22d. a bad day, blowing hard and raining. the wind being from north and n.n.w. threw in a swell; and as we were not yet sure of the quality of the bottom, though apparently good, we struck topmasts and veered away a long scope of cable. "24th. the wind shifted to the s.w. and became rather more moderate, though still squally, with much rain. it freshened again in the night, and backed to the northward. "christmas-day. blowing strong from n.n.w. with a thickly clouded sky and heavy rain. i was very anxious to see the master return, but he could not in such weather. i feared that his provisions would be exhausted, having taken only enough for four days; yet they had a good tent, guns, and ammunition. "26th. a strong wind with thick weather and much rain throughout the whole day. there was no possibility of sending a boat to the master, or of his returning by water. the island being very narrow he, or some of his party, could walk across, {369} if they were in want of provisions, so as we did not hear from them i trusted that they had found wild fowl enough, and were not in distress. "27th. rather a more moderate morning with clearer weather. we looked out anxiously for the whale-boat, as, in such weather, she might get back to the ship without much difficulty. before noon mr. wilson and the coxswain were seen on shore making signals to the ship; and a boat was sent immediately to bring them on board. they were very weak and tired, having walked across the island during the preceding afternoon and night, and having had no food for the last two days. the master and the other four men were said to be in a cove at the back of the island, and to have been without provisions since the 24th, not having been able to find either shell-fish or wild fowl. "at the time mr. wilson arrived on board, i was absent taking angles and bearings, but was soon informed of his return, and at noon left the ship with a week's provisions for the master's party and my own boat's crew. i had not lost sight of the beagle when i met the former returning. having given them some food, and two fresh hands to help them in pulling to the ship (it being then quite moderate and fine) i continued my course to the place they had left, in order to do what the bad weather had prevented the master from doing. being favoured with a fine afternoon i succeeded in obtaining the necessary angles and bearings, and returned to our vessel the following morning. "28th. at my return i found the master and his party nearly recovered. they had tried every day to return to the ship, but had been repeatedly forced back, at the risk of being driven out to sea. the gusts of wind from off the high land were so powerful as almost to upset the boat, although she had not even a mast up. continual rain had wetted their ammunition and tinder, and they were then without fire or victuals: upon which mr. wilson and the coxswain set out, on saturday afternoon, to acquaint us with their situation. "when they came down to the sea-side the fuegians took {370} advantage of their weak state to beat the coxswain and take away some of his clothes; therefore after my return i went in search of them. they had however taken the alarm, and were all gone away. this party consisted of about twenty persons, eight of whom were men, and the rest women and children. when some of our officers went to their wigwams they appeared armed with clubs, spears, and swords, which seemed to have been made out of iron hoops, or else were old cutlasses worn very thin by frequent cleaning. they must have obtained these, and many trifles we noticed, from sealing vessels. by the visits of those vessels, i suppose, they have been taught to hide their furs and other skins, and have learned the effects of fire-arms. the chief part of their subsistence on this island appeared to be penguins, seal, young birds, and petrel which they take in a curious way. having caught a small bird they tie a string to its leg and put it into a hole where blue petrels lay eggs. several old birds instantly fasten upon the intruder, and are drawn out with him by the string. "we weighed and worked out of the bay, increasing our depth of water very gradually as we left the shore, but having always the same bottom, fine speckled sand. i can safely recommend this bay as a good anchorage for shipping, and two cable's lengths n.n.w. of the beagle's berth as the best place. wood and water are not to be found so close to the anchorage as in other fuegian harbours, but they may be obtained with very little trouble, and in any quantity, by going up the passage (between the islands) to one of many streams which run from the high land. there is plenty of water also very near the best berth, on the south side, but frequently a surf breaks on that beach. two particular advantages which this roadstead[183] possesses, consist in the ease with which a vessel can enter or leave it, during any wind; and in its situation being well pointed out by a remarkable headland, named cape inman (in compliment to the professor), which is high, with perpendicular cliffs, and almost detached from other land; so that a vessel, {371} knowing her latitude within five miles of the truth, cannot fail to make it out, if the weather is tolerably clear. wild fowl and shell-fish were very scarce there, probably because the fuegians had scared or consumed them. from the top of a mountain, at the east end of the large island, i saw a great way down two channels or openings, which appeared to run far to the eastward, among many islands and very broken land. such a succession of islets, rocks, and breakers, as the coast presented, was astonishing: many hundreds were counted while looking eastward from one station only. "i wished much to know where these openings led, and whether there was a direct communication through them to the strait, as seemed almost certain; but considering the time already spent, the extent of coast to be surveyed, and the small advantage of such information, except to satisfy curiosity, i determined to proceed to the next prominent headland, a mountain at the s.e. extremity of otway bay, whose position i had already fixed with respect to stations on landfall island. "if there is a passage through those openings into otway bay, it must be unfit for vessels, being hampered with outlying rocks and breakers among which she could find no shelter in the event of rainy weather coming on before she cleared them; and clouds and rain are prevalent. as yet we had been extremely fortunate, in being under sail at intervals of fine weather, and anchored during the gales; but this was partly owing to a very careful attention to the barometer and sympiesometer. "having left latitude bay, we stood off until midnight, and then in shore again, carrying a press of sail all the time, in order to 'hold our own' against our old enemy, the current. "at daylight (29th), not having been swept to leeward by the current, we were in a good position for continuing the survey from the place left the previous night. we bore up as soon as the land could be distinctly seen,--rounded landfall island very near the outer rocks, and then steered for cape tate (the extremity of the mountain i mentioned yesterday). those outlying rocks are not very dangerous, as the sea {372} always breaks violently upon them. in crossing otway bay, the morning being clear, i was enabled to add considerably to what had been already learned respecting the shores and dangers around it.(e) "off cape tate, to the north and west, lie the college rocks. those nearest the cape are also nearest the track of a ship running along the land, and half a mile west of them lies a detached and dangerous rock, under water. the sea generally breaks on it. "we had very thick weather when close to those rocks, which obliged us to 'haul our wind' for half an hour; when, as it cleared, we steered round cape tate, about a mile off shore. i was in hopes of gaining an anchorage between it and the fincham islands, and therefore kept as near the land as i could; but seeing numerous breakers a-head and outside of me, i altered our course, and steered to go outside of all the rocks. after we had passed some of them, a large bight opened out to the north-eastward, and tempted me to haul up for it. we entered the sound at noon, and stood on for nearly four miles without finding an anchorage, or even gaining bottom with fifty fathoms of line, although at the entrance we had from twenty to ten fathoms. thick weather coming on, made me very anxious to anchor somewhere, and we were now too much hampered to stand out again. we appeared to be among a multitude of islands, very near each other, yet without any anchorage between them; therefore, having no other resource, we let go both anchors upon the end of a steep-sided islet, where one fell into seven, the other into ten fathoms water, and hooked the rocks. veering half a cable on each, we found forty fathoms under the stern, with a similar rocky bottom; so that we had the pleasant prospect of shouldering both our anchors, and drifting into deep water, with the first strong squall. during the remainder of that day, our boats were looking for better anchorage, but without success; they found patches of rocky {373} ground with from ten to twenty fathoms here and there, but not one that could be preferred to our islet. "30th. one fuegian family was found here, consisting of a man and woman, with their children. during this day it rained too hard for anything to be done out of the ship; the wind was moderate; yet much as i disliked our rocky berth, it could not be changed. "31st. moderate wind, with clearer weather. mr. murray and mr. stokes went away to different parts of the sound, while i was employed near the ship. observations for latitude, longitude, and variation were made. "1st january. during part of the last night and this morning, the wind blew strongly in squalls, and made me very anxious; but the weather rendered it impossible to move voluntarily, for it was raining hard as well as blowing. at about eight it cleared, and the wind shifted to the southward, when we weighed, and worked down the sound; but it was after noon before we had cleared its entrance, and seven in the evening before we were outside of all the breakers, the wind having been light and contrary the whole time. "(2d.) at five this morning, being close to the fincham islands, with clear weather, and a fresh breeze from the n.w., we steered into breaker bay, towards a ragged-looking projecting point. having approached as near as we could, and sounded, and taken angles, we steered so as to pass outside of some very outlying rocks, near the middle of the bay; for in-shore of them, i saw from the mast-head numerous breakers, rocks, and islets, in every direction. a worse place for a ship could scarcely be found; for, supposing thick weather to come on when in the depth of the bay, she would have lurking rocks and islets just awash with the water, on all sides of her, and no guide to take her clear of them, for soundings would be useless; and in such weather, the best chart that could be constructed would not help her. with this idea of the place, and for reasons similar to those which induced me to pass hastily across otway bay, i steered for cape gloucester, after passing the midbay rocks, at the distance of a quarter of a {374} mile. the land at the bottom of the bay appeared to be distant, and much broken. indeed, from the week islands to cape gloucester,(f) there is an almost innumerable succession of islands and rocks, without any continued tract of land, so that channels might be found in all directions; valuable, no doubt, to fuegians in their canoes, but not often to seamen in ships, nor even to sealers; for where the natives go with their canoes, seals are never found in any numbers. "in crossing breaker bay, even with a moderate wind, there was a very cross and awkward sea, owing, doubtless, to the ocean swell rolling into this deep bight. such a swell would add much to the difficulty which vessels might find in getting out of this bay: i should therefore recommend them to avoid it particularly. cape gloucester is a most remarkable promontory, which can never be mistaken, after seeing even an indifferent sketch of it. at a distance it makes like a mountain rising out of the sea, but, on approaching nearer to it, a narrow neck of land appears. "we found from twenty to thirty fathoms water, at the distance of a mile from the cape; and saw several outlying breakers about half a mile off shore. from the steep and rocky nature of these coasts one would not expect to find soundings until close to the land: but on every outer part of this coast, that we have visited, the bottom may be reached with the sounding line. some natives were seen under the cape, who made a large fire. we stood into two bights, looking for anchorage, but, finding only rocks and breakers, steered along shore, rounded ipswich island, and hauled into a spacious bay, at the northern side of which there appeared to be several openings like harbours. in working across, we were agreeably surprised to find it a continued roadstead, open only towards the s.e., and having regular soundings, from twenty to fourteen fathoms. we anchored about a mile from the entrance of what seemed to be a harbour, at the n.w. corner, having worked up against a fresh n.w. wind. our anchor was dropped in sixteen fathoms, and held well. i went directly to {375} look at the opening, and found a passage, in which were good soundings, leading into a very snug basin, perfectly sheltered from wind and sea, in which the bottom was composed of sand and clay, and the depth of water from five to fifteen fathoms. as soon as i returned we weighed and worked up to the entrance of the basin; then anchored, warped into it, and moored with half a cable each way. "this was the most secure and sheltered cove i had yet seen. it was called laura basin; and the bay we had crossed was named euston bay. i was very glad to discover so safe a place, because it enabled me to ascertain the position of cape gloucester and the neighbouring land, with the correctness which so prominent a place required, and because i hoped that it would prove useful as a harbour for vessels. from the top of a high ridge surrounding the basin, i thought cape gloucester seemed to be about seven miles off, and seeing a valley lead some distance in the desired direction, determined to go to it overland. i was so much pleased with the bay and the basin, that i did not hesitate to spend some time in the examination of their vicinity. the mountains hitherto examined between cape pillar and these (the grafton) islands, consist of greenstone, slate, or sandstone (excepting those near deep-water sound, which are of very coarse-grained whitish granite); and from the continual action of such heavy seas as break on those shores, the sandstone and slate rocks wear away, and by their detritus not only the bottoms of harbours are covered, but a bank is formed which extends into the offing. a moderate depth of water and good anchorages were found near slaty or sandstone hills, but exactly the reverse in the vicinity of granite.(g) "4th. early this morning i sent mr. murray in a whale-boat to examine and plan some openings i had noticed on the north side of euston bay; and mr. stokes to make a plan of the harbour, and the basin in which we were lying. the master carried six days' provisions with him, in case he should be detained, as on a former occasion, by bad weather. no place {376} could be more convenient than this for such purposes as wooding and watering; and we took advantage of it to the utmost by filling the ship's hold. the water casks were filled in our boat, in perfectly smooth water, and the wood was cut close to the water side. "6th. a party of twelve, consisting of the purser, mr. w. wilson, mr. megget, eight seamen and myself, set out from the ship, intending to walk to cape gloucester. we landed in a valley at the n.w. corner of the harbour and began our march, two men carrying the tent, and the others our instruments and provisions: we had arms also, in case of meeting indians. difficult travelling, with such a cargo, very soon obliged us to stop and rest, but by continual changes with the heaviest loads, and great exertion on the part of those who carried them, we got over two-thirds of our journey in the course of the day, and at night pitched our tent, and defied the rain which poured incessantly until seven the following morning: when every height was covered with snow, as if it had been the middle of winter. "7th. as soon as we had breakfasted we moved on again, and at noon reached the foot of a mountain which forms the cape. leaving the others to pitch our tent and cook some victuals, mr. wilson, mr. megget, and two seamen, ascended the mountain with me. a very severe task we had, but at last gained the highest pinnacle, where there was just room to place the theodolite and kneel by it, at the risk of a puff of wind canting us over either side. a stone moved from its place, would have reached the water as soon from one side as from the other. it was not a very clear day, but sufficiently so to enable me to gain the desired angles and bearings. from this summit i had a clear view of that dangerous place breaker bay, and was more confirmed in the idea i had formed of it, and rejoiced that i did not stand farther in with the beagle. having thus succeeded, and buried two memorials, one cased in tin and the other in a bottle, we filled our pockets with pieces of the rock and returned; rather too quickly, for the steepness of the hill assisted us more than we wished. during our absence some fuegians had appeared, who were quiet and {377} inoffensive; but they seemed very distrustful of us, and, before sun-rise next morning, were all gone except one man. these natives seemed to be very active and went up the mountain in about half the time that our party required. they had two canoes with them, but how they had reached this place by water was puzzling, when the exposed bay they must have crossed and the prevailing weather were considered. perhaps they had carried their canoes overland, being rather like the chilote piraguas, made of boards sewed together. "8th. we heard the voices of the fuegians at day-break this morning; but at four o'clock only one old man remained, who was probably left to watch us. we began our return, rather stiff from previous days' exertions, and looking dismally at the high rugged hills between the beagle and ourselves. the first ascent on our way back was the worst of all: how the men carried their cargo so well astonished me, for with a very light load i was glad to rest frequently. breakfast revived us, and by taking afterwards a better line we avoided the steepest hills and found much easier walking. while resting at our meal the weather was so clear that i got bearings of cape inman and other points more than fifty miles distant. there was very little variety or novelty in this walk through a fuegian island. the same kind of scenery and the same species of plants and shrubs were found which we had seen every where else in tierra del fuego. being more or less rocky made the only change. of quadrupeds, excepting otters and dogs, i saw no traces, nor do i think any were to be found. a large kind of snipe, by some called a woodcock, and quails, of a large and, i think, peculiar species, were often seen and shot. the latter are not by any means so well tasted as the european quail, and their flesh is darker and coarser. at seven this evening we were again on board the beagle, not a little tired. "should any future voyager feel inclined to make a similar excursion towards cape gloucester, he had better not think too lightly of his task. "9th. mr. murray returned, having been into many openings between the islands to the eastward, and having collected {378} much information. this afternoon it blew a heavy gale, but in such a sheltered place we only felt a few williwaws. from mr. murray's account it appeared that this island and those adjoining it to the eastward are a cluster lying together, but quite separated from the mainland, or rather the main body of islands, by a channel opening northward into breaker bay, and to the southward into stokes bay. they were called the grafton islands. "10th. we had a heavy gale throughout this day with much rain. bad weather, while at a good anchorage, i did not at that time regret, as the materials for our charts accumulated fast, and afforded no leisure time while we were detained on board. "11th. a favourable day allowed us to examine and sound the outer roads, and obtain a round of angles from the western extreme of ipswich island, which completed my triangulation. landing there was dangerous, and ascending the hill extremely difficult, on account of thick tangled brushwood which grows about three or four feet high on every part of the east side, and is so matted together as to be almost impenetrable. we generally scrambled over this jungle, but sometimes crept under it. "12th. a tolerably fine day. the sun was visible both in the morning and afternoon; and from different summits mr. stokes and i took angles. the sky being clear near the horizon gave us a wide range. meanwhile the ship was prepared to sail in search of a new place at which to employ our instruments. i hoped that this basin, harbour, and roadstead, might be of service, and therefore spared no pains about them. eight latitudes were obtained by sets of circum-meridional altitudes; with four different sextants: two by mr. stokes, the rest by me: and as they all agreed, within fifteen seconds, i supposed their mean to be nearly correct. the sights for time were good, and the chronometers were going so steadily that dependence may be placed upon the accuracy of their results. to a vessel bound round cape horn and meeting with an accident, or in want of wood or water, this place might be useful. it is very easy to find, and easy to enter or depart from with the prevailing westerly winds. {379} "13th. we weighed and left the harbour, but the morning proved too hazy to allow of our running down the coast, therefore until eight o'clock we kept under easy sail in the roads. being clear and moderate after that time, we passed leading island, and hove-to, to watch for a breaker near it. it broke but twice during the hour that we waited, therefore probably there is water enough to allow any vessel to pass in safety. at ten we bore up, and ran towards isabella island; my first object being to look for a place called by sealers 'hope harbour,' which, from what i could learn, ought to lie thereabouts. its situation was not recognised by our boatswain,(h) who had been in it when sealing on this coast; so passing close to isabella island, we hauled our wind under the lee of the land, and came to an anchor in fifteen fathoms, sheltered from north to s.w.b.s. a high peaked hill, over the cove where i took observations, made this a suitable place for the business of the survey. mr. murray went up the height, while mr. stokes and i were employed near the water, till rain set in and drove us on board. this is the easternmost of the grafton islands. beyond the channel, which separates them from the main body of islands, appeared a succession of broken land, not very high, but reaching apparently to a distant range of snowy mountains. the part nearest to us was a labyrinth of islets and rocks. towards night the wind increased much, and drew to the s.w. and s.w.b.s. i was doubtful of our anchorage, and had the wind drawn one point more to the southward, we should have had a heavy sea to deal with, and must have slipped our cable. "14th. it moderated again, and the sun showed himself enough to enable us to get sights, and be on board in time to weigh at nine. we had reason to think a sealing vessel had been along this coast not long before us, by the traces our boats found in several places. indians also had frequented these islands, for their wigwams were found everywhere. observations on shore made our anchoring here of some consequence, although as a {380} safe anchorage for other vessels, it is out of the question, being an exposed roadstead, with many rocks, both to seaward and in-shore. a sealer might use it, but not willingly i should think. as we ran towards the agnes islands, before a strong w.n.w. wind, many rocks and breakers showed themselves, and when we neared the islands, became numerous on each side of us. it would have been more prudent to have kept outside all of them; but i was anxious to find hope harbour, or run into the entrance of the barbara channel, and anchor in the north cove of fury island. having passed the three agnes islands, and being nearly abreast of cape kempe,[184] our view became far from agreeable, for the sea, on all sides, seemed strewed with breakers; and how to steer so as to pass between them was perplexing. we were at this time running free, under treble reefed topsails, with top-gallant yards and masts on deck; the wind being strong from w.n.w., but the weather tolerably clear. suddenly the boatswain hailed, 'hard-a-port, a rock under the bows!' round the little vessel turned, almost as fast as the order was given; but the thrill that shot through us was happily not the precursor of our destruction; for the supposed rock proved to be a huge whale which had risen close to the bows, and was mistaken for the top of a rock by the boatswain, who was looking out on the forecastle, while i was at the mast-head, and the 'hands' were upon deck. this part of the coast, from the agnes islands to cape schomberg, is the worst i have seen, it is so very broken, and has so many rocks and dangerous breakers lying at a long distance from the shore. "at noon we were close to fury island; but the wind fell and prevented our making much progress. fury harbour, where the saxe cobourg was lost, is a wild exposed place, and, as the bottom is bad, it ought to be avoided by all vessels: there is but one patch of good ground, and that is very small. "passing round fury island, we entered the barbara channel, at the entrance to which stands mount skyring, a high, peaked, and most barren mountain, visible at a great distance. {381} we all felt much additional interest in what was then seen, on account of the late survey in the adelaide. cape schomberg and the astrea rock were easily known by lieutenant graves's sketch. to a high mountain, which in some views very much resembled the dome of st. paul's, i gave that name (finding it out of the limits of lieutenant skyring's survey): it lies a short distance east of cape schomberg. a passage appeared to go to the eastward, passing from the barbara channel, northward of cape schomberg and st. paul's. light baffling winds and an ebb-tide, of about a knot an hour, setting out of the barbara, detained us until six p.m., between the magill and fury islands; but soon after that hour we anchored in north cove, a small but perfectly secure place. by reaching this anchorage, i had the satisfaction of being enabled to connect my work with lieutenant skyring's, and to take a fresh start for the next piece of coast. hitherto we had been extremely fortunate, both with the ship and the boats; but such success could not be expected always. "15th. early this morning, mr. murray went in a whale-boat to the islands, near cape kempe, to ascertain the situations of some reefs and islets thereabouts, and sketch the outer coast. mr. stokes went in another boat to look for hope harbour, and examine part of the coast. the boatswain accompanied him, as he thought he knew his way by passages among the islands, although he had failed to recognise the place from the offing. "16th. bad weather, blowing a gale of wind and raining nearly all the day. "17th. a squally and disagreeable day; but our boats made some progress. "18th. some natives came alongside for a short time. as usual, we would not allow them to come on board, because of their being such dexterous thieves. a man to whom the canoe appeared to belong was far better featured, and more stoutly made, than any we had seen among the fuegians. after bartering some of their very valuable property they left us. "19th. early this morning mr. stokes returned: he had {382} been near enough to hope harbour, to see that it was in the grafton islands, and was one of the coves examined by mr. murray. he then returned as he had been desired; but made very good use of his time while away, by collecting materials for the charts. he fell in with a canoe under sail (the sail being a seal-skin); the first instance i had then known of a fuegian canoe sailing. as far as mr. stokes could see to the northward, the land was very broken, or rather it was a mass of islands reaching to the base of a range of snowy mountains. "north cove is large enough to hold any vessel when moored; but the passage, in and out, is too narrow and difficult for a ship of more than three or four hundred tons, unless she uses warps. being on the weather side of high land, but sheltered by low islands, williwaws do not annoy during westerly winds; but in a southerly gale i think they would be furious. "my next task was to ascend mount skyring. as there was but little snow on it, and the ground quite clear of wood, the ascent was easy; but when at the summit i could not see far, because of low misty clouds. i had taken only a compass with me, intending to look round, and ascend a second time with my usual companion, a theodolite. after taking a few bearings, i moved the compass off its stand, and placed it on a stone; when, to my surprise, i found the bearing of a point, i had just been looking at, altered twenty degrees. suspecting the cause, i put it on another stone, a few feet distant, and found the bearing again altered many degrees. i then examined the stones, and found there was much pyrites in them;[185] and that when broken, or struck against one another, they smelt strongly of sulphur. the compass was then replaced on its stand, and bearings of the same point taken from various spots, only a few feet apart, the point being many miles distant, and at each spot the compass gave a different bearing, and was very dull and sluggish, although it was a good kater's compass, with a light card. having thus satisfied myself of the very strong local attraction existing, i returned to the ship, {383} intending to make no further use of a compass in this place; and as lieutenant skyring might have been deceived in his bearings from a similar cause, i hoped to procure a round of angles, with a theodolite set to a true bearing, which might be serviceable for his work, as well as my own. many pieces of the stone, from different heights, were brought down; and in most of them were traces of metal. "the peaked top of this mountain is a mere heap of loose stones of all sizes. whether the rock has been shattered in this manner by frost, by volcanic fire, or by lightning, i cannot tell; but i should think, from its appearance, by all three. many of the stones are vitrified, and many are porous, like pumice-stones, although not so light. "20th. i again went up mount skyring, taking a theodolite with me; and as the day was perfectly clear, and free from clouds, every point of land was visible, which can at any time be seen from that summit. mount sarmiento appeared in all its grandeur, towering above the other mountains to at least twice their height, and entirely covered with snow. having set the theodolite to a painted post, fixed on shore near the beagle (five miles distant), from which i had previously obtained the exact astronomical bearing of the spot on which the theodolite was placed; i obtained a most satisfactory round of angles, including most of the remarkable peaks, islands, and capes, within a range of forty miles from the mountain. the day was so fine, that it was not cold on the height, nor was there any wind to disturb the adjustment of the instrument. "this business being completed, i returned on board with mr. wilson, who, during the time i was on the height, made some very good sketches. even at this early period his drawings were becoming a valuable addition to the gleanings of our cruise, and their number increased fast; for he took much pains with them, and produced not only good drawings, but most accurate delineations of the coast. "21st. fine weather for this climate. mr. murray returned in the whale-boat, having had a successful trip. "by shooting and fishing we obtained frequent change of {384} diet, for we shot much wild fowl (geese, shags, and ducks), and caught fish in the kelp, which were excellent eating. all that could be procured was regularly and equally distributed to the different messes in turn, and an account kept in a 'game book.' (appendix.) "22d. mr. stokes went to examine fury harbour, and returned late at night. in consequence of his account of the remains of the saxe cobourg sealing schooner, lost in that harbour, i sent a boat with the carpenter to collect from it some wood and bolts which might be useful to our ship, and remained at anchor for a day longer than i had intended. "this day all hands were put upon two-thirds' allowance, but as it was a measure which affected the crew much and myself not at all, i was reluctant to give the necessary order, without first proposing the measure openly, and giving the following reasons:-"having succeeded beyond expectation in the examination of the coast thus far, and hoping to be able to continue the survey in the same manner, while our provisions lasted, i thought it better to shorten the allowance while all hands were well and hearty, and could obtain supplies of fish and wild fowl, rather than at a later period, when we might be otherwise situated. an extent of coast lay before us, and the parts particularly pointed out by captain king, were yet unexamined. "24th. a tolerably fine day; i tried all the compasses on shore, in three different places, placing them in a line to a distant mark; because in taking bearings, for the variation of the compass, during previous days, i had found very wide differences between the results of the same, as well as different compasses; and they were also very sluggish; the light cards being more so than the heavy ones. i found it impossible to reconcile their results by change of place or position, therefore it is probable that all the rock affected the needle; and i suspect that not only this island and the one on which mount skyring is situated, but most of the islands near are magnetic: particularly a cluster lying about a mile to seaward of the magill islands, on which, i believe, lieutenant skyring, or some of his party, took bearings. a boat was sent to {385} watch the tide, on the day of new moon, at the entrance of the channel, and brought back a piece of the rock of which the last-mentioned cluster of islets consists. it is similar to that of fury island and mount skyring, apparently metallic, with a sulphureous smell, when struck or broken.[186] small pieces put near the compass did not seem to affect it sensibly; but i did not spend time in trying the experiment with nicety, being satisfied of the general result. there may be metal in many of the fuegian mountains, and i much regret that no person in the vessel was skilled in mineralogy, or at all acquainted with geology. it is a pity that so good an opportunity of ascertaining the nature of the rocks and earths of these regions should have been almost lost. "i could not avoid often thinking of the talent and experience required for such scientific researches, of which we were wholly destitute; and inwardly resolving, that if ever i left england again on a similar expedition, i would endeavour to carry out a person qualified to examine the land; while the officers, and myself, would attend to hydrography." * * * * * {386} chapter xxi. skyring's chart--noir island--penguins--fuegians--sarmiento--townshend harbour--horace peaks--cape desolation--boat lost--basket--search in desolate bay--natives--heavy gale--surprise--seizure--consequences- return to beagle--sail to stewart harbour--set out again--escape of natives--unavailing search--discomforts--tides--nature of coast--doris cove--christmas sound--cook--york-minster--march harbour--build a boat- treacherous rocks--skirmish with the natives--captives--boat-memory- petrel. "25th. we weighed, and went round to fury harbour, for the carpenter and his cargo, and met him with a spar and a raft of plank, taken from the wreck. having hoisted the boat up, and got the plank on board, we stood out towards the west furies, by the wind; my intention being either to sail round noir island, or anchor under it, before running to the eastward, in order that no part of the sea-coast might be left unexamined. we passed very near some of the rocks, but as the day was fine and the weather clear, a good look-out at the mast-head could be trusted. "before leaving the vicinity of mount skyring, i should remark that the true bearing of mount sarmiento's summit, which i obtained from the top of mount skyring, laid off on lieutenant skyring's chart, passed as truly through his position of the summit as if the line had been merely drawn between them. this is highly creditable to his work, for i know he did not himself see mount sarmiento, when upon mount skyring. "the breeze freshened, and drew more to the westward towards evening, i had therefore no hopes of nearing noir island. we saw the tower rocks distinctly before dark, and stood on towards them until ten o'clock, closing scylla to avoid charybdis, for in-shore of us lay all those scattered rocks, {387} among which we had steered when passing the agnes islands and cape kempe. "the night was spent in making short boards, under reefed topsails, over the same two miles of ground, as nearly as possible, with the lead going, and a thoroughly good look-out. at daylight next morning the wind became strong and the weather thick, with rain, but we made as much sail as we could carry, and worked to windward all the day. in the afternoon it moderated, and before dark we anchored in a very good roadstead, at the east end of noir island, sheltered from all winds from n. to s.b.e. (by the west); over a clear, sandy bottom; and with a sheltered cove near us where boats may land easily, and get plenty of wood and water. in working up to the island, we passed very near a dangerous rock, under water, lying four miles off shore; and another, near the anchorage. the sea does not break on either of them when there is not much swell. "27th. a fine day favoured us; the master went to one part of the island, and mr. stokes to another, while i went to a third. having taken angles at the extreme west point (which ends in a cluster of rocks like needles), i passed quite round the island, and returned to the anchorage after dusk, landing here and there for bearings, in my way. "there is a cove at the south part of the island, where boats would be perfectly safe in any weather, but the entrance is too narrow for decked vessels. the island itself is narrow and long, apparently the top of a ridge of mountains, and formed of sand-stone,[187] which accounts for the bottom near it being so good, and for the needle-like appearance of the rocks at the west end; as the sand-stone, being very soft, is continually wearing away by the action of the water. "multitudes of penguins were swarming together in some parts of the island, among the bushes and 'tussac'[188] near the shore, having gone there for the purposes of moulting and {388} rearing their young. they were very valiant in self-defence, and ran open-mouthed, by dozens, at any one who invaded their territory, little knowing how soon a stick could scatter them on the ground. the young were good eating, but the others proved to be black and tough, when cooked. the manner in which they feed their young is curious, and rather amusing. the old bird gets on a little eminence, and makes a great noise (between quacking and braying), holding its head up in the air, as if it were haranguing the penguinnery, while the young one stands close to it, but a little lower. the old bird having continued its clatter for about a minute, puts its head down, and opens its mouth widely, into which the young one thrusts its head, and then appears to suck from the throat of its mother for a minute or two, after which the clatter is repeated, and the young one is again fed; this continues for about ten minutes. i observed some which were moulting make the same noise, and then apparently swallow what they thus supplied themselves with; so in this way i suppose they are furnished with subsistence during the time they cannot seek it in the water. many hair seal were seen about the island, and three were killed. wild fowl were very numerous. strange to say, traces of the fuegians (a wigwam, &c.) were found, which shows how far they will at times venture in their canoes. "no danger lies outside of noir island, except in the tower rocks, which are above water, and 'steep-to,' but many perils lie to the south-eastward. indeed, a worse place than the neighbourhood of cape kempe and the agnes islands could not often be found, i think: the chart of it, with all its stars to mark the rocks, looks like a map of part of the heavens, rather than part of the earth. "28th. at daylight, we sailed from these roads, and passed close to the tower rocks (within half a cable's length): they are two only in number, a mile and a half apart, and steep-sided. thence we steered towards st. paul's, my intention being to seek an anchorage in that direction. this day proved very fine and so clear that when we were becalmed, off st. paul's, we saw mount sarmiento distinctly from the deck. a breeze {389} carried us through pratt passage, which separates london island from sydney island, to an anchorage in a good harbour, under a high peaked hill (horace peaks), which is a good mark for it. finding no soundings in the passage as we approached, gave us reason to be anxious; but in the harbour, the bottom proved to be excellent, and the water only of a moderate depth. as soon as we anchored, i tried to ascend horace peaks, but returned without having reached their summits before dark; however, i saw enough to give me a general idea of the distribution of the land and water near us. i thought that this anchorage would be favourable for ascertaining the latitude of cape schomberg[189] with exactness: having found a considerable difference between our chart and that of lieutenant skyring, respecting the latitude of that promontory. "meanwhile i contemplated sending the master to a headland called by cook, cape desolation, and which well deserves the name, being a high, craggy, barren range of land. i was not sorry to find myself in a safe anchorage, for the weather seemed lowering; and after being favoured with some moderate days, we could not but expect a share of wind and rain. "29th. this morning the weather looked as if we should be repaid for the few fine days which we had enjoyed; but as we felt it necessary to work in bad weather as well as in good, it did not prevent the master from setting out on his way to cape desolation; near which, as a conspicuous headland, whose position would be of great consequence, he was to search for a harbour, and obtain observations for connecting the survey. he could not have been in a finer boat (a whale-boat built by mr. may, at san carlos); and as he well knew what to do with her, i did not feel uneasy for his safety, although after his departure the wind increased rapidly, and towards evening blew a hard gale. the barometer had not given so much warning as usual; but it had been falling gradually since our arrival in this harbour, and continued to fall. the sympiesometer had been more on the alert, and had fallen more rapidly. "(30th.) a continued gale, with rain and thick weather {390} throughout the day. during the night the weather became rather more moderate; but on the morning of the 31st, the wind again increased to a gale, and towards noon, the williwaws were so violent, that our small cutter, lying astern of the ship, was fairly capsized, though she had not even a mast standing. the ship herself careened, as if under a press of sail, sending all loose things to leeward with a general crash (not being secured for sea, while moored in so small a cove), but so rapidly did these blasts from the mountains pass by, that with a good scope of chain out, it was hardly strained to its utmost before the squall was over. while the gale was increasing, in the afternoon, the topmasts were struck; yet still, in the squalls, the vessel heeled many strakes when they caught her a-beam. at night they followed in such rapid succession, that if the holding-ground had not been excellent, and our ground-tackle very strong, we must have been driven on the rocks. "under the lee of high land is not the best anchorage in these regions. when good holding-ground can be found to windward of a height, and low land lies to windward of the anchorage, sufficient to break the sea, the place is much to be preferred; because the wind is steady and does not blow home against the height. the lee side of these heights is a great deal worse than the west side of gibraltar rock while the strongest levanter is blowing. "considering that this month corresponds to august in our climate, it is natural to compare them, and to think how hay and corn would prosper in a fuegian summer. as yet i have found no difference in tierra del fuego between summer and winter, excepting that in the former the days are longer, and the average temperature is perhaps ten degrees higher, but there is also then more wind and rain. "the gale still continued, and prevented any thing being done out of the ship. however safe a cove mr. murray might have found, his time, i knew, must be passing most irksomely, as he could not have moved about since the day he left us. he had a week's provisions, but with moderate weather would have returned in three days. {391} "feb. 2d. still very squally and unsettled. this gale began at n.n.w., and drew round to s.s.w. much rain comes usually from the n.w. quarter; and as the wind draws southward, the weather becomes clearer. the squalls from the southern quarter bring a great deal of hail with them. "3d. i was enabled to take a round of angles from horace peaks, over the ship, the sky being clear near the horizon. the theodolite had been left near the top since the 28th, each day having been too bad to use it. these peaked hills required time and exertion in the ascent; but the wide range of view obtained from their summits on a clear day, amply repaid us for both. if the height was sufficient, it gave a bird's-eye view of many leagues, and showed at a glance where channels lay, which were islands, and what was the nature of the surrounding land and water. the shattered state of all these peaks is remarkable: frost, i think, must be the chief cause. "after being deceived by the magnetism of mount skyring and other places, i never trusted the compass on a height, but always set up a mark near the water, at some distance, and from it obtained the astronomical bearing of my station at the summit. this afternoon we prepared the ship to proceed as soon as the master should arrive. "4th. moderate weather. i was surprised that the master did not make his appearance; yet, having full confidence in his prudent management, and knowing that he had been all the time among islands, upon any one of which he could haul up his boat and remain in safety during the gales, i did not feel much anxiety, but supposed he was staying to take the necessary angles and observations, in which he had been delayed by the very bad weather we had lately experienced. "at three this morning (5th), i was called up to hear that the whale-boat was lost--stolen by the natives; and that her coxswain and two men had just reached the ship in a clumsy canoe, made like a large basket, of wicker-work covered with pieces of canvas, and lined with clay, very leaky, and difficult to paddle. they had been sent by the master, who, with the other people, was at the cove under cape desolation, where {392} they stopped on the first day. their provisions were all consumed, two-thirds having been stolen with the boat, and the return of the natives, to plunder, and perhaps kill them, was expected daily. "the basket, i cannot call it a canoe, left the cape (now doubly deserving of its name) early on the morning of the 4th, and worked its way slowly and heavily amongst the islands, the men having only one biscuit each with them. they paddled all day, and the following night, until two o'clock this morning (5th), when in passing the cove where the ship lay, they heard one of our dogs bark, and found their way to us quite worn out by fatigue and hunger. not a moment was lost, my boat was immediately prepared, and i hastened away with a fortnight's provisions for eleven men, intending to relieve the master, and then go in search of the stolen boat. the weather was rainy, and the wind fresh and squally; but at eleven o'clock i reached the cove, having passed to seaward of the cape, and there found mr. murray anxiously, but doubtfully, awaiting my arrival. my first object, after inquiring into the business, was to scrutinize minutely the place where the boat had been moored, (for i could not believe that she had been stolen;) but i was soon convinced that she had been well secured in a perfectly safe place, and that she must, indeed, have been taken away, just before daylight, by the natives. her mast and sails, and part of the provisions were in her; but the men's clothes and the instruments had fortunately been landed. it was the usual custom with our boats, when away from the ship, to keep a watch at night; but this place appeared so isolated and desolate, that such a precaution did not seem necessary. had i been with the boat, i should probably have lost her in the same manner; for i only kept a watch when i thought there was occasion, as i would not harass the boat's crew unnecessarily; and on this exposed and sea-beaten island, i should not have suspected that indians would be found. it appeared that a party of them were living in two wigwams, in a little cove about a mile from that in which our boat lay, and must have seen her arrive; {393} while their wigwams were so hidden as to escape the observation of the whale-boat's crew. at two o'clock on the first morning, mr. murray sent one of the men out of the tent to see if the boat rode well at her moorings in the cove, and he found her secure. at four another man went to look out, but she was then gone. the crew, doubtful what had been her fate, immediately spread about the shore of the island to seek for traces of her, and in their search they found the wigwams, evidently just deserted: the fire not being extinguished. this at once explained the mystery, and some proceeding along the shore, others went up on the hills to look for her in the offing; but all in vain. the next morning mr. murray began the basket, which was made chiefly by two of his men out of small boughs, and some parts of the tent, with a lining of clayey earth at the bottom. being on an island, about fifteen miles from the beagle, their plan was as necessary as it was ingenious: though certainly something more like a canoe than a coracle could have been paddled faster. "the chronometer, theodolite, and other instruments having been saved, mr. murray had made observations for fixing the position of the place, and had done all that was required before i arrived, when they embarked, with their things, in my boat, which then contained altogether eleven men, a fortnight's provisions, two tents,[190] and clothing; yet with this load she travelled many a long mile, during the following week, a proof of the qualities of this five-oared whale-boat, which was also built by mr. jonathan may, our carpenter, while we were at san carlos. "the very first place we went to, a small island about two miles distant, convinced us still more decidedly of the fate of our lost boat, and gave us hopes of retrieving her; for near a lately used wigwam, we found her mast, part of which had been cut off with an axe that was in the boat. our next point was then to be considered, for to chase the thieves i was determined. north and east of us, as far as the eye could reach, lay an extensive {394} bay in which were many islands, large and small; and westward was a more connected mass of large islands reaching, apparently, to the foot of that grand chain of snowy mountains, which runs eastward from the barbara channel, and over the midst of which sarmiento proudly towers. i resolved to trace the confines of the bay, from the west, towards the north and east, thinking it probable that the thieves would hasten to some secure cove, at a distance, rather than remain upon an outlying island, whence their retreat might be cut off. in the evening we met a canoe containing two fuegians, a man and a woman, who made us understand, by signs, that several canoes were gone to the northward. this raised our hopes, and we pushed on. the woman, just mentioned, was the best looking i have seen among the fuegians, and really well-featured: her voice was pleasing, and her manner neither so suspicious nor timid as that of the rest. though young she was uncommonly fat, and did justice to a diet of limpets and muscles. both she and her husband were perfectly naked. having searched the coves for some distance farther, night came on, and we landed in a sheltered spot. "the next day (6th), we found some rather doubtful traces of the thieves. towards night it blew a strong gale, with hail-squalls and rain. "on the 7th, at a place more than thirty miles e.n.e. of cape desolation, we fell in with a native family, and on searching their two canoes found our boat's lead line. this was a prize indeed; and we immediately took the man who had it into our boat, making him comprehend that he must show us where the people were, from whom he got it. he understood our meaning well enough, and following his guidance we reached a cove that afternoon, in which were two canoes full of women and children; but only one old man, and a lad of seventeen or eighteen. as usual with the fuegians, upon perceiving us they all ran away into the bushes, carrying off as much of their property as possible--returning again naked, and huddling together in a corner. after a minute search, some of the boat's gear was found, part of her sail, and {395} an oar, the loom of which had been made into a seal-club, and the blade into a paddle. the axe, and the boat's tool-bag were also found, which convinced us that this was the resort of those who had stolen our boat; and that the women, six in number, were their wives. the men were probably absent, in our boat, on a sealing expedition; as a fine large canoe, made of fir-plank, perhaps from the wreck of the saxe cobourg, was lying on the beach without paddles or spears. she did not come there without paddles: and where were the spears of which every fuegian family has plenty? it was evident that the men of the party had taken them in our boat, and had cut up our oars like the one they had accidentally left. the women understood what we wanted, and made eager signs to explain to us where our boat was gone. i did not like to injure them, and only took away our own gear, and the young man, who came very readily, to show us where our boat was, and, with the man who had brought us to the place, squatted down in the boat apparently much pleased with some clothes and red caps, which were given to them. we had always behaved kindly to the fuegians wherever we met them, and did not yet know how to treat them as they deserved, although they had robbed us of so great a treasure, upon the recovery or loss of which much of the success of our voyage depended. following the guidance of these two natives, we pulled against wind and rain until dark, when it became absolutely necessary to secure our boat for the night, deeply laden as she was with thirteen people. as we were then at a great distance from the place, whence we brought the natives, having pulled for four hours alongshore, and as they seemed to be quite at their ease, and contented, i would not secure our guides as prisoners, but allowed them to lie by the fire in charge of the man on watch. about an hour before daylight, although the look-out man was only a few yards distant from the fire, they slipped into the bushes, and as it was almost dark were immediately out of sight. their escape was discovered directly, but to search for them during darkness, in a thick wood, would have been useless; besides, our men were tired with their day's work, and wanted rest, so {396} i would not disturb them until daylight (8th), when we continued our search in the direction the natives had indicated; but after examining several coves without finding any traces of fuegians, we hastened back towards the wigwams we had visited on the previous day. sailing close along-shore, a large smoke suddenly rose up, out of a small cove close by us, where we immediately landed, and looked all round; but found only the foot-prints of two fuegians, probably the runaways, who had just succeeded in lighting a fire at the moment we passed by. this shows how quickly they find materials for the purpose, for when they left us, they had neither iron nor fire-stone (pyrites), nor any kind of tinder. they had carried off two tarpaulin coats, which mr. murray had kindly put on to keep them warm; although, treated as he had so lately been, one might have thought he would not have been the first to care for their comfort. i mention these incidents to show what was our behaviour to these savages, and that no wanton cruelty was exercised towards them. "after looking for these two natives, and for mr. murray's coats, which at that time he could ill spare, we returned to our boat, and pushed on towards the wigwams. the moment the inmates saw us, they ran away, and we gave chase, trying, in vain, to make them stop. disappointed in the hope of obtaining a guide, we determined to prevent these people from escaping far, and spreading any intelligence likely to impede the return of our boat, which we daily expected: we therefore destroyed two canoes, and part of a third, that the natives were building, and burned every material which could be useful to them in making another canoe. "(9th). next day, we went straight across the bay to cape desolation, against a fresh breeze: by pulling in turns, the boat was kept going fast through the water, and late in the evening we reached the cove from which the thieves had first started, when they stole the boat; but no traces of their having been there again, were found. i thought it probable that they would return to see what had become of our party, and whether our people were weak enough to be plundered again, or perhaps attacked. {397} "this idea proving wrong, we retraced (10th) much of our former course, because the direction pointed out by the fuegians who ran away from us seemed to lead towards the place we now steered for, courtenay sound, and was a probable line for the thieves to take. during the night it blew a gale from the southward, which increased next day (11th), and became more and more violent until the morning of the 12th, when it abated. "we continued our search, however, sometimes under a close-reefed sail; sometimes on our oars, and sometimes scudding with only the mast up. although the wind was very violent, too strong for a close reefed sail (with four reefs), the water was too much confined by islands to rise into a sea, but it was blown, as 'spoon drift,' in all directions. this day the beagle had her topmasts and lower yards struck, for the gale was extremely heavy where she lay. the barometer foretold it very well, falling more than i had previously seen, although the wind was southerly. in an exposed anchorage, i do not think any vessel could have rode it out, however good the holding ground. "12th. this morning the weather was better, and improving fast. we went over much ground without the smallest success, and in the afternoon steered to the eastward again, for a third visit to the boat stealers' family. as it was late when we approached the place, i landed half our party, and with the rest went to reconnoitre. after a long search we discovered the indians in a cove, at some distance from that in which they were on the previous day; and having ascertained this point, taken a good view of the ground, and formed our plans, we returned to our companions, and prepared for surprising the natives and making them prisoners. my wish was to surround them unawares, and take as many as possible, to be kept as hostages for the return of our boat, or else to make them show us where she was; and, meanwhile, it was an object to prevent any from escaping to give the alarm. "13th. whether the men belonging to the tribe had returned during our absence, was uncertain, as we could not, {398} without risk of discovery, get near enough to ascertain: but, in case we should find them, we went armed, each with a pistol or gun, a cutlass, and a piece of rope to secure a prisoner. we landed at some distance from the cove, and, leaving two men with our boat, crept quietly through the bushes for a long distance round, until we were quite at the back of the new wigwams; then closing gradually in a circle, we reached almost to the spot undiscovered; but their dogs winded us, and all at once ran towards us barking loudly. further concealment was impossible, so we rushed on as fast as we could through the bushes. at first the indians began to run away; but hearing us shout on both sides, some tried to hide themselves, by squatting under the banks of a stream of water. the foremost of our party, elsmore by name, in jumping across this stream, slipped, and fell in just where two men and a woman were concealed: they instantly attacked him, trying to hold him down and beat out his brains with stones; and before any one could assist him, he had received several severe blows, and one eye was almost destroyed, by a dangerous stroke near the temple. mr. murray, seeing the man's danger, fired at one of the fuegians, who staggered back and let elsmore escape; but immediately recovering himself, picked up stones from the bed of the stream, or was supplied with them by those who stood close to him, and threw them from each hand with astonishing force and precision. his first stone struck the master with much force, broke a powder-horn hung round his neck, and nearly knocked him backwards: and two others were thrown so truly at the heads of those nearest him, that they barely saved themselves by dropping down. all this passed in a few seconds, so quick was he with each hand: but, poor fellow, it was his last struggle; unfortunately he was mortally wounded, and, throwing one more stone, he fell against the bank and expired. after some struggling, and a few hard blows, those who tried to secrete themselves were taken, but several who ran away along the beach escaped: so strong and stout were the females, that i, for one, had no idea that it was a woman, whose arms i and my coxswain endeavoured to pinion, until i heard some {399} one say so. the oldest woman of the tribe was so powerful, that two of the strongest men of our party could scarcely pull her out from under the bank of the stream. the man who was shot was one of those whom we had taken in the boat as a guide, and the other was among our prisoners. mr. murray's coats were found in the wigwams divided into wrappers to throw over the shoulders. we embarked the indians (two men, three women, and six children), and returned to the spot where we had passed the preceding night. one man who escaped was a one-eyed man we had seen before; he was more active than any, and soon out of our reach. two or three others escaped with him, whom i did not see distinctly. "that a life should have been lost in the struggle, i lament deeply; but if the fuegian had not been shot at that moment, his next blow might have killed elsmore, who was almost under water, and more than half stunned, for he had scarcely sense to struggle away, upon feeling the man's grasp relax. when fairly embarked, and before we asked any questions, the natives seemed very anxious to tell us where our boat was; but pointed in a direction quite opposite to that which they had previously shown us. we guarded them carefully through the night, and next morning (14th) set out upon our return to the beagle, with twenty-two souls in the boat. my object was, to put them in security on board, run down the coast with the ship to some harbour more to the eastward, and then set out again upon another search; carrying some of my prisoners as guides, and leaving the rest on board to ensure the former remaining, and not deceiving us. we made tolerable progress, though the boat was so over-loaded, and on the 15th reached the beagle with our living cargo. in our way we fell in with a family of natives, whose wigwams and canoes we searched; but finding none of our property, we left them not only unmolested, but gave them a few things, which in their eyes were valuable. "this conduct appeared to surprise our prisoners, who, as far as we could make out, received a wholesome lecture, instead {400} of assistance, from the strangers. at all events, when they parted, our passengers were as discontented as the others were cheerful. when we got on board, we fed our prisoners with fat pork and shell-fish, which they liked better than any thing else, and clothed them with old blankets.