a letter from john brown never before in print. now in the possession of sullivan forehand, esq., of worcester. springfield, mass, 16th april, 1857. hon. eli thayer, my dear sir i am advised that one of "u.s. hounds is on my track"; & i have kept myself hid for a few days to let my track get cold. i have no idea of being taken; _& intend_ (_if_ "god will";) to go back with irons _in_ rather than _upon_ my hands. now my dear sir let me ask you to have mr. allen & co. send me by express; one or two sample navy sized revolvers; _as soon as may be_; together with his best cash terms (he warranting them) by the hundred with good moulds, flasks; &c. i wish the sample pistols sent to john (not capt) brown care of massasoit house springfield, mass. i now enclose twenty dollars towards repairs done for me; & revolvers; the balance _i will send_, as soon as i get the bill. i have written to have dr. howe send you by express a rifle and two pistols; which _with the guns you gave me; & fixings; together_ with the rifle given me by _mr. allen & co._ i wish them to pack in a suitable strong box; _perfectly safe_ directing to _j.b._ care of orson m. oviatt esq. cleveland ohio; _as freight_; to keep dry. for box, trouble; & packing; i will pay when i get bill. i wish the box very plainly marked; & forwarded to cleveland; as soon as you receive the articles from dr. howe. i got a _fine list_ in boston the other day; & hope worcester will not be _entirely behind_. i do no mean _you; or mr. allen & co._ very respectfully your friend direct all letters and bills } to care of massasoit house } (signed) john brown _please acknowledge_ } john brown: a retrospect. by alfred s. roe. read before the worcester society of antiquity, dec. 2, 1884. worcester, mass.: private press of franklin p. rice. mdccclxxxv. john brown: a retrospect. nearly two thousand years ago, at the hour of noon, a motley throng of people might have been seen pouring forth from the gates of a far eastern city and moving towards a hill called calvary. amidst soldiers and civilians, both friends and foes, the central figure is that of a man scarcely more than thirty years of age. he has all the attributes, in form and features, of true manliness. a disinterested judge has just declared that he finds nothing amiss in him; but the rabble cry out, all the more, "crucify him." while ardently loved by a devoted few in that tumultuous crowd, he is, to all the rest, an object of severest scorn, the butt of ribald jest. wearing his crown of thorns, he is made to bear, till he faints under his burden, the very instrument of his torture. his roman executioners, giving to him the punishment accorded to thieves and robbers, have imposed upon him the ignominious fate possible,--death upon the cross. a century before, cicero had said: "it is an outrage to bind a roman citizen; to scourge him is an atrocious crime; to put him to death is almost parricide; but to _crucify_ him--what shall i call it?" the place of crucifixion is reached. the dread tragedy is enacted. the vail of the temple is rent in twain; but upon the trembling earth the cross stands firm; from the consequent darkness it shines forth, resplendent by the halo of its precious burden. the saviour of men is taken thence to lie in the tomb of joseph of arimathea; his disciples and brethren wander away disconsolate; his tormentors go their many and devious ways; but the cross remains. it will ever remain; the object of reproach and derision to the ancients, to the moderns it has become the symbol of all that is true and good. the scenes of that day, on which the son of man was lifted up have sanctified for all time the instrument on which he suffered; transformed and radiant, it has become a beacon for all mankind. twenty-five years ago to-day, at noon, nearly, another crowd took its course from prison doors to a place of execution. we see a white haired old man escorted to his death by all the military strength that a great state can command. as he leaves his place of confinement he stoops and prints a kiss upon the face of a negro baby. a black woman cries out to him, passing along, "god bless you, old man; i wish i could help you, but i cannot." the most ignominious death known to our laws awaits him. already has the gibbet been erected. the sticks "standant and crossant" are in place, and the hungry rope is "pendant." a forty acre field is filled with those drawn together by this strange scene. three thousand soldiers with loaded guns stand ready to repel any attempt at rescue. well shotted cannon turn their open and angry mouths upon this one poor mortal. the bravest man there, he gazes upon the array before him, without a trace of emotion. the eye that shed tears at the sight of human misery is undimmed by what man can do against him. beyond the cordon of foes he remarks the wonderful beauty of the scenery, the last he is to look upon. he has made his peace with god and has no other favor to ask of his executioners than that they hasten their terrible task. the drop falls and suspended 'twixt heaven and earth is the incarnation of the idea that in a few brief months is to bring liberty to an enslaved race. most appropriately did a boston clergyman on the following sunday announce for his opening hymn- "servant of god, well done!" the john the baptist of salvation to the negroes, he died a death excelled in sublimity only by that of the saviour of men. both died for men; one, for all mankind, the other willing to risk all that he might open the prison door to those confined, and to strike off the bands of those in bondage. and here, too, methinks a strange transformation has taken place. the rough, the terrible gallows loses its accustomed significance. its old time uses are forgotten. around it i see millions of men and women pointing to its sole occupant, saying, "he died that we might live." even the scaffold may become a monument of glory, for from it a hero and a martyr passed to his reward. i forget the base and criminal burdens it has borne, and see only the "lifting up" of one man who had courage equal to his convictions. his martyrdom came ere he had seen "the glory of the coming of the lord." under the lofty adirondacks his body was mouldering in the grave when lincoln proclaimed liberty to the slave, "but his soul was marching on." during the twenty-five years intervening since the death of john brown, the drama of life has been played with far more than the usual variation. in no equal space of time since the recording of events began, have more pages of history been turned than during the quarter of a century just closing. owing to the efforts of brown and others sympathizing with him, the institution of slavery had already received many shocks; but it was still active and aggressive. for ought man could see to the contrary, it was fated to exist many years yet. it held unchallenged, fifteen of the states in this union and was making strenuous efforts to fortify itself in the territories of the west. a bishop in the freedom-loving state of vermont was, twenty-five years ago, finding scripture argument for the maintenance of negro slavery. across the connecticut river, in new hampshire, the head of her chief educational institution was teaching the young men under his care that slavery was of divine origin, and, of course, as such must not be disturbed. in new york city, one of her foremost lawyers, charles o'conor, announced to his audience that negro slavery not only was not unjust, "but it is just, wise and beneficent." though there was disclaim at this statement, the vast majority of his immense throng of listeners applauded the sentiment to the echo. in our own commonwealth, a human being had just been rendered back to slavery, and the most distinguished clergyman in massachusetts had stood a trial for endeavoring to prevent the everlasting disgrace. in those days between "fifty and sixty," "uncle tom's cabin" meant something. its gifted author had set before every northern reader a picture on which he could not look without blushing. nearly all of us, here to-night, can recall the intense interest with which our parents perused the book. i well recall the burning face of my father as he turned page after page, and when, at times, tears coursed down his cheek i wondered what it was all about. he, too, had occasion to know how strong was the bond that slavery had laid upon the nation, in the opposition aroused among his own people through his pulpit utterances on the forbidden subject. in those days, the underground railroad was in full operation. the southern black man, however deep his degradation, knew the north star, and towards it he was journeying at the rate of thousands yearly. we of to-day account it among our most precious heritages that our sires and grandsires kept stations on that same road, and many an escaped bondsman looking back from his safe asylum in canada called them "blessed." eighteen hundred and fifty-nine was in the halcyon days of "fugitive slave law" lovers. if john wesley considered slavery the "sum of all villainies," i wonder what terse definition he would have given to this the vilest enactment that ever rested on our statute book. not satisfied with whipping, shooting, hanging, destroying in a thousand ways these unhappy slaves, the aggressive south forced upon a passive north a law whose enormity passes description. every man at the beck of the southern kidnapper, by its provisions was obliged to play the part of a negro catcher. so great was the passiveness of the north that her most eminent orator, instead of decrying the proposition as unworthy of humanity, even lifted up his voice in its defense. virgil inveighed against the accursed thirst for gold--_auri sacra fames_; but it was not this thirst that made him, ofttimes called the "godlike," turn against all the traditions of his birth and associations, and speak words which closed to him faneuil hall, the cradle of liberty, and drew from whittier the scathing lines of "ichabod!" but his thirst was not appeased, and the south before which he had prostrated himself, turned away from him, spurning his bribe, and made a nomination which terribly disappointed webster, and on account of which he went down to his grave broken hearted. imagine if you can the astonishment of the student a hundred years hence, when he reads that the highest judicial tribunal in the land, voiced through its aged though not venerable chief, said in the year of our lord, 1857, and in the year of american independence the eighty-first, that three millions of people, at that time represented in congress through an infamous scheme of apportionment, had no rights that a white man was bound to respect. two judges of that court, and be it ever remembered to their credit, dissented. through the worse than cimmerian darkness that overspread the supreme bench of those days, the names of mclean and curtis shine forth, the only rays of light; and i may say with the exception of that of taney, remembered through his unique position, the only names recalled to-day. i doubt whether any present can name three out of the six judges who concurred with their superior in his opinion. it was the age, _par excellence_, of spread-eagle oratory, when the american bird soared higher and staid up longer than he ever has since. hail columbias and star spangled banners were in order, but the latter waved for the white portion of the people only. a flaunting mockery, our flag justly merited the reproach of other nations that pointed to our enslaved millions and then said: "call ye that the land of the free and the home of the brave?" we know that all this is so, for we remember it; but the student of the future must get his knowledge from books, and in the light of progress what will he think of defenseless women being mobbed in a connecticut town for allowing negro girls to attend their school? even now there is no distinction of color in _our_ schools, and at the high school in this city, a colored girl has graduated whose foster father was a slave in danville, virginia, while the head master of the school was held there a prisoner of war. side by side they sit in our schools of all grades, and, graduating from our normal schools, become teachers in the schools themselves. he will read that garrison, phillips, foster and others, were often in peril of their lives for preaching liberation of the slaves; and how like a myth will it seem to _him_, when _we_, in twenty-five years from the death of john brown, have seen colored men in both branches of the national legislature, and to-day cannot look upon a lately issued government note without reading the name of one[a] who was once in bondage. popular prejudice, the strongest barrier possible, is rapidly yielding; and the bayonet, the ballot and the spelling book, have wrought wonders. with all professions open to the colored man, with equal rights before the law, with millions of property accumulated since the war, who shall say that the soul of john brown is not marching on? in the days prior to those of harper's ferry raid, this good city of worcester, and the county of the same name, had spoken in no uncertain manner as to their appreciation of slavery and its attendant evils. the first county in the commonwealth to raise the question of the validity of slavery in massachusetts subsequent to the adoption of the constitution, she well sustained her early acquired reputation in the more troublous times of later years. in 1839, in this city was tried the famous holden slave case, where a native of worcester county had brought to her early home from her more recent southern one, a specimen of human property in the shape of a black girl fourteen years old, by name anne. by special enactment of massachusetts no one could be held in bondage thus unless perfectly willing, and certain citizens of holden, knowing that the treatment which the girl received could not be borne except under duress, secured her person, and bringing her to the heart of the commonwealth, made her "free indeed." for thus acting, these citizens were arrested and indicted, for just what, it seems difficult, at this time, to state; but they were deemed or called culpable for having, without her consent, taken this girl, anne, from bondage and actually giving her liberty. more than fifty years ago this, and how like a dream the whole matter seems. ira barton was the justice of the peace before whom one of the depositions was made. solomon strong, the earliest appointed judge of the court of common pleas, the judge who heard the case. pliny merrick was the district attorney who conducted the prosecution, and charles allen the attorney who appeared for the defense. the trial had not advanced a great ways ere mr. merrick declared that there was no cause of action, and the jury at once acquitted the defendants. charles allen! a host of recollections of the free soil and anti-slavery days spring into being at the mention of his name. he was the massachusetts whig who, in 1848, refused to bow the knee to the southern baal, and to his fellow members of the convention, after the nomination of general taylor dared to say: "you have put one ounce too much on the strong back of northern endurance. you have even presumed that the state which led on the first revolution for liberty will now desert that cause for the miserable boon of the vice-presidency. sir, _massachusetts spurns the bribe_," referring thus to the proposed nomination of abbott lawrence. it was a brother of charles allen our late esteemed friend, the rev. george allen, who in the same year offered to a meeting in worcester, the most famous resolution of the whole ante-bellum period. catching the spirit of his brother's words, he said: "resolved, that massachusetts wears no chains and _spurns all bribes_; that massachusetts now, and will ever go, for free soil and free men, for free lips and a free press, for a free land and a free world." this was a good key-note, and when, six years later, in 1854 a slave-catcher came to this same city of worcester, the citizens proved that they could raise the tune most readily; and the would-be man-stealer was only too happy to march to its measures out of the city, without his booty, and possessed of a whole skin. mr. jankins, the object of butman, the kidnapper's cupidity, during these intervening thirty years, has continued to live in this city, a respectable and respected citizen; and has seen his children in the highest schools of the city. one, having graduated from the high school, is now in the normal school. what a comment this, on the times when, in this _christian_ land, men and women were imprisoned for teaching black people how to read,--the bible even. i doubt whether the people of worcester were the very strictest interpreters of the law in the days when the life of john brown was in the balance. of the technicalities of his offence it is not ours to judge. the people of the north who had made haste to rid themselves of slavery, had viewed for years the aggressive unrest of the south. while civilized countries other than ours had forever abolished the wretched system, our country, led by its southern minority, had again and again done its best to bolster and uphold it. the war with mexico, the annexation of texas, the fugitive slave law, and the repeal of the missouri compromise, were only successive sops thrown to the insatiable monster. the repeal of the compromise opened the territory of kansas to both slavery and anti-slavery, and henceforth massachusetts speaks with no uncertain voice. john brown and charles sumner simultaneously spring into renown and immortality. both of bay state antecedents, their history is largely hers. one on the plains of kansas fights for what he believes to be the right. his own blood and that of his sons flow in behalf of oppressed humanity. border ruffians are driven back and a free state constitution adopted. sumner, from his place in the united sates senate, boldly proclaims his sentiments on "the crime against kansas," and by an illustrious scion of the southern aristocracy is stricken down in a manner which "even thieves and cut-throats would despise." the contest was on,--any pause thereafter was only a temporary lull. in the language of new york's most distinguished senator, it was "irrepressible." john brown had repeatedly led parties of slaves from missouri to kansas, and made of them free men. he contemplated other and grander strokes against the peculiar institution. in his singleness of purposes, he saw not the power of the government intervening, and perhaps, in his intensity, it would have made no difference if he had. certain, however, is the statement, that the one grand idea over-towering all others in his mind, was that of liberty for the slaves; and for that idea men of his own and subsequent days have done him reverence. why review the scenes of those hours of attack and fierce defence at harper's ferry? poorly informed, indeed, must be that american man or woman, boy or girl, who has not repeatedly read the events of those less than twenty-four hours of condensed history. they furnish the prelude to every account of the war of the rebellion. no matter how vivid the scenes of later days, somewhere in the background we get these earlier details over again. the blow once struck, and there arose from maine to texas cries ranging through all the variations of surprise, exultation, and fiercest denunciation. i am speaking as a northern man to northern people, and it is natural that we should look upon the acts of john brown with quite different feelings from those held by the people who saw in them the uprooting of all the traditions and customs of their society. for the present, however, i will confine myself to the opinions of those who from the north side of mason and dixon's line, heard the "clash of resounding arms." there were many men who had in various ways assisted brown in his work without knowing just what his plans were. it sufficed for them to