[191] "next morning (16th) we weighed, and sailed along the coast towards cape castlereagh, at the east side of desolate bay. many straggling rocks and rocky islets were observed lying off cape desolation and in the bay. that afternoon, we stood into a narrow opening, which appeared to be the outlet of a harbour close to cape castlereagh, and found a very good anchorage, well suited for the purposes both of continuing the survey and looking for the lost boat. "(17th.) the master and i, with the cutter and a whale-boat, set out upon a second chase, taking a week's provisions. in the first cove i searched, not two miles from the beagle, i found a piece of the boat's lead-line, which had been left in a lately deserted wigwam. this raised our hopes; and, in addition to the signs made by our prisoners, convinced us we were on the right track. "i took with me a young man as a guide, and in the cutter the master carried the two stoutest of the women, having left all the rest of our prisoners on board. as far as we could make out, they appeared to understand perfectly that their safety and future freedom depended upon their showing us where to find the boat. "we intended to go round the stewart islands; and after examining many coves, and finding signs that a party of natives had passed along the same route within the last two days, we stopped in a sheltered place for the night. having given our prisoners as much food as they could eat, muscles, limpets, and pork, we let them lie down close to the fire, all three together. i would not tie them, neither did i think it necessary to keep an unusual watch, supposing that their children being {401} left in our vessel was a security for the mothers far stronger than rope or iron. i kept watch myself during the first part of the night, as the men were tired by pulling all day, and incautiously allowed the fuegians to lie between the fire and the bushes, having covered them up so snugly, with old blankets and my own poncho, that their bodies were entirely hidden. about midnight, while standing on the opposite side of the fire, looking at the boats, with my back to the fuegians, i heard a rustling noise, and turned round; but seeing the heap of blankets unmoved, satisfied me, and i stooped down to the fire to look at my watch. at this moment, another rustle, and my dog jumping up and barking, told me that the natives had escaped. still the blankets looked the same, for they were artfully propped up by bushes. all our party began immediately to search for them; but as the night was quite dark, and there was a thick wood close to us, our exertions were unavailing. "believing that we could not be far from the place where the natives supposed our boat to be, i thought that they would go directly and warn their people of our approach; and as the island was narrow, though long, a very little travelling would take them across to the part they had pointed out to us, while it might take a boat a considerable time to go round; i therefore started immediately to continue the search in that direction, and left the master to examine every place near our tents. "in the afternoon of the same day i returned to him, having traversed a long extent of coast without finding an outlet to sea-ward, or any traces of the lost boat. meanwhile mr. murray had searched every place near our bivouac without success; but he found the spot where the fuegians had concealed themselves during the night, under the roots of a large tree, only a dozen yards from our fire. "as it was possible that the thieves might have returned to the place whence we had taken the natives, i desired the master to cross the sound and go there, and afterwards return to meet me, while i continued the search eastward. with a fair and fresh wind i made a good run that evening, found a {402} passage opening to the sea,[192] and a wigwam just deserted. here was cause for hope; and seeing, beyond the passage, some large islands lying to seaward of that which we had been coasting, it appeared probable that our boat had been taken there for seal-fishing. our prisoners had given us to understand plainly enough that such was the object of those who had stolen her, and outlying islands were the most likely to be visited, as on them most seal are found. "next day (19th) i passed over to gilbert island, and in a cove found such recent marks of natives, that i felt sure of coming up with the chase in the course of the day. when the fuegians stop anywhere, they generally bark a few trees, to repair their canoes or cover their wigwams; but those whose traces we were following, had made long journeys without stopping; and, where they did stay, barked no trees, which was one reason for supposing them to be the party in our boat. in the course of the day we pulled nearly round the islands,[193] looking into every cove. "on the 20th, we discovered three small canoes with their owners in a cove.[194] all the men ran away, except two. as we saw that there were no more persons than the canoes required, we did not try to catch them, knowing that this could not be the party we were in search of. we had now examined every nook and corner about these islands, and i began to give up all hope of finding our boat in this direction. having no clue to guide me farther, and much time having been lost, i reluctantly decided to return to the beagle. our only remaining hope, that the master might have met with the boat, was but very feeble. "(21st.) all this day we were pulling to the westward, to regain the beagle. at night-fall i met mr. murray, with the cutter, in the cove where i had appointed a rendezvous. he had not found any signs of the boat upon the opposite shore, and therefore returned; but he saw the people who had escaped from us when we surprised the whole family. they fled as soon as his boat was seen. leaving, therefore, three men to {403} watch in the bushes, he stood out to sea in the boat; and the stratagem succeeded sufficiently to enable our men to get very near to the natives, but not to catch any of them. one old man squinted very much, and in other respects exactly answered the description of a fuegian who ill-treated some of the saxe-cobourg's crew, when they were cast away in fury harbour. i wish we could have secured him; but he was always on the alert, and too nimble for our people. in their canoe, which was taken, was found the sleeve of mr. murray's tarpaulin coat, a proof that these people belonged to the tribe which had stolen our boat. the canoe was a wretchedly patched affair, evidently put together in a great hurry. "next morning (22d) the master and i set out on our return to the beagle; but seeing a great smoke on the opposite shore, in thieves' sound, i thought it must be made by the offenders, who, having returned and found their home desolate, were making signals to discover where their family was gone: sending the cutter therefore on board, i pulled across the sound towards the smoke. as the distance was long, and the wind fresh against us, it was late before i arrived; yet the smoke rose as thickly as ever, exciting our expectations to the utmost:--but, to our disappointment, not a living creature could be seen near the fire, nor could any traces of natives be found. the fire must have been kindled in the morning, and as the weather was dry, had continued to burn all day. "we were then just as much at a loss as ever, for probably (if that was the party), they had seen us, and would, for the future, be doubly watchful. at first we had a chance of coming upon them unawares, but the time for that had passed: every canoe in the sound had been examined, and all its inhabitants knew well what we were seeking. "it blew too strong, and it was too late, to recross whale-boat sound that night, so i ascended a height to look round. next morning (23d) we again searched many miles of the shores of thieves' sound without any success; and afterwards sailed across to stewart harbour. we reached the beagle in the evening, but found that all the other prisoners, excepting {404} three children, had escaped by swimming ashore during the preceding night. thus, after much trouble and anxiety, much valuable time lost, and as fine a boat of her kind as ever was seen being stolen from us by these savages, i found myself with three young children to take care of, and no prospect whatever of recovering the boat. it was very hard work for the boats' crews, for during the first ten days we had incessant rainy weather, with gales of wind; and though the last few days had been uncommonly fine, the men's exertions in pulling about among the coves, and in ascending hills, had been extremely fatiguing. "while the bad weather lasted, the men's clothes were seldom dry, either by day or night. frequently they were soaked by rain during the greater part of the day, and at night they were in no better condition; for although a large fire (when made) might dry one side, the other as quickly became wet. obliged, as we were, to pitch our small tent close to the water in order to be near our boat;--and because every other place was either rocky or covered with wood;--we were more than once awakened out of a sound sleep by finding that we were lying partly in the water, the night-tide having risen very much above that of the preceding day: although the tides should have been at that time 'taking off' (diminishing). "sometimes extreme difficulty was found in lighting a fire, because every thing was saturated with moisture; and hours have been passed in vain attempts, while every one was shivering with cold,--having no shelter from the pouring rain,--and after having been cramped in a small boat during the whole day. "in courtenay sound i saw many nests of shags (corvorants) among the branches of trees near the water: until then, i had understood that those birds usually, if not invariably, built their nests on the ground or in cliffs. "much time had certainly been spent in this search, yet it ought not to be considered as altogether lost. mr. stokes had been hard at work during my absence, making plans of the harbours, and taking observations, and i am happy to say, that {405} i had reason to place great confidence in his work, for he had always taken the utmost pains, and had been most careful. my wanderings had shown me that from the apparent sea coast to the base of that snowy chain of mountains which runs eastward from the barbara channel, there is much more water than land, and that a number of islands, lying near together, form the apparently connected coast; within which a wide sound-like passage extends, opening in places into bays and gulfs, where islands, islets, rocks and breakers, are very numerous. these waters wash the foot of the snowy chain which forms a continued barrier from the barbara channel to the strait of le maire. this cruise had also given me more insight into the real character of the fuegians, than i had then acquired by other means, and gave us all a severe warning which might prove very useful at a future day, when among more numerous tribes who would not be contented with a boat alone. considering the extent of coast we had already examined, we ought to be thankful for having experienced no other disaster of any kind, and for having had the means of replacing this loss. "i became convinced that so long as we were ignorant of the fuegian language, and the natives were equally ignorant of ours, we should never know much about them, or the interior of their country; nor would there be the slightest chance of their being raised one step above the low place which they then held in our estimation. their words seemed to be short, but to have many meanings, and their pronunciation was harsh and guttural. "stewart harbour, in which the beagle remained during the last boat cruise, proved to be a good one, and, having three outlets, may be entered or quitted with any wind, and without warping. wood and water are as abundant as in other fuegian harbours; and it may be easily known by the remarkable appearance of cape castlereagh, which is on the island that shelters the anchorage from the s.w. wind and sea. the outlets are narrow, and can only be passed with a leading wind; but if one does not serve, another will answer. it should be {406} noticed, that there are two rocks nearly in the middle of the harbour, which are just awash at high water. a heavy swell is generally found outside, owing to the comparatively shallow water, in which there are soundings to about three miles from the cape. in the entrances are from ten to twenty fathoms, therefore if the wind should baffle, or fail, an anchor may be dropped at any moment. "in my last search among the gilbert islands, i found a good harbour for shipping, conveniently situated for carrying on the survey, in a place which otherwise i should certainly have overlooked: and to that harbour i decided on proceeding. "for two miles to the eastward of stewart harbour, the shore projects, and is rocky and broken, then it retreats, forming a large bay, in which are the gilbert islands, and many rocky islets. we passed between gilbert and stewart islands, anchored at noon under a point at the west entrance of the passage, and in the afternoon moved the beagle to doris cove, and there moored her. "i had decided to build another boat as quickly as possible, for i found it so much the best way to anchor the vessel in a safe place and then work with the boats on each side, that another good one was most necessary. our cutter required too many men, and was neither so handy, nor could she pull to windward so well as a whale-boat; and our small boat was only fit for harbour duty. the weather on this coast was generally so thick and blowing, as not to admit of any thing like exact surveying while the vessel was under sail: the swell alone being usually too high to allow of a bearing being taken within six or eight degrees: and the sun we seldom saw. if caught by one of the very frequent gales, we might have been blown so far to the eastward that i know not how much time would have been lost in trying to regain our position. these coasts, which are composed of islands, allow boats to go a long distance in safety, and, from the heights near the sea, rocks and breakers may be seen, and their places ascertained, much better than can possibly be done at sea. for building a new boat we had all the materials on board, except prepared plank; and for this we cut up a spare spar, which was intended to supply the place of a defective or injured lower mast or bowsprit. with reluctance this fine spar, which had been the doris's main-topmast, was condemned to the teeth of the saw; but i felt certain that the boat mr. may would produce from it, would be valuable in any part of the world, and that for our voyage it was indispensable. [illustration: cape horn.] [illustration: cape horn.] [illustration: cape spencer and cape horn.] [illustration: st francis bay and entrance of st martin cove. ([two birds] kater peak)] [illustration: york minster.] [illustration: false cape horn.] [illustration: cape noir.] [illustration: cape noir.] [illustration: w. w. wilson s. bull south west opening of cockburn channel. ([one bird] mount skyring) published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {407} "profiting by a clear day, i went to a height in the neighbourhood, whence i could see to a great distance in-shore, as well as along the coast, and got a view of mount sarmiento. while away from the beagle, in search of the lost boat, we had enjoyed four succeeding days of fine weather, during which that noble mountain had been often seen by our party. the astronomical bearing of its summit was very useful in connecting this coast survey with that of the strait of magalhaens. "25th and 26th. mr. murray went to the s.w. part of the island, taking three days' provisions. mr. stokes and i were employed near the ship, while every man who could use carpenter's tools was occupied in preparing materials for our new boat. the rock near here is greenstone, in which are many veins of pyrites. specimens are deposited in the museum of the geological society. "28th. weighed, warped to windward, and made sail out of adventure passage. i was very anxious to reach christmas sound, because it seemed to me a good situation for the beagle, while the boats could go east and west of her, and the new boat might be built. running along the land, before a fresh breeze, we soon saw york minster, and in the evening entered christmas sound, and anchored in the very spot where the adventure lay when cook was here. his sketch of the sound, and description of york minster, are very good, and quite enough to guide a ship to the anchoring place. i fancied that the high part of the minster must have crumbled away since he saw it, as it no longer resembled 'two towers,' but had a ragged, notched summit, when seen from the westward. it was some satisfaction to find ourselves at anchor at this spot in {408} february, notwithstanding the vexatious delays we had so often experienced. "as we had not sufficiently examined the coast between this sound and gilbert islands, i proposed sending mr. murray there with the cutter, while i should go to the eastward, during which time our new boat would be finished. "1st march. this morning i went to look for a better anchorage for our vessel, that in which we lay being rather exposed, and very small. neither pickersgill cove nor port clerke suited; so i looked further, and found another harbour, nearer to york minster, easier of access for a ship arriving from sea, and with a cove in one corner where a vessel could lie in security, close to a woody point. having sounded this harbour, i returned to move our ship. cook says, speaking of port clerke, 'south of this inlet is another, which i did not examine:'--and into that inlet, named march harbour, the beagle prepared to go, but before we could weigh and work to windward, the weather became bad, which made our passage round the n.w. end of shag island rather difficult, as we had to contend with squalls, rain, and a narrow passage between rocks. the passage between waterman island and the south end of shag island is more roomy; but there is a rock near the middle which had not then been examined. we worked up to the innermost part of the harbour, and moored close to a woody point, in the most sheltered cove. finding this to be a very convenient spot for building our boat, and in every point of view a good place for passing part of the month of march, i decided to keep the beagle here for that purpose. this harbour might be useful to other vessels, its situation being well pointed out by york minster (one of the most remarkable promontories on the coast), and affording wood and water with as little trouble as any place in which the beagle had anchored. "march 2d. the master set out in the large cutter, with a fortnight's provisions, to examine the coast between the north part of christmas sound and point alikhoolip, near which we passed on the 28th, without seeing much of it. with {409} moderate weather and a little sunshine, he might have been expected to return in a week or ten days. he carried a chronometer and other necessary instruments. two of the three children, left by their mother at stewart harbour, i sent with mr. murray, to be left with any fuegians he might find most to the westward, whence they would soon find their friends. the third, who was about eight years old, was still with us: she seemed to be so happy and healthy, that i determined to detain her as a hostage for the stolen boat, and try to teach her english. lieutenant kempe built a temporary house for the carpenters, and other workmen, near the ship and the spot chosen for observations, so that all our little establishment was close together. the greater part of the boat's materials being already prepared, she was not expected to be long in building, under the able direction and assistance of mr. may. "3d. some fuegians in a canoe approached us this morning, seeming anxious to come on board. i had no wish for their company, and was sorry to see that they had found us out; for it was to be expected that they would soon pay us nightly as well as daily visits, and steal every thing left within their reach. having made signs for them to leave us, without effect, i sent mr. wilson to drive them away, and fire a pistol over their heads, to frighten them. they then went back, but only round a point of land near the ship; so i sent the boat again to drive them out of the harbour, and deter them from paying us another visit. reflecting, while mr. wilson was following them, that by getting one of these natives on board, there would be a chance of his learning enough english to be an interpreter, and that by his means we might recover our lost boat, i resolved to take the youngest man on board, as he, in all probability, had less strong ties to bind him to his people than others who were older, and might have families. with these ideas i went after them, and hauling their canoe alongside of my boat, told a young man to come into it; he did so, quite unconcernedly, and sat down, apparently contented and at his ease. the others said nothing, either to me or to him, but paddled out of the harbour as fast as they could. {410} they seemed to belong to the same tribe as those we had last seen. "4th. this afternoon our boat's keel was laid down, and her moulds were set up. fuegia basket[195] told 'york minster'[196] all her story; at some parts of which he laughed heartily. fuegia, cleaned and dressed, was much improved in appearance: she was already a pet on the lower deck, and appeared to be quite contented. york minster was sullen at first, yet his appetite did not fail; and whatever he received more than he could eat, he stowed away in a corner; but as soon as he was well cleaned and clothed, and allowed to go about where he liked in the vessel, he became much more cheerful. "at cape castlereagh and the heights over doris cove in gilbert island, the rock seemed to contain so much metal, that i spent the greater part of one day in trying experiments on pieces of it, with a blowpipe and mercury. by pounding and washing i separated about a tea-spoonful of metal from a piece of rock (taken at random) the size of a small cup. i put the powder by carefully, with some specimens of the rock--thinking that some of these otherwise barren mountains might be rich in metals. it would not be in conformity with most other parts of the world were the tract of mountainous islands composing the archipelago of tierra del fuego condemned to internal as well as external unprofitableness. from the nature of the climate agriculture could seldom succeed; and perhaps no quadrupeds fit for man's use, except goats and dogs, could thrive in it: externally too, the land is unfit for the use of civilized man. in a few years its shores will be destitute of seal: and then, what benefit will be derived from it?--unless it prove internally rich, not in gold or silver, but perhaps in copper, iron, or other metals. "5th. this day all hands were put on full allowance, our savings since we left san carlos having secured a sufficient {411} stock of provisions to last more than the time allotted for the remainder of our solitary cruise. "by using substitutes for the mens' shoes, made of sealskin, we secured enough to last as long as we should want them. i have never mentioned the state of our sick list, because it was always so trifling. there had been very little doing in the surgeon's department; nothing indeed of consequence, since mr. murray dislocated his shoulder. "the promontory of york minster is a black irregularly-shaped rocky cliff, eight hundred feet in height, rising almost perpendicularly from the sea. it is nearly the loftiest as well as the most projecting part of the land about christmas sound, which, generally speaking, is not near so high as that further west, but it is very barren. granite is prevalent, and i could find no sandstone. coming from the westward, we thought the heights about here inconsiderable; but cook, coming from the south sea, called them 'high and savage.' had he made the land nearer the barbara channel, where the mountains are much higher, he would have spoken still more strongly of the wild and disagreeable appearance of the coast. "6th. during the past night it blew very hard, making our vessel jerk her cables with unusual violence, though we had a good scope out, and the water was perfectly smooth. we saw that the best bower-anchor had been dragged some distance, it was therefore hove to the bows when its stock was found to be broken, by a rock, in the midst of good ground, having caught the anchor. it had been obtained at san carlos from a merchant brig, but being much too light for our vessel, had been woulded round with chains to give it weight: its place was taken by a frigate's stream-anchor, well made and well tried, which i had procured from valparaiso.[197] in shifting our berth, the small bower chain was found to be so firmly fixed round another rock that for several hours we could not clear it. such rocks as these are very treacherous and not easily detected, except by sweeping the bottom with a line and weights. a very {412} heavy squall, with lightning and thunder, passed over the ship this afternoon, depressing the sympiesometer more than i had ever witnessed. very heavy rain followed. "8th. in the forenoon i was on a height taking angles, when a large smoke was made by natives on a point at the entrance of the harbour; and at my return on board the ship, i found that two canoes had been seen, which appeared to be full of people. supposing that they were strangers, i went in a small boat with two men to see them, and find out if they possessed any thing obtained from our lost whale-boat, for i thought it probable she might have been taken along the coast eastward, to elude our pursuit. i found them in a cove very near where our carpenters were at work. they had just landed, and were breaking boughs from the trees. i was surprised to see rather a large party, about fourteen in number, all of whom seemed to be men, except two women who were keeping the canoes. they wanted me to go to them, but i remained at a little distance, holding up bits of iron and knives, to induce them to come to me, for on the water we were less unequal to them. they were getting very bold and threatening in their manner, and i think would have tried to seize me and my boat, had not lieutenant kempe come into the cove with six men in the cutter, when their manner altered directly, and they began to consult together. they were at this time on a rock rising abruptly from the water, and the canoes, which i wanted to search, were at the foot of the rock. under such local disadvantages i could not persevere without arms, for they had stones, slings, and spears, ready in their hands. lieutenant kempe and myself then returned on board for arms and more men, for i resolved to drive them out of the harbour, as it was absolutely necessary. already they, or their countrymen, had robbed us of a boat, and endangered the lives of several persons; and had they been allowed to remain near us, the loss of that part of another boat which was already built would have followed, besides many things belonging to the carpenters and armourer, which they were using daily on shore. "another motive for searching the canoes, arose from {413} seeing so many men without women, for i concluded that some of the whale-boat thieves were among them, who, having seen our cutter go to the westward full of people, might suppose we had not many left on board: one boat's crew, as they perhaps imagined, being left on an island, and another away in search of them. they had hitherto seen only merchant-vessels on this coast, and judging of the number of a crew by them, might think there could not be many persons on board, and that the vessel would be easy to take. at all events they came prepared for war, being much painted, wearing white bands on their heads, carrying their slings and spears, and having left all their children and dogs, with most of their women, in some other place. "two boats being manned and armed, i went with lieut. kempe and mr. wilson to chase the fuegians, who were paddling towards another part of the harbour. seeing the boats approaching, they landed and got on the top of a rock, leaving the canoes underneath with the two women. from their manner i saw they were disposed to be hostile, and we therefore approached leisurely. their canoes being within our reach, i told the bowman to haul one alongside that we might search it; but no sooner did his boathook touch it, than a shower of stones of all sizes came upon us, and one man was knocked down, apparently killed, by the blow of a large stone on the temple. we returned their volley with our fire-arms, but i believe without hitting one of them. stones and balls continued to be exchanged till the cutter came to our assistance. the fuegians then got behind a rock, where we could not see them, and kept close. their canoes we took, and finding in them some bottles[198] and part of our lost boat's gear, we destroyed them. the man of my crew who was knocked down by a stone was only stunned, and soon recovered, but the blow was very severe and dangerous. not choosing to risk any further injury to our people, and seeing no object to be gained, i would not land, though our numbers were much superior, and we had {414} fire-arms. it appeared that the savages knew of no alternative but escape or death, and that in trying to take them they would certainly do material injury to some of our party with their spears, stones, or large knives made of pieces of iron hoops. remaining therefore with lieut. kempe, in the cutter, to watch their motions, i sent my boat on board with the man who was hurt. the fuegians made their escape separately through the bushes, and were quickly out of sight and reach: we fired a few shots to frighten them, watched their retreat over the barren upper part of the hills, and then went to look for their wigwams, which could not be far distant, as i thought; but after unsuccessfully searching all the coves near us, a smoke was seen at the opposite side of the sound, on one of the whittlebury islands; so concluding it was made by the rest of their tribe, and being late, i returned on board. "9th. at daylight, next morning, i went to look for the wigwams, on the whittlebury islands, at the north side of the sound: we saw their smoke when we were half-way across, but no longer. the natives had probably seen us, and put out their fire directly, well knowing the difference between our boat and their own canoes, and noticing her coming from a part of the sound distant from the point whence they would expect their own people, and crossing over against a fresh breeze, which a canoe could not attempt to do. the wigwams were entirely deserted, and almost every thing was taken away; but near their huts a piece of 'king's white line,' quite new, was picked up; therefore our boat[199] had been there, or these were some of the people who stole her. for the late inmates of the wigwams we searched in vain--only their dogs remained, they themselves being hidden. looking round on the other side of that islet, we saw two canoes paddling right away from the islands, though it was blowing a fresh breeze, and a considerable sea was running. knowing, from the place they were in, and their course, that they were the fugitives from the wigwams, we gave chase, and came up with them before {415} they could land, but so close to the shore that while securing one canoe, the other escaped. from that which we seized a young man and a girl jumped overboard, deserting an old woman and a child, whom we left in order to chase the young man; but he was so active in the water that it was fully a quarter of an hour before we could get him into our boat. having at last secured him, we followed the others, but they had all landed and hidden, so we returned across the sound with our captive. in our way a smoke was seen in a cove of waterman island, and knowing that it must be made by those who escaped us yesterday, as there were no other natives there, we made sail for it; but the rogues saw us, and put out their fire. when we reached the spot, however, we found two wigwams just built, and covered with bark; so that there they had passed the night after their skirmish. i would not let any one land, as the fuegians might be lurking in the bushes, and might be too much for two or three of us on shore,--but left the place. they would think us gone for more boats, as at the former meeting, and would shift their quarters immediately; so by thus harassing them, i hoped to be freed from any more of their visits while we remained in the neighbourhood. "the bodily strength of these savages is very great ('york minster' is as strong as any two of our stoutest men), which, with their agility, both on shore and in the water, and their quickness in attack and defence with stones and sticks, makes them difficult to deal with when out of their canoes. they are a brave, hardy race, and fight to the last struggle; though in the manner of a wild beast, it must be owned, else they would not, when excited, defy a whole boat's crew, and, single-handed, try to kill the men; as i have witnessed. that kindness towards these beings, and good treatment of them, is as yet useless, i almost think, both from my own experience and from much that i have heard of their conduct to sealing vessels. until a mutual understanding can be established, moral fear is the only means by which they can be kept peaceable. as they see only vessels which when their boats are away have {416} but a few people on board, their idea of the power of europeans is very poor, and their dread of fire arms not nearly so great as might be imagined. "from this cove we returned to the beagle. my fuegian captive, whom i named 'boat memory,' seemed frightened, but not low-spirited; he eat enormously, and soon fell fast asleep. the meeting between him and york minster was very tame, for, at first, they would not appear to recognise or speak to each other. 'boat' was the best-featured fuegian i had seen, and being young and well made, was a very favourable specimen of the race: 'york' was one of the stoutest men i had observed among them; but little fuegia was almost as broad as she was high: she seemed to be so merry and happy, that i do not think she would willingly have quitted us. three natives of tierra del fuego, better suited for the purpose of instruction, and for giving, as well as receiving information, could not, i think, have been found. "10th. this morning, having been well cleaned and dressed, 'boat' appeared contented and easy; and being together, kept york and him in better spirits than they would probably otherwise have been, for they laughed, and tried to talk, by imitating whatever was said. fuegia soon began to learn english, and to say several things very well. she laughed and talked with her countrymen incessantly. "12th. some evenings, at dusk, i observed large flights of birds, of the petrel kind, skimming over the sea (like swallows), as if in chase of insects. these birds were black, about the size of a 'cape pigeon.' we tried to shoot one, but did not succeed." * * * * * {417} chapter xxii. mr. murray returns--go to new year sound--see diego ramirez islands from henderson island--weddell's indian cove--sympiesometer--return to christmas sound--beagle sails--passes the ildefonso and diego ramirez islands--anchors in nassau bay--orange bay--yapoos--mr. murray discovers the beagle channel--numerous natives--guanacoes--compasses affected--cape horn--specimens--chanticleer--mistake about st. francis bay--diego ramirez islands climate--san joachim cove--barnevelt isles--evouts isle- lennox harbour. "14th. this morning the master returned, having succeeded in tracing the coast far enough to join our former work, although the weather had been very unfavourable. he met with many fuegians, most of whom were armed with slings, spears, and cutting weapons made with pieces of iron hoop fastened on a stick. they were very troublesome, especially at night, and obliged him to keep them at a distance. their respect for a musket was not so great as might have been expected, and unless they saw it tolerably close, and pointed directly at them, they cared not. the boat's crew bought some fish from them, for buttons and other trifles. from forty to fifty men, besides women and children, were seen in one place alone; and many were met elsewhere. "mr. murray penetrated nearly to the base of the snow-covered mountains, which extend to the eastward in an unbroken chain, and ascertained that there are passages leading from christmas sound to the large bay where the whale-boat was stolen; and that they run near the foot of the mountains. he also saw a channel leading farther to the eastward than eye-sight could reach, whose average width seemed to be about a mile. he left the two children in charge of an old woman whom they met near the westernmost part which his party reached, who appeared to know them well, and to be very much pleased at having them placed in her care. "15th. raining and blowing:--as usual, i might say. when {418} it moderated i left the beagle, and set out in a boat with mr. wilson (mate), taking a fortnight's provisions; though i hoped to be again on board in less than ten days, by which time our new boat would be finished, and mr. stokes, as well as mr. murray, would have laid down his last work. my object was to go eastward towards indian sound and nassau bay, but the weather soon stopped our progress, and obliged us to put into a small cove on the west side of point nativity, where we hoped to get shelter from the increasing wind, though not from the rain, which poured down in torrents. the cove proved to be much exposed, but we staid there till daylight on the following morning, when we pulled out, and round the point to the eastward, gladly enough, for we had been in a bad berth during the night, exposed to wind and rain, besides swell. we ran along the land, with a moderate westerly wind, stopped for a time near cape rolle, the point of land next to weddell's 'hope island;' and in the evening went into some openings among the adjacent islands. "17th. at daylight we set out again, and ran along-shore with a fresh west wind, crossed the mouth of a bay which seemed likely to afford shelter, but did not then delay to look at it closely. soon after noon we passed weddell's 'leading hill,' which is a very singular double-peaked height, conspicuous from a long distance, and remarkable in every point of view. between it and black point (a projecting craggy rock) lies a bay or sound, which appears to extend some distance northward. this part of the coast is bad for vessels to close with, being much broken, and having several rocky islets scattered near it; but two miles off shore there is no danger. having found a secure cove near leading hill, we landed, and the men set up our tent, while mr. wilson and i ascended the heights to look round. the wind soon freshened to a gale, and made us rejoice at having reached a sheltered place. "18th. the whole of this day was lost by us, for it blew a strong gale with continual rain. collecting limpets and muscles--cutting wood--and drying our clothes on one side by the fire, while the other got wet, were our only occupations. {419} "19th. still a strong wind, but less rain. between the squalls i obtained a few sights of the sun, for time, and at noon a tolerably good set for latitude. being then better weather, and likely to improve, we crossed in the boat to leading hill, and from its summit took the necessary angles. it was very cold and windy, but we effected all that was then required. "20th. decamped very early and ran across duff bay, towards henderson island, with a moderately fresh breeze off the land; and as my object was to obtain a good view and a round of angles from the summit of a height on that island, i passed weddell's morton isle, blunder cove, &c. without stopping, and reached the north end of henderson island soon enough to get sights for time. from that spot we went a short distance to a cove, where the boat might remain during my absence on the hill, observed the latitude, and then ascended. before we were half-way up, a squall came on from s.w. and increased rapidly, but having ascended so far, i was not disposed to turn back, so we pushed on and reached the summit; yet, when there, i could not use a theodolite, on account of the wind. towards the east i could see a long distance, to the farthest of the hermite islands; but towards the west the view was obscured by haze; so leaving the instruments, i hastened down to the boat and found her safe, though she had been in great danger. by this time the wind had moderated, and before dark we measured the distance between the morning and noon stations: that from the latter to the summit of the hill i had measured, when at the top, by a micrometer. we then passed round the north end of the island, and in the dark searched the east side for a resting-place, which after some time was found. "21st. a fine clear day enabled me to make the necessary observations, and i then went up the height and succeeded in obtaining a distinct view of the diego ramirez islands. as this hill is distant from them between fifty and sixty miles, i felt sure of getting a good cross bearing from the south end of the hermite islands, distant from them, as i then thought, only about forty, and thus fixing their position. "new year sound appears to be a large body of water {420} extending towards the n.w., with a multitude of islands scattered about it. from its east side the land trends away towards a point which is curiously peaked, like a horn, and which i supposed to be the western point of nassau bay.[200] "22d. we had hardly left our cove, when steady rain set in; however, we went across towards new year sound, sometimes favoured by the wind, but could do little. as far as i saw the day before, the snowy chain of mountains continued to the eastward, therefore i had little hope of finding a body of water in the interior of tierra del fuego, about the head of nassau bay. about noon we were near weddell's 'indian cove,' but the weather being thick i did not recognise it, so we stood up the sound with a fresh breeze from the w.s.w. i soon found that it led only to the north and west, and probably communicated with some of the passages which mr. murray saw leading to the eastward from the neighbourhood of christmas sound. towards the north and east i had already noticed a long range of mountains. concluding therefore from what i then observed, and from views obtained from the heights, that no passage leads from this sound direct to christmas sound, and that to return to the beagle i must go part of the way by the sea-coast, or else go round, by a series of intricate passages, to the places which mr. murray had seen in the cutter; i preferred the coast, as a second view of it would be of use, while a traverse among the islands could not be very beneficial. "putting about, we returned down the sound, the breeze still allowing us to sail fast. we closed the western shore to look for indian cove, and, as the weather had cleared up, found it without difficulty. it is not so good a place as i expected; for except at the inner corner close to a run of water, i found only rocky soundings. the few casts of good ground were so close to the shore that the place can only be considered fit for a cutter, or small craft, which could lie quite close to the land. this cove is, in my opinion, too far inland to be of general use; and an anchorage under morton island would be far preferable {421} for a vessel arriving from sea. we found an empty north-american cask, apparently left that season: on a height near the cove there was a pile of stones we had not time to examine: and much wood appeared to have been cut down lately by the crew of some vessel. we saw several wigwams, but no indians. that night we stopped near the s.w. point of the sound, close to gold-dust island. "23d. after examining the cove, in which we passed the night, and taking observations, we crossed duff bay, towards leading hill. i wished to have seen more of a promising bay on the east side of morton island, where i thought there was good anchorage, but could not afford time, as it was probable that we should be delayed in our return along this exposed part of the coast against the prevailing winds. there is a considerable tide between morton isle and the point next to gold-dust isle. the flood comes from the westward, about one knot, or at times two knots, an hour. with the ebb it is nearly slack water, or perhaps there is a slight tendency towards the west; and such appears to be the case all along this coast, from christmas sound. we reached leading hill late in the afternoon, although the wind had increased much and was directly against us: at night it blew a gale from the westward. "24th. a strong gale prevented our moving, or making any beneficial use of our time. "25th. still blowing very fresh; but i thought we could pull round into the next bay, and there do some good by planning the harbour, &c., although we might get no farther for some days. from the season, the state of the sympiesometer, and the appearance of the weather, i did not expect any favourable change until about the end of the month. the sympiesometer was my constant companion: i preferred it to a barometer, as being much more portable and quicker in its motions. by great exertion on the part of the men, for it required five hours' hard pulling, we got round a headland into the next bay, a distance of only four miles. it rained great part of the time, and in the afternoon poured steadily, but we succeeded in finding a sheltered spot for our lodging, and soon put ourselves into {422} somewhat better plight than we had been in during the greater part of the day, the men having been constantly soaked through, and their hands quite numbed with cold and wet. i was disappointed by this place; the various coves were sounded, without getting bottom with twenty-five fathoms of line; and i could find no anchorage without going further up the inlet than would suit any vessel running in from sea for a temporary shelter. "26th. a strong gale prevented our going outside, but in hopes that there might be an inland passage i set out to look for one. having pulled and sailed about six miles up the inlet, we reached its termination, and thence returned to our bivouac. there seemed to be an opening into duff bay not previously seen, which would have saved us some time and trouble had we known of its existence. "27th. the gale continued with more or less violence, and during the greater part of the day we were occupied in gathering limpets and muscles, as a stock of food in case of being detained longer than our provisions would last. shooting did not succeed, because the sea-birds were very wild and scarce. i regretted that there was no harbour in the inlet which could be planned during our stay. every cove we could find had deep water, and so rocky a bottom that we found difficulty in securing even our small boat; for this continued gale raised so much swell that we were kept on the alert at night to shift her berth as often as the wind changed. "28th. this day, and the preceding night, the wind was exceedingly violent, from n.w. to s.w., but generally southward of west. in pulling across the cove to get limpets, the squalls at times forced the oars out of the men's hands, and blew them across or away from the boat. much rain fell during most nights, but after sunrise it generally ceased; sometimes however the rain poured down by day as much as by night. "i here saw many seals teaching their young ones to swim. it was curious to see the old seal supporting the pup by its flipper, as if to let it breathe and rest, and then pushing it away into deep water to shift for itself. {423} "29th. this morning, with better weather, we sailed very early in hopes to get round black point; the wind being moderate promised well, but, with the sun, it rose again. however, we tried hard for about six hours, during four of which i hardly hoped to succeed, for it blew strong, and the tide race was dangerous: but before evening we gained the sheltered part of trefusis bay. the men were on their oars from five in the morning till four in the afternoon, and, excepting two rests of a quarter of an hour each, pulling hard all the time. we landed in a sheltered spot, about half a mile within the entrance of a passage which leads from trefusis bay to christmas sound. our fatigue and thorough drenching, by sea and rain, was then little cared for, having gained our point, and being only a day's pull from the beagle. "i had seen along this passage from christmas sound, as well as from leading hill, and rejoiced to get into it, for the outer coast is a wild one for a boat at any period of the year--and this was the month of march; about the worst time. "30th. a fine clear morning. we started with the sun, and pulled so fast along in the smooth water, that by the evening we reached our little vessel, and found that all was well on board; that there had been no more visits from the fuegians, nor any troubles. the new boat was finished on the 23d, only twenty days having been occupied by mr. may and three men in building her. appearance was very much in her favour, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which she was built. lieutenant kempe had finished all the ship's work with his usual promptness: new topmast rigging had been fitted, and every thing prepared for sea. i was two days over the time for which we carried provisions, but by my coxswain's care of them, and by using limpets and other shell-fish, we still had a sufficiency. "having seen as much as seemed necessary of the coast between christmas sound and nassau bay (i mean necessary in proportion to our limited time and provisions), the ildefonsos and diego ramirez isles were to be our next objects. "31st. a strong wind, with much rain, prevented our {424} moving early--but as the sun rose higher the weather improved, and we tried to weigh,--yet were provokingly delayed, for the chain was so fast round a rock, that for nearly an hour we could not move it. at last we succeeded, without injury to anything--left the harbour, and stood away for the ildefonsos with a strong w.s.w. wind and a confused high swell. "march harbour (so called from our having passed the month of march in it) is not so good as i at first thought. the bottom is certainly excellent in some parts; it is well sheltered, and easy of access, but there are many rocky places which would injure a hemp cable. besides, there is a dangerous rock under water in the wide part of the harbour, hidden by a large patch of kelp. "we passed along the s.w. side of the ildefonsos, at the distance of half a mile. they appeared like the higher parts of a mountain almost under water, lying n.w. and s.e., nearly broken through by the sea in several places, so as to form several islets, of which the highest and largest is about two hundred feet above the sea, and one-third of a mile in length; another is about one-quarter of a mile long; the rest are mere rocks. the two larger are covered with tussac,[201] among which we saw numerous seal which had scrambled up to the very summits. having seen enough of these islets, we hauled our wind, and shortened sail, to prepare for the night: for it blew a fresh gale, with every appearance of its increasing and drawing to the southward. i wished to make the diego ramirez islands the next morning, and thence run to the north-eastward; and, had the wind been moderate, could have done so without difficulty; but after carrying a press of sail during the night, and making southing, with as little easting as possible, i found myself, at daylight next morning, five miles to leeward of the above-mentioned islands, with the wind strong from the n.w., and too much sea to allow me to hope to see more of them without remaining under sail until the weather moderated. this would not have {425} suited the chronometers, or our limited time; therefore we wore round and steered (by weddell's chart) for the western part of the hermite islands, intending to run along the land from west cape. the wind became more moderate towards noon, but the weather got so thick that no part of the land could be made out distinctly; and supposing that a point of land which i saw was cape spencer, we steered directly for it, as the day was drawing to a close and obliged me to give up my intention of coasting. nearing the land, i found it resembled the point i had seen from henderson island, and supposed to be the s.w. extreme of nassau bay, but did not correspond to any part of the hermite islands, as shewn by captain king's plan. evening was approaching, thick misty clouds shut out other land from our view, but being a weather shore, i trusted to finding anchorage somewhere, and stood on. "the wind increased, and blew in very strong squalls off shore, obliging us to carry low sail until we had run several miles along the land in smooth water, when we anchored at the entrance of a bay, in thirteen fathoms water, over a coarse sandy bottom. a low projecting point covered us from the force of the wind as it then blew; and the land on each side from all other westerly winds: but the squalls increased so violently in the early part of the night, that although in smooth water, with eighty fathoms of chain out, the top-gallant masts down, and yards braced up, the vessel drove, and we were obliged to let go another anchor, and veer a long scope of cable; after which she held on firmly through the night. "2d. at daylight we hove up the best bower, but found one fluke broken off. after getting the sheet anchor to the bows, and the broken one in-board, we weighed and made sail to windward, in search of a good anchorage. when the weather cleared in the morning, i had discovered that we were in nassau bay, near orange bay, and that the curiously-peaked headland we had passed was 'false cape horn,' the same which i had seen from henderson island. finding this the case, i determined to turn the mistake to account, and at once set to work in this quarter, postponing our visit to the hermite {426} islands. short runs were essential, because of the chronometers, and this last had been a long one for them, with much motion, therefore it was necessary i should get observations. "towards noon the weather cleared and became very fine, with a light breeze from the northward. we stood across near the north end of the hermite islands, carrying soundings right across; but the view we obtained of the head of nassau bay, did not encourage us to hope for either interior waters or a passage, as the mountains seemed to continue in an unbroken chain to the eastward of new island, and from the mast-head i saw other high mountains far to the eastward. in the afternoon we stood into a fine-looking clear bay, well sheltered, and with regular soundings, from twelve to twenty fathoms over fine sand. i afterwards found that this was orange bay, and that the bay at the south point of which we anchored last night was that called, by the dutch, schapenham bay. being a large, roomy place, with even bottom, we remained at single anchor; but the glass had been falling so much, and was then so extremely low, that i thought it prudent to prepare for the worst, and struck topmasts. "during the latter part of our stay in christmas sound, and up to the present time, our sick-list had been considerable, therefore i was not sorry to gain a safe anchorage in a place which appeared likely to afford the means of recruiting our invalids, and restoring them to health. colds and rheumatisms, owing to bleak winds and much wet, were the chief complaints. this was the only time since the beagle left rio de janeiro that her sick-list had been worthy of notice. "notwithstanding the unusual fall of the barometer and sympiesometer and their still continuing to sink, this day was as fine, and seemed as likely to continue so, as any day i had ever seen, therefore we took advantage of it, by getting the necessary observations for time, latitude, and true bearing; by airing bedding, and cleaning the ship throughout. this appeared to be an excellent place for vessels: the land around is rather low, and looked much more cheerful than the high dismal mountains under which we last anchored. wood and water {427} were plentiful, and easily obtained. wild-fowl were numerous, and our people brought on board a serviceable supply, enough for all the sick, and for most of those who were in health. "3d and 4th. still very fine weather, although the barometer and sympiesometer were lower than i had yet seen them in this country. our fuegians were becoming very cheerful, and apparently contented. we gave them as much fresh provision (birds and fish) as we could obtain with guns and lines, and hitherto they had fared very well. all that was shot went to one stock, from which it was divided in rotation to the messes, the sick being first provided for, and then the fuegians. "5th and 6th. two more fine days, with a very low glass, shook my faith in the certainty of the barometer and sympiesometer.[202] during those days, the wind had been light from n.n.w., and twice before i had known these instruments to be similarly affected during exactly similar wind and weather: once at port desire, on the coast of patagonia; and once at port gallant, while i was in the otway water. "the master went towards the head of nassau bay, and mr. stokes set out in the opposite direction. mr. murray had one of our best chronometers, kept in a box, well packed in wool, but exposed to the temperature of the air. before going away and after returning, it was kept and rated in the same box on deck, because the variations of temperature in the open air of this climate are small; much less than a chronometer would experience if alternating between a warm cabin and a cold boat. i was sadly grieved at finding that some fuegians who arrived were not of the same tribe as our captives, nor even spoke the same language. on the contrary, much enmity appeared to exist between them; though their colour, features, and habits were similar. at first, 'york' and 'boat' would not go near them; but afterwards took delight in trying to cheat them out of the things they offered to barter; and mocked their way of speaking and laughing; {428} pointing at them, and calling them 'yapoo, yapoo.' 'fuegia' went on deck; but the instant she saw them, screamed and ran away. some one told her, in jest, to go into their canoe and live with them, which frightened her so much, that she burst into tears and ran below to hide herself. after they were gone, 'boat' and 'york' made us understand they had had fights with that tribe, and shewed the scars of wounds received from them. by the help of signs we could comprehend much of their meaning; but very few words were yet learned on either side. we afterwards found that these yapoos built their wigwams in a manner differing from that of the western tribes, being made of a number of poles, or pieces of wood, placed on end around a small space, and meeting at the top. "our yapoo acquaintances established themselves in the bay near our forge, but without attempting to steal any thing. they frequently came alongside the ship with fish, which they caught in the kelp. they take these fish by means of a line without a hook, having only a small piece of bait at the end, with which to entice them to the top of the water, close to the side of the canoe. a fish bites, and before it can detach its small teeth from the soft, tough bait, the hand holding the line jerks the prize above the water, and the other catches it. the fisher then bites out a large piece of its belly, takes out the inside, and hangs the fish on a stick by the fire in the canoe. "10th. still fine steady weather, notwithstanding the unusually low fall of the barometer already mentioned. "12th. by the assistance of mr. may, at the forge, we made one good anchor out of two broken ones, and fitted new hawse-plates where they were worn through, by constantly using the chains. fortunately, we brought from san carlos a good supply of iron and coals, and applied the latter only to the use of the armourer and the small stoves, so that we were enabled to use the forge very often; and between the wants of the ship and those of the boats, there was always much work for that most useful appendage. {429} "the glasses had at last been rising; and during the past night and this day, the wind was very strong with much rain. the wind shifted from the northern quarter into the southern, drawing round to the s.e.; which, of course, would make the mercury rise higher after being so very low, though the weather might prove extremely bad. "14th. the master returned, and surprised me with the information that he had been through and far beyond nassau bay. he had gone very little to the northward, but a long distance to the east, having passed through a narrow passage, about one-third of a mile wide, which led him into a straight channel, averaging about two miles or more in width, and extending nearly east and west as far as the eye could reach. westward of the passage by which he entered, was an opening to the north-west; but as his orders specified north and east, he followed the eastern branch of the channel, looking for an opening on either side, without success. northward of him lay a range of mountains, whose summits were covered with snow, which extended about forty miles, and then sunk into ordinary hills that, near the place which he reached, shewed earthy or clayey cliffs towards the water. from the clay cliffs his view was unbroken by any land in an e.s.e. direction, therefore he must have looked through an opening at the outer sea. his provisions being almost exhausted, he hastened back. "on the south side of the channel there were likewise mountains of considerable elevation; but, generally speaking, that shore was lower than the opposite. mr. murray saw great numbers of natives near the narrow passage and upwards of a hundred canoes were seen in one day, each containing from two to six people. these fuegians had much guanaco skin, and many of the bones of that animal made into spear-heads, but very little seal-skin. the wigwams were large and commodious, compared with those of the western tribes, being built of small trees piled up endwise, and tied together at the top, their outside being covered with bushes, grass, &c. to keep out the cold, and the earth inside scooped out much below the surface of the ground. some could hold about twice as many people {430} as the western wigwams: but all were not so large. every canoe gave chase to our boat, eager to see the strangers, and exchange small fish, spear-heads, or arrows, for buttons, beads, and other trifles. no arms or offensive weapons were seen among them, excepting fish spears, bows, arrows, and slings: they had not even clubs, nor such lances as are used by the western tribes. they seemed to be more tractable, and less disposed to quarrel than those of the west. wherever the boat went, she was followed by a train of canoes, each full of people, and having a fire smoking in the middle. where they got the guanaco skins was a question not easy to answer. was there a passage to the northward, by which they could trade with the people living there?--or were there guanacoes in the southern part of tierra del fuego? both the bones and skins seemed abundant; but the people made signs to mr. murray that they came from the eastward:--none pointed towards the north. one native showed how they ran, and their shape, and how they were killed, also the kind of noise they made. "15th. mr. stokes returned, after going a long way to the north and west, without finding a passage into new year sound. his examination, united to mr. murray's, almost completed the north and west part of nassau bay; and only the east side remained to be explored. our anchorage, called orange bay, is excellent; and one of the few on this coast which are fit for a squadron of line-of-battle ships. its approach from the sea is as easy as the harbour is commodious. there are three fathoms close to the shore; yet in no part are there more than twenty; and every where there is a sandy bottom. water is abundant; wood grows close to the sea; wild-fowl are numerous; and although shell-fish are scarce, plenty of small fish may be caught with hook and line among the kelp, and in the summer a seine will furnish abundance. "on the 16th we left orange bay, but light winds prevented our reaching the open sea that day, or during the following night. i was equally disposed to run out again to the diego ramirez--to look at the coast west of false cape for about ten miles--or to run for the bay of st. francis; but the {431} wind failed entirely. during the night we had a breeze that would have carried us down to the latter spot, but wishing to see, and take bearings of the land as i went, i did not profit by it; and in the morning was baffled with light airs and a current setting to the northward. "17th. during the early part of the day we had light variable winds, scarcely sufficient to help us against the current which seemed to set constantly into the bay, from the sea, at the rate of about one knot an hour. the manner in which our compasses were affected in this bay was remarkable; all of them being extremely sluggish, and, unless continually shaken, they did not show the proper magnetic bearings, or agree together, nearer than two points. i sharpened the centres with much care, and examined the agate caps, without improving the results. the compasses considered the best in other places, were here as bad as the worst; an excellent one, upon alexander's principle, with central jimbals, being nearly useless. in trying the compasses on shore, the heavy cards with large needles had been less affected by local influence than light delicate cards of kater: the heavy ones having averaged 24° variation along the whole coast, though kater's differed in some places as much as from 19° to 28°; agreeing nearly with each other, but not with gilbert's or alexander's compasses, in both of which were cards comparatively heavy. "we passed much too close to west cape, but having fortunately cleared it, ran along the land before a moderate breeze, and rounded cape spencer at dusk. the weather was so thick that cape horn could not be seen, and we mistook the former for the famous cape; especially as, in that view, the lower part of cape spencer looked like the head of a double-horned rhinoceros: but as we drew nearer, cape horn appeared. the wind failed as we entered the bay of st. francis, and left us to the alternative of anchoring in deep water, or driving about with the current: we therefore anchored off san joachim cove, near the seal rock. the night proved fine, so we lay quietly till next morning, and then made sail to a breeze from the northward and anchored in san martin {432} cove. i afterwards went in a boat to horn island, to ascertain the nature of the landing, and whether it was practicable to carry any instruments to the summit of the cape. many places were found where a boat might land; and more than one spot where she could be hauled ashore: so that taking instruments to the summit did not seem likely to be a very difficult task. as the weather continued favourable i returned on board that night, and the next morning (19th) arranged for a visit to cape horn; a memorial having been previously prepared, and securely enclosed in a stone jar. "after taking observations at noon for latitude, we set out, carrying five days' provisions, a good chronometer, and other instruments. we landed before dark, hauled our boat up in safety on the north-east side, and established ourselves for the night on horn island. "20th. at daybreak we commenced our walk across the island, each carrying his load; and by the time the sun was high enough for observing, were near the summit, and exactly in its meridian; so we stopped while i took two sets of sights and a round of angles. soon afterwards we reached the highest point of the cape, and immediately began our work; i and my coxswain, with the instruments; and lieut. kempe with the boat's crew raising a pile of stones over the memorial. "at first the diego ramirez islands were seen, but before i could get the theodolite fixed and adjusted, the horizon became hazy. at noon satisfactory sets of circum-meridional altitudes were obtained with two good sextants. a round of angles, compass bearings for the variation, and good afternoon sights for time completed our success. the pile made over our memorial was eight feet high, and in it were stones which required the united exertions of all seven men to raise to the top. we drank the health of his majesty king george the fourth, and gave three hearty cheers, standing round the union jack. directly all was finished we travelled towards our boat as fast as possible: but darkness surrounded us before we were more than half-way. those who had loads which would not be hurt by tumbling about among bushes, travelled on; but, having the chronometer and a sextant to take care of, i waited till one of the men returned with a lantern. all reached the boat before nine o'clock, without losing or injuring any thing; but the cargo of stones, for specimens, which each brought back, delayed our returning progress materially. [illustration: c. martens s. bull north-east side of wollaston island near cape horn. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1838] {433} "at day-light (21st) we launched and stowed our boat, and set out on our return. we reached the ship that afternoon, well laden with fragments of cape horn. "22d. since the end of march the weather had been more settled, and much finer than we had yet had it on any part of the coast; but our visit to horn island was only just in time, for it soon changed again to blowing and raining. being close to the head of the cove, we did not feel the williwaws--though they appeared to blow sharply enough about the middle of it. i did not wonder at the american, whom we met in the strait of magalhaens, saying that he saw 'marks of a very large establishment;' for the head of this cove appeared to have been colonized by the chanticleer, so many remains of wooden roads and wooden houses were visible every where. "23d-24th. bad weather. i was waiting anxiously for an opportunity of getting a true bearing of diego ramirez, from the top of kater peak, or cape spencer, to cross the bearings obtained from henderson island. "25th. i went up to the summit of the peak, but found so thick a haze, that no distant object could be seen. leaving the instruments at the top, after taking a few angles, and observations of the sun for true bearings, i descended, and afterwards examined st. bernard cove, which appeared to be a good harbour. by comparing the old charts with this place and nassau bay, i became convinced that there had been a great mistake, and that the bay of nassau is, or rather was, the bay of st. francis; and that the plan given in the admiralty charts is a very fair sketch of its west side, from false cape to packsaddle island; but the bottom and east side of the bay are evidently put in at random, and would have been better left out to give place to the words, 'land was seen in this direction.' neither in shape, bearings, distance, or {434} soundings, does that plan correspond with the place now called st. francis bay; but it does agree very closely, considering the date of its being made, with the part i have mentioned. the words cape horn may have misled the compiler, as the plan does not show any latitude or longitude, and those who since visited the place, previously to the beagle's arrival, had not been in nassau bay. "26th. another fine day. i went up the peak again and obtained the desired angles; but diego ramirez appeared nearly as distant as when seen from the top of henderson island. meanwhile the beagle was unmoored and got under sail. i reached her outside the cove, and stood to seaward; but the day was too fine, there being little or no wind till dark, when a light breeze carried us out of the bay. i steered for the diego ramirez islands, anxious to profit by the fine weather, and examine them more closely. "27th. the water being smooth, we had a good opportunity of taking angles for placing the coast between west cape and cape spencer, which completed what was wanting in that part; afterwards, we again steered towards the diego ramirez. "28th. a fine morning with a fresh breeze, just such as we desired. having kept our wind under easy sail during the night, we bore up, and, at daylight, ran along the east side of the rocky cluster, the wind being from the n.e. we hove-to frequently to take angles and soundings, and sailed quite round the islands at the average distance of half a mile, and then stood away to the northward. they are quite similar to the ildefonsos; the top of a ridge of hills showing above the water, and broken through by the sea. the two largest are about two hundred feet high, and are covered with tussac: there is a shingle beach on one (the second in size), where a boat may be hauled up in safety; and there is enough good water on the east side of the same island to supply thirty men. a furious surf breaks against the west shore, and sends a spray over the whole island. there is no sheltered anchorage for a vessel: for though she might bring up in deep water, on the eastern side of the group, for a short time, she would even then risk {435} losing her anchor. the least water i found was fifty fathoms, though weddell's chart shows that there is less than forty off the s.e. end. the heavy swell prevented my landing; but the appearance of the rocks induced me to suppose that they were greenstone. if not of that nature, and similar to the rock about cape horn, they may be of very hard sandstone. "29th. in this climate, during the few intervals of settled fine weather, the sky is frequently overcast soon after sunset, and a slight shower falls. i noticed this frequently here, as well as during the preceding april, may, and june, in the strait. "we stood into the bay which lies between false cape and new year sound; but it offered nothing inviting to a ship, being a leeward bight, with rocks and islets scattered along it near the shore. perhaps there is shelter for a vessel amongst them; but i would not choose their neighbourhood, if it could be avoided, as the bay is exposed to the s.w. winds, which on this coast are the worst. the breeze freshening, and drawing to the northward, enabled us to reach cape spencer in the evening, when, as the weather promised ill, i was glad to anchor in eighteen fathoms, over a sandy bottom, off the entrance of san joachim cove. "expecting wind, we sent top-gallant masts on deck, braced up, and veered to eighty fathoms. after eight the weather cleared, and appeared likely to remain fine, but the glasses continued to fall. at ten a sudden heavy squall came over the land, and the tops of the hills became thickly covered with clouds. successive furious gusts followed: we let go a second anchor, and veered a whole cable on each. the squalls came most violently from the s.w., and in half an hour the bank of clouds disappeared; but a strong gale from s.w. continued till daylight, when it moderated. cape spencer protected us very well, both from wind and sea: should a ship wish to enter san martin cove, and the wind or daylight fail her, she will find this spot a convenient stopping-place. "30th. the beagle unmoored, got under sail, and stood towards cape horn: at noon she was close to the famous cape, with beautifully fine weather, more like the climate of {436} madeira than that of fifty-six south latitude. during this day i had excellent opportunities of taking angles, bearings, and soundings, which i hoped would be sufficient for the south and east sides of the hermite islands. the following night we worked to the northward, near the barnevelt islands, the weather being fine, and the moon shining brightly. "may 1st. a beautiful day--may-day indeed. i landed on the barnevelt islands, and took sights for time, latitude, and true bearing, besides a round of angles, while the beagle was making slow progress to the northward, the wind being very light, and variable. there is no good landing-place on those islands; but as the water was then comparatively smooth, we were enabled to land upon a steep rocky part, where the surf did not break much. they are two low islets, lying nearly north and south, covered with grass, tussac, and weeds. the largest is about half a mile long, and one-third of a mile wide; the other is about two cables' length square. several rocks lie off the south end, towards both the east and west; and one above water lies detached, towards the hermite islands, nearly in mid-channel: but no other appearance of danger was visible. the angles gained here, crossing those from orange bay, bounded the hermite islands towards the north--though the detail of their coast-line, northwards, yet remained to be ascertained. "2d. as fine a day as the preceding. we were close to evouts, an islet similar to the barnevelts, but rather higher. the weather enabled mr. wilson to continue his sketches of the coast: but indeed no part along which we sailed had been quite omitted. in the afternoon we closed the shore near new island, and were looking out sharply for banks and shoals, fancying, because the land looked lower, and the nassau flat had shoal soundings, that we should find banks detached from the land. shoaler water we certainly found, compared with that to which we had been lately accustomed, namely, from fifteen to twenty fathoms, gradually decreasing as we neared the shore, but we never had less than ten till we were standing into a harbour in the evening. i could here trace no {437} resemblance whatever to any published chart; but seeing a place at the back of some low islets which appeared likely to afford sheltered anchorage, we steered for it, and at sunset anchored in a well-sheltered harbour on the east side of a large island, to the west of new island. the water shoaled gradually, over a fine sandy bottom; but we ran in rather too far, and had only three fathoms after veering cable, so we were obliged to shift our berth. "3d. mr. murray prepared to go along the coast towards cape good success, carrying one of the chronometers, and other necessary instruments, and taking three weeks' provisions. he set out, in a whale-boat, with six men, well armed and equipped in every way. having despatched the master, i prepared for an excursion into the interior passages of this part of tierra del fuego: while mr. stokes, in another boat, was to continue the survey of the coast from the east side of the head of nassau bay to the vicinity of new island; and lieut. kempe would take care of the ship, and forward her refitting, besides wooding and watering. * * * * * {438} chapter xxiii. set out in boats--find guanacoes--murray narrow--birch fungus--tide- channel--glaciers--view--mountains--unbroken chain--passages- steam-vessels--jemmy button--puma--nest--accident--natives--murray's journal--cape graham--cape kinnaird--spaniard harbour--valentyn bay--cape good success--natives--lennox island--strait le maire--good success bay- accident--tide race--san vicente--san diego--tides--soundings--north-east coast--san sebastian--reflections--port desire--monte video--santa catalina--rio de janeiro. "4th. mr. stokes and i each began another trip in the boats, taking chronometers, and the necessary instruments. he steered to the northward, to get to the mainland; i kept outside to the south-westward, to make the most direct course towards the communication between nassau bay and the newly discovered passage or channel. i was surprised to find that the eastern shore of nassau bay resembled much of the coast of patagonia (being a stratum of earth without rock), and differed entirely from the general character of the coasts and islands of tierra del fuego. at sunset we landed, and hauled up our boat on a shingle beach which extended several miles, and upon walking only a few yards inland i saw the prints of large cloven hoofs, almost the size of those of a cow. this discovery gave an answer to the question about the guanaco skins and bones found among the fuegians, but made me less sanguine of finding a passage northward through the interior of the country. much brushwood was found near this place; and a profusion of rich grass covered an extensive plain. "5th. we launched the boat, and continued our course along-shore, finding rather shoal water (three to six fathoms within about half a mile), with a very thick bed of kelp, through which it was difficult to force the boat. we had not advanced far, when, passing round a low point of land, we saw {439} four fine guanacoes feeding close to the water. they did not seem to be much alarmed; but walked away from us round a projecting part of the shore, which prevented our getting a shot at them. they appeared to be much larger than those i had seen near port desire, on the patagonian coast, their bodies being far heavier, and their tails longer and more bushy. these differences might be the natural result of a different climate, as cool weather, with plenty of food and water, would probably increase their size. i would not delay, on their account, hoping to fall in with others, but pushed on along the shore. these animals were near what is called in the chart 'windhond bay.' in the afternoon, we were again among rocky mountains and deep-water shores, and being so fortunate as to get a fresh breeze from the s.e., made much progress before night. we saw several canoes, full of natives; but did not turn aside to speak to them, as time was too precious. "6th. a very cold and blowing morning, the wind being against us, yet we made better progress than i had hoped for, as our boat proved to be so excellent; and whether sailing or pulling, was all we could wish for. this night we bivouacked close to the murray narrow, but took care not to land till after dark, and then carefully concealed the fire, so that our rest might not be disturbed by visits from the fuegians. a sharp look-out was, of course, kept by the watch; and by my two dogs, who were very useful in that way. "7th. soon after we set out, many canoes were seen in chase of us; but though they paddled fast in smooth water, our boat moved too quickly for them to succeed in their endeavours to barter with us, or to gratify their curiosity. the murray narrow is the only passage into the long channel which runs so nearly east and west. a strong tide sets through it, the flood coming from the channel. on each side is rather low land, rising quickly into hills, behind which are mountains: those on the west side being high, and covered with snow. when we stopped to cook and eat our dinner, canoes came from all sides, bringing plenty of fish for barter. none of the natives had any arms; they seemed to be smaller in size, and less disposed {440} to be mischievous, than the western race: their language sounded similar to that of the natives whom we saw in orange bay. we found a very large wigwam, built in a substantial manner, and a much better place to live in than many of the huts which are called houses in chilóe. i think twenty men might have stood upright in it, in a circle; but, probably, of these fuegians, it would house thirty or forty in the cold weather. "while our men were making a fire and cooking, i walked into the wood, but found it bore little resemblance to that which our eyes had lately been accustomed to. the trees were mostly birch, but grew tall and straight. the ground was dry and covered with withered leaves, which crackled as i walked; whereas, in other parts where we had lately passed our time, the splashing sound of wet, marshy soil had always attended our footsteps, when not on rock. these fuegians appeared to think the excrescences which grow on the birch trees, like the gall-nuts on an oak, an estimable dainty. they offered us several, some as large as an apple, and seemed surprised at our refusal. most of them had a small piece of guanaco, or seal-skin, on their shoulders or bodies, but not enough for warmth: perhaps they did not willingly approach strangers with their usual skin dress about them, their first impulse, on seeing us, being to hide it. several, whom i surprised at their wigwams, had large skins round their bodies, which they concealed directly they saw me. fish and the birch fungus must be their chief food, for shell-fish are scarce and small; but they catch an abundance of excellent rock-fish, smelt, and what might be called a yellow mullet. guanaco meat may occasionally be obtained by them, but not in sufficient quantity to be depended upon as an article of daily subsistence. "leaving the natives, we sailed across towards the western arm of the long channel, and continued making our way westward, with oar and sail, until dusk, when we landed, unperceived, as we thought, and established ourselves for the night. just as we had moored the boat, kindled a fire, and pitched our tent, a canoe came into the cove; another and another followed, until we were surrounded with natives. knowing {441} we must either drive them away by force, or be plagued with them all night, we at once packed up our things, and wished them good evening. about three miles further westward, we again landed, and fixed our tent in a cove, which gave us good shelter through the night, without any interruption. it was high water this afternoon at four o'clock (being the day of full moon), and the tide rose three feet. the channel here, and opposite the narrow, is about three miles wide; on its north side is an unbroken line of high mountains, covered with snow to within about a thousand feet of the water. southward are likewise snow-covered heights, so that the channel is formed by the valley lying between two parallel ridges of high mountains. "8th. this morning it froze very sharply. we started at sun-rise, with a fine breeze from the eastward, and made a long run before it. the channel preserved the same character, and nearly the same width; on the north, the mountains continued without any opening; but a few miles farther, we saw what appeared to be one. i soon found that there was one passage leading westward, and another rather to the southward of west, which appeared to open into the sea. the easterly breeze failing, and squalls from the n.w. succeeding, we did not make much progress in the afternoon; yet before dark had reached the place where the two channels commence, and stopped for the night on a small island. soon after dark, one of the boat's crew was startled by two large eyes staring at him, out of a thick bush, and he ran to his companions, saying he had seen the devil! a hearty laugh at his expense was followed by a shot at the bush, which brought to the ground a magnificent horned owl. "next day, we continued our westerly route. no natives were seen, though a few wigwams, of the round-topped kind, were passed. the westernmost sharp-pointed, or yapoo wigwam, was on the main-land, close to the island of the devil; it was made of small trees, piled up in a circle (the branches and roots having been broken off) with the smaller ends meeting at the top. the boat's crew said it had been a 'meeting-house,' and perhaps they were not far wrong; for being so {442} large, and just on what might be called neutral ground between the two tribes, it is not unlikely that there may have been many a meeting there--perhaps many a battle. at the separation, or meeting of the two channels, it was high water at a quarter before five this morning, and the flood came from the west, about a knot an hour; the ebb-tide set to the west at about half that strength. much drift-wood and large fragments of ice were carried along with it. between some of the mountains the ice extended so widely as to form immense glaciers, which were faced, towards the water, by lofty cliffs. during a beautifully fine and still night, the view from our fireside, in this narrow channel, was most striking, though confined. thickly-wooded and very steep mountains shut us in on three sides, and opposite, distant only a few miles, rose an immense barrier of snow-covered mountains, on which the moon was shining brightly. the water between was so glassy, that their outline might be distinctly traced in it: but a death-like stillness was sometimes broken by masses of ice falling from the opposite glaciers, which crashed, and reverberated around--like eruptions of a distant volcano. "10. before daylight this morning, we were on our oars; and by the time the sun was high enough for observing, were many miles westward of our resting-place. after sights, while the men were cooking, i obtained a few bearings, and prepared to return, not intending to go further westward. i saw water from that spot, more than twenty miles to the west (by compass); and then my view was limited by the channel turning towards the south. in those twenty miles, not the slightest appearance of an opening to the northward could be seen; mountain succeeded mountain, in unbroken succession. three ridges, or ranges, could be traced, lying parallel to each other; and the nearest summits of those in the third, or furthest range, stretching from the northward and eastward of me, and continuing, as far as eye could reach, towards the north and west, were at least five leagues distant. their height i supposed to be about four thousand feet: that of those nearest to me, about two thousand: and of those in the middle range, mentioned {443} just now, about three thousand. at a distance, the channel appeared to trend to the southward of west, and there the sides of the mountains seemed to be very bare, and weather-beaten, while near me they were covered with wood. this led me to conclude that farther westward they were open to the sea winds, and that there the channel ended. by the observations, i found that we were[203] nearly in the longitude of christmas sound, and in latitude 54° 54' s., being therefore twenty miles south of the end of admiralty sound, but considerably to the westward of it. this position, and the bearings and estimated distances, showed me that the other arm of this long channel opened near the spot where mr. murray laid down (near the head of christmas sound) a 'channel, running to the eastward, beyond eyesight;' and that the branch in which i was must lead towards the bay or sound to the n.w. of christmas sound, at the base of very high land, which mr. murray laid down as 'an unbroken range of snow-covered mountains.' the time of high water in this channel exactly corresponded with that on the adjacent sea-coast, but did not nearly agree with that of the strait of magalhaens. these facts, and the appearance of the land, removed every doubt in my mind of the existence of an unbroken chain of mountains, reaching from the barbara channel to the bell mountain, and i therefore decided to spend no further time in searching thereabouts for a passage northward, but make all haste to examine the exterior shores. "the channel here was about a mile wide, but the mountains on each side rising so abruptly, made it appear much narrower. it might be a good passage for a ship to sail through, from the westward, were it not for the trouble and anxiety of getting in with the land at the right place; and that a ship might sail on her course, in the open sea, by night as well as by day; but here she could hardly choose to run at night, because there are a few low islets, near mid-channel, in some parts. for a boat, in case of shipwreck, or other urgent reason, it might be convenient: but going through to the westward would be very difficult, because it would be {444} necessary to ply to windward all day, and every day, making half-mile boards in defiance of squalls strong enough to capsize a vessel. a steam-vessel might answer in this region, as there is plenty of wood every where. directly the noon observations were finished, and the instruments safely stowed, we began our return, and as a fresh breeze sprung up from the westward, we dashed along with a favouring tide at a great rate. "11th. next day we landed, for dinner and rest, near the murray narrow, and close to a wigwam, whose inmates ran away; but soon returned, on seeing us seated quietly by their fire. we bought fish from them for beads, buttons, &c., and gave a knife for a very fine dog, which they were extremely reluctant to part with; but the knife was too great a temptation to be resisted, though dogs seemed very scarce and proportionably valuable. afterwards we continued our route, but were stopped when in sight of the narrow by three canoes full of natives, anxious for barter. we gave them a few beads and buttons, for some fish; and, without any previous intention, i told one of the boys in a canoe to come into our boat, and gave the man who was with him a large shining mother-of-pearl button. the boy got into my boat directly, and sat down. seeing him and his friends seem quite contented, i pulled onwards, and, a light breeze springing up, made sail. thinking that this accidental occurrence might prove useful to the natives, as well as to ourselves, i determined to take advantage of it. the canoe, from which the boy came, paddled towards the shore; but the others still paddled after us, holding up fish and skins to tempt us to trade with them. the breeze freshening in our favour, and a strong tide, soon carried us through the narrow, and half an hour after dark we stopped in a cove, where we had passed the second night of this excursion. 'jemmy button,' as the boat's crew called him, on account of his price, seemed to be pleased at his change, and fancied he was going to kill guanaco, or w[)a]n[)a]k[=a]ye, as he called them--as they were to be found near that place. "12th. we continued our course with a fresh and favouring {445} breeze from the n.e.; passed windhond bay, and at sunset hauled the boat up, though a surf on the stony beach made it a difficult task. several guanacoes were seen near the shore as we passed along. "at daylight this morning (13th), we went in search of guanacoes; but, seeing none, soon returned to the boat, and launched her. i lost my new dog in the bushes, yet we could not stop to recover him. during our walk this morning, i observed traces of a large land-animal, which i supposed to be a puma; and two of the men noticed a place, like a large nest, made in the trees by the natives, in which i have no doubt they watch for the guanacoes, to spear them as they pass underneath. we reached the beagle in the evening, and found all well on board excepting one man, who, in carrying a guanaco,[204] shot by the cutter's crew, had slipped and broken his leg. mr. stokes, with whom he was, contrived to set it for him; but very properly made the best of his way to our ship with the man, whose leg was there found to be so well set, and bandaged up with splints, by those in the boat, that the surgeon had nothing to alter. mr. stokes went away again directly; and both he and mr. murray were absent at my return; but lieut. kempe, with the few men left on board, had done what was required, and gave a good account of the harbour, with respect to safety as well as shelter from wind. ten canoes had come, at different times, to the ship; but the natives were extremely quiet and inoffensive, and sold our people a large quantity of fish. by success in shooting, lieut. kempe had been enabled to stop the issue of salt provisions for two days. our fuegians were in high spirits, and the meeting between them and jemmy button was droll enough: they laughed at him, called him yapoo, and told us to put more clothes on him directly. "17th. mr. murray returned from his excursion to cape good success, having done all that was expected, but not without incurring considerable danger on so exposed a coast. had not his boat been a very fine one, his crew good, and {446} he himself a most skilful manager, i do not think he could have gone so far along an unprotected shore, through 'races' of tide, and yet have returned in safety." the following are extracts from his journal. "'near cape graham we saw a large party of indians, with several canoes, one of which, paddled by two men and a woman, came alongside of our boat, and they sold us some fine fish, for the large price of two metal buttons and a small string of beads. finding no place at which i could land, on account of the rocks and heavy swell, we steered for the shore about fifteen miles to the northward. approaching a flat-topped bluff, covered with grass, i saw a large guanaco, and just afterwards a whole herd feeding, for which he seemed to be doing the duty of a sentinel. the shore was inviting, and earthy soil seemed abundant; but too many rocks showed their sharp points at the water's edge to allow of our landing. at last we found a small patch of shingle between two reefs of rocks, and there we succeeded in beaching the boat, through a heavy surf. i ascended a steep woody height to obtain a view of the neighbourhood, and found that for some miles the country was level, and apparently covered by thick grass. traces of, and paths made by, guanacoes, were very numerous in every direction. next day we pulled to the eastward against a tumbling sea, caused by a weather tide, and at sunset tried to land; but were disappointed, by finding that the shore was so fronted every where by rocks, that we could not approach. we therefore hastened towards a long reef of outlying rocks, which might afford some shelter, as a breakwater, during the night, but found such overfalls near them, that we were again obliged to continue our route alongshore in the dark. at last i heard the noise of a large waterfall, between the breakings of high surf on the rocks, and fancied a cove could be made out, towards which we cautiously advanced, sounding with the lead and a long pole, and succeeded in obtaining a place of temporary security. "'in passing along the shore on the following day, many herds of guanacoes were seen feeding. at night we again had {447} much embarrassment in obtaining a place for the boat. on the 7th there was too much sea and wind to admit of our proceeding, so i went to various points suited for obtaining angles and bearings. one of these stations was a large rock, looking like a tower, which stood alone on a level plain. "'the weather being less unfavourable and the sea smoother on the 8th, we launched our boat and sailed to the eastward. in passing round cape kinnaird, great numbers of fur-seal were observed, so many indeed that they completely covered several of the large rocks. "'spaniard harbour proved to be a shallow bay, full of rocks, and dangerous reefs lining the shore, and without shelter, although there is anchorage for a vessel. "'in a large cave in a rock, which forms the south head of a little cove where our boat was secured, i found the recent traces of indians, who had left bones of guanacoes and birds lying about near the ashes of a large fire. i went into the cave for a considerable distance, until it became too dark to find my way farther, but did not reach the end. afterwards we sailed to the eastward again, under a treble reefed sail, and landed before dark in a corner between projecting rocks. numbers of guanacoes were feeding around; but, after our shooting one of them, they made off. in every place at which we landed, traces of indians had been found; yet hitherto we had seen only one party during this trip. the country near us, on the east side of spaniard harbour, or rather bay, seemed level, though here and there were low hills, whose eastern sides were thickly covered with wood: some of the trees (beech) growing large and straight enough to make topmasts or lower yards for a small ship; though probably their qualities would be unsuitable. "'may 10th. during a heavy gale, i ascended the highest hill, near the sea, and noticed many rocks, on which the sea was breaking, that i had not seen before. on the 11th we passed through a very dangerous 'tide-race' off bell cape. there was little or no wind, but it was scarcely possible to use our oars, so much was the water agitated: it was heaving {448} and breaking in all directions, like water boiling in an immense caldron. when through, and again in safety, i was astonished at our fortunate escape. looking back upon it, only a mass of breakers could be seen, which passed rapidly to the westward, and therefore led me to suppose that the 'race' was caused by a meeting of tides; not by a strong tide passing over a rocky ledge. "'the land near bell cape is steep, high, and so rocky, that we could not find any place at which to land. we went into all the small coves, but they were so guarded by rocks as to be impracticable. sailing eastward, i at last found a small cove, near valentyn bay, in which we hauled the boat ashore. a small stream ran into it, near which were many wigwams, but no natives could be seen. "'12th. we crossed valentyn bay, and landed near cape good success. i walked to the summit, and thence obtained a good view of staten island, on the east; and all the coast westward, as far as new island. in the north-east corner of valentyn bay, we found some indians, living in one large wigwam, without any canoes. there were eight men, each of whom had a bow and a few arrows in his hand, and all, except one, were clothed in guanaco-skins hanging down to their heels, the woolly side being outwards. we obtained several bows from them, by barter, but they were reluctant to part with many arrows. one of the number wore a large seal-skin, that i purchased with a knife, which, to my surprise, he distinctly called 'cuchillo.' they had some fine dogs, one being much like a young lion; but nothing we could offer seemed, in their eyes, to be considered an equivalent for his value. afterwards we examined valentyn bay, and found it unfit for vessels, being exposed to a heavy swell, and affording but bad anchorage. "'on the 13th and 14th, a heavy gale confined us to our cove, into which such numbers of wild-fowl came, for shelter i suppose, that we shot as many as we wanted. "'on the 15th, 16th, and 17th, we were returning to the beagle, not without meeting difficulties and risks similar to {449} those already mentioned, but which it would be as tedious as unnecessary to relate.'" "soon after the master came alongside, mr. stokes also returned, having been a long way into the channel first discovered by mr. murray, and having examined all the shores about its eastern communication with the sea. he met many groups of indians, but managed so as not to have any collision or trouble with them. "18th. digging in various places on lennox island, showed me that the soil is unlike that where the guanacoes were seen on navarin island, which is fit for cultivation; this being very moist, and too full of tussac and other roots, to be serviceable in any agricultural point of view. "19th. natives had come alongside at various times, during the last few days, to sell fish for old buttons and other trifles. it was amusing to witness york and boat taking in these people, by their bargains. the same men who, two months back, would themselves have sold a number of fish for a bit of glass, were seen going about the decks collecting broken crockery-ware, or any trash, to exchange for the fish brought alongside by these 'yapoos,' as they called them; not one word of whose language did they appear to comprehend. lieut. kempe returned from an unsuccessful excursion to navarin island in search of guanacoes. he saw many, but could not get within shot. the footmarks of a puma were noticed by him in several places. "23d. after obtaining a few sights of the sun, for the chronometer rates, we sailed from lennox harbour, a very secure place for small vessels; but, as it is rather shallow, ships drawing more than fourteen feet of water should anchor outside the entrance, where they would be safe, and in smooth water, excepting when a south-east gale blows, with which wind they would not, in all probability, wish to remain at anchor. the soundings are regular in the offing, and there is anchoring ground every where in the vicinity. wood and water may be obtained, in any quantity: wild fowl and fish are also to be had, but not in abundance. the easiest way {450} of getting fish is to give bits of broken glass or buttons to the natives, who catch them in the kelp, by a baited line, without a hook, enticing the fish to the top of the water and then seizing them with the hand, or, if the fish has swallowed the bait, jerking it out of the water before it can disengage itself; as i mentioned before. "at daylight (24th), being off cape good success, we bore up, and ran towards the strait of le maire, with a fresh gale at south, and thick snow squalls. the strait appeared clear of all obstacles, no rocks, nor even kelp being visible. the shore from cape success to the north head of success bay is high and bold, with water for a ship as near to it as she could desire, or ought to go. we hauled our wind during a severe snow squall, lest we should run beyond the harbour, and afterwards bearing up, ran into good success bay, and anchored under the lee of its south head as a temporary berth. as soon as the ship was secure, i went to look for the best anchorage; and when it moderated, we weighed and shifted to a position where i supposed the ship secure when moored in smooth water, with sixty fathoms on our seaward anchor, and fifty on the other, the anchors lying respectively in eight and seven fathoms, over a clear, sandy bottom. the gale continued during the day, and towards night increased, drawing more to the eastward, and sending a swell into the bay. the wind was very cold, and the snow and hail froze fast, as they lodged upon any exposed part of the ship. between eight and nine it blew heavily; afterwards it became much more moderate; and at midnight there was only a fresh wind from e.s.e. a long swell then began to set into the bay from the same quarter; but the ship rode so easily, and the night seemed to be improving so fast, with the glass rising steadily, that i went to bed without an anxious thought respecting her safety: however, i was hardly asleep when i was told that the small bower, our seaward cable, had parted. i ran instantly upon deck, when finding the night fine, and no increase of swell, i thought at first it was a mistake; but was quickly set right by the ship turning her broadside to the swell, and dropping {451} down upon her lee anchor. the critical nature of our situation at once struck me: it was evident, that the frost had rendered our chains, so often tried, a doubtful security against the jerk of rollers which occasionally set into the bay--one or two, perhaps, in half an hour--though the swell was at other times trifling. we veered a whole cable on the in-shore anchor (a small one, got at san carlos), cleared away and let go the sheet-anchor, shackled the remainder of the small bower chain to the best bower, and rode with two-thirds of a cable on the sheet, and a cable and a half on the bower, close to the beach, though in six fathoms water, keeping the cables constantly streaming wet at the hawse-holes, with sea-water, to prevent their freezing: the temperature of the water being 44°, though the snow and hail lay frozen on the weather-side of the masts. the link that broke, of the chain, was in the hawse exposed to a current of cold air through the hawse-hole. it certainly appeared defective, when examined next day; but as it had withstood many a heavy strain, i attribute its parting to the action of the frost, and would caution seamen to be on their guard when using chain cables in similar weather. the wind moderated, and the swell decreased towards morning; so we became again at ease with respect to the safety of the ship, after a few hours of anxious suspense, for we had no hemp cables, and were close to the surf of the shore. "25th. the wind drawing southward brought the vessel's broadside to the swell, and prevented our getting the boats out for some time, as she rolled heavily, and i would not risk their being injured without absolute necessity. in the evening we crept for the end of the chain, weighed, and bent a stout hawser to it; and next day hove up the sheet anchor, and moored afresh, at a greater distance from the land. "27th and 28th. blowing a furious gale of wind. "may 29th. the first tolerable day in this place was employed by the officers in taking bearings and soundings in the bay; and by the ship's company in wooding and watering. some wigwams and the traces of guanacoes' hoofs were seen, but the land is high, and being thickly wooded shut us out {452} from the best guanaco country. i was not sure which was the height mr. banks ascended; but the broad road mentioned by cook is still a good mark for the bay, if the inbend of the land does not show it sufficiently. the weather here was colder than we had yet found it, the wind being so much in the south quarter; there were very sharp frosts at night, and snow lay deep, even close to the sea water-mark. "may 30th. i was in hopes of finding a harbour between cape san diego and cape san vicente, or a little farther along the coast, where we might be able to fix the position of cape san diego and the adjacent land; for i did not like sending a boat along this coast, the tides being so very strong, and the shore so rocky, without any inlets, where she could be secured at night. (during mr. murray's last trip, he was extremely fortunate in having a fine interval; as the coast he passed would have been impracticable for a boat in blowing weather. had these last strong southerly gales begun before he came back, his situation would have been extremely critical.) we therefore stood into the strait, the wind being variable and light with us, though blowing strongly over the tops of the hills, and striking the water nearest them in strong squalls. at half a mile from the land there was little wind; but from that distance to the shore was torn up by williwaws. this strange appearance must have been caused by the cold air rushing from the snow-covered hills and displacing the warmer air near the surface of the water. "with the ebb tide and what flaws of wind we could catch we stood to the southward, to get some angles and bearings, and see more of the shore between cape good success and the bay. in the afternoon we had a steady wind from n.n.w.; and having done what was necessary, to the southward, returned, and anchored after dark near the middle of the bay. "may 31st. at daylight this morning, we weighed and made sail with a fresh northerly breeze. i trusted to the weather improving, as the glasses were rising; but, indeed, our time was becoming too short to allow of a choice of days. we worked to the northward with the flood-tide, taking the required {453} angles and bearings, and at noon were close to cape san diego, where the flood-tide opposed the north wind very strongly, and in addition to a heavy swell from the northward, made such an irregular high sea, as nearly caused the loss of our new boat, and would have damaged many a vessel. the weather became worse; and as the swell continued high from the northward, i was obliged to stand to sea, and carry a press of sail to keep off the land, which by that time was too much obscured by haze and clouds to admit of our running back. "june 1st. bad weather, with rain nearly all day. at about twelve miles to the northward of cape san vicente, by estimation, we stood off and on until in the latter part of the day we got a breeze from south, to which sail was made to close the land about cape san vicente. "at noon, on the 2d, we were well in-shore, and stood along the land, looking for a harbour. seeing a promising place, we anchored off it, in twenty-two fathoms water; and, as the night proved to be fine, remained quiet in smooth water, with the wind off the land, and a regular tide setting past the ship. "at daylight next morning, i went to look at the opening, which, from the masthead, seemed like a spacious harbour; but i found it to be so shallow an inlet, that at its entrance, just within the heads, there was no more than one fathom of water. nevertheless this cove must be the place which the spaniards dignified with the name of port san policarpo. "we weighed and sailed along-shore, but the wind being scant, and the tide against us, it was late before we could get into san vicente bay, where we anchored in a line between that cape and cape san diego, but nearest to the former. in a cove at the head of this bay, mr. banks landed when cook was here. during the night we were tossed about by a very heavy swell, opposing a strong tide; the wind being moderate, not enough to steady the vessel. "finding this morning (june 4th), that the swell was too high to allow a boat to be lowered in safety, i gave up my intention of examining the cove, and hastened back to the bay {454} of good success, to complete wood and water, and obtain rates for the chronometers, previously to leaving the coast. wind and tide favoured us, and at noon we were moored in good success bay. soon afterwards i left the beagle, in my boat, with a week's provisions, intending to try to land near cape san diego, and thence walk to the cape with the instruments; but i found a cross swell in the strait, and a rocky shore without a place in which the boat could land: though i risked knocking her to pieces by trying to land in the only corner where there seemed to be any chance. after this escape i tried farther on, without success; by which time it became dark, and if i had not returned immediately, while the ebb-tide made, the flood would have begun and obliged me to lie at a grapnel, during a frosty night, in a strong tide-way, with the boat's crew wet through: i turned back, therefore, and pulled towards success bay, assisted by the tide, but the cockling sea it made half filled the boat more than once, and we were thankful when again safely on board the beagle. "having failed in this scheme for settling the latitude of cape san diego, i thought of effecting it by bringing the beagle to an anchor in the strait, two or three miles to the eastward of good success bay, and thence connecting the cape to known points by triangulation; the heads of this bay and cape good success, quite correctly placed, serving as the foundation. "june 5th. i obtained some sights of the sun this morning and observations at noon, besides bearings and angles to verify former ones. all hands were busy wooding and watering, preparatory to returning to monte video. a large albatross was shot by my coxswain, which measured nearly fourteen feet across the wings. "6th. the snow which covered the ground when we were first here was quite gone, and the weather was comparatively mild. the frost at night was not more than in a common winter's night in england, the thermometer ranging from 27° to 32°. the tide was carefully noticed this day, being full {455} moon. it was high water at a quarter past four, and the tide rose seven feet. "7th. we unmoored, weighed, stood to the eastward and anchored with the stream anchor, and a large hawser, in fifty fathoms water, about three miles from success bay. after taking the required angles and bearings we weighed at eleven, and stood towards cape san diego with the first of the flood. the tide being strong, we made rapid progress, and were soon out of the strait; but wishing to see as much of the n.e. coast as possible, in our progress northward, we hauled to the wind and kept near the land during the night, as the weather was fine and settled. "before leaving good success bay and the strait of le maire, i felt satisfied that we had acquainted ourselves with the tides, which are as regular and as little to be dreaded as in any part of the world where they run with strength. they will materially assist any vessel in her passage through the strait; which is very wide, perfectly free from obstacles of any kind, and has good success bay close at hand, in case wind or tide should fail. when the tide opposes the wind and swell, there is always a heavy, and, for small vessels, dangerous 'race' off cape san diego, where the water is more shoal than elsewhere (k), we found it so at a neap flood-tide, but let it be remembered that on another day, at the top of the springs, being the day after full moon, we passed the same spot, at half flood, with the water perfectly smooth, and although strong eddies were seen in every direction, the vessel's steerage was but little affected by them. it is high water in success bay soon after four in the afternoon, on the full and change days, and low water exactly at ten in the morning. the flood tide-stream begins to make to the northward about an hour after low water, and the ebb, to the southward, about the same time after high water. the tides rise from six to eight feet, perpendicularly. at cape pillar the turn of tide, with high water, is at noon: but along the s.w. and s.e. coast the time {456} gradually increases to this coast. from cape san diego the flood tide sets north and west along the shore, from one knot to three knots each hour, as far as twenty miles along shore; and the ebb in a contrary direction, but not so strongly, except in san vicente bay. the flood in the strait of le maire runs about two knots in mid channel, more or less according to the wind, and the ebb about one knot an hour. perhaps, at times, when a strong spring tide is retarded in its progress by a northerly wind, there will be a dangerous overfall off cape san diego, like the bores in some parts of the world. "the soundings are tolerably regular, and may give notice of an approach to staten land, or to the n.e. coast, and may guide a ship to the fairway of the strait; but i should not place much confidence in them, near such a rocky coast as that of staten land. "good success bay is an excellent anchorage for vessels of any size to stop in for wood or water; but it would not answer if a vessel required to lie steady for repair, as a swell frequently rolls in. it is quite safe, yet, in the winter season, when easterly gales are common, no vessel should anchor so near the head of the bay as she might in summer; for heavy rollers at times (though rarely) set in. fish we did not try to get, not having spare time, and only a few birds were shot. "on the 8th, a very fine day with but little wind, we were off the flat-topped hill, called the table of orozco; and, from the mast-head, i had an extensive view of the adjacent country. about success bay and bell mount the land is high, but north of success bay it slopes away towards cape san diego, which is a long, low, projecting point. thence, as far as i could see, the n.e. coast extended, low, excepting a few hills here and there, and unbroken by inlets; the country near it being a pleasant looking hill and dale land, well wooded and quite free from snow. i could distinguish a snow-covered chain of mountains which must have lain near admiralty sound, the country on this side of them appearing to be a continued succession of hill and valley, with only a few of the hills capped with snow, although this was the depth of winter. {457} smoke was seen at but one place, about two miles inland. in the evening we got a breeze off shore, and stood along the coast, the moon shining brightly and the weather being fine. i kept rather close to the land, during the night, in order to be near the entrance of the supposed st. sebastian channel in the morning. "at midnight cape santa inez was distant from us three or four miles, but thence we saw very little of the land, till three, near cape peñas, after which the weather became thick, and the wind drew round to the n.e., which made me keep more off shore until daylight (9th), when we bore up and stood for the land. having found cape santa inez and cape peñas correctly laid down on the chart we used, i thought cape st. sebastian would not be far wrong, and we had taken several observations during the early part of the night to correct our reckoning. standing towards the shore, we quickly shoaled our water, and found a ground swell increasing. having made what i supposed to be cape sebastian, and seeing from the mast-head a large opening to the northward of it similar to that laid down in the chart, with low distant land yet farther northward corresponding to the shores of 'bahia de nombre de jesus,' i stood on confidently, thinking how well the chart of this coast had been laid down, and regardless of the soundings decreasing as we went on. seeing, however, from the mast-head, what seemed to be a tide-ripple, two or three miles distant, i called the boatswain, who had been much among the tide-races on this coast, to ask his opinion of it: but before he could get up aloft to me, i saw that it was very low land, almost level with the sea, and what i thought the ripple, was the surf on the beach. standing on a little farther we had but seven fathoms water over a bottom of dark muddy sand, with bits of black slate. at this time, the weather had cleared enough to see the land fifteen or twenty miles on each side, but nothing like an opening appearing, on the contrary, a plain extending to the westward, as horizontal as the sea, i hauled to the wind and stood alongshore to the s.e., to look for an inlet, fancying {458} i had overshot the proper place; especially as the land continued flat, and unbroken, for many miles to the n.w., while to the s.e. it seemed hilly and irregular. "having ranged along shore several miles, yet still seeing from the mast-head a continuation of the same kind of coast-line, as far as an eye could trace the surf on the beach, without any opening, we wore ship and stood to the northward, satisfied that the st. sebastian channel did not exist within many miles of the position laid down in the chart. "in the afternoon the weather became very thick, with rain, a fresh wind blowing right on shore, and the glasses falling; so we carried sail to get off the land and out of the shoal water, in which there was a heavy ground swell. at midnight we had obtained a good offing. "on the 10th, a fresh breeze from the n.e., a low glass, and thick weather, with constant rain, would have prevented my nearing the land again if i had been disposed to do so. though reluctant to leave any part of the coast of tierra del fuego unexplored, while i had so effective a vessel, and all with me in good health, i was bound to remember our distance from the appointed rendezvous; the state of our provisions, of which we had only three weeks left on board; and that i was ordered to be at rio de janeiro on the 20th of this month. i therefore decided to hasten to port desire, for the sake of the chronometer measurements; and from thence proceed to monte video and rio de janeiro. i had previously made up my mind to carry the fuegians, whom we had with us, to england; trusting that the ultimate benefits arising from their acquaintance with our habits and language, would make up for the temporary separation from their own country. but this decision was not contemplated when i first took them on board; i then only thought of detaining them while we were on their coasts; yet afterwards finding that they were happy and in good health, i began to think of the various advantages which might result to them and their countrymen, as well as to us, by taking them to england, educating them there as far as might be practicable, and then {459} bringing them back to tierra del fuego. these ideas were confirmed by finding that the tribes of fuegians, eastward of christmas sound, were hostile to york minster's tribe, and that therefore we could not, in common humanity, land them in nassau bay or near the strait of le maire. neither could i put the boy ashore again, when once to the eastward of nassau bay, without risking his life; hence i had only the alternative of beating to the westward, to land them in their own districts, which circumstances rendered impracticable, or that of taking them to england. in adopting the latter course i incurred a deep responsibility, but was fully aware of what i was undertaking. "the fuegians were much slower in learning english than i expected from their quickness in mimickry, but they understood clearly when we left the coast that they would return to their country at a future time, with iron, tools, clothes, and knowledge which they might spread among their countrymen. they helped the crew whenever required; were extremely tractable and good-humoured, even taking pains to walk properly, and get over the crouching posture of their countrymen. "when we were at anchor in good success bay, they went ashore with me more than once, and occasionally took an oar in the boat, without appearing to harbour a thought of escape. "during the night of the 13th, we were near the land about sea bear bay; the wind, however, drew to the northward, and with a strong current setting to the s.e., drove us off again. "the 14th was foggy; clouds preventing any observations, but at three in the afternoon we made the land, a little north of port desire, near what is called in the chart 'rivers peak.' the wind having hauled to the southward, and the current setting northward, prevented our approaching nearer to the port on that day. "at daylight on the 15th, we were again off rivers peak, notwithstanding our having carried a press of sail in order to make southing during the night. we were set twenty miles to the northward during that time; but a slant of wind and {460} the turn of tide in our favour carried us towards the entrance of the harbour, into which we worked, the tide of ebb having just ended; and we moored abreast of the ruins. my first care was to look for traces of the adventure or adelaide, but i found none. a bottle which i had deposited for the adelaide, at our last visit, by captain king's direction, was exactly where i then left it, and the papers it contained were untouched. while in this port i got good observations, the weather being clear, though very cold. no guanacoes were shot although many were seen, but numbers of sea-birds were brought on board.