know that he was to harry the institution, leaving to him the perfecting and executing of details. the telegraphic dispatches on that monday morning of october 17th, carried consternation into other homes than those of the south. it seemed reasonable to the government that men who had contributed in any way to the support of john brown must have been privy to his plans. however much we may pride ourselves now that such and such men assisted the movement, then the barest suspicion of complicity made many households look to their hearths. some, whose names had been mingled with his, sought refuge in canada, as dr. s.g. howe, frederick douglass and f.b. sanborn. gerrit smith of new york, worn out by previous hard work, was by this final burden reduced to a condition necessitating his removal to the utica asylum. now that the affair is all over and past, it seems very strange that men like those mentioned before, who were known to be intimate with the revolutionist, were not made to suffer at the hands of the law. the only explanation that occurs to me is that public opinion, while it might not stay the hand of the executioner in virginia, most resolutely opposed his crossing the line. "the new york democratic vigilance association" issued a manifesto breathing forth threatenings against all those implicated in the matter, but it came to nothing. every movement of the trial was followed with the closest interest, and massachusetts sent down a man to assist in the defense who became, in after years, one of her most famous sons. it is certain that the experience of these weeks at harper's ferry gave john a. andrew the prompting to the extraordinary zeal with which he entered upon the duties of his gubernatorial office less than two years afterward. the whole trial seems farcical; but we must admit that a show of fairness was had, and, considering the ferocity with which the old man was attacked when down in the engine house, the only wonder is that he was granted a trial at all. through all the trying hours of that ordeal how like a hero did he deport himself! grand in his assaults on the citadel of slavery, he became grander still as he calmly met his enemies, and told them of his purposes. never boastful, he assumes nothing, but at the end, when asked to say why sentence of death should not be imposed upon him, he said: "the court acknowledges, as i suppose, the validity of the law of god. i see a book kissed here which i suppose to be the bible, or at least the new testament. that teaches me that all things 'whatsoever i would that men should do unto me i should do even so to them.' i endeavored to act up to that instruction. i say, i am yet too young to understand that god is any respecter of persons. i believe that to have interfered as i have done, as i have always freely admitted i have done, in behalf of his despised poor, was not wrong, but right. now, if it is deemed necessary that i should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children, and with the blood of millions in this slave country, whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel and unjust enactments--i submit; so let it be done." even if we grant that he was technically wrong we must accord to him the meed of perfect sincerity. whatever his failings he had not that of lying. "greater love hath no man than this that a man lay down his life for his friends." john brown fulfilled the highest interpretation of this scriptural maxim. the edict once published, and all over the north there was a feeling of the deepest sympathy. there was nothing that could be done. people must wait and meditate. just enough more than a month to bring the execution on friday was accorded the condemned man, for it was on monday the 31st of october that the trial was ended, and the sentence was pronounced the following day. during this month follow the letters, the sermons, the speeches, the editorials, the thinking, that were the immediate results of the attack. never had the subject of negro slavery been so thoroughly ventilated. the liberation of the slave was coming, and that speedily through the agency of brown, but not in the way he had intended. while audiences throughout the north, and south, too, were roused to fever heat through the presentations, in different lights it is true, of this cause, the prime mover in the matter was making his final preparations for departure. preparations, i say, not in the sense that we ordinarily give the word, for of his own future he had no doubt, but in that of care for the families of his stricken followers. to mrs. lydia maria child he writes asking her assistance in behalf of his daughters-in-law, whose husbands, his sons, fell by his side, three daughters, his wife, mrs. thompson whose husband fell at harper's ferry, and a son unable to wholly care for himself. to a quaker lady of newport, r.i., he sends asking her to write and to comfort the sad hearts at north elba, essex county, n.y. to his wife "'finally, my beloved, be of good comfort.' may all your names be 'written on the lamb's book of life--may you all have the purifying and sustaining influence of the christian religion is the earnest prayer of your affectionate husband and father, john brown. p.s. i cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. but, beloved ones, do remember that this is not your rest; that in this world you have no abiding place or continuing city. to god and his infinite mercy i always commend you. j.b." and thus he wrote to his half-brother, to his old schoolmaster, to his son jason, and to many others. every word is expressive of the deepest anxiety for the welfare of his loved ones, and a calm trust in the god of all as to the righteousness of his cause. such words and such behaviour do not comport with the "black heart" which a large part of the nation was then ascribing to him. it is true, he told a clergyman of a southern church who attempted to draw an argument in defence of slavery, that he did not know the a b cs of christianity since he was entirely ignorant of the meaning of the word, "i, of course, respect you as a gentleman, but it is as a _heathen_ gentleman." i can, myself, appreciate to some extent what must have been the feelings of the prisoner at the religious ministrations offered him; for i well remember with what a skeptical air i heard the prayer and the words of a rebel clergyman who visited the prison in which i was confined in 1865. i knew he was daily praying god to bring defeat to my comrades in arms, to increase the number of prisoners, in fine, for the triumph of the confederate cause. he undertook a pretty serious task, that of talking entertainingly in a general way to a company of federal prisoners. had he come to kneel by the side of a dying man, and to point the way to eternal life, it had been different; but for doctrinal policies what cared we? we had empty stomachs, and till they were filled all creeds were alike illusory. preaching to hungry men was not a success, and he came but seldom--indeed i remember only once. dead men were carried out daily, but they went unattended by religious rites. i recall now the thought, if god heard his prayer and answered it, of what avail was mine; but i was certain that mine was the one listened to, and that being the case, of what avail was his opinion on the state of the country any way? during these weeks the condemned man is visited by large numbers of people, both friends and foes; but before no one does he for a moment weaken in his constant declaration of the correctness of his cause. some of the verbal shot that his proslavery interlocutors received were as hot as those which he fired from his musket into their midst on that terrible monday--for instance, he told col. smith, of the virginia military institute, that he would as soon be escorted to his death by blacklegs or robbers as by slave-holding ministers. socrates, awaiting the death which slowly creeps from his extremities to his heart converses not more quietly and resignedly to those about him than does this decided old man of harper's ferry. one, a stoic, discourses on death and immortality; and dying, desires his followers to offer a cock to ã�sculapius. the other, a christian, ceases not to converse concerning the wrongs of an oppressed race, and of his deep anxiety for the slaves; and his last written words were: "i, john brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. i had, as i now think, vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done." [december 2nd. 1859.] our retrospect would be incomplete did we not recall the events happening in this very city of worcester, twenty-five years ago to-day. never were the pulsations of the "heart of the commonwealth" more in accord with the heart beats of humanity than on that second of december, 1859. whatever the thoughts and words of truckling people in other places, here the tolling bell spoke unmistakably to all who heard, the sorrow of those mourned the death of the great liberator. the _spy_ of december 3d devotes two columns to an account of the observances in this city. from this description i learn that from ten o'clock, a.m. till noon, and again, from seven to seven and one-half o'clock, p.m., the bells of the old south, the central, the union, and the third baptist churches were tolled. during the tolling of the bells in the forenoon, the engines at merrifield's buildings, and at the card manufactory of t.k. earle & co., were stopped, while their places of business were closed, bearing appropriate symbols of regret and mourning. the colored people generally closed their places of employment, and engaged in appropriate religious exercises in zion's church in the afternoon. earlier than had been advertised mechanics hall was thronged to its utmost capacity, in the vast audience there being as many women as men. three sides of the walls bore placards on which were the words: "whether on the scaffold high, or in the battle's van, the fittest place where man can die, is where he dies for man." at half-past seven o'clock hon. w.w. rice called the meeting to order, saying: "there is no true man that does not feel his bosom swell with indignation and grief, and pray that god will watch over this land with his especial care. for virginia has, to-day, executed a man, who, by the judgment of this community, is guilty of no moral crime; but for his fidelity to the principles which his own soul told him were truths and duty. and we are met to hear the words of our best and most eloquent men, and to tender our aid and sympathy to the family--that family in whose veins flows the blood of the martyr, brown." in closing, mr. rice, who had been heard with repeated applause, read the following list of officers: president: dea. ichabod washburn; vice-presidents: hon. john milton earle, hon. peter c. bacon, hon. george f. hoar, hon. w.w. rice, hon. lemuel williams, albert tolman, william t. merrifield, george m. rice, hon. austin l. rogers, edward earle, john d. baldwin, george w. russell, abram firth, joseph p. hale, dr. s. rogers, william r. hooper, benjamin goddard, joseph pratt, harrison bliss, thomas tucker, rev. horace james, rev. merrill richardson, rev. ebenezer cutler, rev. r.r. shippen, rev. j.h. twombly, rev. george allen, rev. t.w. higginson, rev. peter ross, rev. william h. sanford, rev. samuel souther, dr. joseph sargent, dr. william workman, dr. o. martin, dr. t.h. gage, marcus barrett, warren williams, thomas l. nelson, hartley williams, edwin draper, s.a. porter, jonathan day; secretaries: charles e. stevens, d.a. goddard, joseph h. walker. deacon washburn, in taking the chair, called on the rev. mr. richardson to open the further exercises with prayer, after which he read the following letter inclosing twenty dollars: worcester, dec. 2, 1859. dear sir: i shall not be able to unite with you as i had hoped and expected, in your meeting of sympathy and charity. the noble and heroic old man who loved the cause that we love, and who has been faithful unto death to the principles as he understood them, of the religion which we profess, has bequeathed to the friends of liberty the charge of comforting the desolate old age of his widow, and providing for the education of his fatherless children. the charge is too sacred to be declined. permit me to enclose, which would be of more value than anything i could say at present, a slight contribution toward this object. yours respectfully, g.f. hoar. the speeches that followed were of a particularly eloquent nature. why should this be otherwise? never had men a grander theme nor more sympathetic listeners. the rev. mr. shippen, among other glowing passages, said: "john brown felt as cromwell felt that he was commissioned by god to fight against the wrong. believing in that eternal judgment based upon the law more lasting than the temporary statutes of to-day, he acted in accordance with the spirit of the gospel, as he in his conscience understood it." hon. d.f. parker was glad to honor john brown because he dared, upon slave soil, to strike the blow he did. "whenever wrong exists, it is our duty to wage war against it, with peaceful remedies if possible, if not, then with such as our grandsires used in settling accounts with their oppressors." the rev. mr. richardson was particularly apt--i may say, grandly prophetic. thus: "never at the beginning of great periods in history was insurrection so successful as that. it has made it apparent that slavery can and must be abolished; it has set every press and every tongue in the land to agitating the subject of slavery, and has made the pillars of that institution to rock and reel. it has diminished the value of slave stock. two hundred million dollars, says a southern paper, john brown destroyed that sunday night, and has led how many families to look for a speedy and certain method of getting rid of the perilous property. that man whom we wrong in calling crazy, was groping for the pillars of the slave institution, and he has been successful." then came rev. t.w. higginson who had known much of brown's plans, and to whom the prisoner had written only a short time before his execution. "how little, one year ago to-day, we expected to hear such words from men who have been deemed conservative; words so heroic, so absolute in defence of principle; and i have wished the pen to record the thoughts which lie behind the faces we all meet; the anxious, the determined, the desperate faces, the varied faces that meet us ... john brown is now beyond our reach; but the oppressed for whom he died still live. methinks i hear his voice speaking to you in the words of that scripture which he loved, 'inasmuch as ye did it to these little ones ye did it unto me.'" the collection that was taken up for the family amounted to $145.88. afterward homer b. sprague, principal of the high school, spoke, as did mrs. abby k. foster, both in an eloquent and forcible manner. at half-past ten o'clock the meeting adjourned, the large audience remaining to the end. milford, millbury and fitchburg, in this county, in a similar manner took notice of the sad event. in the legislature, then in session, there was a movement made in both houses to secure an adjournment. though defeated, the motion drew out pretty generally the sentiments of the members. many of these voting against adjournment, admired the martyr; but objected to leaving the business of the day, saying that brown himself would counsel continued attention to proper legislative duties. from the vantage ground of twenty-five years after, it is interesting to read what leading exponents of public opinion said then. from the south there came but one cry. it was to be expected. nothing else could have been tolerated. from the north there was a diversity of language. the _new york tribune_ of december 3d said, and i can believe that greeley himself wrote the words: "john brown, dead, will live in millions of hearts, will be discussed around the homely hearth of toil, and dreamed of on the couch of poverty.... yes, john brown, dead, is verily a power like samson in the falling temple of dagon, like ziska, dead, with his skin stretched over a drum head still routing the foe he bravely fought while living." the _new york herald_ of the same date, voicing the sentiment of those who actively or passively upheld slavery, alludes to the hero as "old john brown, the culprit, hanged for murder," etc., and states that the south was correct. the _boston courier_ wishes governor banks to ask the legislature to make an appropriation of $40,000 to assist virginia in paying the bills incident to the trial. if i am not mistaken, it was this same courier's editor, one homer by name, who, some years before, had placarded the city to excite a riot against thompson, the english emancipationist, and who had been largely instrumental in fostering trouble for garrison and phillips. if we only knew that we were prophesying at the time! little did the tribune writer think that his allusion to ziska would prove almost literally true. in two years from the death of john brown the twelfth regiment of massachusetts volunteers, the fletcher webster regiment, marched down the streets of boston to the words: "john brown's body lies a moldering in the grave," and like magic the whole union army took it up, nay more, those who stood behind the army, young and old. men and women sung it from maine to california. no one knows who wrote it--it was unwritten. it was the popular idea, inspired by god, given vocal expression. there was nothing to learn about it. everybody knew it before he heard it. once raised the tune was chanted till the war was over, and its mission accomplished. it closed not then; for to-day, after our lapse of a quarter of a century, it is the tune of all others that fires the nation's heart. ziska's drum head is immortal. early in the war a large prize was offered for competition, to those who would try to write a national hymn. true, we had "america," but it was sung to the tune of "god save the king or queen." "the star spangled banner," but it ran so high that few attempted it. "red, white and blue," and "hail columbia"; but they were not adapted to the popular demands. a national hymn was demanded, and a committee of meritorious gentlemen gravely sat down to decide on the merits of more than five bushels of poems. twelve hundred poetasters had sent in their lucubrations, over three hundred of these sending music also, and what came of it? nothing, of course. lowell can write an ode that will make our cheeks tingle. bayard taylor has written them that exalted us with pride; but neither of these men, nor any other, could sit down and in repose--in cold blood as it were--write a national hymn. what was wanted was another marseillaise, something which all could readily grasp and hold, something that no man or woman could help singing, no matter whether they had ever sung before or not. roget de lisle, amid the terrible scenes of the french revolution, and stung almost to madness by the terrible events about him, in a single night gave expression to a hymn that, in power, has been approached by only one other, that of "john brown's body." are there not points of resemblance? both stir the soul in the chorus. the "_aux armes, aux armes_," of the frenchman's song is reproduced in our "glory, glory, hallelujah!" no man will take either hymn off by himself to learn it. they are in his mind already; but he is never conscious of them till the proper moment draws them forth. our national hymn has no parentage. i have heard men thrillingly relate the fever of patriotism into which the singing of its words threw them, as regiment would file along the streets of our great cities during the war. there is not much to it in point of words. such hymns need few words. "john brown's body lies a mouldering in the grave." "he has gone to be a soldier in the army of the lord." "we will hang jeff davis to a sour apple tree." there they are, the three stanzas; but they have been sung more times, especially the first one, than any equal number of words ever put to music in america. put in one sum the times the name of lincoln, the martyred president, and grant, the peerless general have been uttered, and it would not make a hundredth part the number that represents the utterance of john brown's name in this song. some one will say it cannot be a national hymn unless sung by all parts of our people. millions of people in the south, true of dusky faces, sung it, and how they sung it. it is more than sentiment, it is life to them; and i am sanguine enough to believe that the time will come when those who wore the gray on our great contest will so far have seen the error of their position as to join with us of the other side in singing "glory, glory, hallelujah," over the fact that the soul of john brown is marching on. what think ye of john brown? have the widely separated opinions of twenty-five years ago approached or are they even more divergent? of course, the active thinkers and workers of that day have joined the great majority. a younger and later generation has the conduct of affairs. in the main, those who hated him then hate him now. those who thought him a martyr then are sure of it now. perhaps we are still too near the events that made him famous to properly weigh and criticise the evidence; but what we write now, with what has been written, must be the source of future conclusions. as to the south, it is far too early to expect other than the most rancorous feeling towards him. more than many of us are willing to admit, we are the creatures of our surroundings, men, thinking and acting as we have been reared. john brown put himself in direct opposition to all that made the south distinctive; and, however much i may blame the section for its continued hold on slavery, i cannot think it strange that the inhabitants looked upon the liberator with feelings quite the reverse from ours. for those, however, of equal privileges with ourselves, of substantially the same rearing, i have not the same measure of charity. in 1880 one g.w. brown, m.d., of rockford, illinois, formerly the editor of a paper in kansas, gave himself the trouble to write a pamphlet in which he spares no effort to calumniate the old hero. i quote a notice of it from the _boston journal_: "the writer, dr. g.w. brown, in slip-shod and often ungrammatical english assails the memory of old john brown, charges him with active participation in various bloody crimes, and abuses his biographers and eulogists. dr. brown writes as an eye-witness of many of the things which he describes; but of his credibility we have no means of judging save so far as the bitterness of his tone casts suspicion on his veracity." happily we are able to tell just what brown himself thought of his detractor, and of the paper that he conducted; for in july, 1858, writing to f.g. sanborn, he says: "i believe all honest, sensible free state men in kansas consider george washington brown's _herald of freedom_ one of the most mischievous, traitorous publications in the whole country." "a murderous fanatic and midnight assassin" is what the _louisville journal_ calls him. just what the same paper calls mr. phillip thompson, member of congress from kentucky, i cannot state; but from the generally warped nature of its judgment i am not disposed to set much store by its opinion of him of harper's ferry. "without doubt he suffered the just recompense of his deeds," says one who twenty-five years ago was loud and eloquent in his denunciation of the "taking off." this man has since sat in congress with hosts of rebel brigadiers, has shaken by the hand chalmers of fort pillow infamy, has listened to the reconstructed ex-vice-president of the confederacy on the floor of the house of representatives. there is something wrong here, and i leave it to the lawyers to decide where. brown had no malice against individuals, hence to have hung him for murder was wrong. if he suffered death for treason against the united states, then what a gigantic wrong has been done in admitting to the highest offices those who likewise were treasonable. for myself, i am ready to affirm that if the present status of affairs is right, there was most grievous wrong done brown. the larger and more extended the treason only adds so much more to the crime. perhaps had the "reconstruction" following his foray been associated with more ballots, or in other words, had conciliation been necessary to the proper maintenance of a particular party, perhaps, i say, he had been not only pardoned but elected to congress. fate has assigned to john brown one of the highest niches in the temple of fame. thinking only of the name that must be his through all time, i would not have the past undone; but to-night, after so many days, it is not amiss to ask ourselves "what might have been?" granting that the death struggle between slavery and freedom was to come in 1861, what a part in it must this grand old man have borne! with his terrible earnestness and indomitable will, with his ability to weld as it were, to himself all those who came under his influence, what an avenger he would have been on the tracks of such _chivalrous_ southerners as quantrell of lawrence-burning notoriety, and those who at fort pillow and at plymouth, n.c. carved out for themselves eternal infamy. i cannot think of him as a general commander; but as a leader of scouts, as the head of a band to hang on the skirts of an enemy, he had been invaluable. all this, however was not to be. he was to do his part; but it was as a hastener rather than a participant in the struggle. to please the southern herodias his head lay gory in the charger before the contest which he had preached began. the contest came. we fought and won. the prime cause of all our woes exists only as a page, a dark page of history; but on the margin of that page, and on those of every subsequent page, methinks an unseen hand writes in indelible characters the part sustained by that unconquerable leader. to this day there are those who have halted and hesitated as to the right in the war of the rebellion. to me the question no more admits of doubt than does the distinction between daylight and darkness. in fact we were in darkness, and god said "let there be light," and immediately the darkness and gloom of oppression disappeared. shall i, then, hesitatingly say "_god_ knows which was right"? i will say it, but with a different inflection; for not only does he know, but i know, every one who has seen the wonderful change since the contest, knows that god smiled on our cause. with this deep conviction, then, in our hearts is it not meet that we should keep ever green the memory of the man who more than any other, appreciated the exigencies of the hour, who first fell in his devotion to the cause? in these twenty-five years his spirit has been joined by those of sumner, greeley, garrison, giddings, phillips, foster and the many, many thousands who toiled for the wronged of whatever color. truth, though for a time crushed to earth, has risen again. freedom reigns indeed in the land of john brown. "his soul is marching on." footnote: [a] b.k. bruce of mississippi, now register of the treasury, formerly u.s. senator john brown. an address by frederick douglass, at the fourteenth anniversary of storer college, harper's ferry, west virginia, may 30, 1881. dover, n. h.: morning star job printing house. 1881. * * * * * presented by the author to storer college, the proceeds to go to the endowment of a john brown professorship. * * * * * introduction. in substance, this address, now for the first time published, was prepared several years ago, and has been delivered in many parts of the north. its publication now in pamphlet form is due to its delivery at harper's ferry, w. va., on decoration day, 1881, and to the fact that the proceeds from the sale of it are to be used toward the endowment of a john brown professorship in storer college, harper's ferry--an institution mainly devoted to the education of colored youth. that such an address could be delivered at such a place, at such a time, is strikingly significant, and illustrates the rapid, vast and wonderful changes through which the american people have been passing since 1859. twenty years ago frederick douglass and others were mobbed in the city of boston, and driven from tremont temple for uttering sentiments concerning john brown similar to those contained in this address. yet now he goes freely to the very spot where john brown committed the offense which caused all virginia to clamor for his life, and without reserve or qualification, commends him as a hero and martyr in the cause of liberty. this incident is rendered all the more significant by the fact that hon. andrew hunter, of charlestown,--the district attorney who prosecuted john brown and secured his execution,--sat on the platform directly behind mr. douglass during the delivery of the entire address and at the close of it shook hands with him, and congratulated him, and invited him to charlestown (where john brown was hanged), adding that if robert e. lee were living, he would give him his hand also. address. not to fan the flame of sectional animosity now happily in the process of rapid and i hope permanent extinction; not to revive and keep alive a sense of shame and remorse for a great national crime, which has brought its own punishment, in loss of treasure, tears and blood; not to recount the long list of wrongs, inflicted on my race during more than two hundred years of merciless bondage; nor yet to draw, from the labyrinths of far-off centuries, incidents and achievements wherewith to rouse your passions, and enkindle your enthusiasm, but to pay a just debt long due, to vindicate in some degree a great historical character, of our own time and country, one with whom i was myself well acquainted, and whose friendship and confidence it was my good fortune to share, and to give you such recollections, impressions and facts, as i can, of a grand, brave and good old man, and especially to promote a better understanding of the raid upon harper's ferry of which he was the chief, is the object of this address. in all the thirty years' conflict with slavery, if we except the late tremendous war, there is no subject which in its interest and importance will be remembered longer, or will form a more thrilling chapter in american history than this strange, wild, bloody and mournful drama. the story of it is still fresh in the minds of many who now hear me, but for the sake of those who may have forgotten its details, and in order to have our subject in its entire range more fully and clearly before us at the outset, i will briefly state the facts in that extraordinary transaction. on the night of the 16th of october, 1859, there appeared near the confluence of the potomac and shenandoah rivers, a party of nineteen men--fourteen white and five colored. they were not only armed themselves, but had brought with them a large supply of arms for such persons as might join them. these men invaded harper's ferry, disarmed the watchman, took possession of the arsenal, rifle-factory, armory and other government property at that place, arrested and made prisoners nearly all the prominent citizens of the neighborhood, collected about fifty slaves, put bayonets into the hands of such as were able and willing to fight for their liberty, killed three men, proclaimed general emancipation, held the ground more than thirty hours, were subsequently overpowered and nearly all killed, wounded or captured, by a body of united states troops, under command of colonel robert e. lee, since famous as the rebel gen. lee. three out of the nineteen invaders were captured whilst fighting, and one of these was captain john brown, the man who originated, planned and commanded the expedition. at the time of his capture capt. brown was supposed to be mortally wounded, as he had several ugly gashes and bayonet wounds on his head and body; and apprehending that he might speedily die, or that he might be rescued by his friends, and thus the opportunity of making him a signal example of slave-holding vengeance would be lost, his captors hurried him to charlestown two miles further within the border of virginia, placed him in prison strongly guarded by troops, and before his wounds were healed he was brought into court, subjected to a nominal trial, convicted of high treason and inciting slaves to insurrection, and was executed. his corpse was given to his woe-stricken widow, and she, assisted by anti-slavery friends, caused it to be borne to north elba, essex county, n. y., and there his dust now reposes, amid the silent, solemn and snowy grandeur of the adirondacks. such is the story; with no line softened or hardened to my inclining. it certainly is not a story to please, but to pain. it is not a story to increase our sense of social safety and security, but to fill the imagination with wild and troubled fancies of doubt and danger. it was a sudden and startling surprise to the people of harper's ferry, and it is not easy to conceive of a situation more abundant in all the elements of horror and consternation. they had retired as usual to rest, with no suspicion that an enemy lurked in the surrounding darkness. they had quietly and trustingly given themselves up to "tired nature's sweet restorer, balmy sleep," and while thus all unconscious of danger, they were roused from their peaceful slumbers by the sharp crack of the invader's rifle, and felt the keen-edged sword of war at their throats, three of their number being already slain. every feeling of the human heart was naturally outraged at this occurrence, and hence at the moment the air was full of denunciation and execration. so intense was this feeling, that few ventured to whisper a word of apology. but happily reason has her voice as well as feeling, and though slower in deciding, her judgments are broader, deeper, clearer and more enduring. it is not easy to reconcile human feeling to the shedding of blood for any purpose, unless indeed in the excitement which the shedding of blood itself occasions. the knife is to feeling always an offence. even when in the hands of a skillful surgeon, it refuses consent to the operation long after reason has demonstrated its necessity. it even pleads the cause of the known murderer on the day of his execution, and calls society half criminal when, in cold blood, it takes life as a protection of itself from crime. let no word be said against this holy feeling; more than to law and government are we indebted to this tender sentiment of regard for human life for the safety with which we walk the streets by day and sleep secure in our beds at night. it is nature's grand police, vigilant and faithful, sentineled in the soul, guarding against violence to peace and life. but whilst so much is freely accorded to feeling in the economy of human welfare, something more than feeling is necessary to grapple with a fact so grim and significant as was this raid. viewed apart and alone, as a transaction separate and distinct from its antecedents and bearings, it takes rank with the most cold-blooded and atrocious wrongs ever perpetrated; but just here is the trouble--this raid on harper's ferry, no more than sherman's march to the sea can consent to be thus viewed alone. there is, in the world's government, a force which has in all ages been recognized, sometimes as nemesis, sometimes as the judgment of god and sometimes as retributive justice; but under whatever name, all history attests the wisdom and beneficence of its chastisements, and men become reconciled to the agents through whom it operates, and have extolled them as heroes, benefactors and demigods. to the broad vision of a true philosophy, nothing in this world stands alone. everything is a necessary part of everything else. the margin of chance is narrowed by every extension of reason and knowledge, and nothing comes unbidden to the feast of human experience. the universe, of which we are a part, is continually proving itself a stupendous whole, a system of law and order, eternal and perfect: every seed bears fruit after its kind, and nothing is reaped which was not sowed. the distance between seed time and harvest, in the moral world, may not be quite so well defined or as clearly intelligible as in the physical, but there is a seed time, and there is a harvest time, and though ages may intervene, and neither he who ploughed nor he who sowed may reap in person, yet the harvest nevertheless will surely come; and as in the physical world there are century plants, so it may be in the moral world, and their fruitage is as certain in the one as in the other. the bloody harvest of harper's ferry was ripened by the heat and moisture of merciless bondage of more than two hundred years. that startling cry of alarm on the banks of the potomac was but the answering back of the avenging angel to the midnight invasions of christian slave-traders on the sleeping hamlets of africa. the history of the african slave-trade furnishes many illustrations far more cruel and bloody. viewed thus broadly our subject is worthy of thoughtful and dispassionate consideration. it invites the study of the poet, scholar, philosopher and statesman. what the masters in natural science have done for man in the physical world, the masters of social science may yet do for him in the moral world. science now tells us when storms are in the sky, and when and where their violence will be most felt. why may we not yet know with equal certainty when storms are in the moral sky, and how to avoid their desolating force? but i can invite you to no such profound discussions. i am not the man, nor is this the occasion for such philosophical enquiry. mine is the word of grateful memory to an old friend; to tell you what i knew of him--what i knew of his inner life--of what he did and what he attempted, and thus if possible to make the mainspring of his actions manifest and thereby give you a clearer view of his character and services. it is said that next in value to the performance of great deeds ourselves, is the capacity to appreciate such when performed by others; to more than this i do not presume. allow me one other personal word before i proceed. in the minds of some of the american people i was myself credited with an important agency in the john brown raid. governor henry a. wise was manifestly of that opinion. he was at the pains of having mr. buchanan send his marshals to rochester to invite me to accompany them to virginia. fortunately i left town several hours previous to their arrival. what ground there was for this distinguished consideration shall duly appear in the natural course of this lecture. i wish however to say just here that there was no foundation whatever for the charge that i in any wise urged or instigated john brown to his dangerous work. i rejoice that it is my good fortune to have seen, not only the end of slavery, but to see the day when the whole truth can be told about this matter without prejudice to either the living or the dead. i shall however allow myself little prominence in these disclosures. your interests, like mine, are in the all-commanding figure of the story, and to him i consecrate the hour. his zeal in the cause of my race was far greater than mine--it was as the burning sun to my taper light--mine was bounded by time, his stretched away to the boundless shores of eternity. i could live for the slave, but he could die for him. the crown of martyrdom is high, far beyond the reach of ordinary mortals, and yet happily no special greatness or superior moral excellence is necessary to discern and in some measure appreciate a truly great soul. cold, calculating and unspiritual as most of us are, we are not wholly insensible to real greatness; and when we are brought in contact with a man of commanding mold, towering high and alone above the millions, free from all conventional fetters, true to his own moral convictions, a "law unto himself," ready to suffer misconstruction, ignoring torture and death for what he believes to be right, we are compelled to do him homage. in the stately shadow, in the sublime presence of such a soul i find myself standing to-night; and how to do it reverence, how to do it justice, how to honor the dead with due regard to the living, has been a matter of most anxious solicitude. much has been said of john brown, much that is wise and beautiful, but in looking over what may be called the john brown literature, i have been little assisted with material, and even less encouraged with any hope of success in treating the subject. scholarship, genius and devotion have hastened with poetry and eloquence, story and song to this simple altar of human virtue, and have retired dissatisfied and distressed with the thinness and poverty of their offerings, as i shall with mine. the difficulty in doing justice to the life and character of such a man is not altogether due to the quality of the zeal, or of the ability brought to the work, nor yet to any imperfections in the qualities of the man himself; the state of the moral atmosphere about us has much to do with it. the fault is not in our eyes, nor yet in the object, if under a murky sky we fail to discover the object. wonderfully tenacious is the taint of a great wrong. the evil, as well as "the good that men do, lives after them." slavery is indeed gone; but its long, black shadow yet falls broad and large over the face of the whole country. it is the old truth oft repeated, and never more fitly than now, "a prophet is without honor in his own country and among his own people." though more than twenty years have rolled between us and the harper's ferry raid, though since then the armies of the nation have found it necessary to do on a large scale what john brown attempted to do on a small one, and the great captain who fought his way through slavery has filled with honor the presidential chair, we yet stand too near the days of slavery, and the life and times of john brown, to see clearly the true martyr and hero that he was and rightly to estimate the value of the man and his works. like the great and good of all ages--the men born in advance of their times, the men whose bleeding footprints attest the immense cost of reform, and show us the long and dreary spaces, between the luminous points in the progress of mankind,--this our noblest american hero must wait the polishing wheels of after-coming centuries to make his glory more manifest, and his worth more generally acknowledged. such instances are abundant and familiar. if we go back four and twenty centuries, to the stately city of athens, and search among her architectural splendor and her miracles of art for the socrates of to-day, and as he stands in history, we shall find ourselves perplexed and disappointed. in jerusalem jesus himself was only the "carpenter's son"--a young man wonderfully destitute of worldly prudence--a pestilent fellow, "inexcusably and perpetually interfering in the world's business,"--"upsetting the tables of the money-changers"--preaching sedition, opposing the good old religion--"making himself greater than abraham," and at the same time "keeping company" with very low people; but behold the change! he was a great miracle-worker, in his day, but time has worked for him a greater miracle than all his miracles, for now his name stands for all that is desirable in government, noble in life, orderly and beautiful in society. that which time has done for other great men of his class, that will time certainly do for john brown. the brightest gems shine at first with subdued light, and the strongest characters are subject to the same limitations. under the influence of adverse education and hereditary bias, few things are more difficult than to render impartial justice. men hold up their hands to heaven, and swear they will do justice, but what are oaths against prejudice and against inclination! in the face of high-sounding professions and affirmations we know well how hard it is for a turk to do justice to a christian, or for a christian to do justice to a jew. how hard for an englishman to do justice to an irishman, for an irishman to do justice to an englishman, harder still for an american tainted by slavery to do justice to the negro or the negro's friends. "john brown," said the late wm. h. seward, "was justly hanged." "john brown," said the late john a. andrew, "was right." it is easy to perceive the sources of these two opposite judgments: the one was the verdict of slave-holding and panic-stricken virginia, the other was the verdict of the best heart and brain of free old massachusetts. one was the heated judgment of the passing and passionate hour, and the other was the calm, clear, unimpeachable judgment of the broad, illimitable future. there is, however, one aspect of the present subject quite worthy of notice, for it makes the hero of harper's ferry in some degree an exception to the general rules to which i have just now adverted. despite the hold which slavery had at that time on the country, despite the popular prejudice against the negro, despite the shock which the first alarm occasioned, almost from the first john brown received a large measure of sympathy and appreciation. new england recognized in him the spirit which brought the pilgrims to plymouth rock and hailed him as a martyr and saint. true he had broken the law, true he had struck for a despised people, true he had crept upon his foe stealthily, like a wolf upon the fold, and had dealt his blow in the dark whilst his enemy slept, but with all this and more to disturb the moral sense, men discerned in him the greatest and best qualities known to human nature, and pronounced him "good." many consented to his death, and then went home and taught their children to sing his praise as one whose "soul is marching on" through the realms of endless bliss. one element in explanation of this somewhat anomalous circumstance will probably be found in the troubled times which immediately succeeded, for "when judgments are abroad in the world, men learn righteousness." the country had before this learned the value of brown's heroic character. he had shown boundless courage and skill in dealing with the enemies of liberty in kansas. with men so few, and means so small, and odds against him so great, no captain ever surpassed him in achievements, some of which seem almost beyond belief. with only eight men in that bitter war, he met, fought and captured henry clay pate, with twenty-five well armed and mounted men. in this memorable encounter, he selected his ground so wisely, handled his men so skillfully, and attacked the enemy so vigorously, that they could neither run nor fight, and were therefore compelled to surrender to a force less than one-third their own. with just thirty men on another important occasion during the same border war, he met and vanquished four hundred missourians under the command of gen. read. these men had come into the territory under an oath never to return to their homes till they had stamped out the last vestige of free state spirit in kansas; but a brush with old brown took this high conceit out of them, and they were glad to get off upon any terms, without stopping to stipulate. with less than one hundred men to defend the town of lawrence, he offered to lead them and give battle to fourteen hundred men on the banks of the waukerusia river, and was much vexed when his offer was refused by gen. jim lane and others to whom the defense of the town was confided. before leaving kansas, he went into the border of missouri, and liberated a dozen slaves in a single night, and, in spite of slave laws and marshals, he brought these people through a half dozen states, and landed them safely in canada. with eighteen men this man shook the whole social fabric of virginia. with eighteen men he overpowered a town of nearly three thousand souls. with these eighteen men he held that large community firmly in his grasp for thirty long hours. with these eighteen men he rallied in a single night fifty slaves to his standard, and made prisoners of an equal number of the slave-holding class. with these eighteen men he defied the power and bravery of a dozen of the best militia companies that virginia could send against him. now, when slavery struck, as it certainly did strike, at the life of the country, it was not the fault of john brown that our rulers did not at first know how to deal with it. he had already shown us the weak side of the rebellion, had shown us where to strike and how. it was not from lack of native courage that virginia submitted for thirty long hours and at last was relieved only by federal troops; but because the attack was made on the side of her conscience and thus armed her against herself. she beheld at her side the sullen brow of a black ireland. when john brown proclaimed emancipation to the slaves of maryland and virginia he added to his war power the force of a moral earthquake. virginia felt all her strong-ribbed mountains to shake under the heavy tread of armed insurgents. of his army of nineteen her conscience made an army of nineteen hundred. another feature of the times, worthy of notice, was the effect of this blow upon the country at large. at the first moment we were stunned and bewildered. slavery had so benumbed the moral sense of the nation, that it never suspected the possibility of an explosion like this, and it was difficult for captain brown to get himself taken for what he really was. few could seem to comprehend that freedom to the slaves was his only object. if you will go back with me to that time you will find that the most curious and contradictory versions of the affair were industriously circulated, and those which were the least rational and true seemed to command the readiest belief. in the view of some, it assumed tremendous proportions. to such it was nothing less than a wide-sweeping rebellion to overthrow the existing government, and construct another upon its ruins, with brown for its president and commander-in-chief; the proof of this was found in the old man's carpet-bag in the shape of a constitution for a new republic, an instrument which in reality had been executed to govern the conduct of his men in the mountains. smaller and meaner natures saw in it nothing higher than a purpose to plunder. to them john brown and his men were a gang of desperate robbers, who had learned by some means that government had sent a large sum of money to harper's ferry to pay off the workmen in its employ there, and they had gone thence to fill their pockets from this money. the fact is, that outside of a few friends, scattered in different parts of the country, and the slave-holders of virginia, few persons understood the significance of the hour. that a man might do something very audacious and desperate for money, power or fame, was to the general apprehension quite possible; but, in face of plainly-written law, in face of constitutional guarantees protecting each state against domestic violence, in face of a nation of forty million of people, that nineteen men could invade a great state to liberate a despised and hated race, was to the average intellect and conscience, too monstrous for belief. in this respect the vision of virginia was clearer than that of the nation. conscious of her guilt and therefore full of suspicion, sleeping on pistols for pillows, startled at every unusual sound, constantly fearing and expecting a repetition of the nat turner insurrection, she at once understood the meaning, if not the magnitude of the affair. it was this understanding which caused her to raise the lusty and imploring cry to the federal government for help, and it was not till he who struck the blow had fully explained his motives and object, that the incredulous nation in any wise comprehended the true spirit of the raid, or of its commander. fortunate for his memory, fortunate for the brave men associated with him, fortunate for the truth of history, john brown survived the saber gashes, bayonet wounds and bullet holes, and was able, though covered with blood, to tell his own story and make his own defense. had he with all his men, as might have been the case, gone down in the shock of battle, the world would have had no true basis for its judgment, and one of the most heroic efforts ever witnessed in behalf of liberty would have been confounded with base and selfish purposes. when, like savages, the wises, the vallandinghams, the washingtons, the stuarts and others stood around the fallen and bleeding hero, and sought by torturing questions to wring from his supposed dying lips some word by which to soil the sublime undertaking, by implicating gerrit smith, joshua r. giddings, dr. s. g. howe, g. l. stearns, edwin morton, frank sanborn, and other prominent anti-slavery men, the brave old man, not only avowed his object to be the emancipation of the slaves, but serenely and proudly announced himself as solely responsible for all that had happened. though some thought of his own life might at such a moment have seemed natural and excusable, he showed none, and scornfully rejected the idea that he acted as the agent or instrument of any man or set of men. he admitted that he had friends and sympathizers, but to his own head he invited all the bolts of slave-holding wrath and fury, and welcomed them to do their worst. his manly courage and self-forgetful nobleness were not lost upon the crowd about him, nor upon the country. they drew applause from his bitterest enemies. said henry a. wise, "he is the gamest man i ever met." "he was kind and humane to his prisoners," said col. lewis washington. to the outward eye of men, john brown was a criminal, but to their inward eye he was a just man and true. his deeds might be disowned, but the spirit which made those deeds possible was worthy highest honor. it has been often asked, why did not virginia spare the life of this man? why did she not avail herself of this grand opportunity to add to her other glory that of a lofty magnanimity? had they spared the good old man's life--had they said to him, "you see we have you in our power, and could easily take your life, but we have no desire to hurt you in any way; you have committed a terrible crime against society; you have invaded us at midnight and attacked a sleeping community, but we recognize you as a fanatic, and in some sense instigated by others; and on this ground and others, we release you. go about your business, and tell those who sent you that we can afford to be magnanimous to our enemies." i say, had virginia held some such language as this to john brown, she would have inflicted a heavy blow on the whole northern abolition movement, one which only the omnipotence of truth and the force of truth could have overcome. i have no doubt gov. wise would have done so gladly, but, alas, he was the executive of a state which thought she could not afford such magnanimity. she had that within her bosom which could more safely tolerate the presence of a criminal than a saint, a highway robber than a moral hero. all her hills and valleys were studded with material for a disastrous conflagration, and one spark of the dauntless spirit of brown might set the whole state in flames. a sense of this appalling liability put an end to every noble consideration. his death was a foregone conclusion, and his trial was simply one of form. honor to the brave young col. hoyt who hastened from massachusetts to defend his friend's life at the peril of his own; but there would have been no hope of success had he been allowed to plead the case. he might have surpassed choate or webster in power--a thousand physicians might have sworn that capt. brown was insane, it would have been all to no purpose; neither eloquence nor testimony could have prevailed. slavery was the idol of virginia, and pardon and life to brown meant condemnation and death to slavery. he had practically illustrated a truth stranger than fiction,--a truth higher than virginia had ever known,--a truth more noble and beautiful than jefferson ever wrote. he had evinced a conception of the sacredness and value of liberty which transcended in sublimity that of her own patrick henry and made even his fire-flashing sentiment of "liberty or death" seem dark and tame and selfish. henry loved liberty for himself, but this man loved liberty for all men, and for those most despised and scorned, as well as for those most esteemed and honored. just here was the true glory of john brown's mission. it was not for his own freedom that he was thus ready to lay down his life, for with paul he could say, "i was born free." no chain had bound his ankle, no yoke had galled his neck. history has no better illustration of pure, disinterested benevolence. it was not caucasian for caucasian--white man for white man; not rich man for rich man, but caucasian for ethiopian--white man for black man--rich man for poor man--the man admitted and respected, for the man despised and rejected. "i want you to understand, gentlemen," he said to his persecutors, "that i respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of the colored people, oppressed by the slave system, as i do those of the most wealthy and powerful." in this we have the key to the whole life and career of the man. than in this sentiment humanity has nothing more touching, reason nothing more noble, imagination nothing more sublime; and if we could reduce all the religions of the world to one essence we could find in it nothing more divine. it is much to be regretted that some great artist, in sympathy with the spirit of the occasion, had not been present when these and similar words were spoken. the situation was thrilling. an old man in the center of an excited and angry crowd, far away from home, in an enemy's country--with no friend near--overpowered, defeated, wounded, bleeding--covered with reproaches--his brave companions nearly all dead--his two faithful sons stark and cold by his side--reading his death-warrant in his fast-oozing blood and increasing weakness as in the faces of all around him--yet calm, collected, brave, with a heart for any fate--using his supposed dying moments to explain his course and vindicate his cause: such a subject would have been at once an inspiration and a power for one of the grandest historical pictures ever painted.... with john brown, as with every other man fit to die for a cause, the hour of his physical weakness was the hour of his moral strength--the hour of his defeat was the hour of his triumph--the moment of his capture was the crowning victory of his life. with the alleghany mountains for his pulpit, the country for his church and the whole civilized world for his audience, he was a thousand times more effective as a preacher than as a warrior, and the consciousness of this fact was the secret of his amazing complacency. mighty with the sword of steel, he was mightier with the sword of the truth, and with this sword he literally swept the horizon. he was more than a match for all the wises, masons, vallandinghams and washingtons, who could rise against him. they could kill him, but they could not answer him. in studying the character and works of a great man, it is always desirable to learn in what he is distinguished from others, and what have been the causes of this difference. such men as he whom we are now considering, come on to the theater of life only at long intervals. it is not always easy to explain the exact and logical causes that produce them, or the subtle influences which sustain them, at the immense heights where we sometimes find them; but we know that the hour and the man are seldom far apart, and that here, as elsewhere, the demand may in some mysterious way, regulate the supply. a great iniquity, hoary with age, proud and defiant, tainting the whole moral atmosphere of the country, subjecting both church and state to its control, demanded the startling shock which john