[205] a quince was given to me which was found in a place where the spanish colony had made a garden. we remarked that the tracks of the guanacoes on shore here were not so large, by one-half, as those we had so lately seen in tierra del fuego. having noticed the currents particularly, in order to compare them with what i observed formerly and with the tide in the port; i can now say, decidedly, that the flood tide comes from the southward, and that the ebb sets to the south-east. north of port desire, or from port desire to cape blanco, the flood is much the strongest, but off penguin island the ebb is, i think, the strongest, setting two or three knots an hour. it is high-water and slack-water, in port desire, at half-past twelve, on the days of full and change. the tides, if not attended to, would baffle a ship much in making this port. "on the 21st we sailed, with a fresh breeze from the s.w.; and at nine a.m. on the 25th when about one mile southward of the alleged position of the ariel rocks, and near the nominal longitude, i hauled to the wind and ran some distance on their parallel, looking out for broken water. there was a very irregular and heavy swell, as much as would be raised by a gale of wind, but caused apparently by a current; and while waiting for the meridian altitude, before bearing up, having run twenty miles on the same parallel, a heavy swell rose on the quarter, which struck our weather quarter boat, and turned {461} her in upon the deck, breaking both iron davits. one of the davits of the lee-boat was also unshipped by the jerk, and the after-part of the vessel well drenched with water. we secured both boats again, but the one to windward was badly stove. for a moment, i thought we had indeed found the rocks, and the huge black back of a dead whale which just then shewed itself very near the vessel, much increased the sensation. i imagined that we were in a meeting of tides or currents; where old trees, dead whales, &c. are often found, and have frequently caused reports of rocks; for the water was not more shallow than we had found it during the day, the soundings having varied from forty to fifty fathoms; so having obtained the meridional altitude we bore up, and steered our course again. "on the 26th we entered the plata, and at one a.m. on the 27th, lobos island was seen, and soon afterwards the high land about pan de azucar. we continued working to the westward, and at daylight were off whale point, but the wind fell light, and the current being against us, we lost during the day what had been gained in the night. at seven p.m. the current set so strongly out of the river that we were obliged to drop a kedge with a stout hawser, and ride by it, though keeping all sail set and going between four and five knots through the water. when the hawser bore a strain, the log was hove, and the current found to be setting more than five knots. this was off maldonado; lobos bearing n.n.e., distant four miles. soon after nine the stream slacked, we tripped the kedge and worked up the river, the wind being still westerly, but the current having turned in our favour. the u.s. frigate hudson passed, steering to the eastward:--she was the first sail we had seen since leaving san carlos de chilóe. at daylight next morning (28th), we were in sight of flores lighthouse, which was reported to be a vessel under sail. soon after which another vessel was reported as being under all studding sails; this was the mount itself: so curiously were objects distorted by the haze. soon after noon we anchored off monte video, and from captain talbot, of h.m.s. algerine, i heard of the arrival there, and subsequent departure of the adventure and the adelaide. {462} "on the 9th of july we sailed from monte video,--on the 18th made the high land over the island of santa catharina, and after dark anchored in the bay. my object in calling there was to continue the chronometric chain, between tierra del fuego and rio de janeiro, by as short intervals as possible: and the results so obtained proved to be very satisfactory. "while in monte video i tried to have the fuegians vaccinated, but the virus did not take any effect on them. little fuegia was living several days with an english family, who were extremely kind to her; and the others were on shore at different times with me. no one noticed them; being so very like the indians of the neighbourhood. "the apparent astonishment and curiosity excited by what they saw, extraordinary to them as the whole scene must have been, were much less than i had anticipated; yet their conduct was interesting, and each day they became more communicative. it was here that i first learned from them that they made a practice of eating their enemies taken in war. the women, they explained to me, eat the arms; and the men the legs; the trunk and head were always thrown into the sea. "on the 23d we sailed from santa catalina; and on the 2d of august anchored in the harbour of rio de janeiro." here the extracts from captain fitz roy's journal end. the adventure and the beagle sailed together from rio de janeiro on the 6th of august, having left the adelaide as a tender to the flag-ship, but reimbarked her officers and crew; and, after a most tedious passage, anchored in plymouth sound on the 14th of october. both vessels were soon afterwards paid off; the beagle at plymouth, and the adventure at woolwich. [illustration: engraved by j. gardner. published by henry colburn, great marlborough street, 1839.] * * * * * {463} chapter xxiv. a few nautical remarks upon the passage round cape horn; and upon that through the strait of magalhaens, or magellan. ships bound from the atlantic to any of the ports in the pacific, will find it advantageous to keep within one hundred miles of the coast of eastern patagonia, as well to avoid the heavy sea that is raised by the westerly gales, which prevail to the eastward, and increase in strength according to the distance from the land, as to profit by the variableness of the wind when it is in the western board. near the coast, from april to september, when the sun has north declination, the winds prevail more from the w.n.w. to n.n.w. than from any other quarter. easterly gales are of very rare occurrence, but even when they do blow, the direction being obliquely upon the coast, i do not consider it at all hazardous to keep the land on board. in the opposite season, when the sun has south declination, the winds will incline from the southward of west, and frequently blow hard; but, as the coast is a weather shore, the sea goes down immediately after the gale. in this season, although the winds are generally against a ship's making quick progress, yet as they seldom remain fixed in one point, and frequently shift backward and forward six or eight points in as many hours, advantage may be taken of the change so as to keep close in with the coast. having once made the land, which should be done to the southward of cape blanco, it will be beneficial to keep it topping on the horizon, until the entrance of the strait of magalhaens be passed. with respect to this part of the voyage, whether to pass through strait le maire or round staten island, much difference of opinion exists. prudence, i think, suggests the {464} latter; yet i should very reluctantly give up the opportunity that might offer of clearing the strait, and therefore of being so much more to windward. with a southerly wind it would not be advisable to attempt the strait; for, with a weather tide, the sea runs very cross and deep, and might severely injure and endanger the safety of a small vessel, and to a large one do much damage. in calm weather it would be still more imprudent (unless the western side of the strait can be reached, where a ship might anchor), on account of the tides setting over to the staten island side; where, if it becomes advisable to anchor, it would necessarily be in very deep water, and close to the land. with a northerly wind the route seems not only practicable, but very advantageous, and it would require some resolution to give up the opportunity so invitingly offered. i doubt whether northerly winds, unless they are very strong, blow through the strait--if not, a ship is drifted over to the eastern shores, where, from the force of the tides, she must be quite unmanageable. captain fitz roy seems to think there is neither difficulty nor risk in passing the strait. the only danger that does exist, and that may be an imaginary one, is the failure of the wind. ships passing through it from the south, are not so liable to the failure of the south-westerly wind, unless it be light, and then a breeze will probably be found from n.w., at the northern end of the strait. the anchorage in good success bay, however, is at hand, should the wind or tide fail. in passing to leeward of staten island, the tide race, which extends for some distance off cape st. john, at the n.e. end of the island, must be avoided: otherwise there exist no dangers. the anchorage under new year islands, although it is a wild one, the bottom bad, and the tide very strong, yet offers good shelter from south-west winds, and might be occupied with advantage during the existence of a gale from that quarter, which is so unfavourable for ships bound round the horn. after passing staten island, if the wind be westerly, the {465} ship should be kept upon the starboard tack, unless it veer to the southward of s.s.w., until she reaches the latitude of 60° south, and then upon that tack on which most westing may be made. in this parallel, however, the wind is thought to prevail more from the eastward than from any other quarter. never having passed round cape horn in the summer season, i may not perhaps be justified in opposing my opinion to that of others, who, having tried both seasons, give the preference to the summer months. the advantage of long days is certainly very great, but, from my experience of the winds and weather during these opposite seasons at port famine, i preferred the winter passage, and in our subsequent experience of it, found no reason to alter my opinion. easterly and northerly winds prevail in the winter off the cape, whilst southerly and westerly winds are constant during the summer months; and not only are the winds more favourable in the winter, but they are moderate in comparison to the fury of the summer gales. having passed the meridian of cape pillar, it will yet be advisable to take every opportunity of making westing in preference to northing until the meridian of 82° or 84° be reached, which will enable a ship to steer through the north-westerly winds that prevail between the parallels of 50° and 54°. (see hall's south america, appendix.) with respect to the utility of the barometer as an indicator of the weather that is experienced off cape horn, i do not think it can be considered so unfailing a guide as it is in the lower or middle latitudes. captain fitz-roy, however, has a better opinion of the indications shewn by this valuable instrument: my opinion is, that although the rise or fall at times precedes the change, yet it more frequently accompanies it. the following sketch of the movement of the barometer, and of the weather that we experienced, may be not without its use. being to the north of staten island for three days preceding full moon, which occurred on the 3d april (1829), we had very foggy weather, with light winds from the eastward and {466} northward, causing a fall of the mercury from 29.90 to 29.56. on the day of full moon the column rose, and we had a beautiful morning, during which the high mountains of staten island were quite unclouded, as were also those of tierra del fuego. at noon, however, a fresh gale from the s.w. set in, and enveloped the land with a dense mist. no sooner had the wind changed, than the mercury rose to 29.95, but fell again the next morning; and with the descent the wind veered round to n.w., and blew strongly with thick cloudy weather and rain, which continued until the following noon, when the wind veered to s.w., the barometer at 29.54, having slightly risen; but after the change it fell, and continued to descend gradually until midnight, when we had a fresh gale from w.s.w. when this wind set in, the mercury rose, and continued to rise, as the wind veered without decreasing in strength to s.s.w., until it reached 29.95, when it fell again and the weather moderated, but without any change of wind. during the descent of the mercury, the sky with us was dull and overcast, with squalls of wind and rain, but on shore it seemed to be very fine sunshiny weather. the column now fell to 29.23, and during its descent the weather remained the same, dull and showery; but as soon as the mercury became stationary, a fresh breeze set in from the southward, with fine weather. after this to new moon the weather was very unsettled, the wind veering between south and w.s.w.; the barometer rising as it veered to the former, and falling as it became more westerly; but on no occasion did it precede the change. the mean height of the barometer is about 29.5. the mercury stands lowest with n.w. winds, and highest with s.e. with the wind at n.w. or northerly the mercury is low; if it falls to 29 inches or 28.80, a s.w. gale may be expected, but it will not commence until the column has ceased to descend. it frequently, however, falls without being followed by this change. in the month of june, at port famine, the barometer fell to 28.17, and afterwards gradually rose to 30.5, {467} which was followed by cold weather, in which the thermometer stood at 12°. the following table shews the mean temperature and pressure as registered at the observatory at port famine in the strait. +----------+--------------+-----------+ | 1828. | temperature. | pressure. | +----------+--------------+-----------+ | february | 51.1 | 29.40 | | march | 49.4 | 29.64 | | april | 41.2 | 29.57 | | may | 35.5 | 29.30 | | june | 32.9 | 29.28 | | july | 33.0 | 29.57 | | august | 33.2 | 29.28 | +----------+--------------+-----------+ the difficulties that present themselves to navigators in passing round cape horn, as well from adverse winds as the severe gales and heavy sea to which they are exposed, are so great, that the strait of magalhaens has naturally been looked to as a route by which they may be avoided. hitherto no chart has existed in which much confidence could be placed; but by the present survey, the navigation through it, independent of wind and weather, has been rendered much easier; since a correct delineation of its shores, and plans of the anchorages, have been made; and in the preceding pages, sufficient descriptions of them have been given to assure the navigator of his place, and furnish him with advice as to his proceedings. the local difficulties therefore have been removed; but there remain much more serious ones, which i should not recommend a large, or even any but a very active and fast-sailing square-rigged vessel to encounter, unless detention be not an object of importance. for a square-rigged vessel bound through the strait, the following directions will be useful:-{468} in the eastern entrance the winds will frequently favour a ship's arrival off the first narrow; where, if she selects a good anchorage on the bank which bounds the northern side of the channel, she may await an opportunity of passing through the first narrow and of reaching gregory bay; where also a delay may safely be made for the purpose of passing the second narrow and arriving at the neighbourhood of cape negro; at which place the difficulties and dangers of the eastern entrance cease. the dangers being carefully placed on the chart, and now sufficiently described, nothing need be repeated here; and indeed much must be left to the judgment and discretion of the navigator. the tides answer best for vessels entering the strait at the period of full and change of the moon, since there are two westerly tides in the day. in the winter season, if the morning tide be not sufficient to carry a vessel through the first narrow, she may return to possession bay, select an anchorage, and be secured again before night; or, in the summer, if she has passed the narrow, and has been enabled to anchor for the tide, there will be sufficient daylight for her to proceed with the following tide to gregory bay, or at least to a safe anchorage off the peaked hillocks on the north shore. i have twice attempted to pass the first narrow, and been obliged to return to the anchorage in possession bay; and twice i have passed through it against a strong breeze blowing directly through, by aid of the tide; which runs, in the narrower parts, at the rate of ten or twelve miles an hour. when the tide and wind are opposed to each other, the sea is very deep and heavy, and breaks high over the decks; it is therefore advisable to close reef, or lower the topsails on the cap, and drift through; for the tide, if at the springs, will generally be sufficient to carry a ship to an anchorage, although, not always to one where it would be safe to pass the night. on this account, it would be prudent to return; for, although the holding ground is exceedingly good, yet, to part in the night, or drift towards, or through the narrow, could scarcely happen without accident. {469} in leaving the anchorage in gregory bay, attention must be paid to the tide, which continues to run to the eastward in the second narrow, three hours after it has commenced setting to the s.w. at the anchorage. with a leading wind through the second narrow, a ship will easily reach an anchorage off laredo bay, but, if the tide fails upon emerging from it, she should seek for a berth in the bay to the north of elizabeth island, as near to the island as possible, but to the westward of its n.e. end, to be out of the influence of the tide. the depth of water, however, will be the best guide. directions for passing round the south side of elizabeth island are given elsewhere; and as this part offers some dangers, the chart and the description should be carefully referred to. the only advice that seems wanting, to improve the directions for the coast from this to port famine, is, with a south-westerly wind, to keep close to the weather shore, in order to benefit by the flaws down the valleys; but this must be done with caution, in consequence of the squalls off the high land, the violence of which cannot be well imagined by a person unaccustomed to them. of the anchorages between port famine and cape froward, the only convenient one for a ship is st. nicholas bay, to which, if defeated in passing round the cape, she had better return; for it is easy to reach as well as to leave, and extremely convenient for stopping at, to await an opportunity of proceeding. from cape froward to the westward, unless favoured by a fair wind, it is necessary to persevere and take advantage of every opportunity of advancing step by step. there are several anchorages that a ship may take up, such as snug bay, off woods bay, near cape coventry, in fortescue bay, elizabeth bay, and york roads. to the westward, in crooked reach, the anchorages are not so good, and excepting borja bay, none seem to offer much convenience. borja bay, however, is well calculated to supply the deficiency, although for a square-rigged vessel there must be some difficulty in reaching it. {470} long reach is both long and narrow, and ill supplied with anchorages for a ship; such as they are, swallow harbour, playa parda, marian cove, and half port bay, seem to be the best. in thick weather, although the channel is very narrow, yet one side is scarcely visible from the other, and the only advantage it has over other parts of the strait is the smoothness of the water. in sea reach there is a heavy rolling swell, with a short and deep sea, which renders it very difficult to beat to windward. tamar harbour, valentine harbour, tuesday cove, and the harbour of mercy, are the best anchorages; and the latter is particularly convenient to occupy, while awaiting an opportunity of sailing out of the strait. in the entrance, the sea runs very heavy and irregularly during and after a gale; so that a ship should not leave her anchorage in the harbour of mercy, without a fair or a leading wind to get her quickly through it. for small vessels, particularly if they be fore-and-aft rigged, many, if not all of the local difficulties vanish; and inlets which a ship dare not or cannot approach, may be entered with safety, and anchorage easily obtained by them. a large ship will perhaps be better off in entering and leaving the strait where there is open space and frequently a heavy sea; but for the navigation of the strait, a small vessel has considerably the advantage. she has also the opportunity of passing through the cockburn channel should the wind be north-westerly, which will very much reduce the length of the passage into the pacific. one very great advantage to be derived from the passage through the strait is, the opportunity of obtaining as much wood and water as can be required, without the least difficulty; and another benefit is, that by hauling the seine during the summer months, from january to may, at the mouth of the river or along the beaches in port famine, at the first quarter flood, a plentiful supply of fish may be obtained. excellent fish are also caught at the anchorage with the hook and line, at all seasons, early in the morning or late in the {471} evening. fish may also be obtained with the seine at any other place where there are rivers. freshwater bay and port gallant are equally productive. on the outer coast of tierra del fuego an excellent fish may be caught in the kelp. the advantage which a ship will derive from passing through the strait, from the pacific to the atlantic is very great; and it ought to be great to induce the seaman to entangle his ship with the land when fair winds and an open sea are before him. after passing through the strait, the prevailing winds being westerly, and more frequently from the northward than from the southward of west, they are fair for his running up the coast; or if not, the ship is not liable to receive much injury from the sea, which is comparatively smooth; whereas, to a ship passing round the horn, if the wind be north-west she must go to the eastward of the falkland islands, and be exposed to strong gales and a heavy beam sea, and hug the wind to make her northing. to a small vessel the advantage is incalculable; for, besides filling her hold with wood and water, she is enabled to escape the severe weather that so constantly reigns in the higher latitudes of the south atlantic ocean. coming from the northward, it will be advisable to keep an offing until the western entrance of the strait is well under the lee, to avoid being thrown upon the coast to the northward of cape victory, which is rugged and inhospitable, and, forming as it were a breakwater to the deep rolling swell of the ocean, is for some miles off fringed by a cross hollow sea almost amounting to breakers. the land of cape victory is high and rugged, and much broken; and if the weather be not very thick, will be seen long before the evangelists, which are not visible above the horizon, from a ship's deck, for more than four or five leagues.[206] pass to the southward of them, and steer for cape pillar, {472} which makes like a high island. in calm weather do not pass too near to the cape, for the current sometimes sets out, and round the cape to the southward; but with a strong wind, get under the lee of it as soon as you please, and steer along the shore. in the night it will be advisable to keep close to the land of the south shore; and if a patent log be used, which no ship should be without, your distance will be correctly known. the course along-shore, by compass, is e. ¾ s.; and if the weather be hazy, by keeping sight of the south shore, there will be no difficulty in proceeding with safety. the adventure entered the strait on the 1st of april, 1830, at sunset; and after passing within half a mile of the islets off the harbour of mercy, steered e. ¾ s. magnetic, under close-reefed topsails, braced by, the weather being so squally and thick that the land was frequently concealed from us; but being occasionally seen, the water being quite smooth, and the course steadily steered, with the patent log to mark the distance run, we proceeded without the least anxiety, although the night was dark, and the squalls of wind and rain frequent and violent. when abreast of cape tamar, that projection was clearly distinguished, as was also the land of cape providence, which served to check the distance shewn by the patent log; but both giving the same results, proved that we had not been subjected to any current; whereas the account by the ship's log was very much in error, in consequence of the violence of the squalls and the long intervals of light winds, which rendered it impossible to keep a correct account of the distance. at daybreak we were between cape monday and the gulf of xaultegua; and at eight o'clock we were abreast of playa parda, in which, after a calm day, the ship was anchored. in the summer season there is no occasion to anchor any where, unless the weather be very tempestuous, for the nights are short, and hardly dark enough to require it, unless as a precautionary measure, or for the purpose of procuring wood and water; the best place for which is port famine, where {473} the beaches are strewed with abundance of logs of well-seasoned wood, which is very superior to the green wood that must otherwise be used. notwithstanding that the adventure experienced no current in the western part of the strait, there is generally a set to the eastward, which is more or less felt according to circumstances. the direction and strength of the currents are caused by the duration of the gales. the chart will be a sufficient guide for vessels bound through from the westward as far as laredo bay; after which a few directions will be necessary. the land here should be kept close on board, to avoid the reef off the south-west end of santa magdalena. being abreast of it, bear away, keeping the n.e. extremity of elizabeth island on the starboard bow, until you see santa marta in one with, or a little to the southward of, the south trend of the second narrow (cape st. vincent), which is a leading mark for the fair channel until you pass the spit of shoal soundings, which extends across to santa magdalena. there are also shoal soundings towards the south-west end of elizabeth island; at half a mile off we had five fathoms,--cape st. vincent being then the breadth of santa marta open to the northward of that island. keeping the cape just in sight to the northward of santa marta, steer on and pass round the low n.e. extremity of elizabeth island, off which are several tide eddies. the tide here sets across the channel. now steer for the second narrow, keeping cape gregory, which will be just discernible as the low projecting extreme of the north side of the second narrow, on the starboard bow, until you are three miles past santa marta; the course may then be directed for the cape, opening it gradually on the larboard bow as you approach it, to avoid the shoal that extends off it. if you anchor in gregory bay, which is advisable, in order to have the whole of the tide for running through the first narrow, haul up and keep at a mile and a half from the shore. when {474} the north extremity of the sandy land of the cape is in a line with the west extreme of the high table-land, you will be near the anchorage; then shorten sail, and when the green slope begins to open, you will have fourteen fathoms: you may then anchor or keep away to the n.e., and choose a convenient depth, taking care not to approach the shore, so as to bring cape gregory to the southward of s. by w. ¼ w. (by compass). the best berth is with the cape bearing s.s.w. hence to the first narrow, the course by compass is due n.e. by e.[207] the land at the entrance being low, will not at first be perceived; but, steering on, you will first see some hummocky land, making like islands. these are hills on the eastern, or fuegian side of the narrow. soon afterwards, a flat, low sand-hill will be seen to the northward, and this is at the s.w. extremity of point barranca. on approaching the narrow, at four miles off, keep a cliffy head, four or five miles within the east side of the narrow, open of the trend of point barranca, by which you will avoid the shoal that extends off the latter point. you should not go into less depth than six fathoms. at most times of the tide there are long lines and patches of strong ripplings, through which you must pass. the shoal is easily distinguished by the kelp. when the channel through the narrow bears by compass n. by e. ¾ e., steer through it; and that, or a n.n.e. course, will carry you through. on each side, the bank extends off for some distance; but by keeping in mid-channel, there is no danger until the cliffy coast be past, when reefs extend off either shore for some distance, particularly off cape orange. the n.n.e. course must be kept until the peak of cape orange bears south, and the northern direction hill w.s.w., or w. by s. ½ s. by compass. then steer e.n.e. for cape possession, taking care not to approach too near to the bank {475} off cape orange, or to that on the north side of possession bay, for which the chart must be consulted. for a small vessel, the passage through the strait, from west to east, is not only easy, but strongly to be recommended as the best and safest route. indeed, i think the passage would be quite as expeditious, and perhaps much safer, to enter the gulf of trinidad, and pass down the concepçion strait, the sarmiento or st. estevan channels, and smyth channel, and enter the strait at cape tamar. in these channels northerly winds prevail, and there is no want of convenient and well-sheltered anchorages for the night, many of which have already been mentioned, and multitudes of others, perhaps much better ones, might be found. * * * * * appendix. -----tables of latitude and longitude, variation of the compass, tide, and height. magnetic observations, discussed by major sabine, r.a., f.r.s. zoology; including mammalia--birds--and shells. copies of orders. extracts from a paper published in the journal of the royal geographical society. extract from a game-book. index. * * * * * {479} tables of latitude and longitude, variation of the compass, and tide. -----i. coasts of brazil, river plata, and eastern patagonia. -----the latitudes to which the character * is prefixed, have resulted from astronomical observation. the longitudes which have been determined by chronometers, are designated by c.; and those by lunar distances by *). those without distinguishing marks are the result of triangulation. the longitudes in the following tables depend upon that of villegagnon island at rio de janeiro, which was found by fourteen chronometers from plymouth to be 43° 05' 03" west of greenwich. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+---------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+---------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- coast of brazil. | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | santos | | | | | arsenal |*23 55 51|c.46 16 33| 4 22| | moela lighthouse |*24 03 06|c.46 12 20| | | alcatrasse island | | | | | centre |*24 08 10|c.45 39 15| | | abrigo island | | | | | centre |*25 07 28|c.47 52 51| | | figuera island | | | | | centre |*25 21 29|c.47 54 11| | | paranagua | | | | | fort on the bar |*25 30 14|c.48 17 10| 5 44| | west point of cotinga |*25 29 50|c.48 26 32| 5 34| | church of sta antonina |*25 25 42|c.48 39 52| | | st. catherine | | | | | sta cruz d'anhatomirim |*27 25 35|c.48 29 41| 6 30| | city, president's house |*27 35 30| | | | cape st. mary | | | | | extremity | 34 40 20|c.54 05 58| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- river plata. | | | | | ============ | | | | | gorriti island | | | | | well at n.e. end |*34 57 00|c.54 53 38| 13 48| | | |*)54 53 40| | | monte video | | | | | rat island, flagstaff |*34 53 23| 56 09 30| 11 23| | cathedral, cupola |*34 54 37| 56 07 35| 12 07| | lighthouse on mount |*34 53 21| 56 11 04| | | buenos ayres | | | | | cathedral | 34 35 50|c.58 17 53| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- east coast of patagonia. | | | | | ======================== | | | | | port sta elena | | | | | observy marked on plan |*44 30 45|c.65 17 25| 19 10| 4 0|17 feet cape two bays | | | | | hill at projecting point | 44 58 00| | | | cape blanco | | | | | north point | 47 15 00| | | | port desire | | | | | ruins |*47 45 05|c.65 51 45| 19 42|12 10|18½ feet {480} penguin island | | | | | mount at north end | 47 54 45| 65 41 30| | | sea bear bay | | | | |north sandy beach at s. side |*47 56 49|c.65 44 00| 20 47|12 45|20 feet shag rock | | | | | rock | 48 08 25| 65 52 56| | | watchman cape | | | | | monte video | 48 18 55| 66 18 00| | | bellaco rock | | | | | rock | 48 30 50|c.66 09 25| | | port st. julian | | | | |northward shag island, in harbour |*49 16 00|c.67 38 02| 22 17|10 30|rises 38 | | | | |feet, | | | | |(observed | | | | |off the | | | | |river's | | | | |mouth.) wood mount | 49 14 00| 67 43 34| | | cape curioso | 49 11 10| 67 34 30| | | c. franc. de paulo | | | | | extremity | 49 41 18| 67 34 30| | | santa cruz | | | | | observatory opposite | | 68 25 00| 20 54|10 15|33 feet sea-lion island |*50 06 43|c.68 22 42| | | mount entrance |*50 08 30| 68 19 10| | | station up the river |*49 57 30| 68 52 55| | | --- |*50 07 30| 69 08 00| | | broken cliff peak | | | | | brink | 50 14 30| 68 31 15| |12 15|northw. lion mount | | | | | summit | 50 20 00| 68 49 30| | | observation mt. | | | | | summit |*50 32 35| 69 00 40| | | coy inlet | | | | | height on south side |*50 58 27| 69 06 50| | 9 30| of entrance | |c.69 05 17| | | station up the inlet | 51 06 30| 69 24 10| | | cape sanches | | | | | extremity | 51 06 56| 69 03 30| | | tiger mount | | | | | summit | 51 21 36| 69 01 50| | | | |c.69 03 28| | | c. fairweather | | | | | south extreme. | 51 32 05| 68 55 15| | 9 0|n.w.28 feet gallegos river | | | | | observatory mound |*51 33 21| 68 57 50| 21 47| 8 50|46 feet | |c.68 56 42| | | north hill | | | | | --- | 51 49 56| 69 24 30| | | friars | | | | | smallest & northernm. | 51 49 12| 69 10 00| | | largest & southernm. | 51 50 08| 69 09 00| | | convents | | | | | northern | 51 52 09| 69 18 40| | | southern | 51 53 01| 69 17 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+ * * * * * {481} table ii. -----strait of magalhaens, including the cockburn and barbara channels, and the otway and skyring waters. column 1 titles: a coast, &c. b east entrance c possession bay d eastern part (2d narrow to port famine) ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- east entrance | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ============= | | | | | cape virgins | | | | | s.e. extreme. |*52 18 35| 68 16 55| 22 30| |northward. | |c.68 17 46| | | dungeness | | | | | extremity | 52 22 40| 68 21 50| | | mount dinero | | | | | summit | 52 18 25| 68 30 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- possession bay | | | | | ============== | | | | | cape possession | | | | | centre of cliff | 52 16 35| 68 53 35| | | mount aymond | | | | | summit | 52 06 35| 69 30 30| | | cape orange | | | |h. w. about 3 0, peak on the s. side of | 52 28 10| 69 26 05| |but the tide the entrance of the | | | |begins to set to first narrow | | | |the n.e. at noon. | | | | | 36 feet. c. espiritu santo | | | | | summit 5 miles inland | 52 42 30| 68 40 51| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- eastern part (2d narrow to port famine) | | | ======================================= | | | cape gregory | | | | | extremity | 52 38 18| 70 09 50| | | bush on summit of land |*52 38 03|c.70 09 51| 23 34| | elizabeth island | | | | | north-east bluff. |*52 49 18|c.70 33 25| | | oazy harbour | | | | | entrance | 52 42 20| 70 31 06| | | pecket harb. | | | | | beach opposite the | 52 46 45| 70 40 31| 23 49| 12 0| anchorage outside. | | | | | cape negro | | | | | south-east extreme | 52 56 44|c.70 45 30| | | sandy point | | | | | extremity | 53 09 00| 70 49 31| | | point st. mary | | | | | --- |*53 21 40| 70 54 01| 23 26| | | |c.70 53 26| | | rocky point | | | | | --- | 53 35 18| 70 51 58| | | port famine | | | | | observatory |*53 38 12|c.70 54 01| 23 30|12 0|south. | |*) | | |5 or 6 ft. point santa anna | 53 37 55| 70 51 19| | | cape monmouth | | | | | extremity | 53 23 30| 70 24 01| | | point boqueron | | | | | --- | 53 28 35| 70 12 01| | | cape st valentyn | | | | | summit at extreme | 53 33 30| 70 30 01| | | nose peak | | | | | summit | 53 32 30| 70 01 36| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{482} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- admiralty sound | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | port cooke | | | | | rivulet in the bay | 54 17 10| 69 58 01| | | latitude point | | | | | extremity | 54 16 45| 69 50 51| | | bottom of admiralty sound | | | | | summit of mount hope | 54 26 30| 68 59 11| | | curious peak | | | | | summit | 54 19 35| 70 08 31| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- east coast of dawson island| | | | | ===========================| | | | | mount seymour | | | | | summit | 54 19 05| 69 46 36| | | ainsworth harb | | | | | project point on w. side | 54 23 00| 69 34 01| | | parry harbour | | | | | outer point on w. side | 54 25 20| 69 16 31| | | card point | | | | | point | 54 21 00| 69 12 01| | | willes bay | | | | | islet in ph. gidley cove |*53 48 15| 70 31 46| | | cannon point | | | | | extremity |*54 03 47| 70 25 31| | | soapsuds cove | | | | | rivulet |*54 16 28| 70 13 46| | | sharp peak | | | | | summit | 54 06 50| 70 23 01| | | cape expectation | | | | | south extremity, or | 54 19 00| 70 15 21| | | trend at entrance of | | | | | gabriel channel | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- gabriel channel | | | | | =============== | | | | | port waterfall | | | | | port | 54 20 20| 69 19 01| | | nar. of gabriel c. | | | | | midway | 54 15 08| 69 32 31| | | cone point | | | | | summit | 54 06 35| 70 48 01| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- dawson island | | | | | ============= | | | | | mount graves | | | | | south summit | 53 45 00| 70 33 46| | | st. peter and st. paul isle| | | | | centre | 53 42 10| 70 42 01| | | port san antonio | | | | | humming bird cove |*53 53 52| 70 50 26| | | | 53 54 25| | | | s.w. pt of north island | 53 54 03| 70 51 51| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- coast from pt. famine to c. froward | | | | =================================== | | | | mount tarn | | | | | peak at north end | 53 45 06| 70 58 26| | | cape san isidro | | | | | extremity | 53 47 00| 70 55 03| 23 30| 1 0|8 feet | | | | |southw. c. remarquable | | | | | extremity | 53 49 25| 71 00 31| | | nassau island | | | | | south-east point | 53 50 23| 71 00 56| | | st. nicholas bay | | | | | islet in the centre | 53 50 38| 71 03 13| | 2 6| ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{483} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- cape froward to the jerome | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| channel, and north shore | | | | | of clarence island | | | | | ================== | | | | | cape froward | | | | | summit of the morro | 53 53 43| 71 14 31| | 1 0|n.e. cape holland | | | | | s. point of wood bay | 53 48 33| 71 35 41| | | bougainville sugar loaf | | | | | summit of peak | 53 57 32| 71 24 13| | | cascade harb. | | | | | small rock in harbour |*53 57 48| 71 27 46| 24 18| | cordes bay | | | | | outer-point west side | 53 42 55| 71 53 08| | | bell bay | | | | | n.w. pt. bradley cove |*53 53 15| 71 47 16| | | cape inglefield | | | | | islet off it | 53 50 20| 71 51 41| | | cape gallant | | | | | extremity |*53 42 11| 71 59 01| 24 35| | port gallant | | | | | wigwam point |*53 41 43|c.71 56 57| 24 04| 9 3|5 or 6 ft. charles island | | | | | wallis mark | 53 43 57| 72 02 00| | | rupert island | | | | | summit | 53 42 00| 72 08 00| | | monmouth islds | | | | | summit of largest island | 53 39 40| 72 08 39| | | point elizabeth | | | | | passage point reef | 53 37 00| 72 08 41| | | point york | | | | | extremity |*53 32 35| | | | bachelor river | | | | | entrance | 53 33 00|c.72 17 11| 24 06| 1 46| | | 72 15 41| | | jerome channel | | | | | bluff extremity, or | 53 31 00| 72 20 41| | | w. point of entrance | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- crooked reach | | | | | ============= | | | | | cape cross-tide | | | | | extremity | 53 33 03| 72 22 16| |at borja bay. | | | | 1 50|6 feet el morrion, or st. david he| | | | | extremity | 53 33 20| 72 28 31| | | cape quod | | | | | extremity | 53 32 10| 72 29 41| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- long reach | | | | | ========== | | | | | snowy sound | | | | | centre of ulloa island | 53 31 30| 72 36 13| | | cape notch | | | | | extremity | 53 25 00| 72 45 11| | | playa parda cove | | | | | anchorage | 53 18 30| 72 56 00| | 1 8| half-port bay | | | | | centre |*53 11 36|c.73 14 57| | | cape monday | | | | | extremity | 53 09 12| 73 18 16| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sea reach | | | | | ========= | | | | | st. anne island | | | | | centre | 53 06 30| 73 12 46| | | cape upright | | | | | extremity, north trend | 53 04 03| 73 32 16| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{484} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- sea reach | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========= | | | | | cape providence | | | | | --- | 52 59 00| 73 31 00| 23 22| | cape tamar | | | | | observatory, tamar bay |*52 55 06|c.73 44 02| 23 24| 3 5|5 feet extremity of cape | 52 55 30| 73 44 26| | |eastwd. beaufort bay | | | | | stragglers, southernmost | 52 48 03| 73 46 00| | | cape phillip | | | | | sholl bay |*52 44 05|c.73 48 20| | | summit over the cape | 52 44 20| 73 53 00| | | cape parker | | | | | station near it |*52 41 49|c.74 07 10| | | point felix | | | | | station on its east side |*52 56 31| | | | extremity | 52 56 00| 74 09 00| | | valentine harb. | | | | | mount (see plan) | 52 55 00| 74 15 00| | 2 0| cape cuevas | | | | | extremity |*52 53 19| 74 17 30| | | cape cortado | | | | | extremity | 52 49 37| 74 22 56| 23 40| | westminst. hall | | | | | eastern summit | 52 37 18| 74 20 26| | | observation mt. | | | | | --- |*52 28 58|c.74 32 18| 25 09| 3 0| harbour of mercy | | | | | observation islet |*52 44 57|c.74 35 31| 23 48| 1 47|4 feet | | | | or | | | | | 0 58| cape pillar | | | | | extremity | 52 42 53|c.74 37 41| | 1 0| | | 74 39 31| | | cape victory | | | | | extremity |*52 16 10|c.74 50 55| | | evangelists, or isles of | | | | | direction | | | | | sugar loaf to south | 52 24 18| 75 02 56| | |variable eastward | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- magdalen channel | | | | | ================ | | | | | vernal | | | | | pinnacle on summit | 54 06 28| 70 57 40| | | anxious point | | | | | extremity | 54 06 50| 70 53 26| | | mount boqueron | | | | | centre pinnacle | 54 10 40| 70 56 00| | | labyrinth islands | | | | | summit of jane island | 54 19 10| 70 57 36| | | cape turn | | | | | extremity | 54 24 08| 71 04 00| | | warping cove | | | | | --- | 54 24 08|c.71 05 25| 24 57| | mnt. sarmiento | | | | | n.e. peak (6800 feet) | 54 27 00| 70 47 30| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{485} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- cockburn channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | king island | | | | | summit | 54 22 38| 71 13 15| | |westw^d | | | | |6 or 8 ft. prowse islands | | | | | station | 54 22 13| 71 20 57| | | park bay | | | | | beach on isthmus | 54 19 00| 71 15 00| 24 56| 0 30|6 or 7 ft. bayne islands | | | | | cove at the n. end of | 54 18 15| 71 35 50| | | of south-east island | | | | | eliza bay | | | | | centre | 54 17 45| 71 37 00| | | kirke rocks | | | | | body | 54 22 30| 71 42 30| | | enderby island | | | | | centre | 54 13 00| 71 53 31| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- melville sound | | | | | ============== | | | | | mount skyring | | | | | summit (3000 feet) | 54 24 44| 72 07 40| | | tom harbour | | | | | cove near it |*54 24 23|c.72 02 07| 25 19| | | | 72 02 31| | | north cove | | | | | entrance |*54 24 27|c.72 14 51| | | | | 72 14 30| | | fury harbour | | | | | west point | 54 28 25| 72 15 00| | | west furies | | | | | body | 54 34 30| 72 17 00| | | east furies | | | | | body | 54 38 00| 72 08 00| | | cape schomberg | | | | | summit over extremity | 54 38 48| 72 02 46| | | cape kempe | | | | | peaks over | 54 23 30| 72 26 46| | | copper kettle | | | | | summit | 54 23 50| 72 21 41| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- barbara channel | | | | | =============== | | | | | bynoe island | | | | | centre | 54 19 30| 72 09 00| | | mortimer island | | | | | summit | 54 18 12| 72 16 00| | | hewett bay | | | | | south point | 54 15 30| 72 16 51| 24 0| 0 30|6 or 7 ft. | | | | |southw. brown bay | | | | | anchorage | 54 12 20| 72 16 00| | | bell mount | | | | | summit | 54 09 54| 72 11 51| | | north anchorage | | | | | --- | 54 09 25|c.72 11 21| 24 12| | bedford bay | | | | | entrance | 54 00 15| 72 18 31| 24 0| 0 30|7 or 8 ft. | | | | |southw. field bay | | | | | point cairncross | 53 51 06| 72 16 31| | | cayetano peak | | | | | summit | 53 53 04| 72 06 00| | | shag narrow | | | | | north end | 53 51 24| 72 10 31| | 0 0|[208] ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{486} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- barbara channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | dighton bay | | | | | latitude beach |*53 48 40| 72 09 36| | | point elvira | | | | | extremity | 53 49 12| 72 00 11| | | cape edgeworth | | | | | extremity | 53 47 03| 72 05 16| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- jerome channel | | | | | ============== | | | | | bachelor peak | | | | | northernmost | 53 29 30| 72 15 46| | | three island bay | | | | | centre | 53 28 30| 72 20 20| | | real cove | | | | | centre | 53 24 30| 72 23 55| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- indian sound | | | | | ============ | | | | | cutter cove | | | | | centre | 53 21 45| 72 23 20| | 4 0| false corona | | | | | smallest islet |*53 21 49|c.72 28 55| | | | | 72 26 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- otway water | | | | | =========== | | | | | bennett island | | | | | --- |*53 13 14| 72 16 46| | | fanny bay | | | | | gidley islet at s. | 53 11 00| 72 08 30| | 5 0| entrance | | | | | point martin | | | | | --- |*53 07 00|c.72 00 51| 23 58| 5 0| | | 71 58 00| | | inglefield island | | | | | north point |*53 04 20|c.71 52 27| 23 56| 4 0| | | 71 49 30| | | shell-note point | | | | | extremity |*52 51 34| 71 29 50| | | point hall | | | | | extremity | 52 49 45| 71 22 10| | 4 0|n.w. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- fitz-roy passage | | | | | ================ | | | | | donkin cove | | | | | spot marked on plan |*52 45 30|c.71 21 36| 23 40| | | | 71 19 55| | | wigwam cove | | | | | do. |*52 39 30|c.71 25 20| 23 34|sets to east | | 71 24 10| |until 1 30 ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- skyring water | | | | | ============= | | | | | euston opening | | | | | centre | 52 52 40| 72 18 00| | | dynevor castle | | | | | summit | 52 34 30| 72 28 40| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- * * * * * {487} table iii. -----the western coast, and interior sounds, from the strait of magalhaens to the north extremity of the gulf of peñas. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- smyth channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ============= | | | | | fairway isles | | | | | --- |*52 43 25| 73 44 25| | | deep harbour | | | | | south point of entrance |*52 41 10| 73 44 40| 23 04| | good bay | | | | | north point |*52 34 16| 73 42 45| 23 20| 0 30|6 or 7ft. oake bay | | | | | larch island |*52 25 38| 73 43 25| | | otter bay | | | | | anchorage | 52 23 50| 73 40 15| | | summer isles | | | | | summit of larger island | 52 20 25| 73 39 20| | | fortune bay | | | | | rivulet | 52 15 48| 73 41 25| 23 40| 0 50|7 or 8 ft. point palmer | | | | | extremity | 52 13 38| 73 38 40| | | isthmus bay | | | | | centre | 52 10 30| 73 36 40| | | welcome bay | | | | | entrance of cove | 52 09 15| 73 43 03| 23 40| 0 50|7 or 8 ft. | | | | |(flood sets | | | | |to the | | | | |northward.) point st. julian | | | | | extremity | 52 00 50| 73 45 40| | | island bay | | | | | island at south side | 51 59 05| 73 49 00| | | of port | | | | | hamper bay | | | | | anchorage | 51 54 08| 73 53 15| | | rocky cove | | | | | n.w. point |*51 50 04| 74 05 20| | | cape cheer | | | | | summit | 51 41 35| 74 15 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- lord nelson strait | | | | | ================== | | | | | narrow creek | | | | | --- |*51 47 22| 74 09 30| 24 09| | mount trafalgar | | | | | summit | 51 48 10| 74 21 00| | | point west | | | | | extremity | 51 31 45| 74 04 57| | | cape kendall | | | | | extremity | 51 27 15| 74 06 20| | | relief harbour | | | | | rock on west side |*51 26 27| 74 07 00| 24 40| | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- st. estevan channel | | | | | =================== | | | | | escape bay | | | | | anchorage | 51 22 00| 74 12 00| | |northw. mount trigo | | | | | summit | 51 15 04| 74 12 00| | | cape donaldson | | | | | extremity | 51 06 10| 74 16 40| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{488} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- st. estevan channel | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =================== | | | | | rejoice harbour | | | | | north point of entrance | 51 02 12| 74 16 00| | | anchor bay | | | | | north point of entrance | 50 55 00| 74 16 40| | | latitude cove | | | | | --- |*50 50 54| 74 16 00| | | guia narrow | | | | | north extremity in | 50 43 00| 74 23 10| | 2 8|southw. mid channel | | | | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sarmiento channel | | | | | ================= | | | | | bonduca island | | | | | centre | 50 55 00| 74 09 40| | | puerto bueno | | | | | n. pt. of schooner cove |*50 58 35| 74 07 10| 21 00| 1 40|flood sets | | | | |to the | | | | |south. blanche passage | | | | | entrance. | 51 13 40| 73 59 00| | | port san mateo | | | | | --- | 51 23 50| 74 00 35| | | cape st. vincent | | | | | northern trend | 51 30 00| 73 58 35| | | point balthazar | | | | | extremity | 51 38 05| 73 56 55| | | cape san bartholomew | | | | | --- | 51 46 05| 73 51 15| | | staines peninsul. | | | | | isthmus | 51 40 35| 73 37 00| | | cape flamstead | | | | | rock off the extremity | 51 46 35| 73 48 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- union sound | | | | | =========== | | | | | shingle road | | | | | anchorage | 51 51 30| 73 42 30| | | point maskelyne | | | | | extremity | 51 55 00| 73 42 30| | | brinkley island | | | | | summit | 51 58 45| 73 39 10| | | peñas de altura | | | | | --- | 52 06 05| 73 36 55| | | crater cove | | | | | --- | 52 04 10| 73 27 20| | | stony bay | | | | | west point |*52 06 03| 73 23 58| | | cape año nuevo | | | | | north extremity | 52 07 30| 73 27 40| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- interior sounds | | | | | =============== | | | | | mount burney | | | | | centre peak | 52 19 42| 73 22 00| | | ancon sin salida | | | | | summit of large island | | | | | opposite to cape | | | | | earnest | 52 12 20| 73 15 15| | | cape earnest | | | | | extremity | 52 10 52| 73 14 30| | | leeward bay | | | | | islets within anchorage | 52 11 00| 73 10 30| | | whale boat bay | | | | | beach |*52 05 32| 73 08 35| | | cape retford | | | | | extremity | 52 04 38| 73 02 20| | | point return | | | | | " " |*52 03 39| 72 58 50| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{489} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- interior sounds | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| =============== | | | | | virginia island | | | | | s. e. point |*52 06 16| 72 58 00| | | easter bay | | | | | beach |*51 53 10|c.72 53 16| | | canal of the mountains | | | | | bottom | 51 34 00| 73 23 00| | | last hope inlet | | | | | --- | 51 25 38| 73 09 48| | | focus island | | | | | summit (centre) | 51 53 23| 72 44 15| | | obstruction sound. | | | | | bottom | 52 29 00| 72 53 35| | | s. e. bight, or the | | | | | nearest part to | | | | | skyring water | 52 22 35| 72 29 40| | | point san juan | | | | | s. w. extremity | 50 39 52| 74 29 38| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- concepçion strait | | | | | ================= | | | | | guard bay | | | | | anchorage | 50 34 10|c.74 32 57| | | innocent island | | | | | summit at north end | 50 31 55| 74 43 00| | | tapering point | | | | | extremity | 50 28 55| 74 38 30| | | point hocio de cayman | | | | | --- | 50 24 30| 74 48 35| | | walker bay | | | | | beach | 50 21 15| 74 48 00| | | molyneux sound | | | | | rock to n. of point | | | | | michael |*50 16 48| 74 44 45| | | portland bay | | | | | centre of island | | | | | fronting the | | | | | anchorage | 50 14 42| 74 36 48| | | expectation bay | | | | | anchorage | 50 25 08| 74 13 15| | | tom bay | | | | | beach near anchorage | 50 11 00| 74 41 30| | | open bay | | | | | summit of island off | 50 07 00| 74 31 00| | | pt. brazo ancho | | | | | extremity | 50 08 35| 74 37 25| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- gulf of trinidad | | | | | ================ | | | | | red bill island | | | | | summit |*50 05 30| 74 44 15| | | windward bay | | | | | beach | 50 03 12| 74 38 00| | | double peak mt. | | | | | eastern peak | 49 57 35| 74 36 00| | | cathedral mount | | | | | summit | 49 46 03| 74 40 50| | | neesham bay | | | | | beach |*49 53 54|c.74 55 57| | | easter peak | | | | | summit | 50 00 15| 75 09 35| | | port henry | | | | | observatory |*50 00 18|c.75 15 11| 20 50|noon.|5 feet ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{490} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- gulf of trinidad | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================ | | | | | seal rocks | | | | | body | 49 54 48| 75 14 02| | | cape tres puntas | | | | | pillar rock at the | | | | | extremity | 50 02 00| 75 19 30| | | cape primero | | | | | extremity | 49 50 04| 75 32 07| 20 58| | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- wide channel | | | | | ============ | | | | | mount corso | | | | | summit | 49 45 02| 75 28 55| | | small-craft bight | | | | | --- | 50 01 20| 74 27 00| | | sandy bay | | | | | east point. | 50 45 25| 74 13 10| | | saumarez island | | | | | bold head | 49 32 18| 74 03 20| | | fury cove | | | | | head |*49 31 46| 74 00 00| | 1 15|w.s.w. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- sir geo. eyre sd. | | | | | ================= | | | | | falcon inlet | | | | | cape wellesley, extrem. | 49 28 15| 73 51 30| | | bottom of the sd. | | | | | --- | 48 56 50| 73 40 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- mesier channel | | | | | ============== | | | | | rocky bight | | | | | west point. | 49 25 35| 74 10 40| | | level bay | | | | | outer point, n. side | 49 07 35| 74 11 30| | | english narrow | | | | | south end | 49 06 00| 74 13 20| 12 45| | north end | 48 55 30| 74 13 38| | | halt bay. | | | | | --- |*48 53 50| 74 13 10| |12 30|s.s.e. iceberg sound | | | | | station rock, on the n. | | | | | side of entrance |*48 39 23| 74 11 20| | | bottom | 48 47 00| 74 10 10| | | white kelp cove | | | | | rock off the entrance |*48 30 46| 74 15 35| | | middle island | | | | | north point | 48 27 35| 74 20 50| |12 0|northw. waterfall bay | | | | | bottom | 48 17 00| 74 22 00| | |n. by w. island harbour | | | | | west point | 48 06 25| 74 28 38| | | millar island | | | | | south extreme | 48 03 20| 74 35 30| | | millar's monument, | | | | | north extreme | 47 55 12| 74 41 50| | | campana island | | | | | summit at south end | 47 45 10| 74 37 30| | | cape roman | | | | | extremity | 47 44 37| 74 52 45| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- guaianeco islands | | | | | ================= | | | | | ayautau island | | | | | summit on the largest | 47 34 22| 74 40 30| | | wager island | | | | | easternmost point | 47 41 05| 74 55 25| | | supposed position of | | | | | the wager's wreck | 47 39 40| 75 06 30| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{491} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- guaianeco islands | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ================= | | | | | speedwell bay | | | | | north beach |*47 40 17|c.75 08 34| | | | | 75 10 20| | | rundle pass | | | | | south end | 47 45 30| 75 05 45| | | islet, the most northern of| | | | | the group | | | | | summit | 47 38 30| 75 14 25| | | good harbour | | | | | isthmus at the bottom | 47 45 00| 75 20 50| | | byron island | | | | | most western point | 47 44 50| 75 24 32| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- gulf of peñas | | | | | ============= | | | | | channel's mouth | | | | | body of rocks off the | | | | | south entrance | 47 30 20| 74 33 20| | | hazard isles, centre | | | | | and westernmost | 47 29 30| 74 24 50| | | e side of northern islet |*47 28 56|c.74 24 13| | | bottom of east arm | 47 35 12| 73 53 32| | | bottom of south arm | 47 46 10| 74 09 20| | | xavier island | | | | | ignacio bay (beach) |*47 10 28|c.74 25 49| 19 50| | xavier bay (lyndsey pt) | 47 05 00| 74 16 40| | | jesuit sound | | | | | north point of entrance, | | | | | or head of false | | | | | harbour | 47 07 15| 74 12 30| | | kelly harbour | | | | | north point of entrance |*46 58 54|c.74 05 41| | | cirujano islet | | | | | north-east point | 46 51 15| 74 21 50| | | san tadeo river | | | | | sand hills on east side | | | |11 45|head of st. of entrance | 46 47 40| 74 15 50| | |quintin | | | | |gulf. 6 ft. purcell island | | | | | summit | 46 55 30| 74 39 55| | | isthmus | | | | | centre | 46 50 20| 74 41 35| | | port otway | | | | | observatory |*46 49 31|c.75 19 00| 20 32|11 37|6 feet. sugar loaf | | | | | summit | 46 42 40| 75 15 00| | | dome of st. paul | | | | | --- | 46 36 56| 75 13 20| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- peninsula of tres montes | | | | | ======================== | | | | | pt. mitford rees | | | | | extremity | 46 43 08| 75 40 55| | | cape raper | | | | | --- | 46 48 20| 75 39 35| | | cape tres montes | | | | | --- | 46 58 57| 75 27 30| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+ coast of wellington and | | | | | campana islands | | | | | =============== | | | | | bynoe island | | | | | entrance of fallos ch. | 47 57 55| 75 23 45| | | break sea island | | | | | northernmost point | 48 01 00| 75 29 15| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+----------{492} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- coast of wellington and | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| campana islands | | | | | =============== | | | | | port santa barbara | | | | | observation inlet |*48 02 15|c.75 29 12| 19 10|11 45|3 to 4 feet | | | | |at neaps dundee rock | | | | | summit | 48 06 16| 75 42 00| | | cape dyer | | | | | extremity | 48 05 55| 75 34 35| | | sisters | | | | | centre peak | 48 37 40| 75 28 10| | | parallel peak | | | | | summit | 48 45 40| 75 29 35| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- coast of madre de dios | | | | | ====================== | | | | | cape montague | | | | | summit | 49 07 20| 75 33 40| | | april peak | | | | | --- | 50 10 52| 75 17 35| | | cape santiago | | | | | --- | 50 42 02| 75 24 00| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- cape sta. lucia | | | | | --- | 51 30 00| 75 25 00| | | cape isabel | | | | | --- | 51 51 40| 75 09 30| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- * * * * * {493} table iv. -----outer, or sea coast, of tierra del fuego. -----in order to adapt the longitudes of the places mentioned in this table to the meridians of port famine and st. martin cove, at cape horn, the following corrections[209] have been made to captain fitz-roy's chronometrical results, _viz_:- townshend harbour } { 0'11"} stewart harbour } { 0 23 } to the eastward of captain doris cove } have been placed { 0 33 } fitz-roy's chronometrical march harbour } { 1 6 } deductions. good success bay } { 2 0 } by captain fitz-roy's observations st. martin cove would be in long. 67° 31' 18", which is 2' 15" to the westward of the mean of upwards of thirty chronometrical results from monte video. the difference has, therefore, been equally divided between north cove and st. martin cove; the longitude of the latter being taken at 67° 29' 03", and of port famine at 70° 54'. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- sea coast of tierra del fuego ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========================== | | | | | dislocation har. | | | | | near the projecting pt. |*52 54 13|c.74 33 03| 23 53| 1 40| 4 week islands | | | | | saturday harbour | 53 11 26| 74 14 36| 24 0| 2 0| 4 latitude bay | | | | | west point of entrance |*53 18 40| 74 12 6| 23 56| 2 5| 4 deepwater snd. | | | | | --- |*53 34 58|c.73 34 46| | | laura basin | | | | | north point |*54 06 58|c.73 15 20| | 1 0| 4 noir roads | | | | | penguin point | 54 28 15| 72 56 00| 24 40| 2 30| 4 cape noir | | | | | extremity | 54 30 00| 73 01 30| 25 00| | tower rock | | | | | south easternmost | 54 37 05| 72 59 00| | | cape gloucester | | | | | summit | 54 30 00| 73 01 30| | | fury harbour | | | | | island in the entrance | 54 28 00| 72 14 00| 24 30| 2 30| 4 isabella sound | | | | | --- |*54 13 00| | | | north cove | | | | | --- |*54 24 26|c.72 14 46| 24 30| 2 30| 4 mount skyring | | | | | summit | 54 24 44| 72 07 40| | | st. paul | | | | | south-east peak | 54 39 48| 71 56 50| | | townshend har. | | | | | islet on n. side of harb |*54 42 15|c.71 51 49| 24 34| 1 30| 4 cape castlereagh | | | | | extremity | 54 56 40| 71 25 00| | | stewart harbour | | | | | e side of shelter island |*54 54 24| 71 25 05| 24 14| 2 50| 4 doris cove | | | | | east point entrance |*54 58 45| 71 05 35| 24 16| 3 0| 4 cape alikhoolip | | | | | extremity | 55 11 55| 70 47 50| | | york minster | | | | | summit | 55 24 30| 70 01 50| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------{494} ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- sea coast of tierra del fuego ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| ========================== | | | | | march harbour | | | | | entrance of the basin |*55 22 35| 69 53 57| 24 4| 3 10| 4 adventure cove | | | | | rocky pt. n end of beach |*55 21 12| 60 50 00| 24 40| 3 10| 4 ildefonsos | | | | | henderson id. |*55 35 46|} 68 58 00|(mount beaufoy.) --- |*55 35 54|} | | | orange bay | | | | | middle of bay |*55 30 50|c.68 00 23| 23 56| 3 30| 4 st. martin cove | | | | | head of the cove |*55 51 19|c.67 29 03| | | cape horn | | | | | summit |*55 58 41| 67 10 53| | | lennox harbour | | | | | point at n. end of beach |*55 17 04| 66 44 03| 23 40| 4 40| 8 evouts island | | | | | centre | 55 33 00| 66 40 03| | | diego ramirez | | | | | s or boat island, summit | 56 26 35| 63 36 20| 24 0| | northernmost rock | 56 22 25| 68 36 45| | | barnevelt islds. | | | | | centre |*55 48 54| 66 39 48| | | spaniard harb. | | | | | point kinnaird | 54 57 05| 65 42 54| | | good success bay | | | | | s. side near sandy beach |*54 48 02|c.65 09 18| 22 42| 4 15| 9 cape san diego | | | | | extremity | 54 40 35| 65 01 53| | | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- * * * * * table v. -----coast of chile. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+--------------- name of | | | | tide ---------------------------+ | | |-----+--------- | | | | | direction | | | |h. w.| of flood, place. |latitude |longitude |variat| at | and rise particular spot. | south. | west. | east.|f.&w.| of tide. ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+--------- | ° ' "| ° ' "| ° '|h. m.| san carlos chilóe | | | | | sandy point |*41 51 34|c.73 50 25| 18 33|11 15| 6 talcahuano | | | | | fort galvez |*36 41 58|c.73 03 05| 16 47| | valparaiso | | | | | cerro alegre |*33 01 58|c.71 34 12| 15 18| | juan fernandez | | | | | fort san juan, in | | | | | cumberland bay |*33 37 36|c.78 46 04| 17 13| | ---------------------------+---------+----------+------+-----+---------- * * * * * {495} table of observed or estimated heights of mountains and particular parts of the sea coast. ang. denotes the height to have been ascertained by angular measurement; bar. by barometer; and est. by estimation. north atlantic ocean. cape verd islands. feet. peak at the n.w. end of san antonio 7086 ang. pico antonio, on st. jago 4725 ang. pico of fuego 8815 ang. south atlantic ocean. coast of brazil. corcovado, at rio de janeiro 2330 bar. 5 obs. sugar loaf, do 1275 ang. cubatoa, at santos (telegraph house) 2502 bar. 5 obs. city of san paulo (base of the cathedral) 2444 bar. 16 obs. east coast of patagonia. cliffy coast, near port st. julian 300 to 330 est. mount entrance (santa cruz) 356 ang. cape fairweather and the cliffs to the northward 300 est. cape virgins and the cliffs to the northward 300 est. {496} strait of magalhaens. feet. cape possession 300 est. table mountain behind cape gregory 1500 to 2000 est. point santa anna (port famine) 104 ang. mount st. philip do. 1308 ang. mount graves, north summit (dawson island) 1315 ang. do. south do. do. 1498 ang. lomas range, the highest part over port san antonio 2963 ang. mount tarn (peak at the n.e. end) { 2602 bar. 4 obs. { 2852 ang. mount buckland, gabriel channel 4000 est. mount boqueron (entrance of magdalen channel) 3000 est. mount sarmiento (bottom of do. ) 6800 ang. pyramid hill ( do. do. ) 2500 ang. cape froward (land behind the morro) 2500 est. cape holland 1800 est. mount pond 2500 est. mount cross, port gallant { 2290 bar. { 2264 ang. 3 obs. average height of the land near sea reach 1000 to 2500 est. outer coast of tierra del fuego. kater peak, on hermite island 1742 bar. 4 obs. bell mount, near strait le maire 4000 est.[210] noir island 600 est. south pacific ocean. western coast of patagonia. mount burney 4800 ang. cape three points 2000 est. mountain within kelly sound 1540 ang. sugar loaf (marine islands, in holloway sound) 1836 ang. dome of st. paul ( do. do. ) 2284 ang. highest peak of juan fernandez (the yungue, or anvil) 3005 ang. * * * * * {497} magnetic observations, discussed by major sabine, r.a., f.r.s. 1. _observations of the dip._ captain fitz-roy was furnished with two dip circles, one by gambey, and the other by dollond; the latter supplied by government, and gambey's purchased by himself. gambey's, being found to give results more accordant with each other than dollond's, was used at all the stations, except rio de janeiro. the circle was nine and a-half inches in diameter, and was furnished with two needles. this instrument was, in all respects, a very superior one. it was placed for observation on a stand, which raised it from two to three feet above the ground. the needle was observed in eight positions, and as the readings accorded sufficiently well with each other, their arithmetical mean has been taken as the dip resulting from the observation. the eight positions were as follows: 1, with the graduated face of the circle towards the east; 2, with the same towards the west. the needle was then taken out and replaced with the ends of the axle changed, so that each end rested on a different plane to what it did before; it was then observed, 3, with the face of the circle towards the west, and 4, with the same to the east. the poles were then inverted, so that the end of the needle which was before a north pole became a south pole, and the four positions were again repeated. the arc indicated by both ends of the needle was read in every position: an observation of the dip consisted, consequently, of sixteen readings. in the subjoined tabular record these are comprised in four entries, a mean being taken of the arc read at the two extremities of the needle, and of the positions 1 and 3, 2 and 4: 1 and 3 form the column, a; 2 and 4 the column, a'; and the same positions, with the poles reversed, the columns a" and a"'. {498} magnetic dip. -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+------------------------------ | | | | | n | needle | | | | | e |---------------+-------------- | | | | | e | marked end a | marked end a | |above| |obs-| d | n. pole | s. pole | | the | |er| l |-------+-------+-------+------ station | date | sea |therm|ver | e | a | a' | a" | a"' -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------ | 1831 |feet.| ° | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' plymouth |nov. 20{| 50 | 58 | f. | 1 |69 49 |69 06,5|69 53 |69 08 | {| 50 | 58 | f. | 2 |69 23,5|69 29,5|69 26 |69 25,5 | 1832 | | | | | | | | port praya |jan. 28{| 20 | 71 | f. | 1 |46 46,5|46 19 |46 36 |45 40 | {| 20 | 71 | f. | 2 |46 16,5|46 23,5|46 23 |46 17 | | | | | | | | | | {| 16 | 83 | s. | | 6 18 | 6 02 | 3 27,5| 3 38 bahia |mar. 6 {| 16 | 83 | s. | | 7 19,5| 7 02 | 1 39 | 1 54,5 | {| 16 | 84 | s. | | 7 59 | 9 29,5| 1 08,5| 1 54 | {| 16 | 84 | s. | | 6 29 | 6 02,5| 4 11,5| 4 11 | | | | | | | | | rio de | {| 10 | 78 | s. | |13 42 |12 05,5|14 27 |14 05,5 janeiro |apr. 30{| 10 | 78 | s. | |13 02 |11 54,5|15 15,5|15 16,5 | {| 10 | 79 | s. | |14 24 |14 06 |12 04,5|13 03 | | | | | | | | | {|sept.5 {| 18 | 49 | f. | 1 |40 45 |42 50 |40 50 |43 42,5 blanco bay{| {| 18 | 49 | f. | 2 |42 34 |41 47,5|41 15 |41 57 {|sept.19{| 18 | 67 | f. | 1 |41 28 |42 02,5|41 32,5|42 22 {| {| 18 | 67 | f. | 2 |41 48 |41 52 |41 46,5|41 51 | 1833 | | | | | | | | {|mar. 12{| 8 | 48 | f. | 1 |53 23 |53 27 |56 22 |51 48 falkland {| {| 8 | 49 | f. | 2 |53 25 |53 32 |50 47 |54 45 islands {|mar.13 {| 8 | 50 | f. | 1 |53 08 |53 53 |53 19 |53 59 {| {| 8 | 51 | f. | 2 |53 40 |53 38 |53 27 |53 34 | | | | | | | | | monte video|nov. 25{| 10 | 84 | f. | 1 |35 10 |34 40 |35 28,5|34 40 | {| 10 | 84 | f. | 2 |34 55 |34 47,5|34 20 |34 50 | | | | | | | | | {499} port desire|dec. 30{| 48 | 58 | f. | 1 |53 05 |52 29 |53 20 |52 22,5 | {| 48 | 58 | f. | 2 |52 45 |52 27,5|52 49 |52 30 | 1834 | | | | | | | | falkland |mar. 19{| 60 | 45 | f. | 1 |53 16,5|53 21,5|52 58 |54 05 islands | {| 60 | 45 | f. | 2 |53 40 |52 58 |53 23 |52 58 | {| 60 | 45 | f. | 1 |53 23 |52 45 |53 59 |53 08,5 | {| 60 | 45 | f. | 2 |53 19 |53 19 |53 22 |53 19 | | | | | | | | | river santa|may 10 {| 20 | 48 | f. | 1 |55 37 |54 37 |55 45 |54 48 cruz | {| 20 | 48 | f. | 2 |55 30 |55 21 |55 21 |55 07 | | | | | | | | | port san |dec. 24{| 8 | 62 | f. | 1 |54 32 |54 12 |54 40 |54 00 andres | {| 8 | 62 | f. | 2 |54 19 |54 10 |54 07 |53 49 | 1835 | | | | | | | | port low |jan. 15{| 6 | 57 | f. | 1 |51 27 |50 44 |51 42 |51 00 | {| 6 | 57 | f. | 2 |51 48 |51 40 |51 10 |51 10 | | | | | | | | | chilóe |jan. 26{| 10 | 66 | f. | 1 |49 12 |48 29 |49 30 |48 41 | {| 10 | 66 | f. | 2 |49 09 |49 02 |48 57 |48 51 | | | | | | | | | valdivia |feb. 18{| 8 | 69 | f. | 1 |46 58 |46 18 |47 22 |46 34 | {| 8 | 69 | f. | 2 |46 56 |46 42 |46 44 |46 38 | | | | | | | | | concepçion |apr. 13{| 90 | 59 | f. | 1 |43 30 |42 47 |43 47 |42 58 | {| 90 | 59 | f. | 2 |43 25 |43 15 |43 11 |43 10 | | | | | | | | | valparaiso |june 27{| 15 | 57 | sg.| 1 |38 24 |37 26 |38 33,5|37 46 | {| 15 | 57 | sg.| 2 |38 17,5|38 01,5|38 00 |37 56 | | | | | | | | | callao |aug. 26{| 12 | 64 | sg.| 1 | 6 46,5| 6 50 | 7 34,5| 7 24 | {| 12 | 64 | sg.| 2 | 7 05 | 6 35 | 6 54,5| 7 04,5 | | | | | | | | | galapagos |sept.22{| 6 | 72 | sg.| 1 | 9 08 | 8 53,5| 8 35 | 8 30 islands | {| 6 | 73 | sg.| 2 | 8 29,5| 8 40,5| 8 42,5| 8 31 | | | | | | | | | galapagos |oct. 16{| 8 | 70 | f. | 1 | 9 47,5| 9 41 | 9 17 | 9 13,5 islands | {| 8 | 70 | f. | 2 | 9 24,5| 9 32,5| 9 26 | 9 27,5 | | | | | | | | | otaheite, {|nov. 16{| 4 | 79 | sg.| 1 |30 02 |30 06 |30 39,5|29 51 or tahiti {| {| 4 | 79 | sg.| 2 |30 21 |29 58 |30 10,5|30 13 {|nov. 23{| 4 | 80 | sg.| 1 |30 17,5|30 11 |30 58 |30 05,5 {| {| 4 | 80 | sg.| 2 |30 18 |30 07,5|30 08 |30 09 -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------ {498} -----------+-------------------+----------------- | | | | | | | | | | place of station | dip deduced. | observation -----------+-------------------+----------------- | ° ' ° ' | plymouth |69 29,1 } 69 27,6n.|athenæum |69 26,1 } | | | port praya |46 20,4 } 46 20,2n.|landing place |46 20,0 } | | | | 4 51,5 } | bahia | 4 28,7 } 4 55,8n.|san antonio | 5 07,7 } |(dollond's instr.) | 5 13,5 } | | | rio de |13 34,2 } 13 37,4s.|villegagnon janeiro |13 52,7 ) |island. |13 24,5) |(dollond's instr.) | | {|42 01,9 } | blanco bay{|41 53,4 } 41 54 s.|the wells at {|41 51,2 } | point johnson. {|41 49,4 } | | | {|53 45 } | falkland {|53 07,2 } 53 30,4s.|berkeley sound, islands {|53 34,7 } |magellan or {|53 34,8 } |johnson cove. | | monte video|34 59,4 } 34 51,2s.|rat island. | | | | {499} port desire|52 49,1 } 52 43,5s.|spanish ruins. |52 37,9 } | | | falkland |53 25,2 } 53 19,6s.| islands |53 14,7 } |berkeley sound, |53 18,9 } |port louis. |53 19,7 } | | | river santa|55 11,7 } 55 15,7s.|keel point. cruz |55 19,7 } | | | port san |54 21,0 } 54 13,6s.|christmas andres |54 06,2 } |cove. | | port low |51 13,2 } 51 20,1s.|observation |51 27,0 } |islet. | | chilóe |48 58 } 48 58,9s.|san carlos, |48 59,8 } |pt. arena. | | valdivia |46 48 } 46 46,5s.|corral. |46 45 } | | | concepçion |43 15,5 } 43 15,4s.|fort |43 15,2 } |galvez. | | valparaiso |38 02,4 } 38 03,1s.|near fort |38 03,8 } |st. antonio. | | callao | 7 08,7 } 7 02,8s.|arsenal. | 6 56,9 } | | | galapagos | 8 46,6 } 8 41,2n.|chatham island, islands | 8 35,9 } |stephen bay. | | galapagos | 9 29,7 } 9 28,6n.|charles islands | 9 27,6 } |island. | | otaheite, {|30 09,6 } 30 13,5s.|point or tahiti {|30 10,6 } |venus. {|30 23 } | {|30 10,6 } | -----------+-------------------+-----------------{500} -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+------------------------------ | | | | | n | needle | | | | | e |---------------+-------------- | | | | | e | marked end a | marked end a | |above| |obs-| d | n. pole | s. pole | | the | |er| l |-------+-------+-------+------ station | date | sea |therm|ver | e | a | a' | a" | a"' -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------ | 1835 |feet.| ° | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' new zealand|dec. 23{| 10 | 63 | sg.| 1 |59 44 |59 04,5|60 09,5|59 14 | {| 10 | 64 | sg.| 2 |59 43,5|59 28,5|59 32,5|59 19,5 | 1836 | | | | | | | | sydney |jan. 15{| 24 | 72 | sg.| 1 |63 00,5|62 26,5|63 19 |62 35 | {| 24 | 72 | sg.| 2 |62 55,5|62 48,5|62 53,5|62 35,5 | | | | | | | | | hobart town|feb. 6 {| 35 | 51 | sg.| 1 |70 51,5|70 13 |71 02,5|70 15,5 | {| 35 | 51 | sg.| 2 |70 43,5|70 27 |70 37 |70 25,5 | | | | | | | | | king george|mar. 8 {| 4 | 67 | sg.| 1 |64 57,5|64 17,5|65 09 |64 25 sound | {| 4 | 67 | sg.| 2 |64 49,5|64 35 |64 44,5|64 33 | | | | | | | | | keeling |apr. 4 {| 3 | 79 | sg.| 1 |38 48,5|37 45,5|39 08 |38 24 islands | {| 3 | 79 | sg.| 2 |38 43,5|38 32 |38 35,5|38 28 | | | | | | | | | mauritius |may 3 {| 5 | 81 | sg.| 1 |54 21,5|53 23 |54 41 |53 46,5 | {| 5 | 81 | sg.| 2 |54 08,5|54 00,5|53 58 |53 47,5 | | | | | | | | | |june 2{ | 4 | 64 | sg.| 1 |52 53 |51 53 |53 14,5|52 22 cape of | { | 4 | 64 | sg.| 2 |52 40,5|52 32,5|52 34 |52 26 good hope |june 10{| 35 | 65 | sg.| 1 |53 03 |52 37 |53 14 |52 27,5 | {| 35 | 65 | sg.| 2 |52 39 |52 40 |52 38 |52 25 | | | | | | | | | st. helena |july 11{| 17 | 70 | sg.| 1 |18 01 |17 18,5|18 43,5|18 10,5 | {| 17 | 70 | sg.