brown seemed especially inspired to give it. apart from this mission there was nothing very remarkable about him. he was a wool-dealer, and a good judge of wool, as a wool-dealer ought to be. in all visible respects he was a man like unto other men. no outward sign of kansas or harper's ferry was about him. as i knew him, he was an even-tempered man, neither morose, malicious nor misanthropic, but kind, amiable, courteous, and gentle in his intercourse with men. his words were few, well chosen and forcible. he was a good business man, and a good neighbor. a good friend, a good citizen, a good husband and father: a man apparently in every way calculated to make a smooth and pleasant path for himself through the world. he loved society, he loved little children, he liked music, and was fond of animals. to no one was the world more beautiful or life more sweet. how then as i have said shall we explain his apparent indifference to life? i can find but one answer, and that is, his intense hatred to oppression. i have talked with many men, but i remember none, who seemed so deeply excited upon the subject of slavery as he. he would walk the room in agitation at mention of the word. he saw the evil through no mist or haze, but in a light of infinite brightness, which left no line of its ten thousand horrors out of sight. law, religion, learning, were interposed in its behalf in vain. his law in regard to it was that which lord brougham described, as "the law above all the enactments of human codes, the same in all time, the same throughout the world--the law unchangeable and eternal--the law written by the finger of god on the human heart--that law by which property in man is, and ever must remain, a wild and guilty phantasy." against truth and right, legislative enactments were to his mind mere cobwebs--the pompous emptiness of human pride--the pitiful outbreathings of human nothingness. he used to say "whenever there is a right thing to be done, there is a 'thus saith the lord' that it shall be done." it must be admitted that brown assumed tremendous responsibility in making war upon the peaceful people of harper's ferry, but it must be remembered also that in his eye a slave-holding community could not be peaceable, but was, in the nature of the case, in one incessant state of war. to him such a community was not more sacred than a band of robbers: it was the right of any one to assault it by day or night. he saw no hope that slavery would ever be abolished by moral or political means: "he knew," he said, "the proud and hard hearts of the slave-holders, and that they never would consent to give up their slaves, till they felt a big stick about their heads." it was five years before this event at harper's ferry, while the conflict between freedom and slavery was waxing hotter and hotter with every hour, that the blundering statesmanship of the national government repealed the missouri compromise, and thus launched the territory of kansas as a prize to be battled for between the north and the south. the remarkable part taken in this contest by brown has been already referred to, and it doubtless helped to prepare him for the final tragedy, and though it did not by any means originate the plan, it confirmed him in it and hastened its execution. during his four years' service in kansas it was my good fortune to see him often. on his trips to and from the territory he sometimes stopped several days at my house, and at one time several weeks. it was on this last occasion that liberty had been victorious in kansas, and he felt that he must hereafter devote himself to what he considered his larger work. it was the theme of all his conversation, filling his nights with dreams and his days with visions. an incident of his boyhood may explain, in some measure, the intense abhorrence he felt to slavery. he had for some reason been sent into the state of kentucky, where he made the acquaintance of a slave boy, about his own age, of whom he became very fond. for some petty offense this boy was one day subjected to a brutal beating. the blows were dealt with an iron shovel and fell fast and furiously upon his slender body. born in a free state and unaccustomed to such scenes of cruelty, young brown's pure and sensitive soul revolted at the shocking spectacle and at that early age he swore eternal hatred to slavery. after years never obliterated the impression, and he found in this early experience an argument against contempt for small things. it is true that the boy is the father of the man. from the acorn comes the oak. the impression of a horse's foot in the sand suggested the art of printing. the fall of an apple intimated the law of gravitation. a word dropped in the woods of vincennes, by royal hunters, gave europe and the world a "william the silent," and a thirty years' war. the beating of a hebrew bondsman, by an egyptian, created a moses, and the infliction of a similar outrage on a helpless slave boy in our own land may have caused, forty years afterwards, a john brown and a harper's ferry raid. most of us can remember some event or incident which has at some time come to us, and made itself a permanent part of our lives. such an incident came to me in the year 1847. i had then the honor of spending a day and a night under the roof of a man, whose character and conversation made a very deep impression on my mind and heart; and as the circumstance does not lie entirely out of the range of our present observations, you will pardon for a moment a seeming digression. the name of the person alluded to had been several times mentioned to me, in a tone that made me curious to see him and to make his acquaintance. he was a merchant, and our first meeting was at his store--a substantial brick building, giving evidence of a flourishing business. after a few minutes' detention here, long enough for me to observe the neatness and order of the place, i was conducted by him to his residence where i was kindly received by his family as an expected guest. i was a little disappointed at the appearance of this man's house, for after seeing his fine store, i was prepared to see a fine residence; but this logic was entirely contradicted by the facts. the house was a small, wooden one, on a back street in a neighborhood of laboring men and mechanics, respectable enough, but not just the spot where one would expect to find the home of a successful merchant. plain as was the outside, the inside was plainer. its furniture might have pleased a spartan. it would take longer to tell what was not in it, than what was; no sofas, no cushions, no curtains, no carpets, no easy rocking chairs inviting to enervation or rest or repose. my first meal passed under the misnomer of tea. it was none of your tea and toast sort, but potatoes and cabbage, and beef soup; such a meal as a man might relish after following the plough all day, or after performing a forced march of a dozen miles over rough ground in frosty weather. innocent of paint, veneering, varnish or tablecloth, the table announced itself unmistakably and honestly pine and of the plainest workmanship. no hired help passed from kitchen to dining room, staring in amazement at the colored man at the white man's table. the mother, daughters and sons did the serving, and did it well. i heard no apology for doing their own work; they went through it, as if used to it, untouched by any thought of degradation or impropriety. supper over, the boys helped to clear the table and wash the dishes. this style of housekeeping struck me as a little odd. i mention it because household management is worthy of thought. a house is more than brick and mortar, wood or paint; this to me at least was. in its plainness it was a truthful reflection of its inmates: no disguises, no illusions, no make-believes here, but stern truth and solid purpose breathed in all its arrangements. i was not long in company with the master of this house before i discovered that he was indeed the master of it, and likely to become mine too, if i staid long with him. he fulfilled st. paul's idea of the head of the family--his wife believed in him, and his children observed him with reverence. whenever he spoke, his words commanded earnest attention. his arguments which i ventured at some points to oppose, seemed to convince all, his appeals touched all, and his will impressed all. certainly i never felt myself in the presence of a stronger religious influence than while in this house. "god and duty, god and duty," run like a thread of gold through all his utterances, and his family supplied a ready "amen." in person he was lean and sinewy, of the best new england mould, built for times of trouble, fitted to grapple with the flintiest hardships. clad in plain american woolen, shod in boots of cowhide leather, and wearing a cravat of the same substantial material, under six feet high, less than one hundred and fifty lbs. in weight, aged about fifty, he presented a figure straight and symmetrical as a mountain pine. his bearing was singularly impressive. his head was not large, but compact and high. his hair was coarse, strong, slightly gray and closely trimmed and grew close to his forehead. his face was smoothly shaved and revealed a strong square mouth, supported by a broad and prominent chin. his eyes were clear and grey, and in conversation they alternated with tears and fire. when on the street, he moved with a long springing, race-horse step, absorbed by his own reflections, neither seeking nor shunning observation. such was the man whose name i heard uttered in whispers--such was the house in which he lived--such were his family and household management--and such was captain john brown. he said to me at this meeting, that he had invited me to his house for the especial purpose of laying before me his plan for the speedy emancipation of my race. he seemed to apprehend opposition on my part as he opened the subject and touched my vanity by saying, that he had observed my course at home and abroad, and wanted my co-operation. he said he had been for the last thirty years looking for colored men to whom he could safely reveal his secret, and had almost despaired, at times, of finding such, but that now he was encouraged for he saw heads rising up in all directions, to whom he thought he could with safety impart his plan. as this plan then lay in his mind it was very simple, and had much to commend it. it did not, as was supposed by many, contemplate a general rising among the slaves, and a general slaughter of the slave masters (an insurrection he thought would only defeat the object), but it did contemplate the creating of an armed force which should act in the very heart of the south. he was not averse to the shedding of blood, and thought the practice of carrying arms would be a good one for the colored people to adopt, as it would give them a sense of manhood. no people he said could have self-respect or be respected who would not fight for their freedom. he called my attention to a large map of the u. states, and pointed out to me the far-reaching alleghanies, stretching away from the borders of new york into the southern states. "these mountains," he said, "are the basis of my plan. god has given the strength of these hills to freedom; they were placed here to aid the emancipation of your race; they are full of natural forts, where one man for defense would be equal to a hundred for attack; they are also full of good hiding places where a large number of men could be concealed and baffle and elude pursuit for a long time. i know these mountains well and could take a body of men into them and keep them there in spite of all the efforts of virginia to dislodge me, and drive me out. i would take at first about twenty-five picked men and begin on a small scale, supply them arms and ammunition, post them in squads of fives on a line of twenty-five miles, these squads to busy themselves for a time in gathering recruits from the surrounding farms, seeking and selecting the most restless and daring." he saw that in this part of the work the utmost care must be used to guard against treachery and disclosure; only the most conscientious and skillful should be sent on this perilous duty. with care and enterprise he thought he could soon gather a force of one hundred hardy men, men who would be content to lead the free and adventurous life to which he proposed to train them. when once properly drilled and each had found the place for which he was best suited, they would begin work in earnest; they would run off the slaves in large numbers, retain the strong and brave ones in the mountains, and send the weak and timid ones to the north by the underground rail-road; his operations would be enlarged with increasing numbers and would not be confined to one locality. slave-holders should in some cases be approached at midnight and told to give up their slaves and to let them have their best horses to ride away upon. slavery was a state of war, he said, to which the slaves were unwilling parties and consequently they had a right to anything necessary to their peace and freedom. he would shed no blood and would avoid a fight except in self-defense, when he would of course do his best. he believed this movement would weaken slavery in two ways--first by making slave property insecure, it would become undesirable; and secondly it would keep the anti-slavery agitation alive and public attention fixed upon it, and thus lead to the adoption of measures to abolish the evil altogether. he held that there was need of something startling to prevent the agitation of the question from dying out; that slavery had come near being abolished in virginia by the nat. turner insurrection, and he thought his method would speedily put an end to it, both in maryland and virginia. the trouble was to get the right men to start with and money enough to equip them. he had adopted the simple and economical mode of living to which i have referred with a view to save money for this purpose. this was said in no boastful tone, for he felt that he had delayed already too long and had no room to boast either his zeal or his self-denial. from 8 o'clock in the evening till 3 in the morning, capt. brown and i sat face to face, he arguing in favor of his plan, and i finding all the objections i could against it. now mark! this meeting of ours was full twelve years before the strike at harper's ferry. he had been watching and waiting all that time for suitable heads to rise or "pop up" as he said among the sable millions in whom he could confide; hence forty years had passed between his thought and his act. forty years, though not a long time in the life of a nation, is a long time in the life of a man; and here forty long years, this man was struggling with this one idea; like moses he was forty years in the wilderness. youth, manhood, middle age had come and gone; two marriages had been consummated, twenty children had called him father; and through all the storms and vicissitudes of busy life, this one thought, like the angel in the burning bush, had confronted him with its blazing light, bidding him on to his work. like moses he had made excuses, and as with moses his excuses were overruled. nothing should postpone further what was to him a divine command, the performance of which seemed to him his only apology for existence. he often said to me, though life was sweet to him, he would willingly lay it down for the freedom of my people; and on one occasion he added, that he had already lived about as long as most men, since he had slept less, and if he should now lay down his life the loss would not be great, for in fact he knew no better use for it. during his last visit to us in rochester there appeared in the newspapers a touching story connected with the horrors of the sepoy war in british india. a scotch missionary and his family were in the hands of the enemy, and were to be massacred the next morning. during the night, when they had given up every hope of rescue, suddenly the wife insisted that relief would come. placing her ear close to the ground she declared she heard the slogan--the scotch war song. for long hours in the night no member of the family could hear the advancing music but herself. "dinna ye hear it? dinna ye hear it?" she would say, but they could not hear it. as the morning slowly dawned a scotch regiment was found encamped indeed about them, and they were saved from the threatened slaughter. this circumstance, coming at such a time, gave capt. brown a new word of cheer. he would come to the table in the morning his countenance fairly illuminated, saying that he had heard the slogan, and he would add, "dinna ye hear it? _dinna_ ye hear it?" alas! like the scotch missionary i was obliged to say "no." two weeks prior to the meditated attack, capt. brown summoned me to meet him in an old stone quarry on the conecochequi river, near the town of chambersburgh, penn. his arms and ammunition were stored in that town and were to be moved on to harper's ferry. in company with shields green i obeyed the summons, and prompt to the hour we met the dear old man, with kagi, his secretary, at the appointed place. our meeting was in some sense a council of war. we spent the saturday and succeeding sunday in conference on the question, whether the desperate step should then be taken, or the old plan as already described should be carried out. he was for boldly striking harper's ferry at once and running the risk of getting into the mountains afterwards. i was for avoiding harper's ferry altogether. shields green and mr. kagi remained silent listeners throughout. it is needless to repeat here what was said, after what has happened. suffice it, that after all i could say, i saw that my old friend had resolved on his course and that it was idle to parley. i told him finally that it was impossible for me to join him. i could see harper's ferry only as a trap of steel, and ourselves in the wrong side of it. he regretted my decision and we parted. thus far, i have spoken exclusively of capt. brown. let me say a word or two of his brave and devoted men, and first of shields green. he was a fugitive slave from charleston, south carolina, and had attested his love of liberty by escaping from slavery and making his way through many dangers to rochester, where he had lived in my family, and where he met the man with whom he went to the scaffold. i said to him, as i was about to leave, "now shields, you have heard our discussion. if in view of it, you do not wish to stay, you have but to say so, and you can go back with me." he answered, "i b'l'eve i'll go wid de old man;" and go with him he did, into the fight, and to the gallows, and bore himself as grandly as any of the number. at the moment when capt. brown was surrounded, and all chance of escape was cut off, green was in the mountains and could have made his escape as osborne anderson did, but when asked to do so, he made the same answer he did at chambersburgh, "i b'l'eve i'll go down wid de ole man." when in prison at charlestown, and he was not allowed to see his old friend, his fidelity to him was in no wise weakened, and no complaint against brown could be extorted from him by those who talked with him. if a monument should be erected to the memory of john brown, as there ought to be, the form and name of shields green should have a conspicuous place upon it. it is a remarkable fact, that in this small company of men, but one showed any sign of weakness or regret for what he did or attempted to do. poor cook broke down and sought to save his life by representing that he had been deceived, and allured by false promises. but stephens, hazlett and green went to their doom like the heroes they were, without a murmur, without a regret, believing alike in their captain and their cause. for the disastrous termination of this invasion, several causes have been assigned. it has been said that capt. brown found it necessary to strike before he was ready; that men had promised to join him