| 2 |18 06,5|17 48,5|17 55 |18 05,5 | | | | | | | | | ascension |july 21{| 15 | 72 | sg.| 1 | 2 02,5| 2 01 | 1 22,5| 1 15,5 island | {| 15 | 72 | sg.| 2 | 1 25,5| 1 52 | 1 48,5| 1 26 | | | | | | | | | bahia |aug. 4 {| 6 | 74 | sg.| 1 | 5 34,5| 5 29 | 6 28 | 6 10,5 | {| 6 | 74 | sg.| 2 | 6 01 | 5 48,5| 5 35 | 6 01,6 | | | | | | | | | {501} pernambuco |aug. 13{| 5 | 76 | f. | 1 |13 37 |13 24 |13 05 |12 52 | {| 5 | 76 | f. | 2 |13 10 |13 15 |13 15 |13 05 | | | | | | | | | {|sept. 1{| 18 | 80 | sg.| 1 |46 19,5|45 22,5|45 52 |45 01 {| {| 18 | 80 | sg.| 2 |45 42,5|45 40,5|45 47 |45 36,5 port praya{|sept.2{ | 25 | 81 | sg.| 1 |46 49,5|45 53,5|46 07,5|45 16,5 {| { | 25 | 81 | sg.| 2 |46 04 |45 52,5|45 54,5|46 02,5 {|sept. 3{| 50 | 80 | sg.| 1 |45 15 |45 22 |45 48 |45 08,5 {| {| 50 | 80 | sg.| 2 |45 42,5|45 33 |47 47,5|45 37 | | | | | | | | | terceira |sept.21{| 4 | 72 | sg.| 1 |68 39 |67 45 |68 24 |67 45,5 | {| 4 | 72 | sg.| 2 |67 58,5|67 59 |68 14 |68 02,5 | | | | | | | | | falmouth |oct. 4{| 100 | 58 | f. | 1 |69 29 |69 26 |69 16 |69 19 | {| 100 | 58 | f. | 2 |69 17 |69 06,5|69 27,5|69 15,5 | | | | | | | | | plymouth |oct. 12{| 50 | 54 | sg.| 1 |69 54 |68 59,5|69 46,5|68 40,5 | {| 50 | 54 | sg.| 2 |69 15,5|69 09 |69 33 |69 10 | | | | | | | | | plymouth |oct. 15{| 100 | 56 | sg.| 1 |69 57 |68 54 |69 16,5|68 43 | {| 100 | 56 | sg.| 2 |69 17 |69 02,5|69 29,5|69 11 -----------+--------+-----+-----+----+---+-------+-------+-------+------ {500} -----------+-------------------+----------------- | | | | | | | | | | place of station | dip deduced. | observation -----------+-------------------+----------------- | ° ' ° ' | new zealand|59 33 } 59 32 s.|paihia islet. |59 31 } | | | sydney |62 50,2 } 62 49,4s.|fort macquarie. |62 48,5 } | | | hobart town|70 35,6 } 70 34,9s.|fort mulgrave. |70 34,2 } | | | king george|64 42,2 } 64 41,3s.|landing place. sound |64 40,5 } | | | keeling |38 31,5 } 38 33,1s.|direction inlet. islands |38 34,7 } | | | mauritius |54 03,1 } 54 00,8s.|cooper island. |53 58,6 } | | | |52 35,6 } 52 34,4s.|simon town. cape of |52 33,2 } | good hope |52 35,4 } 52 35,5s.|observatory |52 35,5 } | (outside). | | st. helena |18 03,4 } 18 01,2s.|james town. |17 59,0 } | | | ascension | 1 40,4 } 1 39,2n.|barrack square. island | 1 38,0 } | | | bahia | 5 55,5 } 5 53,5n.|san antonio. | 5 51,5 } | | | {501} pernambuco |13 14,5 } 13 12,9n.|arsenal. |13 11,5 } | | | {|45 38,9 } | {|45 41,6 } |landing place. port praya{|46 01,7 } 45 46,5n.| {|45 58,6 } | {|45 38,4 } |quail island. {|45 40,0 } | | | terceira |68 08,4 } 68 06 n.|angra. |68 03,5 } | | | falmouth |69 22,5 } 69 19,5 |mr. fox's. |69 16,6 } | | | plymouth |69 20,1 } 69 18,5n.|mount wise. |69 16,9 } | | | plymouth |69 20,1 } 69 17,6n.|athenæum. |69 15 } | -----------+-------------------+-----------------observers:--f. capt. fitz-roy. s. lieut. sulivan. sg. mr. stebbing * * * * * {502} 2. _observations of intensity._ the method employed by captain fitz-roy to determine the variations of the magnetic force was that of noting the time of vibration of a magnetic cylinder suspended horizontally. the cylinder was one which had been given by m. hansteen, in 1826, to captain phillip parker king, r.n., and had been used by him during the survey of the coast of south america, which he conducted from 1826 to 1830. the apparatus in which it was vibrated, both in captain king's and captain fitz-roy's voyages, was the well-known one of m. hansteen. by observations made with this cylinder on the 22d march 1826, and again on the 24th january 1830, in the garden of the royal observatory at greenwich, it appeared that its time of performing 300 vibrations had increased from 734,45 seconds in 1826, to 775,80 seconds in 1831; or 41,35 seconds in 1,770 days. a change of such magnitude in the magnetic intensity of the instrument employed to measure the variations of the terrestrial intensity, and which ought itself, therefore, to be invariable, would, in the generality of cases, have prevented any satisfactory conclusion whatsoever being drawn from the observations. fortunately from the nature of the duties in which captain king was engaged, he had occasion to return frequently to the same anchorages, and by his extreme care to repeat observations on every such return, he has provided a means of computing the decrease of the intensity of the cylinder, proportioned to intervals of time, between 1826 and 1831; and of thus introducing compensations for it, which render the results on the whole nearly as satisfactory as if the cylinder had preserved an uniform magnetic condition throughout. the voyage which captain fitz-roy had to perform promised to furnish few, if any, such opportunities of examining the state of the magnetism of the cylinder, between the departure from and the return to england; and,--as it cannot but be extremely discouraging to officers to make observations which they have reason to apprehend may prove unavailing from defect in the instrument employed,--it must be regarded as exceedingly creditable to captain fitz-roy and his officers, that, with the knowledge of the {503} change which the cylinder had undergone in the preceding voyage, they persevered in diligently observing, and carefully recording, its time of vibration, at most of the principal ports which they visited in their voyage of five years' duration. nor was it until their return to the cape verd islands, in september 1836, that they could infer, from observations repeated at the same spot as in their outward passage in 1832, that the cylinder had not varied in any thing like the degree that it had done in the preceding voyage, and that the care and pains they had bestowed were therefore likely to be recompensed by success. this appears a fitting opportunity to remark, how much the establishment in england of a depository for magnetic needles is needed; whence officers, and persons desirous of making such observations, might be supplied with instruments, which had been kept a sufficient time to have attained their permanent magnetic state, and had been examined from time to time to prove that they had done so. the correction for temperature should be ascertained for each needle, and given with it; as well as the time of vibration (or whatever else constituted the measure of intensity,--as, for example, the angle of deflection in mr. lloyd's statical needles,)--observed at the spot which should be selected as most suitable for a point of general comparison; and the observations should be repeated at the same spot on the return of the needle. the want of such an establishment has long been greatly felt; and opportunities, where nothing was wanting but proper instruments, have been lost in consequence, where determinations of great value might have been obtained, in parts of the world of the highest magnetic interest, and where such opportunities are of rare occurrence. the corrections necessary to render the times of vibration at the different stations strictly comparable with each other, are as follows. 1st, for the rate of the chronometer. 2d, for the temperature of the needle. 3d, for the arc of vibration. 4th, for any change in the magnetic condition of the cylinder. in extensive voyages, the last-named correction, or that for the change in the cylinder itself, is the one which requires principal consideration. the corrections for temperature, and for the arc, on the first of which particularly much stress has sometimes been {504} laid, are important when extreme accuracy is sought; as for example, in comparing the force at stations which have served as the unities of different observers: their effect is, however, of little moment in observations which include great differences of the terrestrial intensity. but when the magnetic condition of the needle has varied, and interpolation becomes necessary, the instances are rare in which it can be done with entire satisfaction. the time of vibration of this cylinder at plymouth, with corrections applied for the chronometer's rate, the temperature, and the arc, was, in december 1831, 770,8 seconds, with a dip of 69° 27',6, and in october 1836, 777,3 seconds with a dip of 69° 17',5. the difference in its magnetic state, at the two periods, is shown by the squares of the times of vibration multiplied by the cosine of the dip observed at the respective periods. this makes known what the time of vibration of the same cylinder would have been, had it been free to move in the direction of the dipping-needle, instead of being suspended horizontally; and, consequently, if it had been acted upon by the total magnetic intensity, instead of by the horizontal component only. it is here assumed that the total terrestrial intensity is constant at the same place. this is doubtless not strictly true; but the amount of the change must be too small to require consideration in the period occupied by captain fitz-roy's observations. the horizontal component must, however, necessarily vary with the changes in the dip: and it is, therefore, from the time of vibration in the direction of the dipping-needle, and not from the time of horizontal vibration, that the change, or otherwise, in the magnetism of the needle is to be inferred. we find, then, the equivalent time of vibration of this cylinder in the direction of the dipping-needle to have been 456,4 seconds in december 1831, and 462,2 seconds in october 1836; showing a difference of 5,8 seconds in fifty-eight months. if we compare this amount with the far greater loss of intensity sustained by this cylinder in the preceding voyage, it seems a probable supposition that, at the commencement of captain fitz-roy's voyage, the cylinder had nearly attained its permanent magnetic state; and that its further loss of magnetism, occasioning an increase of 5,8 seconds in the time of vibration, took place in the early part of the voyage: supposing the loss to have been progressive, and not sudden, as from accidents, of which the observations give no indications. {505} consistently with this supposition, the loss has been distributed through the first half, or twenty-nine months, of this voyage, in the proportion of three-tenths of a second per month in the first ten months, commencing december 1st 1831; two-tenths per month in the next nine months; and one-tenth per month in the remaining nine months. in the last twenty-nine months of the voyage, the intensity of the cylinder is supposed to have been uniform, and the same which it was found to possess on the return to england in 1836. it is satisfactory that, with this compensation, the observations at port praya, in january 1832, and in september 1836, assign almost identically the same relative magnetic intensity to that station. the correction for temperature for this cylinder not having been previously examined, i received it from captain fitz-roy for that purpose, and made with it the following observations. the cylinder, in its own apparatus, was placed in a large earthen jar, glazed at the top, and standing in a larger earthen vessel, into which warm water could be poured at pleasure, and the cylinder was then vibrated alternately in heated air and in air of the natural temperature. these experiments were made at tortington, in sussex. {506} +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ | | | | thermom. | time | | |day. | hour. |(reaumur.)|of vibration| +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ | | |h. m. | ° | s | | {|june 12|11 50 a.m.| 12,00 | 774,91 | | {| - | 0 12 p.m.| 12,00 | 775,37 | | {| - | 0 34 p.m.| 12,00 | 775,71 | | {| - | 1 58 p.m.| 31,65 | 777,31 | | exp. 1 {| - | 2 21 p.m.| 32,20 | 777,09 | | {| - | 2 42 p.m.| 31,30 | 776,86 | | {| - | 4 00 p.m.| 15,45 | 774,00 | | {| - | 4 22 p.m.| 15,80 | 774,25 | | {| - | 4 44 p.m.| 15,70 | 774,23 | | | | | | | | {|june 13|10 49 a.m.| 14,90 | 773,77 | | {| - |11 16 a.m.| 15,10 | 773,37 | | exp. 2 {| - | 0 20 p.m.| 34,80 | 775,94 | | {| - | 0 42 p.m.| 36,55 | 775,89 | | {| - | 1 30 p.m.| 17,70 | 774,06 | | {| - | 1 52 p.m.| 15,90 | 774,11 | +---------+-------+----------+----------+------------+ +---------+------------------------------------------------------+ | | | | | | +---------+------------------------------------------------------+ | | | | {|} h. m. ° s | | {|} mean, 0 12 p.m. 12,0 775,33 natural temperature. | | {|} | | {|} | | exp. 1 {|} mean, 2 20 p.m. 31,72 777,09 heated air. | | {|} | | {|} | | {|} mean, 4 22 p.m. 15,65 774,16 natural temperature. | | {|} | | | | | {|} mean, 11 02 a.m. 15,0 773,57 natural temperature. | | {|} | | exp. 2 {|} mean, 0 31 p.m. 35,7 775,92 heated air. | | {|} | | {|} mean, 1 41 p.m. 16,8 774,08 natural temperature. | | {|} | +---------+--------------------------------------------------------+ in the first experiment, t=777,09; t' 774.74; t=103°,4 faht.; and t'=63°,1 faht. in the second experiment, t=775,92; t' 773,83; t=112°,3 faht.; and t'=67°,8 faht. the first experiment gives (t-t')/t(t-t') = 2.35/(777,09×40,3)=.000075. the second experiment gives (t-t')/t(t-t') = 2,09/(775,92×44,5)=.000061. {507} whence the formula t'=t [1 × 0.000068 (60°-t)], in which t is the time of vibration at any station, t, the temperature of the cylinder in degrees of fahrenheit, and t' is the equivalent time at a standard temperature of 60°. the thermometer was noted at the beginning and ending of every set of vibrations, and was always placed in the box with the cylinder. * * * * * at all captain fitz-roy's stations the apparatus was placed for observation on a stand, which raised it from two to three feet above the ground, thereby rendering the cylinder somewhat less liable to be disturbed by local influences: it was not furnished with a means of examining the strict horizontality of the cylinder, that improvement having been introduced into m. hansteen's apparatus at a later period. on this point captain fitz-roy remarks: "a small leaden tripod was used as a stand, whose upper surface was adjusted by a small spirit-level--or roughly by the trough of an artificial horizon, filled with mercury. upon the leaden stand the box containing the needle was adjusted by its foot-screws, so that the suspending fibre of silk hung centrally in the wooden tube, the needle's centre being over that of the graduated circle, and the needle itself near, but not touching, the bottom of the box. the needle was not always strictly parallel to the bottom of the box, nor strictly horizontal, because i would not move the brass stirrup in which it was suspended, but its deviation from strict horizontality _never_ exceeded two degrees, and was seldom nearly so much." the time of completing every tenth vibration was recorded. the time of performing 300 vibrations is deduced from a mean generally of seven partial results: _i.e._ from the 0th to the 300th; 10th to the 310th; and so on, to the 60th and 360th vibrations; the commencing vibration being always at an arc of 20°. in a very few instances the number of vibrations observed, after the commencing arc of 20°, was less than 360; in such cases the first vibration after the arc had become 20° has still been taken as the commencing one, though previous ones may have been recorded; it being kept strictly in view, to obtain the relative time of vibration in arcs as nearly the same as possible, and not exceeding 20° as the initial. the arc was reduced to 10° generally about the 100th vibration; and one thousandth of the time of vibration has been taken throughout the series as the correction to infinitely small arcs. {508} the object of noting the time of every tenth vibration is to check errors in the counting, which will sometimes occur in the course of the 360, particularly with the very short and quick-moving needles of m. hansteen's very portable apparatus, and at stations of low dip, where the horizontal force is greatest, and the needle consequently moves most quickly. several such mistakes evidently occurred. when the time of completing every supposed tenth vibration is observed with tolerable exactness, and the duration of each pair of vibrations decidedly exceeds any irregularity of probable occurrence, apart from miscounting the number of vibrations, such mistakes can be discovered with ease, and rectified with certainty. this has been done in every case where no doubt could exist of a mistake of the kind having occurred; such as when all the intervals are of nearly equal duration, with one or two exceptions, which differ as much as three or four seconds from the general body. there are two stations, however, callao and keeling islands, where the rectification is not so clear, or the true result so obvious. at callao there are three series of horizontal intensities, each of forty observed intervals, which should be of ten vibrations each. several of these intervals are between 17,5 and 18,5 seconds, and several others between 20,5 and 21,5 seconds. these can hardly represent an equal number of vibrations, because the difference between them is greater than can easily be supposed due to any uncertainty in seizing the particular beat of the chronometer at which the vibration was completed; it is, moreover, about the time that would be occupied by two vibrations more or less. the question then arises, do the longer intervals represent 12, and the shorter 10 vibrations, or do the longer represent 10, and the shorter 8? in the former supposition the intensity at callao would be about 1.01 (paris = 1.348): in the latter about 0.75. the difference shews how great an error would be risked by either assumption. if we take a mean of all the intervals as they stand, the amount of error risked would be certainly lessened; but we should assuredly not have the true time of three hundred vibrations, except on one supposition: namely, that the irregularities in question are not errors in estimating the number of vibrations, but that each interval really represented an equal number, and that some unusual and accidental cause occasioned the needle to differ so greatly in successive intervals. but this {509} supposition would imply a disturbing cause vitiating the series as a measure of the magnetic intensity at the station. i have not ventured, therefore, to draw any conclusion from these observations, farther than to notice, as above, the limits within which, in either of the two first suppositions, the intensity would fall. a nearly similar reasoning applies to the observations at keeling islands; of three series, one is decidedly so irregular, that no inference could be drawn from it; in the two other series the irregularities are neither so frequent, nor so large: my general impression (in the uncertainty created by the irregularity of the first series), is, that the majority of the intervals are of twelve vibrations, and not of ten: if of twelve, the intensity would be about 1,21; if of ten, about 0,85. the inconvenience of the rapid motion of the needle, occasioned, at one part of the voyage, the practice to be discontinued of observing every tenth vibration, and every twentieth was substituted. this no doubt relieved the perplexity in which the observer occasionally found himself, in having to observe, and record, and be prepared again to observe, at every twenty seconds or less, and so far the change enabled him to observe better. but still, the disadvantage remains, in so quick moving a needle, that if a mistake of two vibrations is made, the difference of time occasioned is not of so marked and decided a character as to be at all times at once distinguished. it is of much more importance that there should be no miscount of the vibrations, than that the times should be recorded correctly to the fraction of a second. it is only the earlier and later times that are finally influential; but every undetected error in the number of vibrations falls with its whole weight upon the result. the occasional discrepancies in the results of the same, or of different, observers, or on the same, or on different, days, which are seen in the subjoined table, are not, i believe, traceable to the source i have been discussing, nor apparently to any other than an actual difference in the time of the cylinder performing its vibration. a mean has been taken as the result at each station, except at st. helena, where the discrepancy on the 11th and 13th of july was so considerable, that it has been thought more satisfactory to collect the observations of each day into separate results. the subjoined table comprises the result of each observation, {510} and the general results deduced for each station. the column entitled "time" is that of 300 vibrations; and the "corrected time" is the mean of these, corrected for the rate of the chronometer and the arc, and reduced to an average temperature of 60°. the dips are those observed by captain fitz-roy; except at port famine, where, as captain fitz-roy did not observe, it has been supplied from captain king's observations; and at coquimbo, where, for the purpose of computing the intensity, it has been supplied by estimation from the other geographic positions on this coast, at which captain fitz-roy observed the dip. in the column showing the time of vibration as a dipping-needle at plymouth corresponding to the periods of observation at the several stations, the compensations have been introduced for the variation in the intensity of the cylinder, agreeably to what has been said above on that subject. the two final columns exhibit the values of the total magnetic intensity at the different stations derived from these observations. in the first of the two columns, the values are given relatively to the force at plymouth, considered as unity; and in the second column, relatively to the force at plymouth, expressed by 1.375; for the purpose of exhibiting captain fitz-roy's results in direct comparison with the determinations of continental observers, who have taken paris as their basis, giving the force at paris the arbitrary expression of 1.3482. i have taken the ratio of the force at plymouth to that at paris to be as 1.375 to 1.348, which i believe will prove a very near approximation; it is that which results from captain fitz-roy's observations at plymouth, in october 1836 (page 17), and mine, at tortington, in sussex, in june 1837 (page 10): the dip at tortington, at the period in question being 68° 57', and the intensity, compared with paris, through the medium of london, 1.368. {511} +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | 1831 | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | plymouth |dec. 1|770,79| -3,0 | 50 | kg. | 770,6 | | | 1832 | | | | | | | {|jan. 27|600,17| -6,4 | 83 | f. }| 600,1 | | port praya {| - 27|604,58| -6,4 | 76 | k. }| | | {| - 28|598,33| -6,4 | 75 | f. }| | | {| - 31|602,19| -6,4 | 85 | k. }| | | {|feb. 1|602,50| -6,4 | 85 | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | rio de janeiro |may 1|582,78| -4,3 | 82 | s. | 581,3 | | | | | | | | | | blanco bay {|sept.21|592,33| 0,0 | 68 | f. }| 591,9 | | {| - 21|593,34| 0,0 | 68 | f. }| | | | 1833 | | | | | | | {|mar. 12|603,22| +1,5 | 50 | f. }| | | falkland islands, {| - 14|604,56| +1,5 | 63 | f. }| 603,0 | | magellan cove {| - 15|603,12| +1,6 | 55 | f. }| | | {| - 15|603,40| +1,6 | 64 | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | monte video {|nov. 25|583,93| +7,1 | 90 | f. }| 581,9 | | {|- 25|583,61| +7,1 | 90 | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | port desire {|dec. 29|597,68| +3,9 | 62 | f. }| 597,1 | | {| - 29|597,98| +3,9 | 62 | f. }| | | | 1834 | | | | | | | |mar. 26|603,10| +5,0 | 60 | k. }| | | falkland islands {| - 26|598,72| +5,0 | 60 | k. }| 595,9 | | port louis {| - 26|596,36| +5,0 | 60 | k. }| | | {| - 26|590,29| +5,0 | 60 | k. }| | | {| - 26|594,20| +5,0 | 61 | k. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| 1. | 2. | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | plymouth |69 27,6 | 456,4 | 456,4 |1,000|1,375 | | | | | | | | | {|46 20,2 | 498,8 | 457,0 |0,839|1,154 | | port praya {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | rio de janeiro |13 37,8 | 573,1 | 457,9 |0,638|0,878 | | | | | | | | | blanco bay {|41 54 | 510,7 | 459,4 |0,810|1,113 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | falkland islands, {|53 30,4 | 465,0 | 460,6 |0,981|1,349 | | magellan cove {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | monte video {|34 51,2 | 527,1 | 461,8 |0,767|1,055 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port desire {|52 43,5 | 464,7 | 461,9 |0,988|1,359 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | falkland islands {|53 19,6 | 460,5 | 462,1 |1,007|1,385 | | port louis {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ {512} +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | 1831 | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | {|may 10|601,67| +8,0 | 53 | k. }| | | r. santa cruz {| - 10|601,72| +8,0 | 54 | st. }| 601,1 | | {| - 10|601,03| +8,0 | 50 | st. }| | | | | | | | | | | port famine {|june 4|613,25| +6,0 | 70 | s. }| 612,6 | | {| - 4|614,03| +6,0 | 70 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | chilóe {|dec. 10|586,31| +9,2 | 62 | k. }| 586,0 | | {| - 10|587,14| +9,2 | 62 | k. }| | | | 1835 | | | | | | | port low {|jan. 15|587,14| +8,8 | 56 | k. }| 588,7 | | {| - 15|591,16| +8,8 | 56 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | valdivia {|feb. 19|587,67| +8,0 | 60 | k. }| 588,7 | | {| - 19|591,01| +8,0 | 61 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|apr. 13|584,63| +10,5 | 65 | k. }| | | concepçion {| - 13|585,30| +8,6 | 65 | k. }| 583,1 | | {| - 14|584,94| +8,6 | 64 | k. }| | | {| - 14|581,03| +8,6 | 64 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | coquimbo {|june 4|566,81| +7,6 | 64 | k. }| 565,8 | | {| - 4|566,37| +7,6 | 64 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | galapagos islands,{|oct. 16|529,66| -0,4 | 88 | st. }| 527,9 | | charles island {| - 16|529,21| -0,4 | 88 | st. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|nov. 16|580,33| +6,0 | 91 | k. }| | | otaheite, {| - 16|580,66| +6,0 | 93 | k. }| 578,4 | | or tahiti} {| - 23|578,44| +6,0 | 85 | k. }| | | {| - 23|581,00| +6,0 | 85 | k. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| 1. | 2. | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | {| | | | | | | r. santa cruz {| 55 15,7| 454,0 | 462,2 |1,037|1,425 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port famine {| 59 52,6| 434,0 | 462,2 |1,136|1,560 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | chilóe {| 48 58,9| 474,7 | 462,2 |0,948|1,304 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | port low {| 51 20,1| 465,3 | 462,2 |0,964|1,260 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | valdivia {| 46 46,5| 487,2 | 462,2 |0,900|1,238 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | concepçion {| 43 15,4| 497,7 | 462,2 |0,863|1,186 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | coquimbo {| 34 20 | 514,2 | 462,2 |0,808|1,111 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | galapagos islands, {| 9 28,6| 524,2 | 462,2 |0,777|1,069 | | charles island {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | otaheite, {| 30 13,5| 537,6 | 462,2 |0,739|1,017 | | or tahiti} {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ {513} +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | 1835 | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | new zealand {|dec. 22|604,76| +7,8 | 80 | k. }| 603,6 | | {| - 22|605,37| +7,8 | 80 | k. }| | | | 1836 | | | | | | | {|jan. 14|620,63| -5,4 | 78 | s. }| | | sydney {| - 14|619,83| -5,4 | 82 | s. }| 617,9 | | {| - 22|618,14| -5,8 | 86 | k. }| | | {| - 22|619,21| -5,8 | 87 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | hobart town {|feb. 6|698,63| +2,3 | 65 | s. }| 697,4 | | {| - 6|698,13| +2,3 | 65 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | king george sound {|mar. 7|634,17| -5,6 | 72 | s. }| 634,1 | | {| - 10|636,71| +2,4 | 80 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|may 3|647,95| -9,2 | 87 | k. }| | | mauritius {| - 3|650,79| -9,2 | 94 | k. }| 647,7 | | {| - 3|650,37| -9,2 | 94 | k. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|june 1|691,13| -7,2 | 68 | s. }| | | cape of good hope {| - 1|691,42| -7,2 | 69 | s. }| 690,6 | | {| - 10|691,62| +0,4 | 61 | f. }| | | {| - 10|692,00| +0,4 | 63 | f. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|july 11|612,90| -8,0 | 78 | s. }| | | st. helena {| - 11|615,30| -8,0 | 79 | st. }| 613,2 | | {| - 11|615,40| -8,0 | 78 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {| - 13|604,69| -8,0 | 76 | s. }| | | st. helena {| - 13|605,23| -8,0 | 77 | s. }| 602,9 | | {| - 13|602,34| -8,0 | 72 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|july 21|581,58| -9,4 | 75 | s. }| | | ascension {| - 21|581,31| -9,4 | 75 | s. }| 580,2 | | {| - 21|581,09| -9,4 | 75 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|aug. 3|583,78| -9,4 | 75 | s. }| | | bahia {| - 3|583,26| -9,4 | 75 | s. }| 582,3 | | {| - 4|583,13| -9,4 | 79 | s. }| | | {| - 4|583,89| -9,4 | 79 | s. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| 1. | 2. | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | new zealand {| 59 32,0| 429,8 | 462,2 |1,157|1,591 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | sydney {| 62 49,4| 417,6 | 462,2 |1,225|1,685 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | hobart town {| 70 34,9| 402,1 | 462,2 |1,321|1,817 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | king george sound {| 64 41,3| 414,6 | 462,2 |1,243|1,709 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | mauritius {| 54 00,8| 496,5 | 462,2 |0,867|1,192 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | cape of good hope {| 52 35,0| 538,4 | 462,2 |0,737|1,014 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | st. helena {| 18 01,2| 598,0 | 462,2 |0,598|0,822 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | st. helena {| 18 01,2| 587,9 | 462,2 |0,618|0,850 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | ascension {| 1 39,2| 580,1 | 462,2 |0,635|0,873 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | bahia {| 5 53,5| 580,7 | 462,2 |0,633|0,871 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ {514} +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |chron.'s| | |corrected| | station. | date. | time.| rate. |therm.|observer.| time | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ | | | s. | s. | ° | | s. | | {|aug. 13|576,12| -9.2 | 80 | s. }| | | pernambuco {| - 13|576,00| -9.2 | 81 | s. }| 574.5 | | {| - 17|575,96| -9.2 | 85 | s. }| | | {| - 17|575,71| -9.2 | 87 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|sept. 1|603,13| -9.8 | 91 | s. }| | | port praya {| - 1|602,84| -9.8 | 92 | s. }| 603,4 | | {| - 1|607,63| -9.8 | 91 | s. }| | | {| - 1|607,49| -9.8 | 89 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | terceira {|sept.21|736,73| -9.2 | 77 | s. }| 735,3 | | {| - 21|737,01| -9.2 | 77 | s. }| | | | | | | | | | | {|oct. 15|778,10| +5.0 | 63 | ss. }| | | plymouth {| - 15|778,26| +5.0 | 64 | ss. }| 777,3 | | {| - 15|778,65| +5.0 | 64 | ss. }| | +--------------------+-------+------+--------+------+---------+---------+ +---------------------+--------+--------------------+------------+ | | | time of vibration | | | | |as a dipping-needle.| intensity | | | |---------+----------+-----+------+ | |observed|at each | at | | | | station. | dip |station. | plymouth.| 1. | 2. | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ | | ° ' | s. | s. | | | | {| | | | | | | pernambuco {| 13 12,9| 566,8 | 462,2 |0,665|0,914 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | port praya {| 45 46,5| 503,9 | 462,2 |0,841|1,157 | | {| | | | | | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | terceira {| 68 06 | 449,1 | 462,2 |1,059|1,457 | | {| | | | | | | | | | | | | | {| | | | | | | plymouth {| 69 17,5| 462,2 | 462,2 |1,000|1,375 | | {| | | | | | +---------------------+--------+---------+----------+-----+------+ observers:--f. captain fitz-roy. ss. mr. j.l. stokes. kg. capt. king. s. lieut. sulivan. st. mr. p.b. stewart. k. mr. p.g. king. * * * * * {515} 3. _captain king's observations of dip and intensity._ captain king, having hitherto made known his observations with the same cylinder in the years 1826 to 1830 only by communicating them to m. hansteen, from whom he received the apparatus, has now given permission to captain fitz-roy to publish them with his own. i have already noticed the great loss of magnetism which took place in this cylinder during captain king's voyage, and the care with which that officer availed himself of every opportunity of ascertaining, by direct observation, the proportion of the loss sustained in separate portions of the voyage. there are twelve stations of observation on the east and west coasts of south america, besides three stations in ports of the atlantic on the outward voyage. by the practice of repeating observations at the same station at distant intervals, the south american stations are so linked together and connected, that by adopting a method similar to that used in determining longitudes by means of chronometers, we may compute the intensity at all the south american stations referred to and dependent on the force at rio de janeiro; regarding rio in the same light as a first meridian is considered in determinations of longitude. we may then make rio the means of connecting the whole series with europe; for which it is remarkably well suited, the intensity there having been determined, independently of captain king, by four observers of different nations, whose results are extremely accordant. the dip observations of captain king were communicated, in occasional correspondence during the voyage, to m. hansteen, who computed them by mayer's formula, and arranged them in a table, of which a copy was given by captain king to captain fitz-roy, and is printed in the next page. at some of the stations captain fitz-roy also observed the dip in the subsequent voyage, and, as will be seen, the results of the two observers sometimes differ considerably. this may have been caused, either by instrumental or other error of observation, or by actual differences of dip existing in different localities at the same station. * * * * * {516} dips, _observed by_ capt. p. p. king, 1826 to 1831. +------------------+-------+---------------------+---------------------+ | | |marked end a n. pole.|marked end a s. pole.| | | |----------+----------+----------+----------+ | station. |needle.| a | a' | a" | a"' | +------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ | | | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | | rio de janeiro {| 1 | 15 58,5 | 13 02,4 | 15 05,7 | 13 18,0 | | {| 2 | 14 39,4 | 12 30,4 | 14 49,0 | 13 07,3 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 22 54,1 | 24 04,7 | 21 55,6 | 22 46,0 | | sta. catharina {| 2 | 23 22,8 | 20 32,3 | 23 34,2 | 21 00,7 | | {| 3 | 21 17,8 | 21 08,5 | 23 26,2 | 22 57,2 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 36 48,4 | 37 49,3 | 35 25,4 | 37 26,9 | | monte video {| 2 | 37 17,2 | 34 53,8 | 37 17,1 | 34 37,4 | | {| 3 | 36 36,1 | 35 10,3 | 37 12,4 | 36 13,2 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 64 41,7 | 52 42,6 | 65 51,2 | 54 54,0 | | port famine {| 2 | 60 41,9 | 59 32,2 | 60 32,1 | 59 33,6 | | {| 3 | 60 03,9 | 58 43,4 | 60 35,5 | 59 37,5 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 41 09,9 | 30 50,9 | 41 04,6 | 31 32,6 | | gorriti {| 2 | 36 29,2 | 33 26,4 | 35 17,1 | 34 02,7 | | {| 3 | 34 52,3 | 34 18,5 | 36 06,9 | 35 01,3 | | | | | | | | | sea bear bay | 1 | 58 26,5 | 47 53,8 | 60 34,8 | 47 53,4 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 65 24,7 | 54 23,8 | 65 47,7 | 54 43,6 | | st. martin cove {| 2 | 60 25,6 | 59 28,3 | 59 49,9 | 58 48,6 | | {| 3 | 59 48,9 | 58 40,7 | 60 43,4 | 59 53,3 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 54 23,9 | 45 38,3 | 56 19,2 | 45 11,1 | | chilóe {| 2 | 50 24,0 | 49 12,9 | 50 28,4 | 48 29,6 | | {| 3 | 49 43,9 | 48 48,3 | 51 24,5 | 50 02,2 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 43 04,5 | 33 59,9 | 44 38,8 | 34 54,6 | | valparaiso {| 2 | 40 48,2 | 40 49,7 | 40 53,7 | 41 09,7 | | {| 3 | 40 54,9 | 40 45,4 | 40 49,8 | 41 16,7 | | | | | | | | | {| 1 | 50 22,7 | 39 16,0 | 51 08,2 | 40 03,2 | | juan fernandez {| 2 | 44 19,3 | 45 57,6 | 43 45,8 | 46 13,7 | | {| 3 | 45 50,4 | 45 07,9 | 44 34,8 | 43 25,7 | | | | | | | | | talcahuano | - | - | - | - | - | +------------------+-------+----------+----------+----------+----------+ +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ | | | | | | | | | station. | dip deduced. | remarks. | +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ | | ° ' ° ' | | | rio de janeiro {| 14 16,2 } 14 00,1 s.| | | {| 13 44,1 } | | | | | | | {| 22 49,6 } | | | sta. catharina {| 22 03,6 } 22 12,4 s.| | | {| 21 44,0 } | | | | | | | {| 37 00,7 } | | | monte video {| 35 59,3 } 36 28,4 s.| | | {| 36 25,3 } | | | | | | | {| 59 44,9 } | | | port famine {| 60 04,5 } 59 52,6 s.| | | {| 59 48,5 } | | | | | | | {| 35 38,3 } | | | gorriti {| 34 43,8 } 35 05,9 s.| | | {| 34 55,6 } | | | | | | | sea bear bay | 53 13,5 53 13,5 s.| | | | | | | {| 59 46,4 } | | | st. martin cove {| 59 38,4 } 59 43,8 s.| | | {| 59 46,6 } | | | | | | | {| 49 59,4 } | | | chilóe {| 49 38,7 } 49 52,6 s.| | | {| 49 59,7 } | | | | | | | {| 38 40,1 } | | | valparaiso {| 40 55,4 } 40 10,7 s.| | | {| 40 56,7 } | | | | | | | {| 44 40,5 } | | | juan fernandez {| 45 04,6 } 53 13,5 s.| | | {| 44 44,7 } | | | | | | | talcahuano | - 45 10,0 s.|the particulars of this | | | |observation are wanting. | +------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+ {517} the following table contains captain king's observations of intensity, with the times of vibration corrected for the arc and reduced to a standard temperature of 60°. magnetic intensity, _observed by_ capt. p. p. king _between 1826 and 1831._ ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+---------------- | | | | corrected | station. | date. | time.|therm.| time. |particular place. ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+---------------- | | s. | ° | | greenwich {|1826 mar. 22|734,45| 55,0 | 733,97 }|observatory. {|1831 jan. 24|775,80| 41,6 | 776,01 }| | | | | | madeira |1826 may 31|628,68| 66,0 | 627,79 |consul's garden. | | | | | teneriffe | - june 12|607,96| 75,0 | 606,73 |fort st. pedro. | | | | | port praya {| - - 22|559,53| 81,5 |} 557,08 {|landing place, {| - - 24|557,58| 85,0 |} {|quail island. | | | | | {| - aug. 29|546,36| 77,0 | 545,16 }| {|1827 sept.12|552,06| 75,5 | }| rio de janeiro {| - - 15|552,95| 80,0 |} }|rat island. {| - - 15|553,73| 83,0 |} 551,70 }| {| - - 15|553,48| 85,0 |} }| {|1828 dec. 21|562,55| 84,0 | 561,05 }| | | | | | sta catharina |1827 nov. 3|554,42| 67,5 | 553,58 |anhatomirim. | | | | | {|1826 oct. 29|550,68| 63,0 |} 549,44 }| gorriti {| - nov. 6|549,63| 66,0 |} }|the well. {|1829 jan. 10|564,12| 80,0 | 562,78 }| | | | | | {|1827 dec. 18|555,12| 78,3 | 553,87 }|south point near monte video {|1828 oct. 8|562,00| 72,5 | 560,95 }|the sea. {|1830 june 1|565,41| 59,0 | 564,89 }| | | | | | port sta elena |1826 dec. 4|557,26| 68,0 | 556,42 |landing-place. | | | | | sea bear bay |1829 mar. 20|577,36| 70,0 | 576,37 |landing-place. | | | | | {|1827 jan. 15|584,88| 56,0 |} | st. martin cove{| - - 15|583,48| 58,0 |} 584,29 }|head of the {| - - 22|585,82| 55,0 |} }|cove. {| - mar. 27|585,82| 64,0 | 585,08 }| | | | | | {|1828 jan. 28|589,75| 55,0 | 589,36 }| {| - may 8|596,49| 43,8 | 596,54 }| port famine {| - june 18|595,86| 32,7 |} 595,81 }|observatory. {| - july 30|594,85| 36,2 |} }| {|1830 apr. 30|598,95| 45,0 | 598,97 }| | | | | | chilóe {|1829 sept. 1|565,40| 54,0 |} 565,23 |san carlos. {| - dec. 15|565,69| 53,0 |} | | | | | | juan fernandez |1830 feb. 19|552,77| 70,0 | 551,83 |landing-place. | | | | | talcahuano {|1829 dec. 18|556,42| 67,0 | 555,59 }|fort galvez. {|1830 may 12|557,18| 60,5 | 557,18 }| | | | | | {|1829 aug. 4|549,10| 59,0 | 548,59 }| valparaiso {|1830 jan. 11|551,77| 77,0 |} 551,60 }|almendral. {| - feb. 1|553,50| 68,5 |} }| ----------------+------------+------+------+-----------+----------------{518} at rio de janeiro, which was the first station observed at in south america, the cylinder was vibrated in august 1826, september 1827, and december 1828; in the intervals between these dates are comprised the greater part of the observations on the east side of south america. there is no direct observation at rio subsequently to december 1828; but we are enabled to supply the time of vibration, which would have been observed had the cylinder been employed at rio on june 1, 1830, in the following manner. we have seen that on the 15th september 1827 the time of vibration was observed at rio; on the 18th december following it was observed at monte video. these observations give the intensity at monte video relatively to that at rio, subject to whatever change of magnetism the cylinder may have undergone in the interval of three months. this comparison was repeated in the following year, on captain king's return from monte video to rio, the interval being nearly of the same duration, and the order of the experiment reversed, the passage being in this instance from monte video to rio, it having been before from rio to monte video. on the supposition of an uniform, or nearly uniform rate of change in the cylinder, the errors arising therefrom during the two passages would be of opposite kinds, and should compensate each other in a mean of the two comparisons. calling the force at rio unity, these comparisons give its value at monte video respectively as follows, namely, september and december 1827 ... 1.197 } october and december 1828 ... 1.207 } mean 1.202. on the 1st of june 1830, being then on his return from the west coast of south america, and on the eve of sailing for england, captain king again observed the time of vibration of the cylinder at monte video; whence, through the preceding comparison, we obtain the time of vibration at rio, which should belong to the same date. we have thus a fourth date at rio, which, added to those enumerated above, will include the whole of the south american stations; and we have only to distribute in each interval the loss of magnetism which the observations shew to have taken place from one date to the next, in the manner which may appear most suitable. there is no very obvious indication that the loss was other than gradual; and by considering it uniform in each separate {519} interval, the results are found extremely accordant at several other stations at which observations were repeated at distant intervals. in the first of the subjoined tables are given the times of vibration at rio at the four periods referred to; and the corresponding times as a dipping needle. in its three last columns are shewn,--the number of days comprised in each interval,--the increase in the time of vibration owing to the loss of magnetism,--and the resulting daily correction, on the supposition in each case of the loss having been uniform in the interval during which it occurred. the second table contains the corrected times of horizontal vibration at each of the south american stations, at the dates respectively inserted,--the corresponding times as a dipping needle,--the times of vibration as a dipping needle at rio de janeiro at the same dates, derived from the observations in the first table,--and the resulting intensity at each station relatively to unity at rio. thus far the results are derived from captain king's observations, unmixed with those of any other observer: but in order to bring captain king's series into connexion with the general body of results of other observers, the values of his intensities are expressed in the final column in terms of the scale in common use, in which the force at paris = 1,348, and at rio de janeiro 0,884; the latter being the mean of four independent determinations by the following observers, namely, 1817 and 1820 freycinet 0,890 } 1827 lütke 0,886 } 0,884 1830 erman 0,879 } 1836 fitz-roy 0,878 } port st. elena is not included in this table, as no dip was observed there, and the total intensity consequently cannot be computed. the three stations, madeira, teneriffe, and port praya, at which the cylinder was vibrated in the outward voyage, are also without dips observed by captain king. the deficiency at port praya has been supplied from captain fitz-roy's observations and my own, both having been made at the same place at which captain king's intensity was observed,--captain fitz-roy's at a later, and mine at an earlier date. at madeira also the dip has been supplied from my observations, which were made in the british consul's garden at funchal, where captain king's cylinder was vibrated. i have {520} deducted, from my determination of the dip, 12' for the probable change between 1822 and 1826. at teneriffe the dip has been frequently observed; but the values assigned by different observers vary so much as to indicate a more than usual frequency of local disturbance, which might also be expected from the geological character of that island. it would be unsafe therefore to employ any dip for that station but one which was certainly obtained at the same spot at which the horizontal intensity was observed. the dates of the observations at these three stations fall between the observations at greenwich in march 1826, and those at rio de janeiro in august of the same year. having the intensity at greenwich = 1,372 and at rio = 0,884, and the dip at greenwich 69° 52', and at rio 14° 00, we have the time of vibration of captain king's cylinder as a dipping needle at rio at the respective dates as follows, namely, march 1826 536,2. august 1826 537,0. it appears therefore that but a very slight change took place in the magnetism of the cylinder during the outward voyage, and we may take 536,6 as the time of vibration at rio, corresponding to the dates of the intermediate observations; and this is done in the table for madeira and port praya. {521} table i. ------------------+------------------------+---------+-----+-------- | time of vibration. | | | |-----------+------------+ | | rio de janeiro. |horizontal.|as a dipping|interval.|loss.|per diem. | | needle. | | | ------------------+-----------+------------+---------+-----+-------- | s. | s. | days. | s. | august 29, 1826 | 545,2 | 537,0 |} 382 | 6,5 | .017 september 15, 1827| 551,7 | 543,5 |} | | december 21, 1828 | 561,1 | 552,7 | 462 | 9,2 | .020 june 1, 1830 | 563,8 | 555,4 | 527 | 2,7 | .005 ------------------+-----------+------------+---------+-----+--------table ii. ---------------+-------------+------------------------+----------------- | | time of vibration. | intensity. | |------------------------+-----------+----- | | at the station.|at rio.| | | |--------+-------+-------+ | | | | as a | as a | | | | |dipping|dipping| |rio= station. | date. |horizon.|needle.|needle.| rio=1,000.|0,884. ---------------+-------------+--------+-------+-------+-----------+----- | | s. | s. | s. | | madeira |1826 may 31| 627,79 | 430,1 | 536,6 |1,556 |1,377 | | | | | | port praya {|1826 june 22|}557,08 | 465,4 | 536,6 |1,330 |1,177 {| and 24|} | | | | | | | | | | sta catharina |1827 nov. 3| 553,58 | 532,7 | 544,5 |1,045 |0,920 | | | | | | gorriti {|1826 oct. 29|}549,44 | 497,0 | 538,1 |1,172} | - {| and nov. 6|} | | | }1,175|1,041 - |1829 jan. 10| 562,78 | 509,0 | 552,8 |1,179} | | | | | | | monte video |1827 dec. 18| 553,87 | 496,7 | 545,4 |1,206} | - |1828 oct. 8| 560,95 | 503,0 | 551,3 |1,201}1,203|1,065 - |1830 june 1| 564,89 | 506,6 | 555,4 |1,202} | | | | | | | sea bear bay |1829 mar. 20| 576,37 | 446,0 | 553,1 |1,538 |1,361 | | | | | | st. martin {|1827 jan. 15|}584,29 | 414,9 | 539,4 |1,691} | cove {| and 22|} | | | }1,692|1,498 - | - mar. 27| 585,08 | 415,4 | 540,6 |1,694} | | | | | | | port famine |1828 jan. 28| 589,36 | 417,5 | 546,2 |1,712 | - | - may 8| 596,54 | 422,6 | 548,2 |1,683} | - {| - june 18|}595,81 | 422,1 | 549,3 |1,694}1,700|1,505 {| and july 30|} | | | } | - |1830 april 26| 598,97 | 424,3 | 555,1 |1,712} | | | | | | | chilóe {|1829 sept. 1|}565,23 | 453,7 | 554,2 |1,402 |1,321 {| and dec. 15|} | | | | juan fernandez |1830 feb. 19| 551,83 | 464,7 | 554,8 |1,425 |1,262 | | | | | | talcahuano |1829 dec. 18| 555,59 | 466,5 | 554,6 |1,413}1,412|1,250 - |1830 may 12| 557,18 | 467,4 | 555,3 |1,412} | | | | | | | valparaiso |1829 aug. 4| 548,59 | 479,5 | 553,9 |1,334}1,329|1,176 - {|1830 jan. 11|}551,60 | 482,1 | 554,6 |1,324} | {| and feb. 1|} | | | | ---------------+-------------+--------+-------+-------+-----------+-----{522} 4.--the following table exhibits the magnetic observations of captains king and fitz-roy collected in one view. ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+--------- | | | | |intensity, | | | | | paris= stations. |latitude.|longitude.|variation.| dip. | 1,348. ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+--------- | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | ° ' | madeira | 32 38 n.| 16 56 w. | - | | k. 1,377 | | | | | terceira | 38 39 n.| 27 13 w. | 24 18 w. | f. 68 06 n.| f. 1,457 | | | | | | | | |{ - | k. 1,177 port praya | 14 54 n.| 23 30 w. | 16 30 w. |{f. 46 20,2 n.| f. 1,154 | | | |{f. 45 46,5 n.| f. 1,157 | | | | | ascension | 7 56 s.| 14 24 w. | 13 30 w. | f. 1 39,2 n.| f. 0,873 | | | | | st. helena | 15 55 s.| 5 43 w. | 18 00 w. | f. 18 01,2 s.|{f. 0,822 | | | | |{f. 0,850 | | | | | falkland | 51 32 s.| 58 07 w. | 19 00 e. |{f. 53 30,4 s.| f. 1,349 islands | | | |{f. 53 19,6 s.| f. 1,385 | | | | | pernambuco | 8 04 s.| 34 51 w. | 5 54 w. | f. 13 12,9 n.| f. 0,914 | | | | | bahia | 12 59 s.| 38 30 w. | 4 18 w. |{f. 4 55,8 n.|}f. 0,871 | | | |{f. 5 53,5 n.|} | | | | | rio de janeiro | 22 55 s.| 43 09 w. | 2 00 e. |{k. 14 00,1 s.|}f. 0,878 | | | |{f. 13 37,4 s.|} | | | | | sta catharina | 27 26 s.| 48 33 w. | - | k. 22 12,4 s.| k. 0,920 | | | | | gorriti | 34 57 s.| 54 57 w. | - | k. 35 05,9 s.| k. 1,041 | | | | | monte video | 34 53 s.| 56 13 w. | 12 00 e. |{k. 36 28,4 s.| k. 1,065 | | | |{f. 34 51,2 s.| f. 1,055 | | | | | blanco bay | 38 57 s.| 61 59 w. | 15 00 e. | f. 41 54,0 s.| f. 1,113 | | | | | port desire | 47 45 s.| 65 55 w. | 20 12 e. | f. 52 43,5 s.| f. 1,359 | | | | | sea bear bay | 47 51 s.| 65 48 w. | - | k. 53 13,5 s.| k. 1,361 | | | | | r. santa cruz | 50 07 s.| 68 24 w. | 20 54 e. | f. 55 15,7 s.| f. 1,425 | | | | | st. martin cove| 55 51 s.| 67 34 w. | - | k. 59 43,8 s.| k. 1,498 | | | | | port famine | 53 38 s.| 70 58 w. | 23 00 e. | k. 59 52,6 s.|{k. 1,505 | | | | |{f. 1,560 | | | | | port san andres| 46 35 s.| 75 35 w. | 20 48 e. | f. 54 13,6 s.| - | | | | | port low | 43 48 s.| 74 02 w. | 19 48 e. | f. 51 20,1 s.| f. 1,326 | | | | | chilóe | 41 51 s.| 73 56 w. | 18 00 e. |{k. 49 52,6 s.| k. 1,321 | | | |{f. 48 58,9 s.| f. 1,304 | | | | | valdivia | 39 53 s.| 73 29 w. | 17 30 e. | f. 46 46,5 s.| f. 1,238 | | | | | concepçion | 36 42 s.| 73 10 w. | 16 48 e. |{k. 45 10,0 s.| k. 1,250 | | | |{f. 43 15,4 s.| f. 1,186 | | | | | valparaiso | 33 02 s.| 71 41 w. | 15 18 e. |{k. 40 10,7 s.|}k. 1,176 | | | |{f. 38 03,1 s.|} | | | | | coquimbo | 29 59 s.| 71 26 w. | 14 24 e. | - | f. 1,111 | | | | | callao | 12 04 s.| 74 14 w. | 10 00 e. | f. 7 02,8 s.| | | | | | galapagos | 0 50 s.| 89 37 w. | 9 30 e. | f. 8 41,2 n.| islands | | | | | | | | | | ditto | 0 15 s.| 90 31 w. | 9 30 e. | f. 9 28,6 n.| f. 1,069 | | | | | juan fernandez | 33 38 s.| 78 53 w. | | k. 44 49,8 s.| k. 1,262 | | | | | otaheite | 17 29 s.|149 30 w. | 7 54 e. | f. 30 13,5 s.| f. 1,017 | | | | | cape of good | 34 11 s.| 18 26 e. | 28 30 w. | f. 52 35,0 s.| f. 1,014 hope | | | | | | | | | | mauritius | 20 09 s.| 57 31 e. | 11 18 w. | f. 54 00,8 s.| f. 1,192 | | | | | keeling islands| 12 05 s.| 96 55 e. | 1 12 w. | f. 38 33,1 s.| | | | | | new zealand | 35 16 s.|174 00 e. | 14 00 e. | f. 59 32,0 s.| f. 1,591 | | | | | king george | 35 02 s.|117 56 e. | 5 36 w. | f. 64 41,3 s.| f. 1,709 sound | | | | | | | | | | hobart town | 42 53 s.|147 24 e. | 11 06 e. | f. 70 34,9 s.| f. 1,817 | | | | | sydney | 33 51 s.|151 17 e. | 10 24 e. | f. 62 49,4 s.| f. 1,685 ---------------+---------+----------+----------+--------------+---------{523} general remarks. 1. _variation._ captain fitz-roy's observations are so well distributed over the southern hemisphere, that a good view of the changes which the variation is undergoing throughout its meridians may be obtained by comparing his determinations with those of earlier observers at the same stations. the following table has been formed for the purpose of exhibiting such a comparison at all those stations where materials for it exist; and i may here remark how much such comparisons are facilitated by the valuable collection of early observations contained in the appendix to the magnetismus der erde. cape of good hope. | valparaiso. observer. | date.| variation.| observer. | date.| variation. | | ° ' | | | ° ' davis | 1605 | 0. 30 e. | don g. juan | 1744 | 12. 30 e. keeling | 1609 | 0. 12 w. | vancouver | 1793 | 14. 49 e. leydecker | 1675 | 8. 28 w. | lütke | 1827 | 15. 00 e. mathews | 1724 | 16. 22 w. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 15. 18 e. la caille | 1752 | 19. 0 w. | wales | 1772 | 20. 26 w. | callao. wales | 1775 | 21. 14 w. | ulloa | 1740 | 9. 02 e. bligh | 1788 | 23. 16 w. | duperrey | 1823 | 9. 30 e. dentrecasteaux | 1792 | 24. 30 w. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 10. 36 e. freycinet | 1818 | 26. 31 w. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 28. 30 w. | galapagos islands. | vancouver | 1794 | 8. 00 e. st. helena | b. hall | 1821 | 8. 20 e. davis | 1610 | 7. 13 e. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 9. 30 e. halley | 1677 | 0. 40 e. | halley | 1691 | 1. 0 w. | otaheite. mathews | 1724 | 7. 30 w. | cook | 1769 | 4. 45 e. wales | 1775 | 12. 18 w. | wales | 1773 | 5. 40 e. hunter | 1789 | 15. 30 w. | bayley | 1774 | 5. 49 e. macdonald | 1796 | 15. 48 w. | vancouver | 1794 | 6. 12 e. krusenstern | 1806 | 17. 18 w. | duperrey | 1823 | 6. 40 e. fitz-roy | 1836 | 18. 00 w. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 7. 34 e. | rio de janeiro. | bay of islands, n. zealand. cook | 1768 | 7. 34 e. | tasman | 1643 | 8. 40 e. hunter | 1787 | 6. 12 e. | cook | 1769 | 11. 25 e. freycinet | 1820 | 2. 54 e. | duperrey | 1824 | 13. 22 e. rumker | 1821 | 3. 21 e. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 14. 00 e. erman | 1830 | 2. 10 e. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 2. 00 e. | sydney. | cook | 1770 | 8. 00 e. falklands islands. | hunter | 1787 | 8. 30 e. freycinet | 1820 | 19. 26 e. | flinders | 1803 | 8. 51 e. duperrey | 1822 | 19. 07 e. | freycinet | 1819 | 9. 15 e. fitz-roy | 1833 | 19. 00 e. | duperrey | 1824 | 8. 56 e. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 10. 24 e. port famine | wallis | 1766 | 22. 30 e. | van diemen's land. carteret | 1766 | 22. 22 e. | tasman | 1642 | 3. 00 e. fitz-roy | 1831 | 23. 00 e. | bayley | 1777 | 7. 29 e. | bligh | 1778 | 8. 33 e. concepçion. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 11. 06 e. la perouse | 1786 | 15. 15 e. | b. hall | 1821 | 15. 30 e. | mauritius. duperrey | 1823 | 16. 16 e. | keeling | 1609 | 21. 0 w. fitz-roy | 1835 | 16. 48 e. | mathews | 1722 | 19. 4 w. | freycinet | 1818 | 12. 46 w. | duperrey | 1824 | 13. 46 w. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 11. 18 w. {524} we may derive from the facts in the above table the following general and easily remembered conclusion in regard to the changes of the variation in the southern hemisphere; namely, that taking for our point of departure the meridian of 65° west in south america, we find that at all the stations east of that meridian to the cape of good hope inclusive, the north pole of the needle has moved towards the west; and that all the stations west of the same meridian to mauritius inclusive, the north pole of the needle has moved towards the east. an almost equally simple generalization may be drawn in respect to the changes of situation of the lines of equal variation in the southern hemisphere: but here it must be supposed either that the reader is thoroughly familiar with the general arrangement of these lines, or that he has a map of them before him. he will find such a map of the variation lines in 1787 in the fifth report of the british association; but any other map, corresponding to any epoch within the last hundred years, will equally serve the purpose. referring to such a map, it will be seen that the lines of variation in the south pacific, form a system of nearly concentric curves, of an oval, or pear-shaped form, the outside curves having a higher variation, which progressively diminishes to the centre. we may regard this system as comprehending the whole of the geographical space between the coast of south america and the meridian of new zealand. throughout this space the variation is easterly, and increases: we may consequently characterize the change in the situation of the lines of equal variation as a progressive closing-in {525} of the curves from all sides towards the centre, by which the areas severally comprehended by them become less; and the lower variations, as they successively reach the centre, disappear, and are replaced by the closing-in of those of next higher amount. the changes which have taken place at all captain fitz-roy's stations comprised within the space referred to, are accordant with the systematic alteration thus described. in all other parts of the hemisphere the lines of variation have a progressive westerly movement, and to this also captain fitz-roy's observations correspond. it follows, from what has been stated, that the lines on the western side of the concentric system in the south pacific have an eastward movement, which presents an apparent anomaly to the general progress of the lines of variation in the southern hemisphere, which is from east to west. otaheite, and the bay of islands in new zealand, present examples of changes in the variation corresponding to this apparent anomaly. the consistency, however, both of the movement and of the configuration of the lines of variation in this quarter, with those in other parts of the southern hemisphere, and with the general system of the magnetic phenomena, has been shewn by mr. hansteen in the magnetismus der erde, and in the annalen der physik, vol. xxi. the annual amount of the change of the variation appears considerably greater at the cape of good hope and mauritius than at any other of captain fitz-roy's stations, amounting to about eight minutes; shewing that the variation lines in that quarter are changing their position more rapidly than elsewhere. the north pole of the needle is moving to the west at the cape, and to the east at mauritius; but it will be seen, by a reference to the map, that these opposite movements are in perfect correspondence with the uniform westerly progression of the variation lines, and result from their configuration. at the stations in the vicinity of the meridian of 65° west, the change appears to be very small. [the variation at ascension (13° 30' w.) is correctly inserted in the tables: it is the only one of captain fitz-roy's stations at which his observations are not accordant with those of other observers: the discordance may be occasioned by the great prevalence of local disturbances at ascension.] {526} ii. _dip._ the following table exhibits the comparison of captain fitz-roy's observations of the dip in the southern hemisphere, with those of earlier observers, at stations where the materials for such a comparison exist. ascension. | | observer. | date.| variation.| observer. | date.| variation. | | ° ´ | | | ° ´ la caille | 1754 | 11. 10 n. | lütke | 1827 | 45. 33 s. cook | 1775 | 8. 57 n. | king | 1829 | 45. 10 s. sabine | 1822 | 4. 30 n. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 43. 15 s. duperrey | 1825 | 1. 58 n. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 1. 39 n. | king george sound. | vancouver | 1791 | 64. 54 s. st. helena. | flinders | 1801 | 64. 01 s. la caille | 1754 | 9. 0 s. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 64. 41 s. cook | 1775 | 11. 25 s. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 18. 01 s. | van diemen's land. | cook | 1777 | 70. 15 s. cape of good hope. | bertrand | 1792 | 70. 50 s. la caille | 1751 | 43. 0 s. | dentrecasteaux | 1792 | 70. 30 s. bayley | 1772 | 45. 37 s. | de rossel | 1793 | 70. 10 s. bayley | 1775 | 45. 19 s. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 70. 35 s. abercrombie | 1775 | 46. 26 s. | bayley | 1776 | 46. 31 s. | sydney. freycinet | 1818 | 50. 47 s | flinders | 1803 | 62. 52 s. fitz-roy | 1836 | 52. 35 s. | freycinet | 1819 | 62. 47 s. | brisbane | 1821 | 62. 36 s. mauritius (port louis) | duperrey | 1824 | 62. 20 s. la caille | 1754 | 52. 17 s. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 62. 49 s. duperrey | 1824 | 53. 51 s. | fitz-roy | 1836 | 54. 01 s. | n. zealand (bay of islands). | duperrey | 1824 | 59. 45 s. otaheite. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 59. 32 s. cook | 1773 | 29. 43 s. | cook | 1774 | 29. 59 s. | tierra del fuego. bayley | 1777 | 29. 47 s. | bayley } | | duperrey | 1823 | 30. 03 s. | lat. 55°.22'; } | 1774 | 66. 54 s. erman | 1830 | 30. 29.5 s| long. 70. 03. } | | fitz-roy | 1835 | 30. 13.5 s| king } | | | lat. 55°.51'; } | 1828 | 59. 44 s. lima and callao. | long. 67. 34. } | | feuillée | 1710 | 10. 30 s. | humboldt | 1799 | 9. 59 s. | falkland islands. duperrey | 1823 | 8. 33 s. | freycinet | 1820 | 55. 20 s. fitz-roy | 1835 | 7. 03 s. | duperrey | 1822 | 54. 49 s. | fitz-roy |1833-4| 53. 25 s. valparaiso. | malaspina | 1793 | 44. 58 s. | sta catharina. vancouver | 1795 | 44. 15 s. | duperrey | 1822 | 22. 54 s. lütke | 1827 | 39. 56 s. | king | 1827 | 22. 12 s. king | 1829 | 40. 11 s. | fitz-roy | 1835 | 38. 03 s. | rio de janeiro. | la caille | 1751 | 20. 0 s. concepçion. | freycinet | 1817 | 14. 42 s. feuillée | 1710 | 55. 30 s. | king | 1826 | 14. 00 s. perouse | 1786 | 50. 00 s. | lütke | 1827 | 14. 35 s. duperrey | 1823 | 44. 55 s. | erman | 1830 | 13. 31 s. | fitz-roy | 1832 | 13. 37 s. we may classify the changes which are taking place in the dip in the southern hemisphere in four divisions, characterised by an {527} alternate increase and decrease of dip. commencing with the meridian of greenwich, and proceeding eastwardly round the hemisphere, we may distinguish the divisions as follows, in the order of their geographical succession. _1st. south dip increasing._ annually. st. helena 1754 to 1775 6,9' do. 1775 to 1836 6,5 cape of good hope 1751 to 1775 7,2 do. 1775 to 1836 6,6 mauritius 1754 to 1824 1,3 do. 1824 to 1836 0,8 to this division also belongs ascension; but as the north end of the needle dips at that island, the change is _north dip diminishing,_ instead of _south dip increasing._ ascension 1754 to 1775 6,3 annually. do. 1775 to 1836 7,2 -_2d. south dip decreasing._ new zealand 1824 to 1835 1,2 annually.[211] _3d. south dip increasing._ otaheite 1775 to 1836 0,5 annually. _4th. south dip decreasing._ annually. lima and callao 1710 to 1799 0,4' do 1799 to 1835 4,9 valparaiso 1794 to 1835 10,0 concepçion 1710 to 1786 3,7 do. 1786 to 1835 8,3 tierra del fuego 1774 to 1828 8,0 falkland islands 1820 to 1834 8,2 st^a catharina 1822 to 1827 8,4 rio de janeiro 1751 to 1817 4,8 do. 1817 to 1832 4,3 in the 2d and 3d divisions the annual change is small; in the 1st and 4th considerably greater. it is greatest at the southern station in south america; the observations at valparaiso, concepçion, tierra del fuego, and the falkland islands, concur in shewing it to exceed 8'. the observations at ascension, st. helena, and the cape of good hope, concur in shewing an annual change in that quarter of the 1st division exceeding 6'. as the south dip decreases in south america, and increases in africa, it is obvious that somewhere intermediately the dip must be stationary. between africa and new zealand, for the same reason, there must be a second locality so characterised. between new zealand and otaheite, a third; and between otaheite and the west coast of south america, a fourth. captain fitz-roy has {528} stations in the second of these localities only, between africa and new zealand. at hobart town, sydney, and king george sound, there appears to have been little or no change in the dip since the commencement of the present century. the arrangement of the changes of dip in the southern hemisphere in four divisions, characterised by an alternate increase and decrease of dip, is in correspondence with the _double flexure_ of the lines of dip; and is a consequence of the western motion of the two southern magnetic poles. careful observations made at st. petersburgh, have shewn that the annual change of the dip in the northern hemisphere takes place altogether between the months of may and december; there being in fact a small movement in an opposite direction between december and may. this fact is of great interest in its bearing on the study of the causes of the magnetic phenomena. we have as yet no corresponding knowledge in regard to the southern hemisphere. the magnitude of the annual change which captain fitz-roy's observations show is now taking place at the cape of good hope, is deserving of attention in this respect. a large amount of annual change is obviously highly favourable for a determination of all the circumstances belonging to it; and its existence at the cape, where there is already a fixed observatory, points to that station as most eligible for this investigation. the observations at ascension shew that the epoch is fast approaching when the needle will pass from north to south dip at that island: it is extremely desirable that the period at which this change takes place should be determined with as much precision as possible. iii. _intensity._ i have discussed in the seventh report of the british association, the very important inferences in regard to the general distribution of magnetism in the southern hemisphere, afforded by captains king and fitz-roy's most valuable series of intensity observations; but no inferences in regard to the _changes_ which this phenomenon may be supposed to undergo can be drawn, as has been done in the cases of the variation and dip, because we possess no observations of the intensity made at a sufficiently early period to afford good materials for such a comparison. edward sabine. * * * * * {529} catalogue of the more interesting specimens of natural history that were collected during the voyage. -----mammalia. 1. mustela zorilla. desm:[212] the skunk. this animal was found abundantly on the coast of patagonia, between monte video and cape gregory, at the eastern entrance of the strait of magalhaens. it appeared to be the same species throughout the whole extent of the coast.--mus. zool. soc. 2. mustela lutris.--lin. _lutra marina_, steller. erxleb. harlan; _enhydra marina_, fleming. the sea otter exists, but not very plentifully, on the coast of tierra del fuego; we saw very few. the fuegian indians hunt them with dogs which are trained for the purpose.