from the north who failed to arrive; that the cowardly negroes did not rally to his support as he expected, but the true cause as stated by himself, contradicts all these theories, and from his statement there is no appeal. among the questions put to him by mr. vallandingham after his capture were the following: "did you expect a general uprising of the slaves in case of your success?" to this he answered, "no, sir, nor did i wish it. i expected to gather strength from time to time and then to set them free." "did you expect to hold possession here until then?" answer, "well, probably i had quite a different idea. i do not know as i ought to reveal my plans. i am here wounded and a prisoner because i foolishly permitted myself to be so. you overstate your strength when you suppose i could have been taken if i had not allowed it. i was too tardy after commencing the open attack in delaying my movements through monday night and up to the time of the arrival of government troops. it was all because of my desire to spare the feelings of my prisoners and their families." but the question is, did john brown fail? he certainly did fail to get out of harper's ferry before being beaten down by united states soldiers; he did fail to save his own life, and to lead a liberating army into the mountains of virginia. but he did not go to harper's ferry to save his life. the true question is, did john brown draw his sword against slavery and thereby lose his life in vain? and to this i answer ten thousand times, no! no man fails, or can fail who so grandly gives himself and all he has to a righteous cause. no man, who in his hour of extremest need, when on his way to meet an ignominious death, could so forget himself as to stop and kiss a little child, one of the hated race for whom he was about to die, could by any possibility fail. did john brown fail? ask henry a. wise in whose house less than two years after, a school for the emancipated slaves was taught. did john brown fail? ask james m. mason, the author of the inhuman fugitive slave bill, who was cooped up in fort warren, as a traitor less than two years from the time that he stood over the prostrate body of john brown. did john brown fail? ask clement c. vallandingham, one other of the inquisitorial party; for he too went down in the tremendous whirlpool created by the powerful hand of this bold invader. if john brown did not end the war that ended slavery, he did at least begin the war that ended slavery. if we look over the dates, places and men, for which this honor is claimed, we shall find that not carolina, but virginia--not fort sumpter, but harper's ferry and the arsenal--not col. anderson, but john brown, began the war that ended american slavery and made this a free republic. until this blow was struck, the prospect for freedom was dim, shadowy and uncertain. the irrepressible conflict was one of words, votes and compromises. when john brown stretched forth his arm the sky was cleared. the time for compromises was gone--the armed hosts of freedom stood face to face over the chasm of a broken union--and the clash of arms was at hand. the south staked all upon getting possession of the federal government, and failing to do that, drew the sword of rebellion and thus made her own, and not brown's, the lost cause of the century. * * * * * old john brown the man whose soul is marching on by walter hawkins preface this book is for busy people who have not the time to read at large upon the subject. those who would adequately master all the bearings of the story here briefly told must read american history, for which facilities are rapidly increasing. as to john brown himself, his friend f. b. sanborn's life and letters is a mine of wealth. to its pages the present writer is greatly indebted, and he commends them to others. w. h. kilburn, may 1913. contents i. why we write our story ii. childwood and the vow iii. the long waiting-time iv. how the call came v. bible and sword vi. the underground railway vii. harper's ferry viii. the halt of the body and the march of the soul chapter i why we write our story there are few who have not a dim notion of john brown as a name bound up with the stirring events of the united states in the period which preceded the civil war and the emancipation of the slave. many english readers, however, do not get beyond the limits of the famous couplet, john brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, but his soul is marching on. that statement is authentic in both its clauses, but it is interesting to learn what he did with the body before it commenced a dissolution which seems to have been regarded as worth recording. carlyle says in his grimly humorous way of the gruesome elevation of the head of one of his patriotic heroes on temple bar, 'it didn't matter: he had quite done with it.' and we might say the same of the body which was hanged at charlestown in 1859. in his devoutly fatalistic way john brown had presented his body a living sacrifice to the cause of human freedom, and had at last slowly reached the settled opinion that it was worth more to the cause dead than alive. such a soul, so masterful in its treatment of the body, was likely to march on without it. and it did in the years that followed, this abolitionist raider, with a rashness often sublime in its devotion, precipitated the national crisis which issued in the civil war and emancipation. there are lives of brave men which set us thinking for the most part of human power and skill: we watch bold initiators of some wise policy carrying their enterprise through with indomitable courage and in-exhaustible patience, and we are lost in admiration of the hero. but there are other brave lives which leave us thinking more of unseen forces which impelled them than of their own splendid qualities. they never seem masters of destiny, but its intrepid servants. they shape events while they hardly know how or why; they seem to be rather driven by fate than to be seeking fame or power. they go out like abraham, 'not knowing whither they go,' only that, like him, they have heard a call. sometimes they sorely tax the loyalty of their admirers with their eccentricities and their defiance of the conventions of their age. wisdom is only justified of these, her strange children, in the next generation. prominent among such lives is that of john brown. the conscience of the northern states on the question of slavery needed but some strong irritant to arouse it to vigorous action, and, the hanging of john brown sufficed. the institution of slavery became both ridiculous and hateful to multitudes because so good a man must be done to death to preserve it. the verdict of victor hugo, 'what the south slew last december was not john brown, but slavery,' found an echo in many minds. and when the long, fierce conflict, through which emancipation came, was begun, the quaint lines, john brown's body lies mouldering in the grave, but his soul is marching on, became one of the mightiest of the battle-songs which urged the federal hosts to victory. his name kindled the flame of that passion for freedom which made the cause of the north triumphant, and there was awe mingled with the love they bore his memory. perhaps no man had been oftener called with plausible reason a fool; but those who knew the single-hearted devotion to a great cause of this ready victim of the gallows came reverently to think of him as 'god's fool.' when they sang 'john brown died that the slave might be free' they were singing more than a record of john brown's generous motive; it was a record of one of god's strange counsels. 'for god chose the foolish things of the world that he might put to shame the things that are strong, and the base things of the world, and the things that are despised, did god choose, yea, and the things that are not, that he might bring to nought the things that are, that no flesh should glory before god.' verily, then, it might seem worth while to set the story of john brown in such a plain, brief form as to make it available for busy folk who have no time to read longer accounts of him. if it sets some thinking of the ways of god rather than admiring john brown, that will be just what he would have ardently wished who desired always that god should be magnified in his body, whether in the fighting which he never loved and never shirked, or the hanging which he often foresaw and never feared. chapter ii childhood and the vow the birth of john brown is recorded in the following laconic style by his father in a little autobiography he wrote for his children in the closing days of his life. 'in 1800, may 8, john was born one hundred years after his great-grandfather; nothing else very uncommon.' in the year mentioned the family were living at torrington, connecticut, whence they shortly removed to ohio, then the haunt of the red indian. they were of the pioneer farming class, which has supplied so many of the shapers of american history. the one great honour in their pedigree was that they descended from a man of the mayflower--peter brown, a working carpenter who belonged to that famous ship's company. we might say, indeed, that the story of john brown flows from the events of 1620, the year of the mayflower. two landings on the american coast that year were destined to be memorable. in august a dutch vessel disembarked the first cargo of imported slaves--twenty of them; and that day slavery struck deep root in the new land. and in november of that same year the mayflower, with her very different cargo of brave freemen, dropped anchor in cape cod bay. the stream of ill results from that first landing and the stream of puritan blood, generous in its passion for liberty, that flowed unimpoverished from peter brown through generations of sturdy ancestors--these are the streams destined to meet turbulently and to supply us with our story. owen brown, the father of john, thus testifies to his own fidelity to the tradition of liberty. 'i am an abolitionist. i know we are not loved by many. i wish to tell how i became one. our neighbour lent my mother a slave for a few days. i used to go out into the field with him, and he used to carry me on his back, and i fell in love with him.' there we have the clue to the history of the household of the browns for the next two generations. they fell in love with the despised negro, and this glorious trait passed like an heritage from generation to generation. there is a letter extant which supplies us with the best information on john brown's own boyhood. it was written for a lad in a wealthy home where he stayed in later days, who had asked him many questions about his experiences in early life. he humorously calls it a 'short story of a certain boy of my acquaintance i will call john.' a few extracts will reveal his character in the forming. here, for instance, you may trace the conscientiousness (often morbid) which was so marked a feature in his later days. 'i cannot tell you of anything in the first four years of john's life worth mentioning save that at that early age he was tempted by three large brass pins belonging to a girl who lived in the family, and stole them. in this he was detected by his mother; and after having a full day to think of the wrong, received from her a thorough whipping.' he adds, 'i must not neglect to tell you of a very foolish and bad habit to which john was somewhat addicted. i mean, telling lies, generally to screen himself from blame or from punishment. he could not well endure to be reproached, and now i think had he been oftener encouraged to be entirely frank, by making frankness a kind of atonement for some of his faults, he would not have had to struggle so long with this mean habit.' a story is told of john's schooldays which is an amusing and quite characteristic instance of his ethical eccentricities. for a short time he and his younger brother salmon were at a school together, and salmon was guilty of some offence which was condoned by the master. john had serious concern for the effect this might have upon his brother's morals, and he sought the lenient teacher and informed him that the fault was much deprecated by their father at home, and he was sure castigation there would have been inevitable. he therefore desired it should be duly inflicted, as otherwise he should feel compelled to act as his father's proxy. finding discipline was still lax, he proceeded with paternal solemnity to administer it himself. his brother acknowledged that this was done with reluctant fidelity! truly the moral instincts of the family were worthy of their puritan ancestry. although naturally self-conscious and shy, his precociousness in boyhood, bringing him into association, as it did, with much older folk, bred a somewhat arrogant manner. the rule he exercised over younger members of the family also made him somewhat domineering, a fault which he diligently sought to correct in later life. at fifteen he had become a miniature man of business and was driving cattle on long journeys with all the confidence of mid-age. the letter from which we have already quoted has one or two more passages which may enlighten us as to his rearing. still writing in the third person, he says, 'john had been taught from earliest childhood to fear god and keep his commandments, and though quite sceptical he had always by turns felt much doubt as to his future well being. he became to some extent a convert to christianity, and ever after a firm believer in the divine authenticity of the bible. with this book he became very familiar, and possessed a most unusual memory of its entire contents.' here are hints as to his early pursuits: 'after getting to ohio in 1805, he was for some time rather afraid of the indians and their rifles, but this soon wore off, and he used to hang about them quite as much as was consistent with good manners and learned a trifle of their talk. his father learned to dress deer-skins, and at six years old john was installed a young buck-skin. he was, perhaps, rather observing, as he ever after remembered the entire process of deer-skin dressing, so that he could at any time dress his own leather, such as squirrel, racoon, cat, wolf, and dog skins, and also learned to make whiplashes, which brought him some change at times, and was of considerable service in many ways. he did not become much of a scholar. he would always choose to stay at home and work hard rather than be sent to school, and during the warm season might generally be seen barefooted and bareheaded, with buck-skin breeches suspended often with one leather strap over his shoulder, but sometimes with two. to be sent off through the wilderness alone to very considerable distances was particularly his delight; in this he was often indulged, so that by the time he was twelve years old he was sent off more than a hundred miles with companies of cattle. he followed up with tenacity whatever he set about so long as it answered his general purpose, and thence he rarely failed in some good degree to effect the things he undertook.' 'from fifteen years and upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn, but could only read and study a little, both for want of time and on account of inflammation of the eyes. he managed by the help of books, however, to make himself tolerably well acquainted with common arithmetic and surveying, which he practised more or less after he was twenty years old.' 'john began early in life to discover a great liking to fine cattle, horses, sheep, and swine; and as soon as circumstances would enable him, he began to be a practical shepherd--it being a calling for which, in early life, he had a kind of enthusiastic longing, together with the idea that as a business it bade fair to afford him the means of carrying out his greatest or principal object.' here we touch the keynote of this life of manifold outward occupations, but of one consuming desire. that principal object filled his horizon even in childhood. he loved to tell how, like his father before him, he fell captive to the slave's dumb plea and pledged his whole strength to the chivalrous task of breaking his fetters. it happened on this wise. in those long journeys he was allowed to take, he was the 'business guest' of a slave-owner, who was pleased with his resourcefulness at such an age. he was the object of curious attention, and was treated as 'company' at table. on the estate was a young negro just his own age, and as intelligent as he. young john struck up an acquaintance with him, and could not fail to contrast the fashion in which he himself was pampered with the way the young darkie was coarsely treated with scant fare and ill-housing. his frequent thrashings seemed to bruise young john's spirit as much as they did his flesh. they were not always administered with the orthodox whip, but with a shovel or anything else that came first to hand. young john pondered long upon this contrast, and tells us how the iniquity of slavery was borne in upon his young heart, and he was drawn to this little coloured playmate, who had neither father nor mother known to him. the bible was the final court of appeal in the brown family, and the verdict of that court was that they two--the slave and the guest--were brothers, so henceforth the instinct of fraternal loyalty drew young john to 'swear eternal war with slavery.' that vow, never recanted or forgotten, became the text of his life. it interprets all his vagaries and reconciles what else were hopeless inconsistencies. it was a devout obsession which made him a wanderer all his days, and in the end carried him to prison and to death. to a child a great call had come, and a child's voice had replied, 'speak, lord, thy servant heareth.' and ears and heart tingled at messages that seemed to come from the unseen. chapter iii the long waiting-time for over thirty years did this man both 'hope and quietly wait for the salvation of the lord' to come for the slaves of his land. the interval is full of interest for those who care to watch the development of a life-purpose. only for three, or four years was he destined to figure in the eyes of the world. those years, as we shall hereafter see, were crowded with events; but for a generation he felt an abiding conviction of impending destiny. there is something fateful about the constant indications of this spirit of readiness. his commercial pursuits were multifarious, but none of them was greatly successful. at hudson, ohio, till 1825, and afterwards at richmond, pennsylvania, he was tanner, land-surveyor, and part of the time postmaster. he became skilful at his father's business of tanning, but is a typical yankee in the facility with which he turns his hand to anything. from 1835 to 1839 he was at franklin, ohio, where we find him adding to his former occupations the breeding of horses, and also dabbling in land speculation, with the result that he became bankrupt. but when he failed in business he set to work to pay his debts in full. his death found him still striving to achieve that end. he was regarded as whimsical and stubborn, yet through years of struggle, endeavour, and even failure he was known as trusty and honourable. from 1841 to 1846 he lived at richfield, ohio, where he took to shepherding and wool-dealing, which he continued in 1849 at springfield, massachusetts. he seems to have developed much capacity for wool-testing. when he came to england with a cargo of wool, some english dealers sought to practise a fraudulent joke upon his quick fingers. they stripped a poodle of the best of his fleece and handed it to the oracular yankee with the inquiry, 'what would you do with that wool?' but there was wisdom in him down to the finger-ends, for he rolled it there, and in a moment handed it back with the confounding retort, 'gentlemen, if you have any machinery in england for working up dog's hair i would advise you to put this into it.' had he known how to sell wool as well as he knew how to test it; had he known how to sell his sheep as well as he knew hundreds of sheep faces apart, and like a diviner could interpret their inarticulate language; had he been as apt upon the market as he was upon the farm, he might have made money. as it was, there was never more than enough for the wants of a severely plain household life. but this business record was (and herefrom its frequent misfortune may have largely proceeded) in no wise the history of john brown. we must catch, if we can, indications of the unfolding of his soul, and of the inward preparation for what he felt was his divine destiny; and these may best be gathered as we watch the simple home life of the family. at an early age, while residing at hudson, ohio, he married his first wife, dianthe lusk; and though he was but twenty years of age, his was no rash choice. a description by one who had been brought up with her may be fitly quoted: 'plain but attractive, because of a quiet amiable disposition, sang beautifully, almost always sacred music; she had a place in the wood not far from the house where she used to go alone to pray.' john brown, servant as he already accounted himself of the invisible powers, is drawn to one who thus communes with the unseen. she will have sympathy with his moral aims and a source of strength when he may be absent from her in pursuit of them. the sketch proceeds, 'she was pleasant but not funny; she never said what she did not mean.' here, truly, was the wife for a man in dead earnest and who could keep a boyish oath even unto death. for twelve years she proved a good comrade, and of the seven children of this marriage five survived, from whom testimonies concerning the domestic life are forthcoming. the wife who succeeded her (mary ann day) seems to have been no less a help-meet in his enterprises. thirteen children, many of whom died young, were the off-spring of this second marriage, so that in a hereditary sense the soul of john brown may be said to have marched on. he infected all his children with his passionate love of liberty. many are his cares for their spiritual welfare. some of them sorely tried his patience by their aloofness from the christian conventions that were dear to him; he yearns over their souls as he fears their experience of the inner working of grace is not as his own, but they swerved not in their allegiance to the cause of the slave. let us avail ourselves of some of their memories of their remarkable father. how early the house became a city of refuge for the runaway negro we learn from the eldest son, who tells us he can just recollect a timid knock at the door of the log cabin where they lived. a fugitive slave and his wife were there, for they had heard that there were a couple residing in the house who loved the negro and would lend him a rescuing hand. they were speedily made to know they were welcome, and the negress, relieved of her last fear, takes young john in a motherly fashion upon her knee and kisses him. he almost instinctively scampers off to rub the black from his face. returning, he watches his mother giving them supper. presently father's extraordinarily quick ear detects the sound of horsehoofs half a mile away; weapons are thrust into the hands of the terrified pair, and they are taken out to the woody swamps behind the house to lie in hiding. father then returns, only to discover that it is a false alarm, whereupon he sallies forth to bring them into shelter and warmth once more, and tells the assembled family on their arrival how he had difficulty in the dark in recognizing the hiding-place and really discovered them at length by hearing the beating of their frightened hearts. no wonder. quick as any faculty he had was that of hearing a slave's heart beat. had it not been for that keen instinct there would have been no tale to tell of john brown. the daughter says her earliest memory is of her father's great arms about her as he sang to her his favourite hymn: blow ye the trumpet, blow the gladly solemn sound: let all the nations know to earth's remotest bound. the year of jubilee is come, return, ye ransomed sinners, home. then, ceasing, he would tell her with heart brimming with tenderness of poor little black children who were slaves. what were slaves? she wanted to know. and he was ready enough to tell her of those who were riven from father and mother and sold for base coin, whom in some states it was illegal to teach their a b c, but quite lawful to flog; and then the daughter would be asked, by way of application to his moving discourse, if she would like some of them to come some time and share her home and food. thus continually to that rising family there was unfolded the horror of the slavery system. that horror had faded in the minds of many in the northern states whose ancestry had held freedom dear; while in the southern states, for the most part, the possession of your fellow creatures as if they were so much farm stock had become too familiar a feature of common life to evoke any conscientious misgiving, much less shame. the enormous additions to the cotton trade had made slave labour increasingly gainful, and the capital invested in this living property was immense. careful rearing of slaves for the market as well as their purchase brought wealth to many, and fierce was the resentment when any one publicly criticized the institution. there was by no means an absence of humane regard far the wellbeing of the negroes; a kind of patriarchal tenderness towards them was distinctly 'good form.' but there was the deadly fact that they were human goods and chattels, with no civil rights worth mentioning--for laws in their defence were practically worthless, seeing they could not appear as witnesses in the court. public whipping-houses were provided for the expeditious correction of the refractory, and a mere suspicion of intent to escape was legal justification for the use of the branding-irons upon their flesh. if they did contrive to escape there were dogs bred on purpose to hunt them down. if the slave resisted his master's will he might be slain, and the law would not graze the master's head. domestic security he had none, for wife might be wrenched from husband or child from mother according to the state of the market. and, strangest of all to our ears, the pulpits of the south extolled slavery as appointed of heaven, and solemnly quoting the prophecy that ham should be the servant of his brethren, the pulpiteer would ask who would dare to resist the will of god most high? not content to hold their views tenaciously, the slave-holders and their followers dealt out threatenings and slaughter to all who by lip or pen opposed them. the household of brown pondered all this invasion of the great natural right of freedom, and with one accord pined for the opportunity of checking, or, it might be, ending it. it is on record how they were taught to repeat their father's vow. it was in 1839, when they were living at franklin, ohio, that he called them around him, and on bended knee declared the secret mission with which, he believed, high heaven had charged him--to labour by word or sword, by any means opportunity might offer, for the overthrow of slavery, which he believed to be the very citadel of evil in america. 'swear, children, swear,' said he; and from that little group in the log house there went up an appeal for a blessing upon their oath--an oath which they could truly protest was likely to bring nought to them but peril, disaster, and, perchance, death, but which they were well assured must bring glory to eternal god. and so their oath was registered in heaven. for many years it was only in indirect ways they could promote their end. early they gave themselves to help the tentative endeavours that were often on foot to educate those slaves who did make good their escape, and especially to train them to independent agriculture, so that evidence might be afforded that they could use their liberty to good purpose, and become useful citizens. the browns were always active in promoting such apprenticeship to freedom. two scenes reveal the temper of this united house. the first is at franklin, where in the congregational church there are revival services being conducted, in which the episcopalians and methodists are uniting with their neighbours under the guidance of a fervent evangelist. the folk are greatly wrought upon, and are looking for an outpouring of divine grace. among the large assemblies are many coloured folk, some free and some runaway slaves. the darkies are directed by judicious deacons to seats reserved for them near the door, where they will not vex the eyes of the worshipping whites. john brown has swift argument within him as in his boyish days: 'has god--their father and ours--set any line betwixt his children? is he a respecter of persons? and, if not, can we expect reasonably an outpouring of his grace while in this ungracious manner we are thwarting him? we shall bar the blessing we seek.' rising to his feet, he denounces the distinction in god's house, then, turning to his own family, who were accustomed to obey him, and whom he knew agreed with him, he bade them rise and take the seats near the door while the negroes came and took theirs near the front. nothing loth, both parties did as they were told, to the confusion of the pious community. next day pastor and deacons waited upon the refractory member--john brown--to 'labour with him,' as the old church chronicle has it, upon his grave indecorum. but they found themselves belaboured with passages from old testament and new, and sundry stout doctrines of the christian faith, till they retired discomfited, in their hearts delivering him to satan that he might learn not to blaspheme. but satan would have none of him, we are sure. another instance of the same devotion to the cause of freedom belongs to rather later days when they had removed to springfield, massachusetts. there they lived with their wonted simplicity, but it had been the fond design of mother and daughter to furnish the parlour in due course. the moment had arrived when the domestic finances seemed to allow of this modest luxury, but already john brown had designs of another removal to north elba, new york, where an estate was being occupied by escaped slaves under the patronage of gerrit smith, a wealthy abolitionist. at this juncture he calls his family together and asks for their mind as to whether they should now furnish the parlour with their savings or retain them for the help of these black settlers who require clothes and other equipment as they start their new life of independence. the blood of the browns flows as one stream, and the ready response of all is 'save the money, father.' his favourite books were well known by the children--josephus, plutarch's lives, napoleon and his marshals, life of oliver cromwell, baxter's saints' rest, bunyan's pilgrim's progress, and henry on meekness. what a significant medley of peace and war--the wolf and the lamb--napoleon and henry on meekness side by side! but dearest ever was the book which had been the oracle in his father's house--itself the book of battles and yet the gospel of peace, the sacred charter of man's liberties and yet the holy statute book for man's government--the bible. swift paternal correction was there for any misquotation from that book; it was a book not to be lightly paraphrased, but learned and obeyed. in his own bible there are pencillings that reveal at once the secret springs of his strange, and to outward seeming, erratic life. thus these passages are marked: 'remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them.' 'whoso stoppeth his ear at the cry of the poor, he also shall cry and shall not be heard.' 'whoso mocketh the poor reproacheth his maker.' 'he that hath pity upon the poor lendeth unto the lord.' above all passages, perhaps, was this quoted--isa. lviii. 6: 'is not this the fast that i have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? is it not to deal thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poor that are cast out to thy house?' if ever man kept that chivalrous fast before the lord it was john brown. the last stage in what we may call the long preparation of john brown for the prominent labours of his life reveals still further how the passionate love of the cause of liberty burned as a fire in the bones of this family. they were attracted by the proposal of gerrit smith, to celebrate the passing of west indian emancipation with the offer of 100,000 acres of his wild land in the north of new york state for coloured families to settle upon. eager for the success of the experiment, brown and his sons were prepared to start pioneering in the new region, so as to be near at hand to encourage and assist the new settlers. prepared to choose their location as they deemed the exigencies of the great cause demanded, they settled at north elba in what was then a wilderness in essex county, and commenced to live a life of sterner simplicity than before, hewing in the forests, and clearing with axe and fire the land which they then proceeded to cultivate, obtaining food and clothes as those must who have neither store nor tailor near. there, with one room beneath that served by day, and two rooms overhead that served by night, they lived, and not discontentedly, for if there was little space or grandeur within there was plenty without; and john brown, who was no mere conqueror of nature, but a lover of her beauty, revelled in the glories of that untamed land, with its mountains wooded to their summits, with its frowning gorges and rushing torrents and its richly scented air. best of all there were black settlers around whom they could help and thus forward their life-work, proving that the race they vowed should be free could appreciate and justify the boon. chapter iv how the call came thus, then, did this family live their life of preparation. but eventful days were at hand, and john brown felt that his real life-work had yet to come. 'i have never,' he said, 'for twenty years made any business arrangement that would prevent me at any time from answering the call of the lord. i have kept my affairs in such a condition that in two weeks i could wind them up and be ready to obey that call, permitting nothing to stand in the way of duty, neither wife, children, nor worldly goods; whenever the time should come, i was ready.' now truly it seemed as if 'god's judgements' were to be abroad in the earth, as if he was 'travelling in the greatness of his strength, mighty to save' the oppressed; as if 'the day of vengeance' were in his heart, and the 'year of his redeemed was come'; and, said john brown's heart, 'he shall find one loyal henchman; i am ready.' john brown's call seemed to come after this wise. the enrolment of each new state in the union was the occasion of fierce contention as to whether the territories should be free or whether slavery should be permitted. each party had sought at such junctures to score an advantage, for the balance was often a very fine one between them. the spirit of compromise had from the earliest days prevailed upon the thorny question. washington was against slavery. statesmen like adams, franklin, madison, and munroe had opposed it; but others had been willing to purchase the preservation of union by concessions to the south, and toleration had been their consistent policy. the missouri compromise in 1820 had apparently settled the question as to the new state of kansas, for all future states north of the latitude 36d 30m were to be free. but at the enrolment of kansas the slave party circumvented this statute, and ensured local option for the state upon this matter. in 1854 the new state of kansas proceeded to determine for itself once for all by popular election the grave question whether she was to be a slave or a free state. but in these young states, which were being almost daily reinforced by new residents, each at once entitled to vote, the slave party saw a rare opportunity for the manufacture of faggot votes. what was to hinder the inhabitants of missouri, the neighbouring state--who were slavery men--from going over in a body and voting! couldn't men migrate and change their minds? scandalous, you say. it was. but the scandal was actually perpetrated. none other than the acting vice-president of the united states advised this course, and he found many ready to improve upon his instructions. one official stated: 'to those who have qualms of conscience as to violating laws, state or national, i say the time has come when such impositions must be disregarded, since your rights and property are at stake. and i advise you one and all to enter every election district in kansas and vote at the point of the bowie-knife and, the revolver.' thus, a thousand strong, with two cannon in their procession, the armed ruffians went to vote at an election out of their own state. if brave election judges protested--and some did, in spite of cocked pistols at their heads (like true lawyers ready to die for justice' sake)--and required the mob to establish their claims, they were overpowered; the ruffians seized the ballot-boxes, and in the end there were 4,908 votes cast, though there were only 1,410 genuine voters in the state. such was the deliberate report of a committee years after. the legislature thus elected met and were suffered to make a statute book for the young state. penalties of imprisonment and death were liberally appointed for all who should dare to resist the institution of slavery. with such legislation to shield their lawlessness, ruffians belonging to the class of 'mean whites' commenced a series of barbarous outrages in the interests of the slave-holders--a series sickening to contemplate. two instances may be quoted which are typical: a ruffian bets that he will scalp an abolitionist in true indian fashion, and rides out in search of his prey. a gentleman known to be opposed to slavery is met in a gig and shot; and, taking his scalp, the drunken fiend rides back, and producing the promised spoil, claims his due. another leader of the free-state men is surrounded by these desperate ruffians, and his skull and brain are cloven with a hatchet. in fiendish glee they dance upon the almost breathless man, who vainly pleads, 'do not abuse me, i am dying.' the only response is a shower of tobacco juice from their filthy lips into his pleading eyes. with his last breath he says, 'it is in a good cause,' and so dies--slaughtered because he dared to say others should share in his right of liberty. true, dying man, the cause is good and will triumph, though thou and many others die first! such scenes roused the ire of the long-suffering free-state men of kansas. redress there was none, save in their own right arm, for, as emerson says, 'a plundered man might take his case to the court and find the ring-leader who has robbed him dismounting from his own horse and unbuckling his knife to sit as judge.' they were not without allies. there might be no government aid from washington, but throughout the north were men who loved the cause of abolition better than their own ease, and they came in ever-increasing numbers. amongst them were several of brown's upgrown sons, followed by their father, ready to settle in this new state, where they might turn the tide of public opinion in favour of freedom. thus slowly the ranks of the righteous lovers of liberty were replenished, and they began to form into bands for mutual protection, farming and soldiering by turns as necessity dictated. some of john brown's northern friends, who knew the stuff of which he was made, and saw that if freedom had no blow struck on her behalf she would be driven by outrage-mongers out of kansas, equipped him with money and rifles, or, as they had come to be called, 'beecher bibles'--a tribute to henry ward beecher's ardent championship of advanced views upon the slavery question. on october 6, 1855, he arrived at osawatomie, and we find him writing cheery words to his brave second wife and their family