--museum zool. soc. 3. canis. the dogs belonging to the fuegian indians are certainly of the domesticated kind, originally obtained, probably, from the spanish settlements at buenos ayres; generally they resemble the esquimaux breed, but are much more diminutive in size. 4. canis vulpes. two if not three distinct species of the fox were brought home; one, of a small size, was thought to be a novelty; the other, perhaps, was only remarkable for its large size. mr. vigors thought the small one was quite new; the last is perhaps _c. cinereo argenteus_.--museum of zool. soc. 5. felis puma. several were seen: a skeleton was found on the shores of the strait, supposed to be one of the above species. {530} 6. felis pajeros.--desm. e. m. p. 231. chat pampa, d'azara, 1. 179. a variety of this species was given to me, by the patagonian indians, that had been recently killed; the skin was preserved, and is now in the museum of the zoological society. the following is the description of my specimen:-the prevailing colour is a yellowish grey, deeper above, and gradually blending into the colour of the belly, chin, neck, inner part of the legs, the region of the anus, and below the root of the tail, which are white; the under part of the neck and belly also are spotted with black, disposed in transverse bands; the fore arms have three similar transverse bands, and the thighs four encircling the legs; ears white inside and tipped black; eyes dark blue, eyelids whitish, corner of the eyes black, particularly at the anterior or inner angle; claws whitish, and paws black; whiskers white, and some long white hairs over the eyes; the canine teeth are very acute, and have the longitudinal grooves or angles deeply marked. inches. length of the body from the extremity of the nose to the root of the tail 29 length of tail 11¾ ditto head 6 breadth of head between the ears 2-7/8 height at the shoulder 12 7. otaria jubata.--desm. e. m. no. 380. the sea lion of anson and other voyagers; numerous in the eastern entrance of the strait, and particularly at port san julian and the neighbourhood of port desire. 8. otaria flavescens.--desm: e. m. 250. a young male was found on the beach, near port famine, that had been recently wounded by the indians, and had crawled on shore to die. 9. ctenomys magellanicus. n. s.--bennet. this little animal possesses fur as soft as the chinchilla. it abounds in the neighbourhood of cape gregory, at the eastern entrance of the strait of magalhaens, and burrows under the {531} ground, which is so much undermined by them that it gives way at almost every step. it is a timid little fellow, feeds upon grass, and is eaten by the patagonian indians.--see bennet in the proceedings of the zool. soc. dec. 22, 1835. a specimen is preserved in the museum. 10. kerodon kingii. n. s. see bennet ut supra, in museum of zool. soc. 11. cavia cutleri, n. s. nob.--see bennet ut supra. this specimen is in the collection of the society. it was known in the voyage by the name of the peruvian cavy: it was presented to one of the officers of the beagle by an american sailing master, mr. cutler, of stonington, u.s., a very intelligent person, to whom we are much indebted for information. the name which i have proposed for it is in recollection of the benefit we derived from his experience and knowledge of the intricate navigation of the south-western coast of patagonia, which was freely imparted to us on several occasions.--see bennet in proceedings of zool. soc. ut supra. 12. dasyprocta patachonica.--desm. e. m. 358. i regret very much that the only specimen obtained was not preserved. desmaret seems to suspect that it differs sufficiently in its dentition from the agouti to constitute a new genus, for which he has proposed the name _dolichotis_.--see e. m. 359. 13. dasypus minutus.--desm. procured at port sta elena, and corresponds exactly with the description of the above species. it is the tatou pichiy, or tatou septième of d'azara. 14. auchenia glama.--desm. e. m. 655. a living female guanaco was brought home in the adventure, and placed in the garden of the zoological society. the guanaco inhabits patagonia from buenos ayres to the strait of magalhaens: we also found it on king charles foreland, the eastern island of tierra del fuego, and on navarin island, at the north side of nassau bay, in the vicinity of cape horn. * * * * * {532} birds. 1. sarcoramphus gryphus.--duméril. the condor. _vultur gryphus._--lin. 2. cathartes iota.--chilian eagle. 3. polyborus vulgaris.--_falco brasiliensis._ latham. caraçara eagle. strait of magalhaens. 4. milvago ochrocephala.--spix. young birds. strait of magalhaens. 5. haliætus erythronotus.--nob. in zool. journal, iii. 424. _hal. capite alisque fusco-griseis; dorso scapularibusque rufis, corpore caudâque subtus albis, fasciis fuscis gracilibus leviter notatis, hâc fasciâ latâ prope apicem nigrâ._ the total length of the bird from the _apex_ of the bill to the extremity of the tail is 2 feet; of the bill from the _rictus_ to the _apex_ 2 inches; from the cere 1 inch; of the wing, from the end of the carpal joint to the end of the third quill feather, 18 inches; of the tail 10½ inches; of the _tarsus_ three inches. strait of magalhaens. 6. falco sparverius.--latham. strait of magalhaens. 7. falco peregrinus? strait of magalhaens. 8. polyborus brasiliensis. polyborus novæ zealandiæ. falco novæ zealandiæ of latham. 9. circus histrionicus.--nob. in zool. journal, iii. 425. _falco histrionicus_, quoy and gaimard. _circo cineraceus uropygio corporeque subtus albis: hoc fasciis frequentibus rufis notato._ the length from the _apex_ of the bill to that of the tail is 18 {533} inches; bill 1 inch; wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the third quill feather, 13½ inches; tail 9 inches; _tarsus_ 2½ inches. strait of magalhaens. 10. strix rufipes.--nob. in zool. journ., iii. 426. _str. saturate brunnea, albido fulvoque maculata fasciataque femorum tarsorumque plumis rufis._ the total length is 15½ inches; that of the bill 1 inch; of the wing, from the _carpus_ to the end of the fourth quill feather, 11 inches; of the tail 7½ inches; of the _tarsi_ 2-3/8. 11. strix nana.--nob. in zoological journal iii. 427. _str. fusco brunnea, fronte nuchâ alisque albo-notatis, gulâ albâ, caudâ fasciis frequentibus rufis notatâ._ the total length is 5-4/5 inches; of the bill ½ inch; of the wing, from the _carpal_ joint to the extremity of the fourth quill feather, 3¾ inches; of the tail 2¾ inches; of the _tarsi_ 7/8. _n.b._--three other species of this genus are in the collection which appear to be new. 12. hirundo.--sp.* 13. hirundo.--sp.* 14. hirundo.--sp.* * three distinct species of swallow, very much resembling the british species,--_hir. rustica_, _urbica_, and _riparia_. strait of magalhaens. 15. turdus magellanicus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _turd. corpore supra grisescenti olivaceo, subtus pallidè rufescenti, capite supra, remigibus, caudâque fusco-atris gulâ-alba, fusco-atro lineatâ._ strait of magalhaens. 16. synallaxis anthoides.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _syn. supra brunnea plumis in medio fusco latè striatis, tectricibus alarum superioribus rufo tinctis subtus pallidè cinerea; rectricibus lateralibus ad marginem externum, fasciâque alarum, rufis. statura. syn. spinicaudæ._ strait of magalhaens. 17. sylvia spinicaudæ.--latham. {534} 18. sylvia dorsalis.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. 428. _syl. nigra, dorso scapularibusque rufis, remigibus rectricibusque fuscis._ the length from the end of the bill to that of the tail is 4½ inches. 19. sylvia obscura.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. 429. _syl. corpore unicolore fusco-nigro, alis brevibus rotundatis caudâ brevi, pedibus elongatis, fortibus pallidis._ the length from the apex of the bill to that of the tail is 4¼ inches; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the fourth quill feather, 1-7/8; of the tail 1¼; of the _tarsi_ ¾. 20. troglodytes. 21. fringilla.--(several species, probably new.) 22. sturnus militaris.--lin. motacilla patachonica.---lin. patagonian warbler of dixon's voyage. 23. sturnus.--sp. (black)? leistes sp. vigors. 24. dendrocolaptes albo-gularis. nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _dend. corpore supra, abdominisque lateribus, rufo brunneis; remigibus secundariis, dorso imo, caudâque rufis; mandibulâ inferiori ad basim, gulâ, jugulo, pectore, abdomineque medio, albis, hujus plumis brunneo ad apicem marginatis; rostro sursum recurvo._ length 6-4/10 inches.--strait of magalhaens. 25. psittacus smaragdinus.--gmel. 26. psittacara leptorhynca. nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _psitt. viridis: fronte, strigâ per oculos, caudâque rufis: capite nigro, abdomine imo rufo, variegatis; mandibulâ superiori elongatâ, gracillimâ._ staturâ.--_psitt. lichtensteinii æqualis. habitat in insulâ_ chilóe. 27. picus magellanicus.--nob. in zool. journ. iii. 430. _pic. niger, capite cristato colloque coccineis, remigibus albo notatis._ foem. _capite cristato nigro, fronte mentoque coccineis._ {535} the length of the bird from the tip of the bill to the extremity of the tail is 17 inches; of the bill 2½; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the fourth quill feather, 8¾; of the tail 7½; of the _tarsi_ 1-1/8; of the external hind toe, the nail included, 2. strait of magalhaens. 28. picus melanocephalus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _pic. capite corporeque supra nigris, hoc albo maculato; pectore abdomineque albis, illo albo lineato, hoc albo fasciato._ length 6 or 7 inches.--strait of magalhaens and chilóe. 29. mellisuga kingii--vigors in zool. journal, iii. 432. _ornismya sephanoides._--lesson et garn. _mell. supra metallicè viridis, infra alba viridi variegata, vertice splendide rubeo, rectricibus acuminatis._ this bird was found in the strait of magalhaens, so late in the year as the month of may, when it was seen flying in a snow-squall. it seemed regardless of the cold, and so long as the _fuchsia_ and _veronica_ were in blossom, so long did this hitherto supposed to be delicate little bird, remain to cull their sweets, or rather to prey upon the insects which buried themselves in the flowers; for, innocent as it seems, it is insectivorous. the bird was long known to naturalists, but was not described until november 1827, when mr. vigors described it, from a specimen transmitted by me to the museum of the zoological society. it was found by mm. lesson and garnot, on the coast of chile, where we also subsequently found it. m. lesson described it in his useful little manuel d'ornithologie, ii. p. 80, as above, and has given a detailed account. had not mr. vigors previously described it, i should have had pleasure in referring it to their description, and their excellent plate, in lesson's monograph upon the trochilidæ. 30. trochilus fernandensis.--nob. in proceedings zool. soc. _troch. ferrugineo-rufus; capitis vertice splendenti-coccineo; remigibus fuscis._ length, 5 inches. island of juan fernandez, south pacific. 31. trochilus stokesii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _troch. corpore supra viridi-splendente, subtus albo viridi-guttato; capite supra, guttisque confertis gulæ lazulino-splendentibus; {536} remigibus fusco-atris; remigum omnium, mediis exceptis, pogoniis internis albis._ length 5 inches. island of juan fernandez. hylactes.--_novum genus. megapodio affine._ _characteres generici._ _rostrum subelongatum, subtenue, apice subemarginato; naribus basalibus, longitudinalibus, membranâ subtumescenti pilisque per mediam longitudinem tectâ._ _alæ, brevissimæ, rotundatæ; remige 5ta longissimâ._ _cauda, subelongata, gradata._ _pedes, fortes: tarsis subelongatis, in fronte scutellatis; digitis unguibusque elongatis, hic fortioribus subcompressis; halluce fortissimo, incumbente._ this genus appears to have some resemblance to mm. quoy and gaimard's genus _megapodius_: but no specimen of it being in this country, and my bird differing in essential points from its generic characters, particularly in the length and form of the wings, which in my bird are rounded, and so short as not to reach beyond the base of the tail, i have formed it into a new genus, for which the term hylactes (from its note, which very much resembles the sharp bark of a dog) has been selected. 32. hylactes tarnii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _hyl. saturate fusco-brunneus; fronte, dorso, abdomineque rufis, hoc fusco fasciato._ at chilóe and port otway, in the gulf of peñas. the specific name i have selected is in compliment to mr. john tarn, surgeon of the adventure, to whose attention, in procuring and preserving numerous specimens in ornithology, i am greatly indebted. 33. struthio rhea.--lin. (223.) the american ostrich. maldonado. 34. columba fitz royii.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _col. binacea; alis, dorso imo, caudâque plumbeis, hujus fasciâ remigibusque atris: nuchæ plumis viridi-splendentibus; fascia occipitali albá._ in the woods of chilóe. dedicated to captain robert fitz roy, who succeeded to the command of h.m.s. beagle upon the death of captain stokes. {537} 35. columba meridionalis.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. 92. _col. brunnescenti-plumbea, subtus rufescens; colli lateribus purpureo nitore splendentibus, genis pennisque secundariis nigro maculatis, rectricibus apice griseo fasciâque sub-apicali nigrâ._ length, 9½ inches. 36. ardea.--sp. one of the night bitterns. 37. ardea major.--bonat., e. m. 1148. port otway, gulf of peñas. 38. ibis melanopis.--bonat., e. m. 1148. port san julian. in the ency. méth. the length of the bird is stated to be 21 inches, but in the dict. d'histoire naturelle 27 inches is given, which is correct. 39. totanus fuscus? 40. scolopax magellanicus.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 93. _scol. supra brunneus, rufo fulvo nigroque maculatus undulatusque; abdomine medio albo; pectore brunneo rufoque sparso; tarsis brevibus._ the length of the bird from the front to the end of the tail is 8½ inches; of the beak 2½; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the quill feather, 5; of the tail 2½; and of the _tarsi_ 1-1/16. strait of magalhaens. 41. rhynchæa occidentalis.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 94. _rhync. supra brunnea, capite summo pectore alisque saturatioribus, fulvo undulata strigataque; abdomine, maculâ utrinque pectorali, maculisque alarum, albis, stringâ frontali brunneâ._ the length of the bird from the forehead to the end of the tail is seven inches; of the bill 1-3/8; of the wing from the carpal joint to the extremity of the first quill feather, 4¼; of the _tarsus_ 1-5/16; of the tail 1¾. strait of magalhaens. this bird may be considered as one of the most interesting acquisitions made in our voyage. the singular and strongly marked genus has been hitherto considered peculiar to the old world; and two species only having been discovered, an additional species from the new world is an important accession to science. the form of our magellanic bird accords accurately with that of the old world species, the bill being distinguished chiefly by its {538} inferior length. the general appearance of the plumage also is similar, although it possesses sufficiently distinctive characters to authorize this species being separated from the other. 42. rallus setosus.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. 94. _rall. supra brunneus, dorso alisque nigro notatis, subtus plumbeus; remigibus primariis rectricibusque fuscis, his saturatioribus; fronte setoso._ the length of the bird from the forehead to the extremity of the tail is 10 inches; of the bill 1-15/16; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the second quill feather, 4-7/8; of the tail 3; of the _tarsus_ 1-5/8. 43. rallus antarcticus. nob. in zool. jour. iv. 95. _rall. supra brunneus, nigro strigatus; subtus plumbeus, femorum tectricibus crissoque atris, albo-fasciatis._ the length of the body is 7½ inches; of the bill 1¼; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the second quill feather, 3¾; of the tail, 1¾; of the _tarsus_ 15/16. 44. fulica chloropoïdes.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. 95. _ful. capite, coll. superiore, caudâque atris; corpore reliquo atro-fusco, crisso albo._ the length of the body is 15 inches; of the bill 1¼; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, 6½; of the tail 3; of the _tarsi_ 2. 45. fulica gallinuloïdes.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 96. _ful. atro-fusca; dorso saturatiore, capite atro, gulâ albo-notatâ crisso albo, rostro angusto, in frontem parum extendente._ 46. chionis alba.--forster. seen at cape horn, and at sea, four hundred miles from the nearest land. captain foster, of h.m.s. chanticleer, saw some at south shetland. 47. hæmatopus palliatus.--temminck. strait of magalhaens. 48. hæmatopus leucopus.--gam. strait of magalhaens. the above two species of hæmatopus were frequently seen on {539} the shores of the strait; the latter appears to answer the description of m. bougainville. see lesson, manuel d'ornithologie, ii. 30. 49. charadrius pluvialis.--var. not to be distinguished from the golden plover. 50. charadrius rubecola.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 96. _char. capite summo, dorso, alis, caudâque supra grisescenti-fuscis, thorace nuchâque pallide griseis; pectore rufo, collari subpectorali nigro; fronte, striga superciliari, abdomine, crisso, rectricibusque lateralibus albis._ the length of the body is 8-2/3 inches; of the bill ¾; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the first quill feather, 5-5/8; of the tail 3; of the _tarsi_ 1¼. mountains of the strait of magalhaens 2,000 feet above the level of the sea. 51. vanellus cayanensis.--ency. méth. 1073. pl. 57, fig. 2. maldonado, river plate. 52. podiceps.--sp. very much resembling p. minor. 53. podiceps.--sp. 54. podiceps leucopterus.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 101. _pod. capite colloque superioribus nigris, gulâ griseo-albidâ, collo inferiore rufo; dorso fusco-atro; abdomine strigâque latâ alarum albis._ the length of the body is 20 inches; of the bill 3; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the apex of the second quill feather, 7¼; of the _tarsi_ 2. 55. aptenodytes magellanica.--e. méth. 56. aptenodytes chrysocome.?--a young bird. 57. phalacrocorax niger.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. 101. _phal. intensè niger, circulo angusto ab oculis descendente, mandibulasque circumcingente, paucisque genarum capitisque plumis albis._ the length of the bird is 31 inches; of the bill 3-3/8; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the third quill {540} feather, 11; of the tail 7½; of the _tarsi_ 2. the irides a bright blue green; the pupils black. this bird is probably d'azara's black zaramagullon (no. 432 of his birds of paraguay), but it has not hitherto been described. 58. phalacrocorax atriceps.--nob. in zool. journal, iv. 102. _phal. capite supra corporeque superiore atris, inferiore albo; rostro pedibusque flavescentibus, rectricibus duodecim._ the dimensions are nearly the same as those of the last bird, except those of the bill, which is a quarter of an inch longer. 59. phalacrocorax cirriger. _phal. supra fusco-griseus, subtus albidus; gulâ, cirroque longitudinali per collum utrinque descendente, albis; rostro pedibusque rubris; rectricibus quatuordecim._ the length of the body is 26 inches; of the bill 3-3/16; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of third quill feather, 10; of the tail 6; of the _tarsi_ 1¾. 60. phalacrocorax imperialis.--nob. in proceedings of zoological society. _phal. capite cristato, collo posteriori, corporeque supra intense purpureis; alis scapularibusque viridi atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim fusco-atris; corpore subtus, fasciâ alarum, maculâque dorsi medii sericeo-albis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus._ _statura._--_phal. carbonis._ _hab._--interior sounds of western patagonia. 61. phalacrocorax sarmientonus. _phal. capite, collo, dorsoque imo atro-purpureis; pectore abdomineque albis; dorso superiori, scapularibus, alisque viridi-atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim atris; gulâ, genis, femorumque tectricibus superioribus albo-notatis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus._ _staturâ præcedentis._ strait of magalhaens. 62. phalacrocorax erythrops.--nob. in proceedings of zoological society. _phal. capite, collo, corporeque supra purpureo-atris; pectore abdomineque albis; genis parcè albo-notatis; facie nudâ rubrâ; {541} remigibus, rectricibus duodecim, rostroque sub-brevi atris: pedibus flavescentibus._ _staturâ paulo minor præcedentibus duobus._ 63. larus hæmatorhynchus.--nob. in zool. journ. iv. 103. _lar. corpore plumbeo-griseo, dorso medio alisque nigris, his albo notatis; rostro pedibusque sanguineis._ the length of the bird is 18 inches; of the bill 2; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the end of the first quill feather, 13; of the tail 6; of the _tarsi_ 2. irides green silvery colour, pupil dark. 64. larus fuscus? 65. larus ridibundus? 66. lestris catarrhactes? 67. procellaria gigantea. a young bird. 68. procellaria capensis. this beautiful, but well-known petrel, was, of course, our constant companion on all occasions of our being at sea, and was particularly numerous off the entrance to the river plata, feeding probably upon the exuviæ that drift out with the current. one being taken with the hook, was killed, and in its entrails several small fragments of granite were found mixed with the half-digested food. a remarkable instance of the natural habits of this bird has lately come to my knowledge, which deserves to be recorded. the late mr. george fairfowl, surgeon r.n., on his return from new south wales, in the year 1831, caught one of these birds, and let it go, with a ribbon tied round the body, by which it was easily distinguished; the bird was thereby observed to follow the ship, from day to day, for the space of 5,000 miles. 69. procellaria berardi. 70. procellaria wilsonii.--prince of musignano. _thalassidroma wilsonnii_--vigors. 71. diomedea exulans. 72. cygnus anatoïdes. _cygn. albus, remigibus primariis ad apicem nigris; rostro pedibusque rubris, illo lato, subdepresso, tuberculo nullo._ {542} interior sounds on the west coast of patagonia. molina describes a chilian duck, _anas coscoroba_, thus: _a. rostro extremo dilatato rotundato_; _corpore albo_; but i do not think it can be the same as mine, or he would have noticed its red feet and bill. it certainly is not _a. candidus_, of viellot; the _ganso blanco_ of d'azara, which the author of the article in the dict. d'hist. nat. xxiii. supposes to be the one and the same with _a. coscoroba_. molina gives but a short description of that bird. 73. anser inornatus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. society. _mas. ans. albus: dorso inferiori, caudâ, fasciis nuchæ dorsique superioris femorumque tectricum, pteromatibus, remigibusque atris: rostro nigro, pedibus flavescentibus._ foem. _capite colloque canis; dorso superiori corporeque inferiori albis, nigro confertim fasciatis; dorso imo remigibus, rectricibusque nigris; ptilis speculoque albis; tarsis subelongatis._ strait of magalhaens. 74. micropterus brachypterus.--quoy and gaimard. zool. de l'uranie, pl. 39. _oidemia patachonica._--nob. zool. journal, iv. 100. _anas brachyptera._--latham. racehorse.--cook.--byron. _micropt. supra plumbeo-grisescens, abdomine albescente speculo alarum albo; rostro luteo; ungue nigro._ 75. micropterus patachonicus.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _micropt. supra plumbeo grisescens; gulâ scapularibusque rufescentibus; abdomine speculoque alarum albis; rostro virescenti-nigro, ungue nigro._ smaller than _m. brachypterus_. this bird having a smaller body than the first, is enabled to fly; which with the scapulars and the feathers of the throat being of a redder hue than those of _m. brachypterus_, authorizes its being considered as specifically new. 76. anas nigricollis.--ind. orn. ii. 834. this bird has a wide range on the south american continent. it frequents the river plata, strait of magalhaens, and several parts of the western coast, as far up as chilóe. {543} 77. anas chiloensis.--nob. in proceedings of zool. society. _an. fronte, genis, abdomine, uropygio, pteromatibusque albis; capite posteriori, collo, dorso inferiori, ptilis, remigibusque primariis, caudâque fuscis; dorso superiori, pectoreque fusco et albo fasciatis; remigibus secundariis et tertiis scapularibusque nitidè atris, his albo lineatis; abdominis lateribus crissoque rufescentibus; strigâ post oculos, latâ splendidè purpurascenti-viride._ length about 16 inches. island of chilóe. 78. anas fretensis.--nob. in proceedings of zool. soc. _an. gulâ, genis, collo, pectore, dorsoque anteriori pallidè badiis; collo graciliter undulato; pectore dorsoque anteriori atro maculato; dorso abdomineque imis, crisso, caudâque albis nigro fasciatis; dorsi fasciis latis, abdominis gracillimis, caudæ sublatioribus, crissi sparsim undulatis; capite supra, remigibus, scapularibusque virescenti-atris; his albo in medio lineatis; tectricibus plumbeo-canis, fasciâ apicali albâ; speculo supra viridi, deinde purpureo, fasciâ atrâ apice albo terminatâ._ _statura anatis creccoidis_, nob. strait of magalhaens. 79. anas rafflesii.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 97. _an. castaneo-rufa, capite abdomineque medio saturatiorbus; notis dorsi, remigibus, caudâ supra, crissoque nigris; ptilis cæruleis, pteromatibus albis, speculo alarum viridi._ a figure of the bird is given in the supplementary plates of the zool. jour. supp. xxix. length, 20 inches. strait of magalhaens, and western coast to chilóe. this beautiful bird bears the name of the late sir j. stamford raffles, to whose exertions the science of zoology is under no trifling obligation. 80. anas specularis.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 98. _an. capite summo, dorso, alis, caudâque nigris: subtus pallidè griseus, pectore brunneo undulato: speculo lato purpurascenti-aureo splendente, fasciâ atrâ alterâque albâ marginato: maculâ utrinque suboculari, mento, thoraceque albis._ the length of the bird is 26 inches; of the bill 2-3/8; of the wing, {544} from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, 11; of the tail 6; of the _tarsi_ 2¼. 81. anas specularioides.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 98. _an. capite summo corporeque supra fuscis: subtus pallidè griseus, pectore rufo-brunneo fasciato: remigibus, crisso, rectricibusque atris: speculo subangusto purpurascenti-aureo splendente, fasciâ atrâ, alterâque apicali albâ._ the length of the bird is 24 inches; of the bill 2-1/8; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, 10½; of the tail 6; of the _tarsus_ 1½. strait of magalhaens. this is the common duck in the vicinity of port famine, and in the winter months is excellent eating. 82. anas creccoides.--nob. in zool. jour. iv. 99. _an. pallidè brunneo-griseus, fusco sparsus notatusque; dorso imo, ptilisque fuscis, his apice rufo; speculo nigro, fulvo marginato._ the length of the bird is 16½ inches; of the bill 1¾; of the wing, from the carpal joint to the extremity of the second quill feather, 8-3/16; of the tail 4-3/8; of the _tarsus_ 1¼. * * * * * {545} shells. description of the cirrhipeda, conchifera, and mollusca, in a collection formed by the officers of h.m.s. adventure and beagle, employed between the years 1826 and 1830 in surveying the southern coasts of south america, including the strait of magalhaens and the coast of tierra del fuego. by captain phillip p. king, r.n., f.r.s., &c., assisted by w. j. broderip, esq., f.r.s., &c. (from the zoological journal.) the testacea, of which the following paper is a descriptive list, were principally collected upon the coast of south america; and, upon my arrival in england, were submitted to the examination of mr. george sowerby; who very obligingly selected the undescribed species from the collection which had been formed under my superintendence by the officers of h.m.s. adventure and beagle, employed under my command in surveying the southern coast of south america. to these gentlemen i am greatly indebted for the unwearied assiduity which they at all times displayed, and for the extent of the collection in this, as well as in other departments of natural history. in the description of the species i have had the benefit of the advice and assistance of my friend mr. broderip; and to his knowledge of the subject, and the attention which he has devoted to my collection, i owe in a great measure the paper which i have now the satisfaction of presenting to the public through the medium of the zoological journal. upon examining my specimens, mr. george sowerby found that he possessed several species not in my collection. these had been obtained during the voyage, and had been purchased from some of the crew by mr. sowerby, who handsomely put his acquisitions into my hands for description. -----1. balanus psittacus. syn. lepas psittacus. molina, 1., 223. _b. testâ albido-rosaceâ, subconicâ, elongatâ, rudi, longitudinaliter creberrimè striatâ; radiis transversim striatis; operculo transversìm {546} profundè sulcato, lineis elevatis creberrimè plicatis; valvis posticis valdè productis, acuminatis._ _habitat ad oras concepçionis et insulam chilóe. mus. brit., nost., broderip, &c._ this cirrhiped which, at concepçion de chile, is frequently found of a larger size than 5½ inches long and 3½ in diameter, forms a very common and highly esteemed food of the natives, by whom it is called _pico_, from the acuminated processes of the two posterior opercular valves. the anterior and posterior opercular valves, when in contact, present some resemblance to a parrot's beak, whence molina's name. it is also found very abundantly at valdivia and at calbuco, near the north end of the island of chilóe. it occurs in large bunches, and presents somewhat of a cactus-like appearance. the parent is covered by its progeny, so that large branches are found composed of from fifty to one hundred distinct individuals, each of which becomes in its turn the foundation of another colony. one specimen in the possession of my friend w. j. broderip, esq., consists of a numerous group based on two large individuals. they are collected by being chopped off with a hatchet. at concepçion, where they are found of larger size than to the southward, they are principally procured at the island of quiriquina, which lies across the entrance of the bay; whence they are exported in large quantities to valparaiso and santiago de chile, where they are considered as a great delicacy, and indeed with some justice, for the flesh equals in richness and delicacy that of the crab, which, when boiled and eaten cold, it very much resembles. 2. elminius leachii.[213] _e. testâ albidâ, truncatâ, longitudinaliter striatâ, radiis creberrimè longitudinaliter substriatis; operculo ad basin transversim striato, quadripartito; long. 5/8; lat. 3/8; poll._ _habitat._ _in museo geo. sowerby et nost._ 3. scalpellum papillosum. _s. pedunculo creberrimè papilloso; testâ lævi valdè compressâ; long. omnino 11/16; 4/16 pedunculi; lat. 5/16, poll._ {547} _habitat in mare alto circa oras patagonicas. mus. nost., g. sowerby._ taken by a dredge in 40 fathom water, off the coast of south america, in latitude 44½° south, and found adhering to a terebella. 4. pholas chiloensis. molina. _p. testâ elongatâ posticè ovato-rotundatâ, costis posticis dentato-muricatis; anticè attenuatâ striis transversis posticè undato-muricatis, anticè muticis; lat. 5: long. 2; poll._ _habitat ad insulam chiloei. mus. brit., nost., brod., stokes._ some doubt has been thrown upon the existence of this shell, notwithstanding the description of molina. a species very nearly approaching it, if not identical, was found at rio de janeiro; but as only single valves were obtained, and these were in a very imperfect state, i have not ventured to characterise it. the soft parts of _pholas chiloensis_ are considered very delicate by the inhabitants of the island of chilóe, by whom the animal is called "_co-mes_." they are found in great abundance at low water imbedded in the rocks near sandy point, at san carlos de chilóe. 5. solen scalprum. _s. testâ lineari subrectâ extremitatibus subrotundatis; cardine bidentato; long. 13/16; lat. 3-11/16; poll._ _habitat ad patagoniæ oras orientates_ (sea bear bay). _mus. nost._ 6. anatina elliptica. _a. testâ ellipticâ, subtenui, transversim striató, anticè sub-truncatâ, epidermide fuscâ, tenui; long. 1-3/8; lat. 2-3/8; poll._ _habitat ad oras antarcticas_ (new south shetland). _mus. brit., nost._ this shell was found at new south shetland, by lieutenant kendall, of his majesty's sloop, chanticleer, by whom it was presented to me. 7. mactra edulis. _m. testâ subtrigonâ, tumidâ, sublævi, fulvo-squalidâ, intus albâ, dentibus lateralibus prominentibus; long. 2; lat. 2-4/8; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell was found in great abundance on the flat of sandy mud, which fronts the west shore of port famine, and proved a {548} valuable article of food to the ship's company, particularly during the winter months, when sea-birds and game were not to be procured, and the fish had deserted us. i have named it, in allusion to its affording us a grateful, as well as seasonable, supply of fresh food. 8. erycina solenoides. _e. testâ subellipticâ, transversim creberrimè substriatâ, albidâ, epidermide fusco-griseâ; long. 1 paulo minus; lat. 2; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (sandy mud flats of port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 9. tellinides rosacea. _t. testâ subtrigonâ, planulatâ, striis concentricis creberrimis; long. 6/8; lat. 1-5/16; poll._ _habitat ad littora brasiliæ_ (santos). _mus. nost._ 10. venus inflata. _v. testârotundatâ, concentricè substriatâ, albente, intus albâ, lunulâ obsoletâ; long. 1-9/16; lat. 1-5/8; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. nost._ 11. venus antiqua. _v. testâ sub-ovali, convexiusculâ, creberrimè cancellatâ, sub-fuscâ, intus albidâ; lunulâ cordatâ; long. 2-5/8; lat. 3; poll._ _obs. in junioribus, striis transversis concentricis elevatis, acutis._ _habitat ad littora occidentalia patagoniæ_ (gulf of peñas and its vicinity). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 12. arca angulata. _a. testâ transversâ, subcordato-quadratâ, intus fusco-violascente; latere antico producto, elevato, undulatim lamellato, postico rotundato; umbonibus valdè remotis, areâ cardinali maximâ, striatâ; margine hiante; long. 1-1/8; lat. 1-7/8; poll._ _habitat ad_ juan fernandez. _mus. nost._ this shell was dredged up from 80 fathoms water in the offing of cumberland bay, at juan fernandez; it was attached to a branch of coral. the hinge is broad and smooth, with distinct markings; the gape is rather wide, and the anterior part of the shell rises rather elegantly, like the stern of some indian canoes, and in all the specimens but one, terminates in a point. the one above {549} described has a rounded form; the bows or front being rather elegantly and finely lamellated in a wavy form; the colour of the hinge is red, and the inside is generally of a brownish purple; in some it has a more yellow tinge. 13. arca pectinoides. _a. testâ auriculatâ, cordatâ, ventricosâ, multi-costatâ, transversim striatâ, albâ, epidermide rufo nigricante, pilosâ; umbonibus sub-approximatis, incurvatis, margine crenulato; long. 1; lat. 1-2/8; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 14. nucula striata. _n. testâ striatâ, subtumidâ, crassâ, sub-trigonâ, albâ; latere antico productiori, sub-rostrato; long. 9/32; lat. 3/8; poll._ _habitat in mari alto circa oras patagonicas. mus. nost._ taken by a dredge in 40 fathoms water, 20 miles from the coast of south america, in the neighbourhood of port sta elena. 15. modiola sinuosa. _m. testâ ventricosâ, subovatâ, longitudinaliter striatâ; intus iridescente, margine sinuoso, epidermide fuscâ; long. 7/16; lat. 14/16 fere; poll._ _habitat ad littora brasiliæ_ (santos). _mus. nost._ 16. pecten patachonicus. _p. testâ sub-æquivalvi, brunneâ, longitudinaliter creberrimè elevato-radiatâ; intus albidâ, longitudinaliter sub-radiatâ; long. 2-4/8; lat. 2-4/8; poll._ _obs. auribus inæqualibus._ _habitat in freto magellanico passim. mus. nost._ 17. pecten vitreus. _p. testâ subæquivalvi, translucente, longitudinaliter multi-sulcatâ; sulcis convexis flavidulis, valvâ inferiore pallidiori; long. 1-9/16; lat. 1-4/8; poll._ _obs. auribus inæqualibus._ _habitat in freto magellanico passim. mus. nost._ this shell is found attached to the leaves of the _fucus giganteus_, and, with other _mollusca_, is the food of the steamer or race-horse duck (_micropterus brachypterus and m. patachonicus_). {550} 18. terebratula flexuosa. _t. testâ rotundato-cordatâ, gibbâ, sub-fuscâ, longitudinaliter creberrimè sulcatâ; margine valdè flexuoso; long. 1-3/8; lat. 1-4/8 paulo minus; poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico_ (port famine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell, which was dredged up from deep water in the bay of port famine, attached to stones, is not a common shell in the strait. 19. terebratula sowerbii. _t. testâ subrotundâ, planiusculâ, subfuscâ, longitudinaliter radiatim transversim substriatâ, medio supernè depressâ, infra convexâ, subglabrâ; margine utrinque crenulato, medio glabro; long. 1-7/16; lat. 7/16 paulo plus; alt. 11/16 poll._ _habitat in freto magellanico. mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ 20. chiton setiger. _c. testâ ovali, anticé subattenuatâ; valvis subdentatis, tenuiter concentricè striatis, anticâ 10-radiatâ, posticâ lævi, parvulâ; areis lateralibus striis duabus elevatis marginalibus; ligamento marginali lævigato, setigero; long. 2-3/8; lat. 1-3/8; poll._ _habitat ad oras insulæ_ tierra del fuego _et in freto magellanico. mus. brit., nost., brod._ shell ovate, rather attenuated towards the anterior end, generally of a light blue-green colour, variegated with markings of dark slate. valves slightly beaked with minute concentric striæ, the lateral compartments with two marginal ridges, which in some specimens are granulose, in others smooth. the anterior valve has eight, besides two marginal, ridges of the same character; the posterior valve is very small and smooth. border coriaceous, and set with bristles produced from three rows of tufts or pores. in some of the specimens in my possession the bristles are rubbed off. the shell is found in all parts of the shores of tierra del fuego, particularly on its seaward coast, and the western parts of the strait of magalhaens. 21. chiton bowenii. _c. testâ oblongo-ovatâ, castaneo-rufâ; dorso elevato; valvis subdentatis, sublævibus concentricè tenuiter striatis; areis lateralibus radiatim sulcatis; ligamento marginali granuloso, nigro; long. 3-2/8; lat. 1½; poll._ {551} _habitat ad oras insulæ_ tierra del fuego _et in freto magellanico. mus. brit., nost., brod._ shell oblong-ovate, and generally of a chestnut red, and the granulose ligament black; the colour of the younger specimens is more brilliant, and sometimes interspersed with yellow. middle valves slightly toothed, and very delicately lineated, the lines forming an obtuse angle in the direction of the axis of the shell; the lateral compartments are marked with deeper striæa or grooves, radiating from the upper angle to the base, which, crossing the transverse markings of the valve, have a reticulated appearance: the anterior and posterior valves are radiated with fine lines. this chiton was discovered by mr. bowen, surgeon of the beagle, by whom it was presented to me. the specimen was sent home among a collection of natural history, transmitted in the year 1827. 22. fissurella coarctata. _f. testâ ovatâ, anticé attenuatâ, elevatâ; radiis frequentibus elevatis; internè virescenti; foraminis margine externo juxta medium coarctato, subdentato; long 2-5/16; lat. 1-13/16; alt. 14/16; poll._ _habitat ad portum_ praya. _mus. brit., nost._ 23. helix translucens. _h. testâ subglobosâ, translucente, levissimè transversim striatâ; anfractu basali lineâ longitudinali castaneâ sub-mediâ ornato; long. 17/32; lat. 9/16; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 24. helix pusio. _h. testâ rotundo-complanatâ, creberrimè striatâ, translucente, maculis castaneo-rufis ornatâ; long. 1/16; lat. 3/16; poll._ _habitat ad_ juan fernandez. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 25. helicina sordida. _h. testâ globoso-conoideâ; anfractibus rotundatis longitudinaliter striatis; operculo castaneo; long. 2/8 paulo plus; lat 5/16 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad_ rio de janeiro. _mus. brit., nost._ the colour of this shell is of a dirty yellowish white, with a slight tinge of diaphanous violet within the margin of the lip. 26. pupa subdiaphana.--no. 194. mss. _p. testâ cylindraceâ, albâ, subdiaphanâ, transversim creberrimè substriatâ; long. 4/8 paulo minus; lat. 3/16 paulo minus; poll._ {552} _habitat ad portum_ praya. (cape verd islands.) _mus. brit., nost._ 27. bulinus gravesii. _b. testâ subventricosâ, longitudinaliter subrugosâ, sub-albidâ, fusco-maculatâ, spirâ longitudinaliter striatâ; long. 1-4/8; lat. 13/16 paulo minus; poll._ _habitat ad_ valparaiso. _mus. nost._ i have named the shell after my shipmate and friend, lieutenant thomas graves, whose zeal and assiduity in assisting and increasing my collections of natural history was as unwearied as the alacrity and ability which he displayed in the primary and more important objects of the voyage, of which, in his majesty's ship adventure, he filled the appointment of assistant surveyor. to lieutenant graves i am principally indebted for my land-shells, and i therefore take the opportunity of recording the valuable assistance he rendered me during the whole period of his serving under my command. 28. bulinus gravesii, var. _b. testâ subpyramidali, scabrâ, albidâ, aliquando lineolis raris; epidermide lutescente; long. 1-9/16; lat. 11/16 paulo plus. poll._ _habitat ad_ valparaiso. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this is certainly a variety of no. 27, bulinus gravesii. 29. bulinus dentatus. _b. testâ cylindraceâ, punctatâ, sub-diaphanâ, fusco maculatâ; aperturâ dentatâ, clausiliam mentiente; long. 15/16; lat. 5/16; poll._ _habitat ad oras brasiliæ_ (st. catherine). _mus. brit., nost._ 30. bulinus lutescens.--no. 140. mss. _b. testâ obovatâ, ventricosâ, subscabrâ, lutescente; long. 1-1/8; lat. 11/16; poll._ _habitat ad maldonado_ (gorriti). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 31. bulinus corrugatus.--no. 941 mss. _b. testâ subalbidâ, transversim et longitudinaliter rugoso-striatâ, maculis fuscis, obsoletis; aperturâ purpurascente; columellâ nigricante purpureâ; long. 1-6/8 paulo plus; lat. 13/16; poll._ _habitat ad_ concepcion. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ the body-whorl of the older specimens of this shell is rather roughly striated or wrinkled, the last but one slightly so, and the remaining whorls are quite smooth. the colour is whitish, with {553} purple spots more or less obsolete: the old specimens are sometimes of a dull yellowish white. a specimen is deposited in the british museum. the young shells of this species are of a whitish brown, with darker coloured striæ. they are very fragile and semi-transparent. 32. bulinus sordidus.--no. 803 mss. _b. testâ pyramidali, transversim striatâ, fuscâ; anfractu basali ad suturam subalbido, lineâ subcentricâ pallidâ; labii vix reflexi margine albo; long. 1-15/16; lat. 7/8 poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. nost._ 33. bulinus multicolor.[214]--no. 791 mss. _b. testâ ovato-pyramidali, longitudinaliter et transversim creberrimè substriatâ, luteo-fuscâ maculis albis et purpureo-atris fucatâ; labio roseo subreflexo; columellâ subalbidâ, aperturâ intus subatropurpureâ; long. 1-5/16; lat. 9/16; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam. mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ 33.* bulinus rosaceus. _b. testâ ovato-oblongâ, scabriusculâ; apice et anfractibus primis, rosaceis, cæteris viridi-fuscis; labro albo; suturis crenulatis seu plicatis; long. 2-1/8; lat. 1; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (chile). _mus. brit., nost., brod., geo. sowerby, &c._ soon after the return of the expedition, my friend mr. broderip, to whose inspection lieutenant graves had submitted his collection, observing symptoms of life in some of the shells of this species, took means for reviving the inhabitants from their dormant state, and succeeded. after they had protruded their bodies, they were placed upon some green leaves, which they fastened upon and ate greedily. these animals had been in this state for seventeen or eighteen months, and five months subsequently another was found alive in my collection, so that this last had been nearly two years {554} dormant. the shells were all sent to mr. loddige's nursery, where they lived for eight months, when they unfortunately all died within a few days of each other. soon after the shells were first deposited at mr. loddige's, one got away, and escaped detection for several months, until it was at last discovered in a state of hybernation; it was removed to the place where the others were kept, when it died also. the upper surface of the animal when in health is variegated with ruddy spots and streaks on an ash-coloured ground. 34. partula flavescens. _p. testâ subfusiformi, pallide flavâ, interdum castaneâ vel flavo et castaneo variâ; long. 11/16; lat. 5/16 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell varies in its colour almost as much as _bulinus citrinus_. 35. achatina donellii.--no. 413 mss. _a. testâ subalbidâ, transversim substriatâ, anfractu basali ventricosâ; long. 7/16 paulo plus; lat. 2/8; poll._ _habitat ad lima._ _mus. nost._ 36. achatina diaphana. _a. testâ subcylindraceâ, diaphanâ, transversim striatâ; long. 5/16; lat. 5/32; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez, _in montibus._ _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 37. achatina strigata.--no. 462 mss. _a. testâ diaphanâ, subalbidâ, creberrimè transversim substriatâ, strigis longitudinalibus castaneis raris; anfractu basali subangulato; long. 11/16 paulo plus; lat. 6/16 paulo minus; poll._ _habitat in paludibus brasiliæ_ (santo paulo). _mus. nost._ 38. achatina sordida.--no. 798 mss. _a. testâ subdiaphanâ, subconicâ, anfractu basali ventricoso; long. 6/8 paulo plus; lat. 3/8 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. nost._ 39. achatina sellovii. _a. testâ cylindraceâ transversim striatâ subdiaphanâ; long. 5/16; lat. 2/16; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (st. catherine). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell, which i found at the city of nossa sen^a. de estero, {555} i have dedicated to my friend, dr. sellow, whose researches in natural history for several years past in the interior of brazil, are well known to the scientific world. 40. succinea fragilis. _s. testâ ovato-acutâ, diaphanâ, ventricosâ, transversim striatâ, obliquè subrugosâ; spirâ brevi; long. 9/16 paulo minus; lat. 6/16; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 41. succinea patula. _s. testâ diaphanâ, ovato-rotundatâ, ventricosissimâ, transversim creberrimè striatâ; spirâ brevissimâ; aperturâ patulâ; long. 4/8 paulo plus; lat. 3/8 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ juan fernandez. marinula. _nov. genus._ _character genericus._ _testâ ovato-productâ, sub-solidâ; aperturâ ovatâ, integrâ; columellâ bidentatâ, et basin versus uniplicatâ; dentibus magnis sub-remotis conniventibus, superiore maximo; operculum nullum._ 42. marinula pepita. _m. testâ ovato-productâ, viridi-fuscâ; anfractibus sub-tumidis; spirâ brevi; aperturâ nigricante; dentibus plicâque albidis; long. 7/16; lat. 4/16; poll._ _habitat ad insulam_ chilóe. _mus. brit., nost., brod., g. sowerby_. this animal, which i have thought it necessary to assign to a new genus, appears to have for its nearest neighbours the genera auricula and pedipes. it was found on the wooden piles which support the mole in the bay of san carlos, in chilóe, below the wash of the high water. the mole stands out into the sea, and there is no fresh water near it, save a very little rill, which discharges its tiny stream more than fifty yards off. 43. lymnæa diaphana.--no. 349 mss. _l. testâ turritâ, transversim substriatâ, anfractibus ventricosis; long. 11/16; paulo plus; lat. 5/16; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum_ (cape gregory). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ this shell was found in the fresh-water ponds in the neighbourhood of cape gregory, which is on the continental side of the eastern end of the strait of magalhaens. {556} 44. ampullaria cumingii. _a. testâ globosâ, transversim striatâ, subalbidâ, longitudinaliter castaneo-lineatâ et fasciatâ, epidermide virescente; umbilico parvo; lat. 1-7/16; long. 1-6/16; poll._ _habitat in sinu panamæ_; (island of saboga, in a small hill-stream). _mus. brit, nost., brod._ from mr. cuming's collection. i have named this shell after mr. cuming, from whom i received it. 45. natica globosa. _n. testâ globosâ, tenui, ventricosissimâ, corneâ, vel subalbidâ, subtilissimè striatâ; spirâ brevi; umbilico parvo; operculo valdè tenui; long. 15/16 paulo plus; lat. 7/8; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum_ (cape gregory). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 46. natica castanea. _n. testâ ovato-acutâ castaneâ, albo-lineatâ; aperturâ mediocri; columellâ valdè callosâ; umbilico mediocri; long. 13/16; lat. 21/32; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliæ; oras, circa_ santos. _mus. nost._ 47. turbo lugubris. _t. testâ nigricante, striatâ; aperturâ argenteâ; labri margine nigrâ, subcrenulatâ; operculo valdè lapidoso, albo; long. 2-1/8; lat. 2-2/8 fere; poll._ _habitat ad sinum_ peñas. _mus. brit., nost., brod._ 48. odontis subplicata. _o. testâ granuloso-striatâ, viridi-fuscâ, nigro maculatâ; umbilico mediocri; labri margine sub-plicato; long. 10/16; lat. 13/16 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. brit., nost._ 49. littorina flava. _l. testâ longitudinaliter striatâ, sub-flavâ; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali ventricoso; columellæ purpurascentis margine et aperturâ sub-flavâ; operculo nigricante; long. 5/8 paulo plus; lat. 7/16 poll._ _habitat ad brasiliam_ (rio de janeiro). _mus. brit., nost._ in young shells there are a few obscure reddish brown streaks crossing the striæ. 50. littorina perdix. _l. testâ striis elevatis balteatâ, albidâ, fusco-maculatâ, striis interstitialibus minus elevatis, ambabus sub-cancellatis; aperturâ albâ, {557} labri margine tenui, castaneo-maculatâ; long. 13/16; lat. 17/32 poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ 51. littorina striata. _l. testâ ovato-conicâ, fuscâ, striis elevatis scabrâ; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali tumido; aperturâ nigricante, basin versus strigâ luteoalbâ ornatâ; labri margine crenulato albo-fulvido; operculo nigro; long. 4/8 paulo plus; lat. 7/16 ferè; poll._ _habitat in mari atlantico boreali_ (port praya). _mus. brit., nost._ 52. margarita fasciata, n. s. _m. testâ albidâ, creberrimè striatâ, purpureo fasciatâ, aperturâ argenteâ; long. 4/16; lat. 5/16 ferè; poll._ _habitat in mari pacifico. mus. nost._ portions of the striated surface are elevated into belts, which are of a purple colour. 53. margarita violacea. _m. testâ sub-ovatâ, violaceâ, spirâ brevi; anfractibus tumidis; aperturâ iridescente; long. 7/16; lat. 8/16 fere; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum. mus. brit., nost., brod._ of this shell the indians make their necklaces; it is found adhering to the leaves of the fucus giganteus, and is the principal food of the steamer or racehorse duck (_micropterus patachonicus_, nob. in proceedings of the zoological society, december 14, 1830, page 15). 54. margarita coerulescens. _m. testâ sub-complanatâ, coeruleâ, striatâ, albido-lineatâ, aperturâ iridescente; lat. 13/16 ferè; long. 15/16; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum (cape gregory). mus. brit., nost., brod._ 55. turritella tricarinata. _t. testâ turritâ, anfractibus tricarinatis; carinis nodulosis; long. 1-5/8; lat. 9/16 paulo minus; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ the _carinæ_ are nodulous, or twisted like the strands of a rope; the twists of the upper _carina_ are in the direction of a water-laid, {558} or right-handed rope, and those of the two lower _carinæ_ are in the opposite direction, or like what is termed a hawser-laid rope. between these nodulous _carinæ_ are elevated lines, and the base is very strongly striated. found in deep water in the bay of valparaiso. dead shells of this species are occasionally found thrown upon the beach, near the almendral. 56. turritella nodulosa. _t. testâ elongato-turritâ; anfractibus striatis; striis duabus maximis subnodulosis; long. 1-11/16; lat. 7/16 fere; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost._ the two large _striæ_, which are remarkable for the nodules, are not far from the middle of each whorl, and generally are nearer the upper suture: of these the lowest is the largest. 57. murex salebrosus. _m. testâ elongato-ovatâ, subalbidâ, fasciis fuscis, epidermide cinereâ; spirâ brevi; anfractibus angulatis, nodulosis; aperturâ oblongâ ad basin angustâ, castaneâ, intus albâ; labro internè denticulato, dentibus obtusis albis; columellâ rectâ, lævi; canali brevi; long. 3-7/16; lat. 2; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost., geo. sowerby._ this species approaches _murex vitulinus_ very nearly; the body-whorl is very much elongated, and the nodules which mark the angles of the whorl are formed of the more elevated parts of what may be termed coarse longitudinal plaits. 58. murex rhodocheilus. _m. testâ ventricosâ, albâ, fasciis elevatis striatis; septemfariam varicosâ, varicibus roseis denticulatis; aperturâ rotundatâ, roseâ, intus albidâ; labri margine asperrimè denticulato; caudâ mediocri, sub-recurvâ; long. 3-13/16; lat. 2-7/16; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ 59. triton ranelliformis. _t. testâ ovato-fusiformi, subdepressâ, albidâ fusco fasciatâ, costatâ; costis granulosis, interstitiis striatis; aperturâ subrotundâ, albidâ; columellâ subrugosâ; labro internè obtusè denticulato; margine undulato; epidermide viridi-fuscâ, scabrâ; long. 3-3/16; lat. 1-6/8; poll._ _habitat ad sinum peñas et oram occidentalem americæ meridionalis. mus. brit., nost., brod._ {559} the denticules of the outer lip are ranged in pairs, at regular and somewhat distant intervals. 60. triton scaber. _t. testâ ovato-acutâ, cancellatâ; spirâ elongatâ; epidermide fuscâ, setosâ; aperturâ albâ granulosâ; labro interne obtusè denticulato; long.; lat.; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (valparaiso). _mus. nost._ the denticules of the inner lip are more elevated than those of the last (t. ranelliformis), and are equidistant. it was fished up with the anchor in valparaiso bay. 61. monoceros fusoides. _m. testâ ventricosâ, spirâ mediocri, anfractibus bicarinatis; anfractu basali lineis elevatis admodum distantibus cincto; aperturâ patulâ; dente labiali brevi, lato, obtuso; canali producto, recto, integro; operculo corneo; long. 2¾; lat. 1-5/8; poll._ _habitat ad oras americæ meridionalis_ (concepcion). _mus. brit., nost., brod._ approaching fusus in its elongated and entire canal, while its exterior lip has the labial tooth which distinguishes _monoceros_. the columella is not straight, as in all the other species, but curved, so as to make an angle in some specimens at the commencement of the canal, and in all it becomes very broad at the point where it is opposite to the tooth. the shell is of a reddish colour, ventricose, and girt with elevated lines, about a quarter of an inch apart. the spire has only two of these lines on each whorl, and has a bicarinated appearance. the aperture is wide, the outer lip sinuous, its tooth short, broad, and obtuse, and the operculum horny. the shell is seldom found in a perfect state, the beak being generally broken off, and the surface is, in all the specimens that i have seen, covered with a calcareous encrustation, entirely concealing the colours. 62. buccinum muriciforme. _b. testâ ovato-fusiformi, cinereâ; anfractibus tumidis, costellatis, costellis cancellatis; aperturâ castaneo-nigricante; labri margine crenulato. muricem mentiens; long. 1; lat. 9/16; poll._ _habitat ad fretum magellanicum. mus. brit., nost., brod._ the eggs of this species were found, and are preserved in spirits. {560} 63. buccinum squalidum. _b. testâ conico-fusiformi, fuscâ; anfractu basali ventricoso; spirâ mediocri; aperturâ fuscâ, lutescenti, patulâ; long. 1-15/16; lat. 1-1/8; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost., brod._ 64. buccinum deforme. _b. testa ovatâ, subponderosâ, subalbidâ, fasciis duabus fuscis obscuris; spirâ brevi; anfractu basali subdepresso, suturam versus crasso; columellâ valdè callosâ; long. 1-9/16; lat. 1 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat ad flumen plata_ (gorriti). _mus. brit., nost._ the eggs of this shell, contained in a transparent orbicular nidus, the size of a turtle's egg, were found thrown up on the sea-beach of the island. in the month of january they were observed in all stages of growth. a series was preserved in spirits, and presented to the college of surgeons. 65. columbella mitriformis. _c. testâ fusiformi, luteo-rufescente, fasciis nigro-castaneis, maculis albis tessellatâ; long. 7/16; lat. 3/16; poll._ _habitat? mus. brit., nost., brod._ 66. mitra pusilla. _m. testâ ovato-acutâ, ventricosâ, fulvâ, creberrimè costatâ; costis interstitiisque striatis, basi granulosâ; spirâ brevi, anfractibus suturam supereminentibus; columellâ quinque-plicatâ; long. 5/8; lat. 5/16 paulo plus; poll._ _habitat? mus. nost._ the denticules of the outer lip are arranged in pairs, at regular, and somewhat distant, intervals. 67. voluta. a fragment of a turbinated shell, bearing marks more assignable to voluta than to any other genus, was found on the sea-beach in the neighbourhood of cape fairweather, on the east coast of patagonia, in latitude 51½° south. the remains appear to differ from _voluta ancilla_ and _v. brasiliana_. * * * * * {561} copies of orders. -----his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, sea bear bay. sir; 27th march 1829. it is my direction, that when finally parting company from me, you proceed to the execution of the following orders, in company with the adelaide schooner, the commander of which, upon our meeting him, will receive instructions to put himself under your command. you will, as soon as possible, make the best of your way to port famine, stopping at pecket harbour to communicate with the indians, should they be there, for the purpose of securing a supply of guanaco meat for the ship's company. at port famine you will immediately detach lieutenant skyring, with a boat and boat's crew, in the adelaide, to co-operate with lieutenant graves in surveying the magdalen channel and its communication with the sea; after which you will direct him to rejoin you, by the barbara channel, at port gallant, whither you will proceed, after completing your water at port famine; on your way to which, if you should have an opportunity, the following bays, on the south side of the strait, might be planned, viz. lyell bay, cascade bay, san pedro bay, and freshwater bay (or cove). the coast also to the west of the barbara channel, behind the islands of charles and ulloa, should be examined; and of the northern arm of the jerome channel, called in the chart, indian sound, we know nothing. if, after the return of the adelaide, you should find the weather so favourable as to permit your extending your exploration of those parts of the strait which are yet unknown to us, you will remain for that purpose; but, at all events, you are to leave the strait by the middle of june, or the first of july at latest, and repair with the adelaide to san carlos, at the north end of chilóe, where you will find or hear of me, by the 10th of august. {562} in performing the above orders you will act as you may consider best for their most effectual execution, keeping in mind that the most desirable part is the survey of the magdalen channel. from our experience, last year, of the weather during the months of april and may, i am in hopes of your being able to work during those months, with success; but should you meet with bad weather, you will be most careful in not exposing your people unnecessarily to the severity of the climate. upon detaching the adelaide you will appoint lieutenant skyring to the superintendence of the service upon which she is sent, giving lieutenant graves instructions to that effect accordingly. i have, &c. (signed) phillip parker king, commander and senior officer. * * * * * his majesty's surveying sloop beagle, port famine. sir; april 19, 1829. in obedience to the orders i have received from commander phillip parker king, senior officer of the expedition for the survey of a part of south america, it is my direction that you proceed immediately, in the adelaide schooner, to survey as much of the magdalen channel and the strait or channel of santa barbara as you find practicable at this season of the year. if, in the execution of this service, you should find the season too much advanced to proceed without much risk to the vessel, or exposing yourself and the men to much bad weather, you will give up the design, and hasten to port gallant. should the beagle not be in port gallant at your return, and no letter left for you in a bottle, you will wait there one week, and then return to port famine. at all events, you will endeavour to rejoin the beagle before the first week in june has ended. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieut. wm. geo. skyring, his majesty's sloop beagle. * * * * * {563} sir; beagle, port famine, 19th april 1829. in obedience to the orders i have received from captain king, it is my direction that you put yourself under the orders of lieut. skyring, and proceed with him as he may think best for the execution of the service upon which he is ordered, and in which you will give him every assistance that you can afford. mr. kirke, with a boat and boat's crew, will be sent to assist you. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieut. thos. graves, commanding his majesty's schooner adelaide. * * * * * sir; beagle, port gallant, 19th june 1829. it is my direction that you put yourself under the orders of lieutenant skyring, and co-operate with him in the execution of the service on which he is about to be employed. mr. kirke, with a boat and five men, will be sent to assist. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy. to lieut. thos. graves, commander. his majesty's schooner adelaide. * * * * * sir; beagle, port gallant, june 19th 1829. it is my direction that as soon as you consider the rates of the chronometer on board the adelaide sufficiently settled, you proceed in her to search for, and, if practicable at this season of the year, survey such part of the passage which is supposed to lead from the vicinity of cape tamar to concepcion strait and the gulf of trinidad, as your time and provisions will allow. your chief object will be to open a passage from cape three points to cape tamar, between the mass of islands which lie between those capes. {564} when to the northward of cape tamar, and before reaching as far north as oracion bay, or the latitude of 52° 6', should you notice an opening to the eastward, with a current or stream of tide setting through it, and an appearance of its joining another body of water, of considerable extent, you will endeavour to ascertain whether it communicates with the skyring water, provided that, in so doing you do not turn from your chief object more than a few days. in the execution of the above orders you will act as you may consider best for the service of his majesty; and if, at any time before its completion, you find your provisions getting short, the climate too severe, or yourself, or those under your orders, in bad health, you will immediately make the best of your way to chilóe. you will endeavour to be at san carlos, in the island of chilóe, before the 20th of september, and will let nothing that can be avoided detain you beyond that time. i have, &c. (signed) robert fitz-roy, commander. to lieutenant wm. geo. skyring, his majesty's sloop beagle. * * * * * by phillip parker king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, and senior officer of an expedition for the survey of a part of south america. as soon as you shall have completed the rates of your chronometers and be otherwise ready, it is my direction that you proceed to sea in his majesty's sloop under your command, to survey the sea-coast of tierra del fuego, from cape pillar to the east entrance of the strait of magellan, in the progressive examination of which you will be guided by the state of the weather, and other circumstances, keeping in view that the most interesting part of the coast is that portion between christmas sound and the strait le maire, particularly the openings of new year sound and nassau bay, and the openings to the eastward of the latter as far as new island; as there is reason to believe that there is a considerable body of water to the eastward of the termination of admiralty {565} sound, communicating with the sea by some one if not many openings in the neighbourhood of nassau bay, and with an outlet on the n.e. coast (st. sebastian channel); and as the existence of such a strait would be of the greatest importance to small vessels bound to the westward round cape horn, you will see it fitting not to spend so much time to the westward of cape noir as may in the least impede the determination of the question, or prevent it being completely explored. it is my intention to be at port famine by the 1st of april, and at rio de janeiro by the 1st june, calling in my way at monte video, or gorriti, for chronometrical observations; and if can, conveniently, i shall also go to port desire for the same purpose. but as it is at present uncertain what orders i may find for me at valparaiso, you are to act according to your own discretion, so that you arrive at rio by the 20th of june to rejoin me. given under my hand, on board the adventure, at st. carlos de chilóe, november 18th, 1829. phillip p. king, commander. to robert fitz-roy, esq., commander of h.m.s. beagle. * * * * * by phillip parker king, esq., commander of his majesty's surveying vessel adventure, and senior officer of an expedition for the survey of a part of south america. as soon as the adelaide tender is ready, you will proceed to sea, in the execution of the following orders:-as your principal object will be to trace the main-land from the peninsula of tres montes to the southward, by penetrating into all the openings that lead easterly, you will commence at the channel mouths, and explore them to their termination. in the event of their affording a communication with the gulf of trinidad, and your having time, you will examine the channels that you have reported to exist in the neighbourhood of neesham bay, so as to complete the fallos channel, which separates campana from the land within it. should the channel mouths not afford the expected termination, you will proceed through the mesier or fallos channels, in {566} which, and in the channels more to the southward, you will explore all openings leading into the interior, and, if possible, not lose sight of the main-land until you reach the strait of magellan; by doing which it is expected, from the results of your last survey, that you will pass through the skyring and otway waters, and enter the strait by the jerome channel. the above being the principal object of your operations, you will take every opportunity of examining all other interesting parts of the coast, in the vicinity of your anchorages, among which the following seem to be of most interest:-the guaianeco islands, and the probable place of the wager's wreck, which would seem to be to the southward of, and not far from the dundee rock of your former survey. if time afforded, it would be interesting to lay down the shores of concepcion strait; also to examine the deep opening on the west side of st. estevan channel, in the latitude of 51° 8'. lord nelson strait is also of much interest, and any extension of our knowledge of the land that bounds the western side of smyth channel. but in these you will be guided by your own discretion, keeping in mind the principal object of the present survey, that of tracing the shores of the main-land. the adventure will be at port famine by the 1st of april, if nothing occurs to prevent it; and at rio de janeiro by the 1st of june, where you will rejoin me; but you are at liberty to call at monte video, on your way, for any supplies which you may require. (signed) phillip p. king. 7th dec. 1829. san carlos de chilóe. to lieutenant w. g. skyring, commanding h.m. schooner adelaide, tender to h.m.s. adventure. * * * * * {567} some observations relating to the southern extremity of south america, tierra del fuego, and the strait of magalhaens; made during the survey of those coasts in his majesty's ships adventure and beagle, between the years 1826 and 1830. by captain phillip parker king, f.r.s., commander of the expedition. ----- [the original paper, from which the following observations have been extracted, was read before the geographical society of london on the 25th of april and 9th of may 1831; and was printed in the journal of that society for the same year. it is here reprinted, with a few omissions and very slight alterations, in order that this volume may contain all that the author has yet published respecting south america; excepting particular sailing directions.] -----considering the vast extent of the sea-coast of the southern extremity of america, it is not a little surprising that it should have been so frequently passed by, during the last century, without having been more explored. within the last twenty years, however, it has been very much resorted to by english and american vessels in the seal trade, and to the observing portion of their enterprising crews many of its intricacies are well known; but as the knowledge they have derived from their experience has only in one instance, that of mr. weddell's voyage, been published to the world, our charts cannot be said to have been much improved for the last fifty years. the eastern coast of patagonia, by which name the country between the river plata and the strait of magalhaens[215] is known, {568} was coasted, as well as the north-eastern side of tierra del fuego, by malaspina; and the charts of his voyage not only vie with any contemporaneous production for accuracy and detail, but are even now quite sufficient for the general purposes of navigation. the strait of magalhaens has been explored by several navigators; but, among the numerous plans of it extant, those of sir john narborough and cordova are the most correct. the first is particularly noticed in the late admiral burney's very useful work, and the result of the last has been published in the spanish language, and is entitled "ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes." a second voyage was also made by cordova to the strait, the proceedings of which form an appendix to the above work. it is furnished with a good general chart of the coast, another of the strait, and many plans of the anchorages within it. byron, wallis, carteret, and bougainville, had already made considerable additions to narborough's plan, from which a chart had been compiled that answered all the purposes of general geographical information, and might even have been sufficient for navigation: for the latter purpose, however, cordova's chart was much superior; but, being published in spain only, and its existence little known in england, i found great difficulty in procuring a copy before i sailed, for my own use. the southern coast of tierra del fuego, between cape good success, the southern limit of strait le maire, and cape pillar at the western end of the strait of magalhaens, was very little known. cook's voyage affords several useful notices of the coast between cape deseado and christmas sound, and the dutch fleet under hermite partially explored the neighbourhood of cape horn: a confused chart of this coast, however, was the best that could be put together; and although mr. weddell has more recently published an account of the harbours and anchorages near cape horn and new year sound, yet little available benefit was derived from it, because these different navigators having confined their examinations to small portions of the coast, it was difficult to connect their respective plans, even on so small a scale as that of the general chart. the western coast of south america, which is very intricate, extending from cape victory (the north-west entrance of the {569} strait of magalhaens) to the island of chilóe, may be said to have been wholly unknown; for since the time of sarmiento de gamboa nothing in the least descriptive of it had been published, with the exception of the brief notices of two missionary voyages in piraguas, from chilóe to the guiateca and guaianeco islands. every person conversant with south american geography, must be acquainted with the voyage of sarmiento. from the determined perseverance shown by that excellent and skilful navigator, through difficulties of no ordinary nature, we are possessed of the details of a voyage down the western coast, and through the strait of magalhaens, that has never been surpassed. his journal has furnished us with the description of a coast more difficult and dangerous to explore than any which could readily be selected--for it was at that time perfectly unknown, and is exposed to a climate of perpetual storms and rain: yet the account is written with such minute care and correctness, that we have been enabled to detect upon our charts almost every place described in the gulf of trinidad, and the channels to the south of it, particularly their termination at his ancon sin salida. it would be irrelevant to enter here into the history of sarmiento's voyage, or indeed of any other connected with these coasts. modern surveys are made so much more in detail than those of former years, that little use can be made of the charts and plans that have been hitherto formed; but the accounts of the voyages connected with them are replete with interesting and useful matter, and much amusement as well as information may be derived from their perusal, particularly sir john narborough's journal, and byron's romantic and pathetic narrative of the loss of the wager. the cordillera of the andes, which is known to extend from the northern part of the continent almost to its southern extremity, decreases in elevation near the higher southern latitudes. in the neighbourhood of quito, chimborazo and pinchincha rear their summits to the height of nearly twenty-two thousand feet above the level of the sea; near santiago de chile the highest land is supposed to be fourteen thousand feet; farther south, near concepcion, it is lower; and near chilóe there are few parts of the range exceeding seven thousand feet. between chilóe and the {570} strait of magalhaens the average height may be taken at three thousand feet; though there are some mountains which may be between six and seven thousand feet high. by a reference to the chart it will be seen that about the parallel of 40° the coast begins to assume, and retains to its furthest extremity, a very different appearance from that which it exhibits to the northward, where the sea, which is kept at a distance from the cordillera by a belt of comparatively low land for continuous intervals of some hundred miles, washes a long unbroken shore, affording neither shelter for vessels nor landing for boats; but, to the southward of that parallel, its waters reach to the very base of the great chain of the andes, and, flowing as it were into the deep ravines that wind through its ramifications, form numerous channels, sounds, and gulfs, and, in many instances, insulate large portions of land. in fact, the whole of this space is fronted by large islands and extensive archipelagoes, of which the most conspicuous are the great island of chilóe, wellington island, the archipelago of madre de dios, hanover island, and queen adelaide archipelago. the last forms the western entrance of the strait on its north side. the land of tres montes, however, is an exception: it is a peninsula, and is the only part of the continent within the above limits that is exposed to the ocean's swell. it forms the northern part of the gulf of peñas, and is joined to the main by the narrow isthmus of ofqui, over which the indians, in travelling along the coast, carry their canoes, to avoid the extreme danger of passing round the peninsula. it was here that byron and his shipwrecked companions crossed over with their indian guides: but it is a route that is not much frequented; for this part of the coast is very thinly inhabited, and the trouble of pulling to pieces and reconstructing the canoes,[216] an operation absolutely necessary to be performed, is so great, that i imagine it is only done on occasions of importance. in this way the piraguas which conveyed the missionary voyagers to the guaianeco islands were transported {571} over the isthmus; the particulars of which are fully detailed in their journals.[217] the river san tadeo, although of small size, being navigable only for eleven miles, is the largest river of the coast south of the archipelago of chilóe, and therefore merits a particular description. at seven miles from the mouth it is fed by two streams or torrents, the currents of which are so strong that a fast-pulling boat can hardly make way against it. one of these streams takes its rise in a mountainous range, over which perhaps the communicating road passes; and the other is the drain of an extensive glacier or plain of ice of fifteen miles in extent. the river falls into the gulf of st. estevan over a shallow bar, upon which there is scarcely two feet water, and at low tide is probably dry. at the head of st. estevan gulf is st. quintin sound; both were examined and found to afford excellent anchorage, and they are both of easy access should a ship, passing up the coast, find herself upon a lee shore and not able to weather the land, as was the case with the ill-fated wager.[218] the guaianeco islands form the southern head of the gulf of peñas; then follows wellington island, separated from the main by the mesier channel, which had not been previously explored, its mouth only being laid down in the charts, compiled from the information of machado, a pilot who was sent in 1769 by the viceroy of peru to examine the coast from chilóe to the strait {572} of magalhaens.[219] this channel is also noticed in one of the two missionary voyages above mentioned; but the object of these expeditions being for the purpose of converting the indians to christianity,[220] and not for the extension of geographical knowledge, little information of that nature could be obtained from their journal: the entrance of the mesier, however, is described by them; and on one occasion they were obliged to take refuge in it for fifteen days.[221] with this exception i cannot find that it had ever been entered before our visit. the length of the channel is one hundred and sixty miles, and it joins the concepcion strait behind the madre de dios archipelago, at the brazo ancho of sarmiento. lieutenant skyring, who superintended this particular part of the survey, called the land which it insulates, wellington island; the seaward coast of which is fronted by several islands. fallos channel, which separates the campaña and wellington islands, was examined, from its northern entrance, for thirty-three miles, and was conjectured, after communicating with the sea at dynely sound, to extend to the southward, and fall into the gulf of trinidad by one of the deep sounds which were noticed on the north shore. about thirty miles within the mesier channel, from the northern extremity, the west side appears to be formed by a succession of large islands, many of which are separated by wide channels leading to the south-west, and probably communicating with the fallos channel. on the eastern shore the openings were found to be either narrow inlets or abruptly terminating sounds. on both sides of the channel the coast is hilly, but not very high, and in many places there is much low and generally thickly wooded land. this character distinguishes the mesier from other channels in these regions. the trees here are nearly of the same description as those which are found in all parts between cape tres montes and the strait of magalhaens. of these the most common are an evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_), a birch-like beech (_fagus antarctica_), the winter's bark (_winterana aromatica_[222]), and a tree with all the appearance and habit of a cypress, of which the indians make their {573} spears. among others there is one, the wood of which being extremely hard and weighty, answers better than the rest for fuel: the sealers call it 'the red wood,' from its colour. from the great quantity of timber which grows here it would be naturally supposed probably that spars for masts could be easily obtained, or at least wood useful for less important purposes; but although many trees were found that were sufficiently large at the base, they grew to no great height; and, in consequence of the moisture of the climate, and the crowded state of the forests preventing the admission of the sun's rays, the wood generally proved to be decayed in the heart; besides being very apt, even after a long seasoning, to warp and split when exposed to a dry air. ten miles beyond white-kelp cove, which is fifty miles within the entrance, the character of the mesier channel changes entirely; the shore on either side being formed of mountainous and precipitous ridges rising abruptly from the water. after this, at halt bay, twenty-three miles beyond white-kelp cove, the channel narrows for a considerable distance, and in three particular places is not more than four hundred yards wide. this part of the channel is called in the chart the english narrow. it is long and intricate, with many islands strewed throughout; and preserves its tortuous and frequently narrow course to its junction with the wide channel, in which the breadth increases to two miles and a half; and then, running thirty-four miles with a direct and unimpeded course, falls into the concepcion strait as above stated. at the point where the mesier and the wide channels unite, a deep sound extends to the n. n. e. for forty-six miles. it was named sir george eyre sound. an extensive glacier sloping into the sea from the summit of a range of high snowy mountains, that are visible from many parts of the mesier channel, terminates this sound; and near the head of it several large icebergs, containing no inconsiderable blocks of granite, were found aground.[223] {574} of the archipelago of madre de dios we know very little. it has probably many deep openings on its seaward face, and is fronted by islands and rocks. its character is rocky and mountainous, and by no means agreeable. the wide and safe channel of concepcion strait separates it from the main land, which in this part is much intersected by deep sounds, the principal of which, the canal of san andres, extends to the base of the snowy range of the cordillera, and there lieutenant skyring describes it to be suddenly closed by immense glaciers. behind hanover island, which is separated from madre de dios by the concepcion strait, the main-land is very much intersected by sounds like the san andres channel, extending to the base of the andes. south of hanover island is queen adelaide archipelago, through which are several channels that communicate with the strait of magalhaens; of which the principal, smyth channel, falls into the strait at cape tamar. in the winter of 1829, captain robert fitz-roy, then commanding the beagle, in examining the jerome channel, which communicates with the strait in that part called crooked reach, discovered 'otway water,' an inland sea fifty miles long, trending to the n.e., and separated from the eastern entrance of the strait by a narrow isthmus; the actual width of which was not ascertained, for in the attempt the boats were nearly lost. the south-eastern shore is high and rocky, and generally precipitous, but the northern is formed by low undulating grassy plains, free from trees, and precisely like the country about the eastern entrance of the strait. at the north-west corner of the water a passage was found leading in a north-west direction for twelve miles, when it opened into another extent of water, about thirty-four miles long and twenty wide. this he called the skyring water. its southern and western sides are bounded by mountainous land, but the northern shore is low, apparently formed of undulating downs and grassy plains, and in some places watered by rivulets. at the western extremity of the water two openings were observed, separated by a remarkable castellated mountain which was called dynevor castle. beyond the southernmost opening there was no land visible, not even a distant mountain, which induced captain fitz-roy to suppose that it was a channel communicating with the {575} western coast; but from what we now know, it is not probable that it can lead to anything of consequence. it is, perhaps, backed by low marshy land reaching to the hills at the bottom of glacier bay, which, from the distance being seventy miles, were not visible above the horizon. the northern opening probably passes dynevor castle, and, perhaps, nearly reaches the bottom of obstruction sound. the skyring water was not further explored; partly from want of a sufficient quantity of provisions to undertake it with any prospect of succeeding, and partly from a strong south-westerly gale, from which there was no shelter for the open boats in which this examination was performed. the remainder, therefore, of captain fitz-roy's time was spent in completing what he had commenced; and, after an absence of thirty-two days, he rejoined his ship at port gallant. at the western end of the passage, which unites the waters, the shore is well clothed on the north side with luxuriant grass and trefoil, with here and there a sprinkling of brushwood, but is entirely destitute of trees. the soil, although dry, is light, and tolerably good; but the ground is perforated everywhere by some burrowing animal, probably skunks, or _cavias_. the tracks of horses were noticed in many places, and the bones of guanacoes were scattered about. water was not very plentiful, but several small brooks and springs in the sides of the hills were observed, sufficient for all useful purposes. on the south side of the passage the land is low, but wooded: the banks are from five to forty feet high, sloping to the water, and covered with grass. in the entrance the tide ran five or six knots at the neaps, but inside with only half that rapidity. on the north side, at the distance of a mile and a-half, there is a ridge of hills, to the summit of which captain fitz-roy made an excursion, which is described in the narrative. in consequence of the supposed communication of the skyring water with some part of the western coast, a careful examination was made of every opening trending into the interior behind the islands and archipelagoes that line the western coast; the result of which has proved that the hypothesis so naturally formed was not confirmed by fact. a reference to the chart will show how carefully the search was carried on, and with what want of success it was concluded. the deep opening discovered by sarmiento, and {576} named by him, 'ancon sin salida,' was found, upon examination, to extend so far into the interior, and in the direction of the skyring water, that the most strict investigation of the numerous sounds and canals was made, in the perfect conviction of finding the desired communication. but after a patient, laborious, and minute examination, particularly of those openings which led to the southward, among which obstruction sound held the most flattering appearance, lieutenant skyring, who performed this service, was obliged to give up the search and return. at one part, near the south-eastern end of the sound, he entered an opening, which at first had an appearance that was favourable to the desired communication, but it terminated in low, woody land. there was, however, a hill near the shore, which he ascended with the hope of obtaining a view of the country; but the sides and summit of the hill were so thickly wooded as to obstruct his view, and with the exception of some distant high land in the south-east quarter, and a sheet of water about six miles off in the same bearing, nothing was discerned to repay him for the fatigue and trouble of the ascent. whether the water is a lagoon, or a part of the skyring water, or whether it communicates with the opening trending round the north side of dynevor castle, yet remains to be ascertained. being foiled in this attempt, lieutenant skyring proceeded onward in a s.s.w. direction, and after a pull often miles came to the bottom of the sound, which was terminated by high, precipitous land encircling every part. neither wigwams nor traces of indians were seen, another proof, were one required, of the sound not communicating with the skyring water; for the indians very rarely visit these deep inlets, but are always to be found in narrow straits or communicating channels, where, from the strength of the tide, seals and porpoises, which constitute the principal food of the fuegian indians, abound. sarmiento's name, therefore, of 'ancon sin salida,' which we had hoped to have expunged from the chart, must now remain, a lasting memorial of his enterprising character, and of a voyage deservedly one of the most celebrated, as well as most useful, of the age in which it was performed. the termination of obstruction sound is one of the most remarkable features in the geography of this part of south america. in this examination the southern extremity of the cordillera was {577} ascertained. the eastern shores of the interior channels were found to be low plains, with no hills or mountains visible in the distance; and such being characteristic also of the northern shores of the otway and skyring waters, it is probable that all the country to the east of the sounds is a continued plain. recent traces of indians were seen in some places; but at the time our party was there, they were either absent or had concealed themselves. i should not think that these interior sounds are much frequented by them; a family was, however, met in the passage between the otway and the skyring water, clothed with guanaco skins, like the patagonian tribes, but in manners and disposition resembling the wandering inhabitants of the strait and tierra del fuego; and they had canoes, which the patagonians do not use. they had probably come thus far for the purpose of communicating with the latter tribes, with whom they frequently have friendly intercourse. no guanacoes were seen either on the shores of the inland waters or of the sounds within the 'ancon sin salida,' although the country, being open and covered with luxuriant grass, was peculiarly suited to their habits; but as several large herds of deer were observed feeding near the sea-shore of obstruction sound, and the neighbouring country, the presence of these latter animals may probably be the cause; for on the eastern coast, where the guanacoes are every where abundant, the deer do not make their appearance. sea-otters were the only other animals that we met with; but they were only occasionally noticed, swimming about the kelp. the shores of the sounds were in many places crowded with the black-necked swan (_anas nigricollis_, linn.), and there were a few seen, but only one captured, whose plumage, excepting the tips of the wings, which were black, was of a dazzling white colour. i have described it in the first part of the proceedings of the zoological society as a new species (_cygnus anatoïdes_.) the strait of magalhaens, being a transverse section of the continent, exhibits a view of its geological structure. the strait may be divided into three portions; the western, the central, and the eastern. the western and central are of primitive character, rugged and very mountainous; but the eastern portion is of recent formation and low. the western tract is composed of a succession of stratified rocks, a difference at once distinguishable by the form {578} and nature of the ranges, and the direction of the shores: the hills are irregularly heaped together; the sounds are intricate and tortuous in their course, and the shores are formed by deep sinuosities and prominently projecting headlands: the channels, also, are studded with innumerable islands and rocks extremely dangerous for navigation. in this portion the rock is, for the most part, granite and greenstone. near the centre of the strait, the rock being clay-slate, the mountains are higher, and more precipitous and rugged in their outline; and consequently not easily to be ascended. they are in general three thousand feet, but some are found to be four thousand feet, in height; and one, mount sarmiento, is upwards of six thousand feet high, and is covered throughout the year with snow. the line of perpetual snow in the strait seems to be about three thousand five hundred feet above the sea: the mountains, whose height does not exceed three thousand, are, during the summer, frequently free from any, excepting in holes, where a large quantity is accumulated by drifting, and protected from the sun. the strait here is quite free from islands, and it is a remarkable fact, that where the greenstone formation terminates, there the islands cease to appear. the slate formation continues as far as freshwater bay, where the stratified rocks leave the coast and extend in a north-west direction. the soil then becomes apparently a mixture of decomposed slate and clay; the slate gradually disappearing on approaching to cape negro, where the rock partakes of the character of the east coast. here again we observe, along with the change of geological character, the re-appearance of islands, the soil of which is clayey, but with masses of granite, hornblende rock and clay slate protruding in many places through the superficial soil, which, although it yields a poor grass, is entirely destitute of trees. in that portion of the strait to the eastward of cape negro the hills are remarkable for the regularity and parallelism of their direction, and their general resemblance to each other. on the north shore, near cape gregory, a range of high land commences suddenly, with rather a precipitous ascent, and extends for forty miles to the north-east, where it terminates in detached rocky hills. the south-western end of the range is a ridge of flat-topped {579} land covered with soil, but with here and there a protruding mass of primitive rock: one of these appeared to be of sienite or granite. the north-eastern end of this range is perhaps more bare of soil, and, therefore, exposes the rock, which shows itself in detached hills. precisely similar in appearance and direction is a range on the south shore, about fifty miles in length, commencing at cape monmouth and terminating in detached hills in the vicinity of the south side of the first narrow. the courses, also, of both the first and second narrow, which are just within the eastern entrance of the strait, are nearly parallel with these hills; and the smaller ranges of eminences, elizabeth island and the cliffy land of cape negro, where the clay formation commences, all trend to the n.n.e., preserving a general resemblance of form and character to the two ranges above mentioned. the irregularity of the topographic features of the western portion of the strait, combined with its confused assemblage and immense number of islands and rocks;--the regularity of the strata--the coinciding parallelism of all the bays, channels, and sounds,--and the total absence of islands in the central portion or slate formation;--together with the remarkable similarity of the direction of the hills and coast line, and the stratification of the north-eastern tract, which is very different from that of the centre;--are very striking facts, and, geologically considered, are of great interest. no less remarkable, however, and equally interesting, is the character of the vegetation; not so much in the variety of plants, as in their stunted growth to the westward, their luxuriance in the centre, and the total absence of trees to the eastward. for this modification the following reasons seem to me to account sufficiently. to the westward the decomposition of granite, and the other primitive rocks which are found there, forms but a poor, unproductive soil; so that, although the land is thickly covered with shrubs, they are all small and stunted: the torrents of water also that pour down the steep sides of the hills, wash away the partial accumulations of soil that are occasionally deposited; consequently, few trees are to be found, excepting in clefts and recesses of the rock, where decomposed vegetable matter collects and nourishes their growth; but even there they are low and stunted, for the most luxuriant seldom attain a larger diameter than nine or ten inches. {580} from the regularity of the direction of the strata in the slate districts the vallies are very extensive, and, being bounded on either side by precipitous mountains much intersected by deep ravines, receive large streams of water, which, uniting together in their course to the sea, form no inconsiderable rivers. during the winter months these rivers become swollen and overflow their banks, and deposit a quantity of alluvium, which, blending with the fallen leaves and other putrescent substances, produces a good superficial soil, in which trees grow to a large size, and the shrubs and smaller plants become particularly luxuriant and productive. at port famine, and in its neighbourhood, the evergreen beech (_fagus betuloides_) grows in the greatest abundance, and reaches a very large size. trees of this species, of three feet in diameter, are abundant; of four feet, there are many; and there is one tree (perhaps the very same noticed by commodore byron[224]), which measures seven feet in diameter for seventeen feet above the roots, and then divides into three large branches, each of which is three feet through. this venerable tree seemed to be sound, but from our experience of several others that were cut down, might be expected to prove rotten in the centre. this tendency to decaying in the heart may be attributed to the coldness of the schistose sub-soil upon which the trees are rooted, as well as to the perpetual moisture of the climate above alluded to. the slate formation ceases at port st. mary, but there is no decided change in the vegetation until we come to cape negro, where the clay commences; and from thence onwards there is not a tree to be found. the nature of the soil is not favourable to plants which take a deep root, and, therefore, only shrubs and grasses are found: the former are thinly scattered over the extensive plains which characterise this country; but the grasses are abundant, and although of a harsh and dry appearance, must be nourishing, for they form the chosen food of numerous and large herds of guanacoes. besides the evergreen beech above-mentioned, there are but few other trees in the strait that can be considered as timber trees. such an appellation only belongs to two other species of beech and the winter's bark. the last, which is also an evergreen, is to be found mixed with the first, in all parts of the strait; so that {581} the country and hills, from the height of two thousand feet above the sea, to the very verge of the high-water mark, are covered with a perpetual verdure which is remarkably striking, particularly in those places where the glaciers descend into the sea; the sudden contrast in such cases presenting to the view a scene as agreeable as it seems to be anomalous. i have myself seen vegetation thriving most luxuriantly, and large woody-stemmed trees of fuchsia and veronica[225] (in england considered and treated as tender plants), in full flower, within a very short distance of the base of a mountain, covered for two-thirds down with snow, and with the temperature at 36°. the fuchsia certainly was rarely found except in sheltered spots, but not so the veronica; for the beaches of the bays on the west side of san juan island at port san antonio are lined with trees of the latter, growing even in the very wash of the sea. there is no part of the strait more exposed to the wind than this, for it faces the reach to the west of cape froward, down which the wind constantly blows, and brings with it a succession of rain, sleet, or snow; and in the winter months, from april to august, the ground is covered with a layer of snow, from six inches to two or three feet in depth. there must be, therefore, some peculiar quality in the atmosphere of this otherwise rigorous climate which favours vegetation; for if not, these comparatively delicate plants could not live and flourish through the long and severe winters of this region. in the summer, the temperature at night was frequently as low as 29° of fahrenheit, and yet i never noticed the following morning any blight or injury sustained by these plants, even in the slightest degree. i have occasionally, during the summer, been up the greater part of the night at my observatory, with the internal as well as the external thermometers as low as freezing point, without being particularly warmly clad, and yet not feeling the least cold; and in the winter, the thermometer, on similar occasions, has been at 24° and 26°, without my suffering the slightest inconvenience. this i attributed at the time to the peculiar stillness of the air, although, within a short distance in the offing and overhead, the wind was high. whilst upon this subject, there are two facts which may be {582} mentioned as illustrative of the mildness of the climate, notwithstanding the lowness of the temperature. one is the comparative warmth of the sea near its surface, between which and the air, i have in the month of june, the middle of the winter season, observed a difference of 30°, upon which occasion the sea was covered with a cloud of steam. the other is, that parrots and humming-birds, generally the inhabitants of warm regions, are very numerous in the southern and western parts of the strait--the former feeding upon the seeds of the winter's bark, and the latter having been seen by us chirping and sipping the sweets of the fuchsia and other flowers, after two or three days of constant rain, snow, and sleet, during which the thermometer had been at freezing point. we saw them also in the month of may upon the wing, during a snow shower: and they are found in all parts of the south-west and west coasts as far as valparaiso. i have since been informed that this species is also an inhabitant of peru; so that it has a range of more than 41° of latitude, the southern limit being 53½° south.[226] tierra del fuego is divided by several channels; a principal one of which is opposite to cape froward, and another fronts port gallant. the easternmost, called magdalen, trends in a due south direction for nineteen miles, and separates the clay slate from the more crystalline rocks, which seem to predominate in clarence island, and are chiefly of greenstone; though, at the eastern end, there is much mica slate. at the bottom of magdalen sound the channel turns sharply to the westward; and, after a course of about forty miles, meets the barbara channel, which, as above-mentioned, communicates with the strait opposite to port gallant, and both fall into the sea together. magdalen sound and its continuation, cockburn channel, are almost free from islands and rocks; but the barbara channel, which separates {583} the granite from the greenstone and mica slate districts, is throughout thickly strewed with islands, which reduce the channel in some parts to a mile, and, in one place, to not more than fifty yards in width. here, of course, the tide sets with great strength. several vessels, however, have passed through it under sail; and one ship, a whaler belonging to messrs. enderby, working through the strait, and finding much difficulty in passing to the westward, bore up, and, the wind being fair and the distance to sea only fifty miles, ran through it without accident. the land to the westward of the barbara channel is high and rugged; and although in the vallies, ravines, and sheltered nooks, there is no want of vegetation, yet, in comparison with the eastern part of the strait, it has a very dismal and uninviting appearance. it was called by sarmiento, 'santa ines island';[227] but narborough called it, 'south desolation; it being,' as he says, 'so desolate land to behold.'[228] clarence island, which is fifty-two miles long and twenty-three broad, although equally rocky, is much more verdant in appearance. the uniform direction of the headlands of the north shore of the island is remarkable. upon taking a set of angles with the theodolite placed upon the extremity of the west end of bell bay, opposite to cape holland, the most prominent points to the south-east, as far as could be seen, were all visible in the field of the telescope at the same bearing. the same thing occurred on the opposite shore of the strait, where the projections of cape gallant, cape holland, and cape froward, are in the same line of bearing; so that a parallel ruler placed on the map upon the projecting points of the south shore, extended across, will also touch the headlands of the opposite coast. the eastern island, which had been previously called, and of course retains on our chart the name of king charles south land, extends from the entrance of the strait to the outlet of the barbara and cockburn channels, at cape schomberg. the northern part partakes of the geological character of the eastern portion of the strait. the centre is a continuation of the slate formation, which is evident at a glance, from the uniformity of the direction of the shores of admiralty sound, the gabriel channel, and all the bays and mountain ranges of dawson island. the south shore, or seaward coast line, is principally of greenstone, {584} excepting the shores of the beagle channel, which extends from christmas sound to cape san pio, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, with a course so direct that no points of the opposite shores cross and intercept a free view through; although its average breadth, which also is very parallel, is not much above a mile, and in some places is but a third of a mile across. the south shores of hoste and navarin islands are of horn-blende rock, which is also the principal component of the islands in the neighbourhood, as well as of the island itself of cape horn. the eastern part of king charles south land is low, with plains like the patagonian coast; but the range of high land interrupted at port famine extends down the north side of admiralty sound, and perhaps, with some few intervals, continues to the south-east extremity of the land, near cape good success, which is the south cape of the west side of strait le maire, and there terminates in lofty mountains covered with snow, one of which, called in the charts 'the sugar loaf,' is probably four thousand feet high. the eastern shore of king charles south land, towards the south part, is lofty, but near the northern part is very low. the interior is also low, with extensive plains, abounding with guanacoes, some of which also were found, and shot by the officers of the beagle, within fifty miles of cape horn. the eastern coast of patagonia, from the entrance of the strait of magalhaens to the river plata, is comparatively low. from cape virgins to port st. julian, where porphyritic claystone commences, the coast is formed of clay cliffs, horizontally stratified, and the country is undulating, with extensive plains, or pampas, covered with grass, but without trees. at port st. julian, the country becomes hilly, and continues so as far to the northward as latitude 44°, the rock being porphyritic. the clay formation to the southward has been likened to the appearance of the coast of kent, and at a short distance it bears certainly a very great resemblance to it; but the cliffs, instead of being of chalk, are composed of a soft marly clay, without any gravel or impressions of organic remains, excepting at port st. julian, where fossil shells, both bivalves and univalves, are found imbedded in clay cliffs; and on the surface are lying, strewed about, large oyster-shells. in the clay formation there are two rivers: the gallegos, in lat. 51° 38'; and port santa cruz, in lat. 50° 7'. the gallegos, at {585} high water, may be easily entered, but at low water the banks are dry to a great extent; a channel, however, is left on its south side, of sufficient depth for a small vessel: the tide rises forty-six feet, and the stream is very strong. port desire, in 47° 45' south latitude, has a narrow entrance with strong tides; but affords in the offing very good anchorage as well as shelter from the prevailing winds, which are offshore, or westerly. the inlet extends up the country, nearly in a west direction, for eighteen miles; but the land is dry and parched, and very unsuitable for the establishment which the spanish government formed there not many years since, and of which evident traces remain to this day. st. george's gulf, called in the old charts 'bahia sin fondo,' or deep-sea gulf, was formerly considered to be a deep sinuosity of the coast, into which a river emptied its waters after winding through a large tract of country; for, until the descubierta and atrevida's voyage of discovery, very vague accounts had been given of this, or indeed of any other part of the coast. the gulf, upon that examination, was found to possess no river or creek in any part excepting on the north side, where there are several deep bays and coves, which are, and have been frequented by our sealing vessels. the country about is dry and parched, although partially covered with small shrubs, and a wiry grass on which large herds of guanacoes feed. according to falkner (the jesuit missionary, who resided many years among the indian tribes inhabiting the country about buenos ayres), the eastern coast between the latitudes of 41° and 51° is frequented by the natives for the purpose only of burying the dead: they have, however, been occasionally met with travelling along the coast, apparently without any particular object in view. near port desire i have seen the graves of the indians on the summit of the hills, but the bodies had been removed, probably by the indians themselves; for we are informed by falkner, that, after the dead have been interred twelve months, the graves are visited by the tribe, for the purpose of collecting the bones and conveying them to their family sepulchres, where they are set up and adorned with all the beads and ornaments the friends and family of the deceased can collect for the occasion. the ceremony {586} is performed by certain women of the tribe whose peculiar office it is to attend to these rites. in the year 1828, from the commencement of january to the middle of august, the adventure (the ship i commanded) was at anchor at port famine, in the strait of magalhaens, in latitude 53° 38¼' south, and longitude 70° 54' west of greenwich; and during the whole of that time a careful meteorological journal was kept. the temperature was registered from a very good thermometer of fahrenheit's scale, suspended within a copper cylindrical case of nine inches diameter, and perforated above and below with holes, to admit a free current of air. the cylinder was fixed to the roof of a shed, thatched with dried leaves to shelter it from the sun, while the sides were open. the barometer (a mountain barometer made by newman, with an iron cylinder) was hung up in the observatory, five feet above the high-water mark, and both instruments were examined carefully and regularly at the following hours, namely: six and nine o'clock in the morning, at noon, and at three and six o'clock in the evening. the state of the atmosphere was observed daily, by daniel's hygrometer, at three o'clock in the afternoon. the maximum and minimum temperatures were also observed twice in twenty-four hours, from a six's thermometer, namely: at nine o'clock in the morning, and at nine in the evening. from this journal the following abstract has been drawn up:-{587} summary of meteorological observations. -----table i. mean height of the barometer, corrected for neut^l. p^t. and capill^y. and reduced to the temperature of 32°. +------+--------------------+----------------------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. | | |------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | hour | feb. |march.|april.| may. | june. | july.| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | |inches|inches|inches|inches |inches |inches| | vi. |29.404|29.631|29.569|+29.322|+29.279|29.581| | ix. | +.415| +.655| +.581| .311| .277| .584| | xii. | .405| -.641| .574| .292| .272| .576| | iii. | -.399| .647| -.555| -.285| -.271| -.542| | vi. | .404| .657| .579| .308| .294| .571| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ | means|29.405|29.646|29.572| 29.304| 29.279|29.571| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ +------+-----------------------+ | | means. | | |-------+-------+-------+ | hour |autumn.|brumal.|au.&br.| +------+-------+-------+-------+ | | inches|inches |inches | | vi. | 29.531|+29.394|29.463 | | ix. | +.550| .391| +.470 | | xii. | .540| .380| .460 | | iii. | -.534| -.366| -.450 | | vi. | .540| .391| .465 | +------+-------+-------+-------+ | means| 29.539| 29.384|29.462 | +------+-------+-------+-------+ table ii. +----------------------------------------------------------+ | thermometer--fahrenheit. | +------+--------------------+----------------------+-------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. |12 days| | |------+------+------+-------+-------+------+ of | | hour | feb. |march.|april.| may. | june. | july.|august.| +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | vi. | 44.30| 44.20| 35.82| 34.74 | 30.67 | 30.53| 33.46 | | ix. | 51.38| 49.87| 40.61| 36.36 | 31.83 | 31.50| 35.11 | | xii. | 54.23| 52.53| 45.42| 40.68 | 36.02 | 35.93| 37.92 | | iii. | 54.44| 52.39| 44.88| 39.62 | 34.36 | 34.59| 36.24 | | vi. | 51.16| 47.84| 39.83| 35.97 | 31.98 | 32.58| 33.54 | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ | means| 51.10| 49.37| 41.22| 35.47 | 32.97 | 33.03| 33.25 | +------+------+------+------+-------+-------+------+-------+ +------+-----------------------+ | | means. | | |-------+-------+-------+ | hour |autumn.|brumal.|au.&br.| +------+-------+-------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | | vi. | 41.44| 31.98 | 36.71 | | ix. | 47.29| 33.23 | 40.26 | | xii. | 50.73| 37.54 | 44.13 | | iii. | 50.57| 36.19 | 43.38 | | vi. | 46.13| 33.51 | 39.82 | +------+-------+-------+-------+ | means| 47.23 | 34.49 | 40.86 | +------+-------+-------+-------+ {588} table iii. daniel's hygrometer, observed at 3 p.m., daily, and compared with the mean temperature. +---------------------+-----------------------+-----------------------+ | | autumnal period. | brumal period. | | |-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ | | feb. | march.| april.| may. | june. | july. | +---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | monthly mean tem. | 51.10 | 49.37 | 41.22 | 35.47 | 32.97 | 33.03 | | from table ii. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | temperature of | 41.31 | 40.75 | 34.83 | 34.88 | 30.28 | 29.41 | | dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | difference between | 9.79 | 8.62 | 6.39 | 0.59 | 2.69 | 3.62 | | mean temperat. | | | | | | | | and dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | dryness (the point | 711.8 | 736.42| 809.9 | 980.6 | 903.8 | 876.3 | | of saturation | | | | | | | | being 1000) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | elasticity of vapour| 295.7 | 289.0 | 238.64| 239.04| 202.24| 196.46| | | | | | | | | | weight of a cubic | 3.3441| 3.2801| 2.7550| 2.7926| 2.3731| 2.3048| | foot of vapour in | | | | | | | | grains | | | | | | | +---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+-------+ +---------------------+--------+---------------------------+ | |12 days | means. | | | of |--------+--------+-------| | | august.| autumn.| brumal.|au.&br. | +---------------------+--------+--------+--------+---------+ | | ° | ° | ° | ° | | monthly mean tem. | 33.25 | 47.23 | 34.49 | 40.88 | | from table ii. | | | | | | | | | | | | temperature of | 30.28 | 38.96 | 31.52 | 35.24 | | dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | difference between | 2.97 | 8.27 | 2.30 | 5.28 | | mean temperat. | | | | | | and dew point | | | | | | | | | | | | dryness (the point | 894.6 | 752.71 | 920.23 | 836.47 | | of saturation | | | | | | being 1000) | | | | | | | | | | | | elasticity of vapour| 202.2 | 274.44 | 212.58 | 243.51 | | | | | | | | weight of a cubic | 2.3421| 3.1264| 2.4902| 2.8083 | | foot of vapour in | | | | | | grains | | | | | +---------------------+--------+--------+--------+---------+ table iv. +---------+-----------------------+------------------------------------+ | | | temperature. | | | |------------------+-----------------+ | | pressure. | air. | water. | | |-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ | months | max. | min. | range | max.| min.| range| max.| min.|range| +---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ | |inches.|inches.|inches.| ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | ° | | february| 30.087| 28.768| 1.319 | 66 | 28 | 38.0 | 52.5| 43.7| 8.8 | | march | 30.099| 29.004| 1.095 | 68 | 30.5| 37.5 | 50.5| 41.5| 9.0 | | april | 30.055| 28.844| 1.211 | 57.5| 28 | 29.5 | 47.8| 40.5| 7.3 | | may | 29.850| 28.795| 1.055 | 49.5| 20.5| 29.0 | 48.2| 42.8| 5.4 | | june | 30.079| 28,274| 1.805 | 48.7| 19.2| 29.5 | 47.0| 40.3| 6.7 | | july | 30.500| 28.942| 1.558 | 44.2| 12.6| 31.6 | 45.0| 41.8| 3.2 | | august }| 29.782| 28.709| 1.073 | 49.2| 18.5| 30.7 | 43.1| 40.2| 2.9 | | 12 days}| | | | | | | | | | +---------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+-----+ +---------+---------------------+ | | dew point, | | | hygrometer | | |------+------+-------+ | months | max. | min. | range | +---------+------+------+-------+ | | ° | ° | ° | | february| 51.2 | 31 | 20.2 | | march | 47 | 35 | 12 | | april | 42 | 27 | 15 | | may | 43 | 21 | 22 | | june | 41.5 | 20 | 21.5 | | july | 39.7 | 19 | 20.7 | | august }| 37.2 | 20.5 | 16.7 | | 12 days}| | | | +---------+------+------+-------+ {589} from the preceding tables it will be seen that the mean temperature for the autumnal period (the months of february, march, and april) was 47°.2; the maximum and minimum were respectively 68° and 28°. for the brumal period, the three following months, the mean temperature was 34°.5, and the maximum and minimum 49°.5 and 12°.6. during the former, or autumnal period, the barometer ranged between 30.099 and 28.768 inches, and for the latter it was between 30.5 and 28.274 inches. the range for the first being 1.331 inches, and for the last 2.226 inches. * * * * * {590} extract from the beagle's 'game' book, 1830. +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| | date. | giver. | given for fresh provisions. | +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| | may 16 | mr. may | 4 ducks 2 redbills. | | -| george west | 3 gulls, 1 goose. | | 17 | mr. murray | 90 lbs. of guanaco meat. | | 19 | capt. fitz-roy | 36 fish (from natives). | | 19 | do. | 10 shags, 4 redbills. | | 27 | j. bennett | 2 shags, 1 goose, 3 penguins. | | june 6 | j. bennett | 7 shags, 14 fish. | | 7 | capt. fitz-roy | 1 albatross, 1 bittern. | | 16 | lieut. kempe | 5 shags, 2 geese. | | 16 | mr. brailey | 1 hawk, 1 owl. | | 16 | jas. forsyth | 17 redbills, 5 sea-pigeons, | | 17 | do. | 15 redbills, 1 hawk. | | 19 | do. | 6 shags. | | -| lieut. kempe | 16 shags, 4 ducks, 6 redbills,| | | | 4 sea-pigeons. | | 20 | lieut. kempe, mr. stokes, | 41 shags, 3 steamer-ducks, | | | and j. forsyth | 11 redbills, 5 | | | | sea-pigeons, 3 hawks, | | | | 2 owls. | +--------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------| _note._--otters, foxes, and seal, were tried more than once, but discarded. very young seal, however, were liked, as well as young penguins. {591} extract from the beagle's 'game' book, 1830. +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ | date. | given as fresh provisions. | to whom. | +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ | may 17 | 4 ducks, 1 goose | the sick. | | - | 3 gulls, 2 redbills | the fuegians. | | 18 | 90 lbs. of guanaco meat | all hands. | | 19 | 36 fish | sick & fuegians. | | 20 | 6 shags, 2 redbills | sick. | | 21 | 4 shags, 2 redbills | fuegians. | | 28 | 2 shags | sick. | | 29 | 1 goose, 3 penguins | fuegians. | | june 7 | 7 shags, 14 fish | sick. | | 8 | 1 albatross, 1 bittern | fuegians. | | 17} |{5 shags, 17 redbills, 1} | | | 18} |{owl, 5 pigeons, 2 } | all hands.[229] | | |{hawks, 2 geese } | | | 19 | 6 shags | sick and fuegians. | | 20 | 16 shags, 4 ducks, 6 | | | | redbills | all hands.[230] | | 21 | 20 shags, 9 pigeons, 2 | | | | owls | all hands. | | 23 | 11 shags, 6 redbills, 3 | | | | hawks | all hands.[231] | | 24 | 5 shags, 5 redbills |}sick and fuegians. | | 25 | 5 shags, 3 steamers |} | +---------+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+ * * * * * {592} {593} index. adelaide (tender) granted, 107 proceedings, 108, 110, 111 goes to look for san sebastian channel, 122-124 return to port famine, 140 sent to cayetano island, loses boat, 142-143 in bougainville harbour, 145 further proceedings, 149, 151, 182, 183 suffers from gale in river plata, 191 detention, 192-196 goes to magdalen channel, 197, 212, 213, 217, 241, 248 proceedings, 251-257 at chilóe, 258 proceedings, 258-268 repaired, 300 sails to gulf of peñas, 301 arrives at port famine, 321 sails with adventure to monte video and rio de janeiro, 322 particulars of her last cruise, 323-358 left as tender to flag-ship, 462. adventure, leaves river plata, 1 at sta. elena, 2-6 anchors near cape fairweather, 7 enters strait of magalhaens, 12 passes first narrow, 15 in gregory bay, 16 passes second narrow, 20 in freshwater bay, 22 at port famine, 25-84 in laredo bay, 85 in gregory bay, 85-104 at rio de janeiro, 105 goes to santos, sta. catharina, monte video, thence to southward, 106, 107 re-enters strait, in possession bay, 109 in gregory bay, 111 in port famine, 117 scurvy on board, 144 leaves port famine, 182 enters river plata, brazilian squadron, 186, 187 at rio de janeiro, 188 in pampero, 189, 190 at port desire, 192 in sea-bear bay, 193 goes to staten land, 197 st. martin cove, 198 at valparaiso bay, 207 at chilóe, 210 at valparaiso, goes to juan fernandez, 302 at concepcion, 308 enters strait of magalhaens, 311 in playa parda, 312 fortescue bay, 313 reaches port famine, 315 departs finally, 321 at rio de janeiro, 322 arrival in england, 462. admiralty sound, glaciers, weather, indians, passages, description of shores, 56-59. agnes islands, rocks, dangers, 380. agüeros, boundaries of chilóe, 271 description of piraguas, 285 quoted on climate, 294, 295 account of missionary voyages, 327-329. ainsworth, mr., goes to survey port san antonio, drowned, burial-place, 63-64. aldunate, takes chilóe, yntendente of the province, 299 anecdote, 300 goes in adventure to valparaiso, 302. alerse, good qualities of wood, difficult to obtain, 282-283. _anas specularis_, 117. ancon sin salida (of sarmiento), 262 adelaide there, weather, traced, 347. andres san, canal (of sarmiento), disappointment, 339. _anser nigricollis_, 352. anson, juan fernandez, 307. antonio san, port, cordova's account, vegetation, 126 humming-birds, {594} weather, 127, 128 detention there, 133-135. _apterodytes magellanica_, 5. araucanian indians, dress, 309 meeting, 310, 311. _araucaria imbricata_, 311. _argonauta tuberculosa_, found in maw of dolphin, containing _octopus ocythöe_, 106, 107. ariel rocks, supposed, search for, meeting of currents gave rise to false report of their existence, 460, 461. asses' ears, 12. aymond mount, 12. barbara channel, islands, rocks, tides, 256. barbara santa, port, 164 oak-beam, supposed wager's, found, 165 mountains, island, productions, wigwams, weather, 166, 167. barnevelt islands, 436. barometer, 41 observations for height of mount tarn, 42, 43 for weather, 144, 149 before pampero, 189, 191 observations, 202, 203, 210 for height of mountain de la cruz, 244 attention to, 371 changes, 426, 427, 429, 465, 466, 467. beagle, leaves monte video, 1 at sta. elena, 7 approaches strait of magalhaens, 13 passes first narrow, 15 at gregory bay, 16 at port famine, 25 prepared to go to west part of straits, and sails, 26, 28 anxiety for, arrival, 65 proceedings, currents, squalls, doubles cape froward, leaves port gallant, cape tamar, danger, difficulties, dangerous service, 68-80 sails from pert famine for monte video, 85 goes thence to rio de janeiro, 105 ordered to port desire, 108 protracted absence, arrival at port famine, 119 sails again, 129 return, 151 proceedings during absence, dangers off parallel peak, sufferings of crew, at port santa barbara, port henry, port otway, perilous situation in channel's mouth, sufferings of crew, at port otway for recovery, 154-181 injured during pampero in river plata, 190 sails thence, 191 at port desire, 192 in sea-bear bay, 195 proceedings from, 212 to, arrival at chilóe, 250 sails for tierra del fuego, 300 at rio de janeiro, 322 proceedings during absence, weather, anchorage, gales, boat stolen, critical accident, in good success bay, at monte video, returns to england, 360-462. bell cape, tide-race, rocks, 448, 456. bellaco rock, unsuccessful search for, 109 found and examined, 120. black river, branch of san tadeo river, 328 rapid currents, obstructions, shores, glaciers, 329. blanco cape, shoals off, 108. boat upset, lives lost, 63, 64 boat stolen, 142, 143 yawl lost, 180 another boat lost, 193 boats in danger, 231 whale-boat stolen near cape desolation, 391 basket-like substitute described, 392 boat building, 407 finished, 423. borja bay, weather, williwaws, 247, 312. bougainville, 10, 35, 39, 69 memorial, 70, 71 on patagonians, 99, 101. bougainville harbour, 122, 145, 146. breaker bay, 373, 374. buckland mount, 51. bueno port, its excellence, productions, 340, 341. burney mount, 260. bynoe, mr., excursion, 214 volunteer in adelaide, 217, 241 meets indians, 255 volunteers again in adelaide, 301, 359. byron, commodore, notice of sedger river, 38 of patagonians, 99 of cave near port otway, 323 endeavour to trace steps of his party after loss of wager, account of circumstances connected with it, 324-329 his description of montrose island, 325. bowen, mr., ascends mountain de la cruz, 69. campana island, bad weather, danger of beagle, 161, 163. candish, arrival in the strait, 33 conduct to settlers, gives the name of port famine, 34. canqueña, or cagge, 288, 289. (note.) {595} carlos san, de chilóe, 249 anchorage, position, 274 buildings, woods, 275 piraguas, 284-286. cascade bay, 219. cavia, by some called hare, 5. centurion, 303, 304, 307. chama, 306. channel's mouth, anchorage, weather, surf, 178 desolate scene, perils, squalls, 179 inlets near, gales, tides, 330. chanticleer at monte video, 187 at st. martin cove, 198 sails thence, 205. _charadrius rubecola_, 41. charles islands, surveyed, 315. chilóe, position, extent, population, 271, 272 government, troops, 273 cultivation, peasantry, 276 manners, morals, 277 schools, language, produce, 278 manufactures, exports, imports, 279 varieties of wood, 280, 281 log roads, 283 ploughs, 286 soil, 287 forced contributions, birds, 288 shell-fish, 290 mode of cooking, 291 anecdote, 293 climate, 294-296 struggles against chile, 298. cholgua (_mytilus magellanicus_, lamarck), 290. choro (_mytilus choras_, molina), 290. cockburn channel, 254. _coleoptera_, a few species at sta. elena, 6. _concholepas peruviana_, used as drinking cups, 167. condor, size, accounts of molina and humboldt, 185. _crepidula_, one species at sta. elena, 6. cruz, de la, mountain, ascended, 69 memorials found, 70, 71 ascended again, 243, 244 its height, 314. _cygnus anatodoides_, 359. _dasyprocta_ (agouti), 5. _dasypus minutus_, of d'azara, 5. deer, on point sta. anna, 48 track near obstruction sound, 353 many more observed, 354 supposed of a novel species, 355. desire, port, examined, 120, 192, 195, 349 quince found there, tides, 460. diego ramirez islets, 434 climate, 435. diego san, cape, strong tide, 453 coast near, 456. dislocation harbour, 364. dogs, 46, 52, 62, 76, 89, 137 fine one (fuegian), 148, 216 small-sized, 238 at juan fernandez, 304 fine fuegian dog, 444 one like young lion, 448. doris cove, weather, 406. dungeness point, 12. eagle bay, 35, 37, 48. easter bay, 348, 349. elena, sta. port, arrival there, coast, 2 bad weather, fossil oyster-shells, 4 animals and birds, 5 scarcity of fish, trees, traces of natives, departure, 6. englefield island, 225. estevan san, channel of, tides, 265. evangelists, or isles of direction, 156. eyre, sir george, sound, glaciers, whales, seal, icebergs, 337. fairweather, cape, gale near, singular error, 7 abundance of fish, 8, 9 departure from, 9, 120. falkner, the jesuit, description of patagonians, 86, 87 funeral ceremonies, 113 graves, 196. famine, port, 26 former spanish colony, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 named by candish, 34 shells, 37 animals, birds, 38 fishing, 39 preparations and departure, 84 re-visited, 117 events there during absence, 118 weather, 119 winter, 142 floods, lightning, 144 scurvy, 145 effects of weather, 149, 150 beagle there, 216 adventure there, 315 finally quitted, 321. felipe, san, spanish settlement under sarmiento, viedma, 31, 32 abandoned, now port famine, 34. _felis pajaros_, 117. fire, at port sta. elena, 3 at port famine, 83 boat and sheds destroyed by fuegians, 118, at port desire, 193, 194 in gregory bay, 213 traces of near level bay, 336. {596} fitz-roy, robert, commander, appointed to beagle, 188 proceedings at port desire, 195 explores jerome channel, 221 scenery, 222 indian channel, 224 narrow escape, 232 at port gallant, 240 search for passage into skyring water, 248 at chilóe, 250 leaves san carlos, 360 goes to relieve party in distress, 369 excursion to cape gloucester, 376, 377 search for lost boat, 393-404 remarks on tierra del fuego, 410 excursion in boat, bad weather, gales, 418 proceedings and return on board, 419, 423 further proceedings to return to england, 423, 462. fortescue bay, 132, 313, 315. foster, henry, captain, meeting with, 187 arrangements, 188 in st. martin cove, 198 sails thence, 205 some account of his death, 206. fox, at sta. elena, 5 curious chase of one, 193. freshwater bay, 22 vegetation, 25. freyre, attacks and takes chilóe, 298, 299. froward, cape, 69 described, 145. fuegians, first seen, wigwams, numbers, 23 dress, food, character, 24 near cape rowlett, manners, curious anecdote, 53, 54 weapons, skill, 55 barter in magdalen channel, 61 conduct, 62 in harbour of mercy, 74 description of persons, ornaments, food, habitations, domestic ties, affection, 75, 76, 77 at port san antonio, 128 behaviour, appearance, cunning, 129 in warrington cove, 135 visits, canoes, 137 carving, 138 natives at port famine, mischievous, 141 near point santa anna, 147 troublesome, 148 met again, 216 near otway water, 226 paint, cunning, 227 anecdote, 234 abuse, 238 in fortescue bay, plank canoes, 'pecheray,' anecdote, 313 curious circumstances, 315 at port famine, misconduct, 316 precautions, quarrel, 317, 318 driven away, caution, 319, 320 met by adelaide's boat's crew, curious notices, habits, theft, 342, 344 few in number, 345 at landfall island, 367 conduct to party in distress, arms, bird-catching, 370 near otway bay, living among tame seals, 372 traces on noir island, 388 steal whale-boat, 391 met with, 394 further meetings, boat's gear found, 395 various incidents connected with natives, 396, 397 thieves' family seized, 398 another party met, 399 guides escape, 401 other meetings, 402, 403 three children left on board beagle, 404 two of them restored, natives in march harbour, young man detained, 409 disturbance in march harbour, 412 skirmish, 413 their strength and daring, 'york-minster,' 415 'boat memory,' 'fuegia basket,' 416 conduct of fuegians on board to other natives, 427, 428 'yapoos' mode of fishing, 428 natives near nassau bay, skins, wigwams, 429 without arms, tractable, 430 in murray narrow, large wigwam, food, 440 'jemmy button,' 445 in valentyn bay, dogs, 448. fury harbour, wreck of saxe coburg, 66 described, 380 examined, 384 rocks, 386. gabriel channel, 49 weather, 50 squalls called 'williwaws,' 59. _gadus_, 9. gales, usual direction, 162, 163 observations, 235 usual course of, 391. gallant, port, 131, 132 humming-birds, natives, 134, 135, 220, 241. gallegos river, 9 tides, 120. geology of country near port sta. elena, 3 cape fairweather, 7, 8 mount sarmiento, 27 mount tarn, 44 port waterfall, 52 admiralty sound, 59 gabriel channel, 60 near second narrow, 112 cape froward and port gallant, 131 mount maxwell, 136 tower rock, 192 cape horn, st. martin cove, 204 juan fernandez, 305 grafton islands, 375 cape castlereagh, doris cove, 410. gilbert islands, doris cove, 406. glaciers, 51, 57, 140, 237, 252, 337, 339, 442. gloucester, cape, 373, 374 excursion to, weather, 376 natives, produce, 377. graves, mr., goes in hope, 28 proceedings, 45, 46, 47 {597} surveys lomas bay, 63 sails again in hope, 65 returns, 80 appointed to adelaide tender, 107 in gregory bay, 110, 111 in port gallant, 134, 136 detached, 142 loss of boat, 142, 143 at bougainville harbour, 145, 146 with patagonians, 149, 151 at port gallant, 241 honourable trait, 242 journal, 251-257 near cape upright, 258 goes to chilóe, 268. gregory bay, beagle joins adventure there, 16 gales, mirage, patagonians, 85 scenery, productions, fires, 111 natives, 183. guanacoes, 3, 4, 5 near cape orange, 15 in gregory bay, 111 bezoar-stone, 117 mode of hunting them, 151 unusual chase, 193 near sea-bear bay, 194 very large ones seen near windhond bay, 439 numerous near aguirre bay, 446. guayaneco islands, 167, 331. guyot duclos, 10, 22 notice of natives, 99 skirmish with natives, 320. henry, port, 159 productions, scenery, 160, 161. hermite island, remarkable peaks, survey, 207. hope, mount, 56, 57, 58. hope, decked boat, 26 crew, sails on survey, 28 proceedings, meets fuegians in brenton sound, 45, 46 passage back to port famine, 47 repaired, 48 goes to eagle bay, into gabriel channel, 49 further proceedings, 50-63 sails again, 65 goes with captain king, 80 further proceedings, 82. horn, cape, ascent of highest point, memorial left, 432 weather, 433. horn island, 432. _hymenoptera_, at port sta. elena, 6. icebergs, field of ice, 175, 337, 442. icy sound, glaciers, avalanches, 140. ildefonsos, 424. indian channel, bivouac, weather, 223. island harbour, 333 weather, 334. jerome channel, 221 scenery, 222. jesuit sound, explored, 329. juan fernandez, 302 establishment, productions, 303 dogs, goats, fish, buccaneers, 304 botany, trees, fruits, 305, 306 shells, coral, anchorage, 306 animals, seals, birds, 307 excursions, thermometer, 308. kater peak, ascended, 200, 201, 202 again, 433, 434. kelp, or sea-weed, its great use, 13 immense growth, 363. kelp fish, excellent food, 199. kelly harbour, 175. kempe, lieut., excursions, 214, 409 in chase of fuegians, 412, 413 promptness, 423, 432 left in charge of beagle, 437 vigilance, 445, 449. kempe harbour, 218. kirke, mr., goes in adelaide, 217, 241, 242 ascends mount skyring, 253 near cape tamar, 258 sails again in adelaide, 301 examines the channel's mouth, 330 zealous exertion, 333 examines sir george eyre sound, 337 further proceedings, 338, 339 traces canal of the mountains, 347, 348 worsley sound, 349 disappointments, 350, 359 further examinations, 354-357. latitude bay, 368 advantages, 370. laura basin, 375. leeward bay, 347. lennox harbour, 437 natives, 449. _lepidoptera_, a few species at port sta. elena, 6. _liévre pampa_, of d'azara, 5. lizards, 6. lobos, port, 2. lomas bay, 63. loyasa's voyage quoted, 96. lucia santa, cape, coast near, 157. lyndsey, serjeant, death of, 176 burial, 177. magalhaens, strait of, voyage to explore, under don antonio de cordova, 9 account of bad weather, confirmed by wallis and carteret, 10 difference in spelling name, 11 vegetation of strait, 22 animals, 23 scenery, 51 {598} whales, &c., 131 climate, 141 re-passed, 186 entered again, 311 finally quitted, 322. magdalen channel, 60 anchorage, scenery, 61 examined, 251 directions, 252. magnetic influence, unusual, 199, 200, 204, 382, 383, 384, 385. maire le, strait, tides in, 455, 456. malaspina, at port sta. elena in 1798, 2. march harbour, 408, 424. maria, a patagonian, first interview with, 18 at gregory bay, 85, 86 visits ships, 88 obtains guanaco meat for them, interview with on shore, 89 acts as priestess, 90 cupidity, 92 'toldo,' 93 disappointment, 104 cordial meeting with, presents, 114 importunity, anecdote, 115 scene in toldo, 116 re-visited, 183. marian cove, 71. martin st. cove, 198 weather, ascent of kater peak, 200, 201, 202 gales and williwaws, 203. maxwell, port, 199. mesier channel, entrance to, 331 entered by adelaide, 333 anchorages, shores, trees, 334 scarcity of inhabitants, 345. millar, alexander mr., death of, 321. misery mount, 234. mitchell, lieut., activity, 301, 317, 319. montes tres, cape, 167, 168, 169, 322. morton island, 420 tide between it and gold-dust isle, 421. mountains, canal of the, 347. morrion el, 238. _muræna_, near cape fairweather, 9. murray, mr, accident, 364 goes to e. end of landfall islands, 368 in distress, 369 goes to euston bay, 375-378 goes to cape desolation, bad weather, 390 severe gales, return anxiously looked for, sends coxswain back in basket-like canoe, 391 loss of whale-boat, 393 search for her, 401, 402, 403 goes away again, 407 penetrates into channels leading from christmas sound, 417 goes to head of nassau bay, 427 discovers beagle channel, 429 natives, 430 goes towards cape good success, 437 extract from journal, natives near cape graham, difficulties, 446, 447, 448. muscle bay, 332. _murex_ at port sta. elena, 6 (_magellanicus_) brought up by lead, 13 found in eagle bay, 37. _mytilus_, at port sta. elena, 6 at port gallant, 133. _mytilus choras_, at chilóe 290. _mytilus magellanicus_, at chilóe, 290. narborough, sir john, quoted, 4, 5, 25, 76 notice of patagonians, 99, 123, 192. narrow, english, described, 335, 336. narrow, first, passage attempted, 14 cleared, tides, 15 passed again, 110, 111 tide-race before filtering, 322. narrow, guia, tides, 265 passed by adelaide, 340. narrow, kirke, 347 prospect after leaving it, 348 tides, errors, wider channel, 349 plan of narrow, singular eddies, 356, 357. narrow, murray, tides, shores, natives, woods, 439, 440 channels near, mountains, anecdote, wigwam, 441 tides, glaciers, 442 disadvantages, 443. narrow, second, passed, 20, 85. narrow, shag, 139. narrow of san benito, 264. narrow, white, intricate, 347 agreeable prospect, 348. nassau bay, 425 master passes through it, 429 formerly bay of st. francis, errors in charts, 433 further examined, 438. nautical remarks, gales on the eastern coast of patagonia, entrance of strait of magalhaens, 463 staten island, new year islands, 464 passage round cape horn, barometer, 465 barometer off cape horn, 466, 467 directions for passage through strait, 468 anchorages, 469, 470 advantage of passing strait from pacific to atlantic, 471, 472 further directions, 473, 474, 475. neesham bay, indians near, 267. negro cape, 21, 22, 24, 215. {599} new year sound, 419, 420. nodales, voyage of the, 7, 99 bellaco rock, 109 san sebastian channel, 122, 123 discovered sea-bear bay, 193. noir island, roadstead, penguins, 387 tower rocks, 388. north cove, 382. obstruction sound, tides, 352 remarks, 352. _oidemia patachonica_, 35. oliver islands, 351. _ophidium_, near cape fairweather, 8. orange bay, 426, 427 anchorage, productions, 430. _orthoceratite_, fossil resembling an, rocky bay, 321. osorio pedro, at chilóe, byron, 'desecho,' 327. _ostrea edulis_, at chilóe, 291. _ostrea_, fossil at port sta. elena, 4. otway, port, 169 weather, woods, 170 trees, soil, birds, 323. otway water, 224. pampero, 189, 190. parallel peak, 163, 164. patagonians, near gregory bay, 16 size, friendliness, dress, weapons, three go in adventure to cape negro, native names, 20 appearance described, 21 met again in gregory bay, animals with them, 85 account of various tribes, 86, 87 go on board ships, intoxication, 88 trade, 89 religious ceremony, 90, 91 toldos, 92 utensils, 93 tomb, father's grief, women, occupations, 94 parental affection, anecdotes, 95 their size, 96 former accounts compared, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102 character, 103 contempt for fuegians, 104 fires, 110 tomb in gregory bay re-visited, 112 natives arrive, traffic, 113 cordial meeting, 114 natives on board, 116 in pecket harbour, hunting, 151, 152 seen again, toldos, 183 portuguese sailors living with them, native language, 184 observed again in passing gregory bay, 321. patagonian cavy, 5. _patella deaurata_, at port sta. elena, 6. _patella trochi-formis_, 13. paul's, st., dome of, 169. pecheray, fuegian expression, anecdotes, 313, 314, 315 mentioned again, 320. pecket harbour, 151, 183, 184, 213. _pecten vitreus_, in eagle bay, 37. penguins, 387 mode of feeding young, 388. _phalacrocorax imperialis_, 359. _phoca jubata_, food of fuegians, 24. pico, 292. pillar, cape, 79, 311, 361 mountains near, 375 tide, 455. pinoleo, araucanian cacique, account of meeting near concepcion, daughters, their dress, ornaments, reception from him, his appearance, 309 followers, intoxication, 310. pinto, general, director of chile, 209. piure, remarkable appearance, 292. plata, river, brazilian squadron, confusion, mistake, 186 severe 'pampero,' effects, 189, 190 gales, 191 currents, 461. playa parda, 312. _polyborus novæ zealandiæ_, 143. possession, cape, 12 tides, 13, 15 detention, 109 weather, 110. _psittacus smaragdinus_, near port famine, 39. quintin san, sound, 174, 175 adelaide there, 324. quod, cape, 247. roldan campana de, 27. rundle passage, 322. rupert island, rocks, weather, 246. saddle island, magnetic, needle much affected, scenery, whales, kelp-fish, 199. santiago, journey to, 207, 208 weather, 210. sarmiento, 26 sent to look for sir francis drake, enters strait, 29 sails to form establishments, 30 {600} marks out city, colonists' sufferings, goes to rio de janeiro, 31 disappointments, taken to england, 32 his account of natives near useless bay, 125 campana de roldan, 130 discovery of gulf of trinidad, 158, 159 his 'abra' opposite playa parda, 312 quoted, 340. sarmiento channel, passed, 341 discoveries, 342 course followed, 346. sarmiento mount, first appearance, 26 height, 27, 28 seen again, 130, 147, 252. saxe cobourg, prince of, wrecked in fury harbour, 66 crew's sufferings, saved by beagle, 67. sea-bear bay, 6 described by nodales, 193 animals, birds, 195. seal, teaching their young to swim, 422. sebastian san, channel supposed, noticed by nodales, 122 various voyagers' opinions, 123 vain search, 458. sedger river, mouth changes, remarks, 37 trees, 38. shags (corvorants), nests on trees in courtenay sound, 404. sholl, robert lieut., interview with natives, 23, 24, 65 death of, 121. skyring, lieut., 77, 78, 165 takes command of beagle, 182 superseded, 188 takes command of adelaide, goes to survey magdalen, cockburn, and barbara channels, reaches port gallant, 241 part company near cape upright, 249 meets indians, 256 near cape upright, 258 searches for 'ancon sin salida' of sarmiento, 261 natives, 262 tides, 263 weather, 264 his journal, 266 sails for gulf of peñas, 301 journal of proceedings, 323 examines river san tadeo, 327 proceedings, 328 returns to adelaide, 329 illness, 333 officers' proceedings, 346 resumes duty, 347 disappointments, 350, 351 excellence of charts, 386. skyring mount, ascent, memorial, 253, 254 described, strong local attraction, effect on compasses, 382, 383 view from it, 383. skyring water, 228 tides, land, birds, 229. skunk, or zorillo, 184, 185. smyth channel, 259 fish, 260 survey, 261. snakes at port sta. elena, 6. snowy sound, 237. speedwell bay, abundance of wild-fowl, crabs, potatoes, trees, 332. spencer cape, 431, 435. steamer-duck, or race-horse, 35, 36. stewart harbour described, its advantages, 406. stokes, pringle captain, commands beagle, 2, 18, 26, 28 rescues crew of shipwrecked vessel, 65 journal, 67 to 80 dangerous cruise, 73 skill and daring, 77 rides to patagonian toldos, 92 ordered to port desire, 108 arrival at port famine, 119 proceedings during absence, 121 sails again, 124 describes bougainville harbour, 146 returns to port famine, sufferings, illness, 150, 151 death, 153 unfinished journal, 154-181. stokes, mr. goes to explore jerome channel, 221, 225 narrow escape, 232, 233 examines hope harbour, 382 fury harbour, 384, 445. success good, cape, 445, 448 shores, anchorage in bay, swell, 450 gales, 451. tadeo san, river, 323, 327, 328. tamar cape, weather off, 72 beagle in bay of, 73 returns three times, 74. tarn, mr., 4 excursion to eagle bay, 35 ascends mount tarn, 40, 42 interview with natives, 61 summit of table land, 111 laredo bay, 117 in adelaide, 143, 149 with patagonians, 151 signal-fire, guanacoes, 194. tarn mount, ascent of, 40 temperature, observations, descent, 42, 43. teal found at port sta. elena, 5. tower rock near port desire, remarkable, narborough's description, 192. tower rocks, off noir island, 388. tower, rock like, near aguirre bay, 447. trinidad sanctisima, golfo de la, 158. tres puntas cape, 158, 161. {601} _trochilus_ at juan fernandez, 307. ulloa, don j. juan, y don a. de, their account of the anchorage at juan fernandez, 306. 'ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes,' quoted, 10, 27, 57, 101. upright, cape, 71 bay, 155 weather, 258. useless bay, 124 natives near, 125. valdivia de, don pedro, founds cities, 269 indians destroy them, settlers migrate, 270. valentyn hay, natives, 448. valparaiso, 207, 210. vicente san, bay, 453. viedma andres de, at san felipe, 32 wrecked, return, distresses, 33, 34. video monte, departure from, 1 return to, and sail from, 105 revisited, meeting with captain foster at, 187 gales in leaving, 191 return there, 322 finally quitted, 462. virgins cape, 12, 105, 109. wager, loss of, 324 to 327, 331. warrington cove, 135 geology, 136 productions, 139. waterfall bay, weather, tides, 334. waterfall, port, 51-52. weddell's leading hill, 418, 421. whales, dead, mistaken for rocks, 107, 380. white kelp cove, fish, birds, 335. william, cape, 158. wickham lieut., takes command of hope, 28 meets indians, 45 returns to port famine, 47 in gregory bay, 111 obtains curious birds, 117 at port famine, 141 goes to patagonians, 149 ill, 152 goes overland to port desire, 195 at santiago, 207, 210. williwaws, 50, 203. wilson, mr., goes to landfall island, 368, 369, 376 good drawings, 383 natives, 409, 413 sketches of coast, 436. woodcock mount, 139-140. wreck found in port sta. elena, 2 in fury harbour (of saxe cobourg), 66, 67. xavier san island, 176 examined further, 329. xavier port, woods, water, birds, 176. xaultegua, gulf of, curious islet, frost and snow, 247. york-minster of cook, noticed, 407 mark for march harbour, 408, 411. 'yungue' (juan fernandez), height, woods, squalls, 302, 303. zorillo, 184, 185. end of vol. i. * * * * * london: printed by j. l. cox and sons, 75, great queen street, lincoln's-inn-fields. * * * * * notes [1] excepting one for signals. [2] twelve additional seamen having been ordered, by the admiralty, for the adelaide schooner. [3] on the north side of the river plata. [4] commonly called magellan. see p. 11. [5] _dasyprocta patachonica_: it is the _patagonian cavy_ of dr. shaw, and pennant's quadr., tab. 39, and the _liévre pampa_ of d'azara. m. desmarest thinks that if the teeth were examined it would form a new genus, for which he proposes the name of _dolichotis_ (ency. meth. mamm. p. 359). at present he has, from its external character, placed it amongst the genus _dasyprocta_ (agouti). the only one that was taken was not preserved, which prevented me from ascertaining the fact. [6] _dasypus minutus_, desm. _tatou pichiy_, or _tatou septième_ of d'azara, &c. &c. it has seven bands. [7] a similar error was made by one of the ships of the fleet under loyasa in the year 1525. the nodales also, in their description of the coast, mention the similarity of appearance in the two capes, virgins and fairweather. "y venido de mar en fuera à buscar la tierra facilmente podian hacer de rio de gallegos el cabo de virgenes," (and in making the land cape virgins may easily be mistaken for the river gallegos).--viage de los nodales, p. 53. [8] some of the specimens of the clay strata consist, according to dr. fitton, who has kindly examined my collection, of a white marl not unlike certain varieties of the lower chalk; and of a clay having many of the properties of fuller's earth. the pebbles on the beach consist of quartz, red jasper, hornstone, and flinty slate, but do not contain any stone resembling chalk flint. [9] dr. fitton considers these masses of clay to bear a resemblance to the upper green sand of england. [10] ultimo viage al estrecho de magallanes, part ii. p. 298. [11] a hill on the north shore of possession bay, having near it, to the westward, four rocky summits, which, from a particular point of view, bear a strong resemblance to the cropped ears of a horse or ass. these are described less briefly in the sailing directions. [12] flowing into the strait from the east towards the west. [13] fucus giganteus. [14] usually called by seamen 'kelp.' [15] columns of smoke rising from large fires. [16] berberis. [17] previous to the expedition quitting england, i had provided myself with medals, to give away to the indians with whom we might communicate, bearing on one side the figure of britannia, and on the reverse george iv. "adventure and beagle," and "1826." [18] narborough, p. 67. [19] ultimo viage, p. 120. [20] from an attentive perusal of the voyage of magalhaens, i have lately been led to think that this is the mountain which magalhaens called roldan's bell. sarmiento has, however, assigned that name to a mountain at the back of his bay of campana, which will be noticed in it's proper place. the name of mount sarmiento was too long, and too well established with us, or i should have restored the name bestowed upon it by magalhaens. herrera, in his descripcion de las indias occidentales, cap. xxiii, notices the "campana de roldan" as a great mountain in the midst of the entrance of a channel; they gave it this name (campana de roldan) because one of magalhaens's companions, named roldan, an artillery officer, went to examine it. "y la campana de roldan una peña grande en medio al principio de un canal: dieron le este nombre porque la fué a reconocer uno de los compañeros de magallanes llamado roldan que era artillero." [21] by angular measurement, with a theodolite, from the tent, the base being by diff. of lat. 297,863 feet, and allowing 1/12 of the intercepted arc for terrestrial refraction 6,864 feet. by angular measure with sextant (index error, dip, and 1/12 of the intercepted arc being allowed) the base being 290,074 feet 7,237 by angular measurement, with a theodolite, from warp bay, by lieuts. skyring and graves 6,800 ----- mean 6,967 feet, -----but as the last observation, from the angle of elevation being greater, was more likely to be correct, 6,800 feet is considered to be its elevation. [22] at a subsequent visit, embracing a period of 190 days, it was only seen on twenty-five, and during seven days only was it constantly visible. on the remaining eighteen, portions only were seen, and those but for a few hours at a time. [23] sarmiento's voyage, p. 25. [24] id. l.c. [25] see burney, ii. p. 45, for a fuller account; also id. 71. [26] who made a remark on the occasion, which became proverbial, "that if a ship carried out only anchors and cables, sufficient for her security against the storms in that part of the world, she would go well laden." burney coll. vol. ii. 45. [27] burney, ii. 51. [28] the situation of "jesus" must have been about half-way between the first and second narrow, near the point named in the chart n.s. de valle, where some peaked elevations, dividing vallies near the coast line, are conspicuous. the beagle anchored there, and found plenty of fresh water. [29] close to port famine. [30] from sarmiento's description of the coast, point santa brigida is the outward point of nassau island.(a) see sarmiento's voyage, p. 220. [31] formerly spelled 'candish.' [32] "near to port famine they took on board a spaniard, who was the only one then remaining alive of the garrison left in the strait by sarmiento. the account given by this man, as reported by magoths, is, that he had lived in those parts six years, and was one of the four hundred men sent thither by the king of spain in the year 1582, to fortify and inhabit there, to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the south sea. but that town (san felipe) and the other spanish colony being destroyed by famine, he said he had lived in a house, by himself, a long time, and relieved himself with his caliver(b) until our coming thither." burney, ii. p. 96. this man died on the voyage to europe. id. p. 97. [33] so named by bougainville. [34] it belongs to the group which m. temminck has lately named _hylobates_, without attending to the name long since conferred upon it by dr. fleming. i designated it _oidemia patachonica_, from its large dimensions, in my communication upon the ornithology of the straits. zoological journal, vol. iv. p. 100. on my return to england, i found that m. de freycinet had figured this bird, in the account of his last voyage in l'uranie, where it is described by messrs. quoy and gaimard under the name of _micropterus brachypterus_. [35] cook's second voyage, 4to. p. 570. [36] on the shores of eagle bay we procured a large collection of shells, among which were _margarita violacea_ (nob. in zool. journ. v. 346, no. 53), a beautiful _modiola_ (_m. trapesina_, lam.^k), a new _pecten_ (p. vitreus nob. in zool. jour. v. 337, no. 17), and a delicate transparent-shelled _patella_, answering the description of _p. cymbularia_. these four species were found attached to floating leaves of the kelp (_fucus giganteus_), and afford food to the steamer-duck. we also collected good specimens of _murex magellanicus_, lam.^k, of _fissurella picta_, lam.^k, and a great number of the common patella of the strait, which forms a considerable article of food for the natives. [37] byron's voyage round the world, 4to. p. 38. [38] l. c. [39] _psittacus smaragdinus_, gmel. i have no doubt that the bird we saw is the same as bougainville procured, and from which a description has been given in the ency. méth., art. ornith. 139; although a material error is made, for they are not _splendidé viridis_, nor is the _uropygium_ red, in other points, however, the description is correct. see buffon's hist. nat. des oiseaux, vi. 262. pl. enl. n. 85, perruche des terres magellaniques. [40] bougainville says, "we have likewise perceived some perrokeets: the latter are not afraid of the cold." to which the english translator, t. r. forster, who is incredulous of the correctness of bougainville's assertion, appends the following note: "perruches, probably sea-parrots, or auks." buffon also doubted the fact, and the author of histoire naturelle, art. oiseaux, tom. ii. p. 322, suggests the possibility of a specimen having been obtained in some other part of the world, and put, by mistake, amongst those collected in the strait. [41] so named because mr. tarn, the surgeon of the adventure, was the first person who reached its summit. [42] the height of this place, as shown by the barometer, on the ascent, was 941 feet, and, on the descent, 973 feet. [43] on this table-land the barometer stood at 27,767. temperature of the air 46°,5, and of the mercury 47°,5, which gave the elevation 1,327 feet. [44] the result of the barometric observation for the height of mount tarn is as follows: height by one barometer { ascent 2,567.7 } { descent 2,625.4 } mean 2,596.5 feet. do. two do. { ascent 2,619.3 } { descent 2,596.7 } - 2,608.0 ------ 2,602.2 ------by angular measurement from observation cove, port famine, with theodolite, allowing 1/12 of the intercepted arc for terrestrial refraction, the height is 2,850 feet. another observation, with the sextant, made it 2,855 feet. the mean 2,852 i consider more correct, from the difficulty of obtaining a correct reading of the barometer on the summit. [45] by daniell's hygrometer, used in this sheltered spot, i found the temperature of the air to be 48°; dew point 41°: but upon exposing the instrument to the wind, the air was 39½°, and the dew point 36°: the difference in the former being 7°; and the latter 3½°; from which the following results are obtained: air. dew pt. diff. exp. dryness. weight of a cubic. foot of air. in the ravine 48 41 7 292 776 3.323 exposed to wind 39½ 36 3½ 248 898 2.871 ------------------------------------------ difference 8½ 5 3½ 44 122 0.452 the above being the difference in the short space of three feet apart; the instrument, in the first case, being just under the lee of the rocky summit of the mountain, and in the last, above it, exposed to the wind. [46] the air was so dry this afternoon that i failed to procure a deposit of dew upon daniell's hygrometer, although the internal temperature was lowered from 61° to 37°. one of jones's portable hygrometers was also tried, and the temperature was lowered to 31°½ without a deposit; so that, the difference being more than thirty degrees, the expansive force of the air must have been less than 212, the dryness, on the thermometric scale, less than 367, and the weight of vapour, in a cubic foot of air, less than 2,355 grains. [47] fires made to attract attention, and invite strangers to land. [48] this fern we found at the island of juan fernandez also. [49] after the lieutenant of the adventure. [50] at mr. tarn's request. [51] king's 'australia,' vol. i. p. 70; also vol. ii. pp. 573, 582, and 613. [52] at high tide the sea-water undermines, by thawing, large masses of ice, which, when the tide falls, want support, and, consequently, break off, bringing after them huge fragments of the glacier, and falling into the still basin with a noise like thunder. [53] "en los dias 24, y 25, oimos un ruido sordo, y de corta duracion, que, por el pronto, nos pareció trueno; pero habiendo reflexîonado, nos inclinamos à creer que fué efecto de alguna explosion subterranea, formado en el seno de alguna de las montañas inmediatas, en que parece haber algunos minerales, y aun volcanes, que están del todo ó casi apagados, movièndonos a hacer este juicio, el haberse encontrado, en la cima de una de ellas, porcion de materia compuesta de tierra y metal, que en su peso, color, y demas caracteres, tenia impreso el sello del fuego activo en que habia tomado aquel estado, pues era una perfecta imagèn de las escorias del hierro que se ven en nuestras ferrerías.--_apendice al viage de cordova al magallanes_, p. 65. [54] no canvas could withstand some of these squalls, which carry spray, leaves, and dirt before them, in a dense cloud, reaching from the water to the height of a ship's lower yards, or even lower mast-heads. happily their duration is so short, that the cable of a vessel, at anchor, is scarcely strained to the utmost, before the furious blast is over. persons who have been some time in tierra del fuego, but fortunate enough not to have experienced the extreme violence of such squalls, may incline to think their force exaggerated in this description: but it ought to be considered, that their utmost fury is only felt during unusually heavy gales, and in particular situations; so that a ship might pass through the strait of magalhaens many times, without encountering one such blast as has occasionally been witnessed there.--r. f. [55] "sub rupe cavatâ arboribus clausam circum atque horrentibus umbria." [56] mount boqueron. [57] including the master, there were on board, when cast away, twenty-two persons. [58] bougainville harbour, better known to sealers by the name of 'jack's harbour.' [59] "voyage autour du monde." 1767. [60] one of the feathered tribe, which a naturalist would not expect to find here, a 'humming bird,' was shot near the beach by a young midshipman.--stokes ms. [61] hawkesworth's coll. of voyages, vol. i. p. 76. [62] it was here that commodore wallis and captain carteret separated, the dolphin going round the world; the swallow returning to england. sarmiento's name of puerto de la misericordia, or 'harbour of mercy,' being of prior date, ought doubtless to be retained. [63] called the scilly isles. [64] 'anas rafflesii,' zool. journ., vol. iv., and tab. supp., xxix. [65] of these a species of mactra (_m. edulis nob._) was most abundant. [66] burney, i. 35 and 37. [67] falkner's patagonia, pp. 110, 111. [68] it is good to be drunk, it is pleasant to be drunk. [69] two portuguese seamen, however, who had resided some months with them, having been left behind by a sealing vessel, and taken off by us at a subsequent period of the voyage at their own request, informed us that maria is not the leader of religious ceremonies. each family possesses its own household god, a small wooden image, about three inches in length, the rough imitation of a man's head and shoulders, which they consider as the representative of a superior being, attributing to it all the good or evil that happens to them. [70] burney, i. p. 33. [71] ibid. p. 135. [72] burney, i. 318. [73] ibid, i. 324. [74] sarmiento, p. 244. [75] sarmiento's appendix, xxix. [76] purchas, iv. ch. 6 and 7. [77] burney, ii. p. 106. [78] the tribes described by this boy are the 1. kemenites, inhabiting a place called karay. 2. kennekas, karamay. 3. karaike, morine. 4. enoo, the tribe to which the indians, whom they murdered, belonged. [79] burney, ii, 215. [80] ibid. ii. 334. [81] hawksworth's coll. i 28. [82] ibid. [83] see a letter from mr. charles clarke, an officer on board the dolphin, to mr. maly, m.d., secretary of the royal society, dated nov. 3, 1766, read before the royal society on 12th april 1767, and published in the fifty-seventh volume of the phil. trans., part i. p. 75, in which an exaggerated account is given of this meeting. the men are described to be eight feet high, and the women seven and a half to eight feet. "they are prodigious stout, and as well and proportionably made as ever i saw people in my life." this communication was probably intended to corroborate the commodore's account. [84] ultimo viage, p. 21. [85] falkner, according to dean funes, was originally engaged in the slave trade at buenos ayres; but afterwards became a jesuit, and studied in the college at cordova, where, to an eminent knowledge of medicine, he added that of theology. he is the author of a description of patagonia, published in london after the expulsion of the jesuits.--(_ensayo de la historia civil del paraguay, buenos ayres, y tucuman, por el doctor don gregorio funes, iii. p. 23, note. published at buenos ayres. 8vo. 1817._) [86] see dean funes's account of buenos ayres, and of the indian tribes, vol. ii. 394. [87] we left gregory bay in the morning, and passed cape virgins in the evening of the same day. [88] on our passage from santos to st. catherine's, in latitude 28° south, we caught a 'dolphin' (_coryphena_), the maw of which i found filled with shells, of _argonauta tuberculosa_, and all containing the '_octopus ocythöe_' that has been always found as its inhabitant. most of the specimens were crushed by the narrow passage into the stomach, but the smaller ones were quite perfect, and had been so recently swallowed that i was enabled to preserve several of various sizes containing the animal. to some of them was attached a nidus of eggs, which was deposited between the animal and the spire. the shells varied in size from two-thirds of an inch to two and a half inches in length; each contained an octopus, the bulk and shape of which was so completely adapted to that of the shell, that it seemed as if the shell increased with the animal's growth. when so many learned naturalists have differed so materially as to the character of the inhabitants of the argonauta, it would be presumption in me to express even an opinion; i therefore merely mention the fact, and state that in no one specimen did there appear to be any connexion between the animal and the shell. [89] nodales, p. 48. [90] falkner says, in his account of the burial ceremonies of the southern patagonians--that, after a certain interval, the bodies are taken out of the tomb, and skeletons are made of them by the women--the flesh and entrails having been burnt. it is possible that in this case the body had been so treated, and that the fire near it was for the purpose of burning the flesh, and perhaps with it all the flags and ornaments of the tomb. [91] he was a great favourite with them. [92] the medicinal property of this intestinal concretion is well known wherever the animal is found. marcgrave, in his "tractatus topographicus et meteorologicus brasiliæ," folio, p. 36, says:--"hæc animalia (guanacoes) generant lapides bezoares in sinu quodam ventriculi, qui maximi æstimantur contra venena et febres malignos ad roborandum et refocillandum cor, aliosque affectus. materia è qua generantur sunt herbæ insignis virtutis, quibus vescuntur naturæ instinctu ad sanitatem tuendum, aut morbos et venena superandum. hi lapides inveniuntur in adultioribus hisce animalibus atque interdum tam grandes, ut unum in italiam attulerim qui pendet uncias duas supra triginta."--mr. thompson, on intestinal concretions. see his syn. of chemistry, iv. 576. [93] _anser nigrocollis_. encyc. méthod., art. ornithol. 108. [94] weddell's voyage. [95] i cannot avoid noticing here the considerate conduct of the commander-in-chief (sir george eyre) with respect to this appointment. by the tenor of my instructions the adventure and beagle were placed under the admiral's orders; and the vacancy, had he wished to exercise his prerogative, might have been filled by one of his own followers. it was, however, given, at my request, to mr. sholl, as being more conversant with the duties of this peculiar service than any of the midshipmen of the flag-ship. the admiral's conduct, on this occasion, calls for my warmest thanks. [96] relacion del viage, &c. que hicieron los capitanes b. g. de nodales y gonzalo de nodales, p. 59. [97] falkner describes the indians who inhabit the eastern islands of tierra del fuego, to be 'yacana-cunnees,' and as he designates those who inhabit the patagonian shore of the strait by the same name, it might be inferred that they are of the same race; but however closely connected they may have been formerly, they certainly are not so now, for maria (the patagonian) spoke very contemptuously of them, and disclaimed their alliance; calling them 'zapallios,' which means slaves. [98] berberis ilicifolia.--banks and solander mss. [99] the specimen that was found at port gallant was sent by me to mr. vigors, who considering it, although well known to ornithologists, as never having yet been named, describes it in the zoological journal (vol. iii. p. 432, aug. 1827), as mellisuga kingii. shortly afterwards m. lesson published it in his manuel d'ornithologie (vol. ii. p. 80.), as _ornismya sephaniodes_, as a discovery belonging to la coquille's voyage, in the illustrations of which it is figured at plate 31. i rather think, however, that it is molina's _trochilus galeritus_.--(molina, i. 275.). [100] sarmiento, p. 213. [101] este monte es el que llaman las relaciones antiguas la campana de roldan.--sarmiento. [102] here we obtained a second species of the steamer-duck, which is described in the proceedings of the zoological society of london, as '_micropterus patachonicus_, nob.' it differs from the _m. brachypterus_ not only in colour but in size, being a smaller bird, and having the power of raising its body, in flight, out of the water. we called it the 'flying steamer.' [103] afterwards examined by capt. fitz roy. it was called xaultegua by sarmiento, who very correctly describes it.--(sarmiento's voyage, p. 208.) [104] because they formed a capital leading mark for the strait of magalhaens. [105] beagle island n. 71°. e., cape isabel n. 32°. e., a remarkable mountain in the bight between cape santa lucia and cape isabel n. 11°. w. cape santa lucia n. 33°. w.; distance off shore three leagues; and soundings fifty fathoms, sandy bottom. [106] (sarmiento, p. 65.) [107] the description of port henry is given in our sailing directions. [108] the n.w. end of the island de la campana bearing n. 71°. 40'. e. two distant hummocky islands (answering pretty well in position with the guaianeco islands of the spanish charts) n. 53°. 30'. e., and n. 55°. 48'. e., and a remarkable rock, the 'dundee' of bulkeley and cummings, about forty-five feet high, rising like a tower from the sea, distant offshore five miles, bearing east of us, distant one mile. [109] length twenty feet five inches and a half, sided twelve inches, and moulded eight inches and a half. [110] xavier's island is certainly the montrose island of byron's narrative. the wager was lost, as will be seen, more to the southward, on the guaianeco islands. [111] this group was afterwards called hazard isles. [112] d'azara, in his essai sur l'histoire naturelle des quadrupèdes de paraguay, gives the following account of this animal, which he calls yagouaré. it burrows in the ground, eats insects, eggs, and birds, when it can surprise them, and moves about the plains and fields both by day and night in search of food; brushing the ground with its body, and carrying its tail horizontally. it regards not the presence of man or beast; unless an attempt be made to injure or take it, when it gathers up its body, bristles up the hairs of its tail, erecting it vertically; and in this position awaits the approach of its enemy, at whom it ejects its urine, which produces so unbearable a smell, that neither man, dog, nor tiger, will attempt to touch the animal. the yagouaré moves very slowly, and cannot run. it produces two young ones, which are placed at the bottom of its burrow. the unconquered indians of the pampas make mantles with the furs of the fox, cavia, or other animals, and border them with the skins of the yagouaré, which are very soft and fine, and would be fit for being employed by the furrier were it not for the disagreeable odour which they impart to every thing they touch. the indians eat the flesh of this animal, which they irritate until its only means of defence is unavailing, and it can be captured without offensive consequences. [113] from which the mount (at monte video) bore n. 11°. w., distant eight leagues. [114] specimens of this rock are deposited in the geological society's museum, nos. 3 and 3-1. [115] see zoological journal, vol. iv. p. 92. [116] nos. 1 and 2 in the geological society's museum. a new species of solen (_solen scalprum_, nob., zool. journ. v. 335. no. 5.) was found on the beach; and the camerated nidus of _buccinum muriciforme_, nob., zool. journal, l.c. no. 62. [117] according to capt. fitz roy the best berth is in sixteen fathoms. (sail. directions.) [118] nos. 268 to 271, geo. soc. museum. [119] a species of gunnera (_dysemore integrifolia_, banks and solander), and the green-stemmed cineraria (_cin. leucanthema_. banks and solander). [120] nos. 283 to 286, in geol. soc. museum. [121] the changes of pressure, during the intervals of ascent and descent, were obtained by registering the ship's barometer, which was done by signal from the stations on shore, when the readings were taken. during the ascent the column fell 0.039 inches, and during the descent rose 0.041 inches. corrections were made for the dew point, as observed by daniell's hygrometer at the base and summit, and the calculations were made according to the formula in daniell's meteorological essay. the following is the result: by bunten's syphon. by jones 509. ascent 1743.4 1749.3 descent 1738. 1739.1 ----- ----- mean 1741. 1744.2 mean of the two instruments 1742.4 feet. [122] this rock is very similar to the boulders and pebbles which we found on the beach at point st. mary (freshwater bay). [123] the underwood is composed chiefly of _arbutus rigida_--_berberis parvifolia_ and _ilicifolia_--(_sempervirens_ of banks and solander). _veronica_ (_decussata_?) and, in moist places, _cineraria leucanthema_, and _dysemore integrifolia_; both of which are found in all the sheltered corners of tierra del fuego. no _fuchsia_ was seen, but mr. anderson gathered the sweet-scented _callixene marginata_, and a species of _escalonia_, on the hill sides. [124] ann. meeting, 30th nov. 1832. [125] the survey of this part now presents the navigator with the means of ascertaining his position, to a nicety, by angles taken with a sextant between cape horn summit and jerdan's peak, or mount hyde, and kater's peak; and if jerdan's peak and mount hyde be brought in a line, and an angle taken between them and cape horn summit, the operation will be still more simple. [126] miers, in his account of chile, gives a table of barometrical measurements of the heights of the land between valparaiso and mendoza, from which it appears that he has deduced the height of curacavi to be 1,560 feet. as my determinations are the results of observations made on my way to and from santiago, i have no doubt of their correctness, and think that the registered height of miers's table should be 29.355 instead of 28.355. [127] the following are the results of the barometrical determination of the height of various points on the road between valparaiso and santiago:- feet above the sea. casa blanca, ten leagues from valparaiso 803 highest point of the road over the cuesta de zapata 1,977 inn at curacavi 633 plain near bustamente 808 summit of cuesta de prado (not certain to 200 feet) 2,949 inn, or post-house, at the base of the east side of the cuesta de prado 1,804 santiago, by mean of numerous observations 1,821 miers makes the above places above the sea as follows:- feet above the sea. casa blanca 745 summit of cuesta de zapata 1,850 curacavi 1,560 summit of cuesta de prado 2,543 post-house, prado 1,773 santiago, mean of two observations 1,691 do. by malespina 2,463 } {2,254} do. mercurio chileno 1,693½ } spanish {1,550} english [128] probably they are the same as we observed on the fish taken by us off cape fairweather, and which, i believe, to be nearly allied to the one that is figured in cuvier's règne animal, plate xv. figure 5, a species of _lernæa_, or _entomoda_ of lamarck, iii. 233. the species is new. [129] geol. soc. museum, nos. 176 to 205, and zool. mus. [130] by angular measurement it was found to be 2,270 feet. [131] the wristbands of our shirts, and all our outer clothes, were coated with ice, while our inner clothing was wet through. [132] on heaving up the best bower, we found it had lost one fluke. [133] the adventure arrived on the 21st.--p. p. k. [134] in the old dutch charts, a passage was laid down near the place, and nearly in the direction of the cockburn channel, and named 'jelouzelt:' but until some written authority can be produced to prove that this passage was explored, or, at the least, discovered by the person who gave the name of 'jelouzelt' to one of the almost innumerable openings in tierra del fuego, it does not appear that the inlet so called has any claim to our consideration, greater than that of the non-existing san sebastian channel,--or a number of other imaginary passages which must have been laid down, upon supposition only, in many old charts. the first person known to have passed through the cockburn channel was the mate of the prince of saxe cobourg, who went in a boat (see page 66). it was afterwards passed by mr. william low, master of the mercury, and has since been used by several vessels. [135] since surveyed by capt. fitz roy in the beagle, 1829-30. [136] san carlos, in chilóe. [137] mr. kirke. [138] a heap, or stack of corn. [139] no doubt the mount oracion of sarmiento, p. 144.--p. p. k. [140] this place is described in sarmiento's journal, p. 144.--p. p. k. [141] ensenada de la oracion of sarmiento.--p. p. k. [142] this bay is also described by sarmiento as an 'ancon sin salida,' p. 143; but it is evidently not the one that bears that name on the chart.--p. p. k. [143] here is certainly the ancon sin salida of sarmiento, whose journal describes the inlet as terminating in a cove to the north, p. 142. the mountain of año nuevo cannot be mistaken; indeed the whole of the coast is so well described by the ancient mariner, that we have little difficulty in determining the greater number of places he visited. in all cases we have, of course, preserved his names. the chart compiled by admiral burney is a remarkable instance of the care which that author took in arranging it, and how ingeniously and correctly he has displayed his judgment; it is also a proof that our favourite old voyager, sarmiento, was at least correct in his descriptions, although he appears to have been quite ignorant of the variation of the compass.--see burney coll. voyages, p. 31; and sarmiento, p. 162. [144] 'cordillera nevada' of sarmiento. [145] a very full and detailed account of this journey is given by agüeros, in his 'history of the province of chilóe,' pp. 50 to 56, as well as in the 'chronicles of the province of lima, by padre fr. diego de cordova,' salinas, chap. xvii. p. 485. [146] agüeros, l. c. p. 57. [147] agüeros describes its boundary thus:--it is situated between the latitudes 41° 30' and 44°; from point capitanes to quilan. on the north it is bounded by the territories of the indian tribes juncos and rancos, which extend to valdivia; on the n.e. by those of the ancient but destroyed city osorno; on the south by the archipelago of guaitecas and guaianeco, and others which extend to the strait of magalhaens; on the east by the cordillera; and on the west by the sea. (agüeros, p. 61.) [148] when the yntendente, or governor of the province, visited castro for the purpose of taking a census of the population, a family of indians waited upon him to render an account of their property; who, upon being asked whence they came, replied, "del fin de la cristiandad." the name being new to the yntendente, it was explained to him that they belonged to caylin, which was more generally known by the above name, because there existed no christian population beyond, or to the southward of, that island. [149] in the year 1783 there were 23,447 (agüeros): and in 1832, 43,830. [150] agüeros says, "both men and women go generally with the foot and leg uncovered; with the exception of the principal families; but even those do not all wear shoes."--(agüeros, p. 108.) [151] places where seal congregate--so called always by the sealers. [152] potatoes are not mentioned in the report, yet they must have been exported in considerable quantities. [153] molina, i. 167. a species of 'dolichos.' [154] the fanega weighs 175 lbs. and contains twelve almudes, which being cubic measures of eight inches and a half, contain each 614.125 cubic inches; therefore a fanega contains 7369.5 cubic inches, and as an english bushel contains 2150.4 cubic inches (2150.4 x 175)/7369.5 = 51-6/10 lbs. the weight of a bushel. [155] molina notices the 'cagge,' or 'chilóe duck,' (_anas antarctica_) vol. i. p. 268, and calls it _anas hybrida_. m. lesson, in his 'manuel d'ornithologie,' ii. 409, has taken great pains to describe it, and remarks, with reason, that much obscurity exists in the specific descriptions of the goose kind in the malouine (falkland) islands, and the extreme southern land of america. the male, lesson says, is white, the feet and beak of a bright yellow colour. all the specimens that we saw, and numbers were killed by us, had a black beak with a red cere--otherwise m. lesson's description is correct. in many specimens, however, we found the tip of the primary wing feathers black, which is not to be wondered at when the colour of the female is considered, but which it is not an easy task to describe. m. lesson, i think, has done it justice in a note to his vol. ii. p. 409:--"anas antarctica. a capite griseo, genis gulo colloque albo et nigro acuti-striatis; oculorum circuitu nudo: pectore abdomineque omninò atris, atque vittis niveis notatis: tectricibus alarum nigris; dorso uropygio caudâ et ano albis; alis niveis cum speculo lato virescente, brunneo marginato; pennis longis aterrimis; rostro et pedibus, aurantiacis." these birds are very common in the straits of magalhaens, and every where on the west coast between the strait and chilóe; also at the falkland islands. the _cancania_ (or _canqueña_) is the _anas magellanica_, _anser magellanicus_ (ency. méth. p. 117). from buffon's description, and a well-drawn but badly-coloured figure, in the planches enluminées, no. 1006, i have no hesitation in assigning it to that kind. the colour of the head, however, instead of being 'reddish purple,' is cinereous with a reddish hue; the feathers of the sides and thigh covers are white, with five black bars, the extremity being white; the central portion of the abdomen is white; the speculum of a splendid shining green. this bird is common to the strait as well as to chilóe, and is probably byron's 'painted duck,' and the _anser pictus_ of the ency. méth., p. 117. m. lesson considers _anas leucoptera_, gmel. as the male of _anas magellanica_, which may be doubted. the 'barking bird,' as our sailors called it, was first brought to me by capt. stokes, having been shot during the beagle's visit to port otway, in the gulf of peñas. it was an imperfect specimen; but mr. tarn afterwards obtained for me several others. it seems to have a great affinity to the genus _megapodius_; but no specimens of that genus being in england when i was last there, and the barking bird differing in essential points from m. tenminck's description of the genus, and from the figured specimen of _megapodius freycinettii_;--particularly in the length and form of its wings, which are rounded, and so short as not to reach beyond the base of the tail;--also in the emargination of the upper mandible;--i have been induced, by mr. vigors' advice, to form it, provisionally, into a new genus, termed _hylactes_. (see proc. zool. soc., vol. i. p. 15.) there is another specimen in our collection (now in the zoological society's museum), which will probably be placed in this genus, but there existed some uncertainty in essential points, which prevented my describing it before i left england. [156] among the numerous testaceous productions is a small shell, which constitutes a new genus. _marinula_, nob. in zool. journal, vol. v. p. 343. it was found on the wooden piles which support the mole in the bay of san carlos, below the wash of the high water. the mole stands out into the sea, and there is no fresh water near it, save a very little rill, which discharges its tiny stream more than fifty yards off. this shell was named _marinula pepita_, zool. journal, l. c. no. 43. the following is its generic character:--'testa ovato-producta, sub-solida; apertura ovata, integra; columella bidentata et basin versus uniplicata; dentibus magnis sub-remotis conniventibus, superiori maximo; operculum nullum.' [157] zool. journal, vol. v. p. 333. [158] some have since been found on the north-east side of the guaytecas islands. [159] chaura. una murta que no se come. febres, dict. of the chileno language. it is, however, edible, and has rather a pleasant flavour. [160] the small-pox was introduced into the island, in the year 1776 by a ship from lima; but it was confined to san carlos, and was soon eradicated. the measles also were introduced by similar means, in the year 1769; but did not re-appear after once ceasing. [161] see orders to captain fitz roy, in the appendix. [162] see orders to lieut. skyring, in the appendix. [163] phil. journal, and annals of philosophy, for march 1831 (new series x.), 220. [164] juan fernandez is called 'de tierra,' because it is nearer the mainland than another adjacent island, which is called 'mas-a-fuéra' (farther off, or more in the distance). [165] anson's voyage, p. 118. [166] arca angúlata. see zool. journal, vol. v. p, 336. [167] trochilus fernandensis, nob. _troch: ferugineo-rufus; capitis vertice splendento-coccineo; remigibus fuscis._ long. 5 uncias. trochilus stokesii, nob. _troch: corpore supra viridi-splendente, subtus albo, viridi-guttato; capite supra, guttisque confertis gulæ lazulino-splendentibus: remigibus fusco-atris; remigum omnium, mediis exceptis, pogoniis internis albis._ long. 4½ uncias. proceed. zool. society, vol. i.; also phil. magazine, for march 1831, p. 227. [168] pinoleo (from 'pino,' pisando; and 'leo,' rio; or, pisando sobre el rio, living close to the banks of a river), is the chief of a small tribe, whose territory is near the river imperial; but he generally lives in the confines of concepcion. he has four wives in the interior (la tierra) and three in the town. [169] hall's extracts from a journal, vol. i. pp. 316. 322. [170] in febres 'arte de la lengua de chile' they are thus described "ahujas grandes con una plancha redonda de plata como una hostia, ò mayor, con que prenden las mujeres sus mantas--certain large bodkins, with a round silver plate, as large as, or larger than, an oyster, with which the women fasten their mantles." [171] the ornament on the forehead, which is worn only by unmarried women, is called trare-lonco, from the old chilian words trarin, to fasten, and lonco, the head. the bracelet is called anello curo; the anklets, anelleo. [172] from 'mari,' diez, and 'loan,' huapo: whence mariloan means 'huapo como diez,' or, 'equal to ten men.' [173] the same comet was seen at the mauritius; and its orbit calculated. see ast. soc. proceedings, and phil. journal. [174] they are deposited in the museum of the geological society. [175] the marine islands were so called, in remembrance of the four marines who were put on shore from the wager's boats, and left behind. see byron's nar., p. 85. [176] mr. kirke, who examined them, says, "there are two openings opposite xavier island, on the mainland: the northernmost runs through high land, and is terminated by a low sandy beach, with a river in the middle, running from a large glacier; the southern inlet is ended by high mountainous land." [177] on the west shore mr. kirke noticed what appeared to be a channel, about twelve miles n.w. of halt bay, in the mouth of which was a considerable tide-ripple; an almost certain indication of such an opening. "i thought the inlet about twelve miles north-west of halt bay much like a channel. i also noticed a distinct tide ripple, which i did not remark near any other opening. to me this appeared the southernmost inlet, of any depth; or at all likely to be a channel."--kirke ms. [178] at the request of lieutenant mitchell, of the adventure. [179] iron pyrites. [180] _phal: capite cristato, collo posteriori, corporeque supra intensè purpureis; alis scapularibusque viridi-atris; remigibus rectricibusque duodecim fusco-atris; corpore subtus, fasciá alarum maculâque dorsi medii sericeo-albis; rostro nigro; pedibus flavescentibus. staluria phal. carbonis._ it was found in the inner sounds, within the 'ancon sin salida.'--proceed. of the zool. society, vol. i.; also phil. magazine, for march 1831, p. 227. [181] _c. albus remigibus primariis ad apicem nigris, rostro pedibusque rubris, illo lato subdepresso._ molina describes a chilian duck thus. anas coscoroba--_a. rostro extremo dilatato rotundato, corpore albo_, but i do not think it is the same as my specimen; certainly it is not _anser candidus_ of veillos, the ganso blanco of d'azara, which the author of the dict. d'hist. nat. (xxiii. 331.) supposes to be the same as a. coscoroba (id. p. 332). molina's description is very short, and does not mention the tips of the primary wing-feathers being black. [182] mate, lent to the beagle, from the adventure. [183] a small vessel may moor between the islands, instead of lying in the outer road. [184] the three peaks, in-shore of cape kempe, are very remarkable. [185] specimens of the rock at the summit are in the collection at the geological society, numbered 184 and 188. [186] geological society, coll. no. 197. [187] geological society, no. 238 to 240, (perhaps clay-slate. p. p. k.) [188] name given by sealers to a thick rushy kind of grass, which grows near the sea, in these latitudes. [189] a high mountain at the n.w. end of london island. [190] i carried two tents from the beagle, theirs having been cut up for the basket. [191] it afterwards appeared that we had taken the families of the very men who stole the boat from mr. murray. [192] adventure passage. [193] gilbert islands. [194] doris cove. [195] so called in remembrance of the basket-like canoe by which we received intelligence of the loss of our boat. [196] the man i took out of the canoe. [197] it had formerly belonged to h.m.s. doris, which was condemned at valparaiso; being unserviceable. [198] mr. murray had some bottles of beer in his boat--besides those in which the men's allowance of spirits was kept. [199] in the lost boat were several pieces of spare line, 'king's white line,' quite new. [200] false cape horn, or cape false. [201] a rushy kind of coarse grass. [202] the mercury in the barometer fell to 28,94, and the oil in the sympiesometer to 28,52; the thermometer ranging from 40° to 48° (faht.) [203] in longitude 69.20. w. [204] the stuffed skin is now in the british museum. [205] the powder and shot expended here procured four meals of fresh provisions for all hands. [206] from the adventure's deck, the eye being thirteen feet above the water, they were seen on the horizon at the distance of fourteen miles. [207] if from the second narrow, n.e. ¼ e. will be the compass course; but i should recommend a ship to haul up to the northward until abreast of cape gregory, and then to steer as above. [208] the tide begins to set to the southward at noon, at full and change. [209] in the appendix to the second volume these alterations are discussed.--r. f. [210] 2,600 ang. r. f. [211] this is derived from the observations of captains duperrey and fitz-roy at the bay of islands, in lat. 35°. 16'. the interval is short; but the indication receives confirmation from the observations of captains cook and vancouver at dusky bay, new zealand, in lat. 45°. 47'. cook 1773 70°. 06' } 1'.4 annual decrease. vancouver 1791 69. 43 } [212] or _mephitis americana_? [213] _elminius kingii_, gray in zool. miscell. from a specimen collected during the voyage.--ed. [214] whilst this sheet was printing, the september number of the annales des sciences made its appearance in england, containing a description of the above shell by m. sander rang, accompanied by an excellent figure (annales des sciences naturelles, september 1831, p. 55, pl. 3, f. 1). it is there named _helix multicolor_. in my description i have considered it to be a _bulinus_, but its specific name has been altered to that given to it by m. rang. [215] there has existed much difference of opinion as to the correct mode of spelling the name of this celebrated navigator. the french and english usually write it magellan, and the spaniards magallanes; but by the portuguese, (and he was a native of portugal,) it is universally written magalhaens. admiral burney and mr. dalrymple spell it magalhanes, which mode i have elsewhere adopted: but i have since convinced myself of the propriety of following the portuguese orthography for a name, which to this day is very common both in portugal and brazil. [216] during our examination of this part, our boats ascended the river san tadeo, and endeavoured in vain to find any traces of the road; an almost impenetrable jungle of reeds and underwood lined the banks of the river, and time was too valuable to admit of further delay, in search of an object comparatively of minor importance. [217] agüeros, descripcion historial de la provincia y archipielago de chilóe, 1791, p. 229. [218] the precise situation of the wreck of this vessel had hitherto been very vaguely marked on our charts: a careful perusal, however, of byron's narrative, and of agüeros' account of the missionary voyages in 1779, sufficiently points out the place within a few miles. it is on the north side, near the west end of the easternmost of the guaianeco islands, which we named, in consequence, wager island. at port santa barbara, seventeen miles to the southward of this group, a very old worm-eaten beam of a vessel was found, which there is reason to think may be a relic of that unfortunate ship. it was of english oak, and was found thrown up above the high-water mark upon the rocks at the entrance of the port. no other vestige was detected by us;--the missionaries, however, found broken glass bottles, and other evident traces of the wreck. at chilóe i saw a man who had formed one of this enterprising party, and obtained from him a curious and interesting account of those voyages. [219] agüeros, p. 205, et seq. [220] ibid. p. 181, et seq. [221] ibid. p. 237. [222] living plants of the above trees, and other vegetable productions from the strait of magalhaens, were introduced into england upon the return of the expedition, and have since thriven exceedingly well. [223] near falcon inlet, seven miles up the eastern side of sir george eyre sound, are some large 'rookeries,' or breeding-haunts, of fur-seal. many thousands of these animals were congregated together, which probably had been driven from the sea-coast by the activity of the seal-fishers; and perhaps, for many years, if not ages, have been breeding undisturbed in this hitherto unknown, and therefore safe and quiet recess. two seals that were killed appeared to be of the same description as the species which frequents the sea-coasts. [224] hawkesworth, voyages, i. 38. [225] the stems of both from six to seven inches in diameter. [226] this bird, although not rare in several english collections had never been noticed until i forwarded it to england in the early part of the year 1827, when my friend mr. vigors described it in the zoological journal for the month of november 1827 (vol. iii. p. 432), under the name of _mellisuga kingii_. shortly afterwards, m. lesson published it in his manuel d'ornithologie (vol. ii. p. 80), as _ornismya sephaniodes_, as a discovery belonging to the coquille's voyage, in the illustrations of which it is figured at plate 31. [227] sarmiento, p. 180. [228] narborough's voyage, p. 78. [229] except gun-room, second and third messes. [230] except cabin, fourth and fifth messes. [231] except cabin, sixth and seventh messes. additional notes by robert fitz-roy (a) by nassau island is meant the land forming the south shore of the second narrow.--r. f. (b) a kind of gun.--r. f. (c) while the 'current' runs eastward for many days in mid-channel, or along one shore, it often happens that the 'stream of tide' either sets in a contrary direction, along each side of the strait, or that it follows only the shore opposite to that washed by the 'current.'--r. f. (e) or the animal called by molina 'huemul.'--r. f. (f) thomas sorrell, now boatswain of the beagle (1837). he was boatswain of the saxe cobourg, when wrecked in fury harbour.--r. f. (g) campana, or bell mountain.--r. f. (h) i do not think the bay adjacent to cape horn is that which was named by d'arquistade 'st. francis,' and, if my supposition is correct, port maxwell is not the place which was called 'st. bernard's cove.' see second volume.--r. f. (k) sharp frosts sometimes occur.--r. f. (l) this was a remarkable instance of what i often observed afterwards in those regions, a kind of 'ignis fatuus,' which sometimes was stationary, like the light of a lanthorn, and at others suddenly flitting, like the flashes of pistols, at a distance. it was only seen upon the lower hills.--r. f. (m) each officer and man, when detached from the beagle during a night, carried a blanket, or large poncho (sewed up, and with a drawing-string, like a large bag), in which he slept, and found much comfort and warmth.--r. f. (n) like a roebuck; supposed to be the 'huemul' mentioned by molina.--r. f. (o) black-necked swan, noticed elsewhere by captain king.--r. f. (p) noticed previously by captain stokes.--r. f. (q) at the western entrance of the strait the water is said to be generally a few degrees warmer than at the eastern.--r. f. (r) por milagro (miraculously); as the inhabitants told me.--r. f. (s) i do not think that there is any opening at the bottom of keats sound; which lies at the base of a chain of snow-covered mountains, whose southern side i have closely traced.--r. f. (t) a kind of beech, found every where on these shores. the literal meaning of roble, is oak.--r. f. (u) native of chilóe.--r. f. (v) when moderately laden they are stiff under sail; and are not such very bad sea-boats, if properly managed.--r. f. (w) not since the first spanish conquest, perhaps.--r. f. (x) i believe that the natives who have canoes of the kind described above, do not go near the hermite islands, on which cape horn is situated.--r. f. (y) for evidence that indians have been thereabouts, see byron's account of the cave entered by the surgeon of the wager. i believe that curious place was either in, or close to, port otway.--r. f. (z) could 'plasta' refer to alexander campbell?--r. f. (a) pedro osorio died at san carlos in 1832.--r. f. (b) or by an earthquake wave.--r. f. (c) during much of this cruise, lieutenant skyring was so ill that he was unable to leave the adelaide; and for a month he was confined to bed. his illness was caused by fatigue, and by sitting too long while constructing charts.--r. f. (d) mr. kirke was rather short-sighted, and therefore unable to discern distant objects clearly. from the natives of ponsonby land, between the otway and skyring waters, i procured, and gave to captain king, some short straight horns, and parts of the skins of animals, which were probably deer of the kind seen by mr. kirke, and, since that time, by mr. low, when he followed my track into the skyring water with his sealing vessel, the unicorn schooner.--r. f. (e) in otway bay, not far from landfall island, is a rock on which mr. low found fuegians living among a number of (apparently) tame seals. see second volume.--r. f. (f) and thence to the strait of le maire.--r. f. (g) see second volume for further remarks on this subject.--r. f. (h) mr. sorrell, formerly with mr. weddell, and since that time with mr. brisbane.--r. f. (k) five fathoms only were found in one spot during the beagle's last voyage.--r. f. [illustration] [illustration] * * * * * corrections made to printed original: errata et corrigenda:--"443", printed as "----" in original. page 23 (in "these wigwams are thus constructed:"):--"constructed", printed as "constucted" in original. page 240 (in "to the best account"):--"account", printed as "acccount" in original. page 512 (top of column 2):--"1834", printed as "1831" in original. page 538 (chionis alba):--"46.", printed as "44." in original. page 554 (achatina donellii, in "mus. nost."):--"mus.", printed as "must." in original. appendix header page (in "royal geographical society"):--"society", printed as "sociely" in original. 