whom he had left, telling them to hope in god and comfort one another, humbly trusting they may meet again on god's earth, and if not--for his vow is 'to the death'--that they may meet in god's heaven. of that second wife--heroine in obscurity, sharer of the oath which ever knit the household in one, mother of thirteen children--we might say much, but her spirit breathes in these words she speaks concerning her solitary days: 'that was the time in my life when all my religion, all my philosophy, and all my faith in god's goodness were put to the test. my husband was away from home, prostrated by sickness; i was helpless from illness; in one week three of my little ones died of dysentery--this but three months before the birth of another child. three years after this sad time another little one, eighteen months old, was burned to death. yet even in these trials god upheld me.' such was the wife who, while john brown fought for liberty, grudged him not to such a cause, and patiently trained others who should bear his name worthily in days to come. chapter v bible and sword john brown was now at his work; no longer the mere fingers, but the soul of him had found a task. he set before himself this object, to free kansas from the slave-holders' grip. the free-state men had met and agreed to pay no taxes to a legislature illegally elected. they organized a rival government, and brought themselves into violent antagonism to the federal authorities at washington--for president pierce and his cabinet, which included the renowned jefferson davis, backed the pro-slavery legislature and its following of ruffians. the town of lawrence, which the free staters held, was taken and pillaged by a wild mob under the leadership of the united states marshal, and we find the browns in a company marching to its relief. there was much skirmishing, during which two of brown's sons were taken prisoners. only the constant vigilance and undaunted courage of a few desperately bold men kept heart in the lovers of liberty. but they (often led by john brown) escaped the government officials who sought to arrest them and sped to the help of those who were marked as the victims of the marauders. so slowly did the federal authorities awake to the situation that for a time there seemed little protection to be expected for persecuted lovers of liberty. we must now form some estimate of the two sides in this irregular warfare in which john brown all through the summer of 1856 was so prominently engaged. on the one hand were those whom the slave-holders relied upon for the most part to do their dirty work--ruffians, many of them from the neighbouring state; men who did not work, but who lived a wild life--not cultivating a tract of land around their rude dwelling-place like honest settlers, but fishing, shooting, and thieving for a living--preferring the atmosphere of a slave state as more favourable to their life of lawlessness and plunder, and finding inspiration in the whisky-bottle for such deeds of devilry as have been described. upon the other side, waging a guerilla warfare--for little else was possible against enemies who preferred sneaking outrages to pitched battles--were little companies of some score or two. captain john brown's company was ever to the fore. he felt that outrage had gone far enough unchecked, and that it was time honest men took the aggressive and struck terror into cowards' hearts. they were not without fierceness, but it was the fruit of honest anger. rifles in their judgement went not ill with bible-reading and prayer--but we have heard of such before. armed roundheads and scotch covenanters combined prayer with sword exercise. in this camp, morning and evening prayers were an institution; uncivil treatment of prisoners was a gross offence; no intoxicating liquors were permitted. one by-law runs: 'all profane, vulgar, or ungentlemanly talk shall be discountenanced.' what! do these rough men set themselves up to be gentlemen! yes, according to emerson's own meaning when he says of brown's supporters: 'all gentlemen, of course, are on his side. i do not mean by "gentlemen" people of scented hair and perfumed handkerchiefs, but men of gentle blood and generosity, "fulfilled with all nobleness," who, like the cid, give the outcast leper a share of their bed; like the dying sidney, pass the cup of cold water to the wounded soldier who needs it more. for what is the oath of gentle blood and knighthood! what but to protect the weak and lowly against the strong oppressor! nothing is more absurd than to complain of this sympathy, or to complain of a party of men united in opposition to slavery. as well complain of gravity or the ebb of the tide. who makes the abolitionist! the slave-holder. the sentiment of mercy is the natural recoil which the laws of the universe provide to protect mankind from destruction by savage passions. and our blind statesmen go up and down, with committees of vigilance and safety, hunting for the origin of this new heresy. they will need a very vigilant committee, indeed, to find its birthplace, and a very strong force to root it up. for the arch-abolitionist, older than brown, and older than the shenanndoah mountains, is love, whose other name is justice--which was before alfred, before lycurgus, before slavery, and will be after it.' john brown and, at one time, six of his sons were in the company. many were rejected who offered for service, not for lack of physical stature, but moral. 'i would rather,' said john brown, 'have the smallpox, yellow fever, and cholera all together in my camp than a man without principles. it is a mistake to think that bullies are the best fighters. give me god-fearing men--men who respect themselves; and with a dozen of them, i will oppose a hundred of these ruffians.' these are the men, then, who were found in kansas woods, with bare heads and unkempt locks, in red-topped boots and blue shirts, taking their hasty meals or fitful sleep, their horses tied to the tree-trunks ready for swift mounting at the first signal of danger. no sounds of revelry betray their hiding-place; the spirit of the man in their midst, with puritan nobility in his rugged face, and a strange, awe-inspiring unworldliness in his talk, has entered into them. no novice is he in the affairs of either world--this or the unseen. at night he will look up to the stars that glitter above the still camp and talk like a theologian, moralizing upon the fact that while god's stars are unerring in their courses god's human creatures are so erratic. but he is no mere dreamer; you may see him, when the enemy is known to be near, sleeping in his saddle, with his gun across it, that he may be no sooner awake than ready. one who knew not of this habit was once imprudent enough to touch him in his sleep, as he wanted to speak to him; he had only time to knock up the swiftly pointed barrel with his hand and john brown's bullet grazed the intruder's shoulder. one of the first deeds in this campaign, and the one that certainly first turned the tide and caused the pro-slavery ruffians to feel that they had need to look to their own safety, and would not be suffered with impunity to murder whom they chose and fire honest men's houses like fiends let loose, was the midnight massacre at pottawatomie. along a certain creek there lived five of these incendiaries and outrage-mongers who were specially notorious. a report reached brown that they were sworn to sweep the neighbourhood clear of abolitionists, not forgetting 'those browns.' that they were to be kept in terror by such a gang seemed to brown an unrighteous state of things, and he formed the desperate design of visiting them first. but he loved not slaughter for slaughter's sake. not only could he strike upon occasion, but he could be just in his rough-and-ready fashion. he argued within himself, 'i shall be right in killing these men if i am sure they intend these murders, but i will not act upon mere report.' disguising himself, he started with two men to carry a surveyor's chain, and one to carry a flag. no coward was this man. he would put his life in peril rather than act on mere suspicion. so he ran his lines past the houses of these five men, and they naturally came out to see what this surveying business was. brown told them, as he looked through his instrument and waved the flagman to this side or that, 'yours is a grand country. are there many abolitionists about here?' in his pocket-book he jotted down the answer 'yes,' and, swearing great oaths, they told him that they meant to sweep the region clear of them in a week. 'are there some called brown?' 'yes,' and man by man they swore the browns should be killed by their hands. back he went saying to himself, 'if i understand the book these are murderers, they have committed murder in their hearts.' ere many nights were passed eight men were requisitioned from the camp. they stole forth armed with short cutlasses, and next morning the ghastly news spread abroad that five corpses had been found by that creek. john brown, jun., said, 'the only statement that i ever heard my father make in regard to this was "i did not myself kill any of those men at pottawatomie, but i am as fully responsible as if i did."' it was a terrible act; we cannot wonder that it came as a great shock to many who had the cause of liberty at heart, but when questioned about it the old man was always reticent, and would only say, 'god is my judge.' the result was unmistakable. from that moment john brown's name became a terror to the evildoers of that quarter. the free settlers felt there was another fate than extermination for them, and the impotent administration at washington first began to see that this hitherto submissive majority of free settlers must be reckoned with. a writer said years after, 'it was like a clap of thunder from a clear sky.' there are acts that can only be morally estimated by a careful consideration of the prevailing circumstances, and in this case they are such as we, well housed and protected folk, thank god, know not. those who knew this man through and through were swift to testify, 'whatever may be thought of john brown's acts, john brown himself was right.' no personal end had he to serve; his harvest was privation, suffering, death. he had no personal vengeance to wreak, and when revengeful words were spoken in his hearing he soon lifted the conversation to a sublime level. 'that,' said he, 'is not a christian spirit. if i thought i had one bit of the spirit of revenge i would never lift my hand. i do not make war on slave-holders, but on slavery.' henceforth john brown's little band was famous. a few days after the pottawatomie tragedy we find him engaging a company under captain fate, who professed, with doubtful authority, to be the emissary of the government. hearing after prayer meeting one sunday they are in the neighbourhood, he is quickly in pursuit as soon as night has set in, and in the morning with a handful of men he is exchanging brisk fire with the enemy. presently fred brown, a wild-looking man of the woods, who has been left in charge of the horses, comes riding upon a pony none too large for its ungainly burden. he waves his long arms, shouting, 'come on, boys, we've got 'em surrounded and cut off their communications.' the enemy are scared at the apparition, and their captain, thinking there is no fathoming the plots of these browns, sends a lieutenant forward with a flag of truce. john brown asks, 'are you captain!' 'no.' 'i will talk with him, not with you.' captain fate advances with much parley. 'any proposition to make?' impatiently asks john brown. 'no.' then he (john brown) has one--unconditional surrender; and with eight men he has soon secured twenty prisoners. so all through that summer brown was wellnigh ubiquitous in harassing the enemy, and their dispatches betray their terror of him by ludicrous exaggerations of his achievements. but it is certain he lived as nearly up to his terrible reputation as he could. at franklin, at washington creek, and at osawatomie we find him in evidence. here are extracts from his letters in reference to the attack made by the pro-slavery men at the last-mentioned place. 'on the morning of august 30 an attack was made by the ruffians on osawatomie, numbering some 400, by whose scouts our dear frederick was shot dead.' (this was his son, and it was by a methodist preacher's rifle he was killed. such was the support which the pulpit sometimes gave in those turbulent days to the slavery cause.) 'at this time i was about three miles off, where i had some fourteen or fifteen men over-night that had just enlisted under me. these i collected with some twelve or fifteen more, and in about three-quarters of an hour i attacked them from a wood with thick undergrowth. 'with this force we threw them into confusion for about fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time we killed or wounded from seventy to eighty of the enemy--as they say--and then we escaped as we could with one killed, two or three wounded, and as many more missing. jason (another son) fought bravely by my side. i was struck by a partly spent shot which bruised me some, but did not injure me seriously. "hitherto the lord has helped me, notwithstanding my afflictions."' later there was a futile attack upon lawrence by 2,700 of the border ruffians, and while the governor claimed afterwards the credit for the failure of the attack, it is certain that his dilatory intervention had less to do with the result than the prompt action of a couple of hundred defenders of the place who made a dash outwards towards the advancing rabble. mounted on a grocer's box in the main street, john brown thus addressed them before action: 'if they come up and attack don't yell, but remain still. wait till they get within twenty-five yards of you: get a good object: be sure you see the hind sight of your gun--then fire. a great deal of powder and lead is wasted on aiming too high. you had better aim at their legs than at their heads. in either case, be sure of the hind sights of your guns. it is from the neglect of this that i myself have so many times escaped; for if all the bullets that have ever been aimed at me had hit, i should have been as full of holes as a riddle.' all these skirmishes from a military point of view were trivial, but from a political standpoint they were crucial. they saved kansas, and made free election at length possible. brown and his men were 'incarnate earnestness,' says one writer, and it was that fervent devotion which made all that followed possible. it became impossible for a government to wink at arson and murder. 'take more care to end life well than to live long,' the old man used to say, and he exemplified his doctrine. his reckless bravery was proverbial. after one of their successful skirmishes a wounded missourian wished greatly to see the redoubtable john brown before he died. the captain went to the wagon where he lay and said, 'here i am; take a good look at me; we wish you all no harm. stay at home, leave us alone, and we shall be friends. i wish you well.' the dying man looked at him from head to foot, and, reaching out his hand, said, 'i don't see as you are so bad. you don't look or talk like it. i thank you.' clasping his hand, the old captain said, 'god bless you,' and his tears were the amen. thus tender was he ever with his prisoners, despite his fierceness. at length the united states government saw the free settlers were in no abject mood, and stepped in to their relief. john brown saw the dawn of better days, and then travelled away northward, worn and sick, with a fugitive slave as a kind of trophy hidden in his wagon. before long he found security and peace for a while at north elba, new york, at the house of gerrit smith. chapter vi the underground railway we now find john brown busy for a while in the northern states addressing abolitionist meetings, collecting funds for the cause, and co-operating with the anti-slavery committees, of which there were several thousands. in many homes where the friends of freedom lived he was a welcome guest, not least welcomed by the children, who always seemed to refresh his weary heart. 'out of the mouths of children,' as the psalmist says (according to one version), 'god gives strength to true men.' you might often have seen him holding up a little two-year-old child, saying, 'when john brown is hanged as a traitor she can say she used to stand on john brown's hand.' he was no false prophet! now also he was able to revisit, after two years' absence, the old homestead where his wife and children were awaiting him, down to the little one whom he had left an infant in the cradle. 'come,' says the strange father to the little prattler, 'i have sung it to all of them; i must sing it to you.' blow ye the trumpet, blow the gladly solemn sound: let all the nations know to earth's remotest bound. the year of jubilee is come, return, ye ransomed sinners, home. in strains to which a soul on fire gave enchantment and a tunefulness of their own he sang that song of moses and the lamb, telling of the jewish charter of liberty to which christ in his turn gave larger meaning; and the little eyes in the room beheld a transfigured face which they remembered when he had ceased blowing the trumpet of jubilee, and when they sang the same hymn as they laid him beneath the sod outside that cabin door. but not long could he stay at home. the year of jubilee for all these bondmen was his one thought, and he found friends who regarded him as a tried man and were prepared to trust him implicitly. such men as beecher and theodore parker gave him help spiritual; men like the wealthy stearns gave him help financial to the extent of many thousand dollars, and were content to know that john brown, however he spent it (and concerning his plans he was always reticent), would have but one object--liberty to the captive. one way in which it was spent was in the working of what was then known as the underground railway. the opportunist statesman--henry clay--had led many northern voters to tolerate the passing of the fugitive slave law, under which the federal government facilitated the enforced return of fugitive slaves found in free states to the plantations of the south. and the abolitionists in the north, as a set-off against this detested legislation, gave themselves with much zest to aid the runaway slave. if a slave could escape to the swamps or the forest and elude the bloodhounds on his track, he knew that at certain points he would find those who were prepared to house him, and, passing him on secretly from station to station, ensure his arrival at a terminus where he would be safe for life. that was canada, the country where the union jack waves--the flag of 'britons' who 'never shall be slaves' and are prepared to grant to all the priceless boon they claim themselves. this escape was called 'shaking the paw of the lion.' may that british lion never be transformed into a sleek tiger; may his paw ever be outreached to a runaway slave, and his roar be a terror to all who would market in human flesh and blood! this chain of well-known houses and locations was called the underground railway; and, spite of penalties of imprisonment oft inflicted, it never lacked porters or guards; and if the trains did not always run to time it was because they were very cautious against accident. some 30,000 passengers were probably conveyed on this line. you will not be surprised to find john brown an active 'guard,' and under the name of 'shubel morgan' or 'hawkins' he did good service there. see him making his way with twelve fugitive slaves from missouri, through kansas, nebraska, iowa, illinois, and michigan to canada. it is the dead of winter, and the rough wagons travel heavily and slowly along the drifted roads. there is a price on his head in these southern states--3,250 dollars offered conjointly by the governor of missouri and president pierce--and the stations are sometimes thirty miles apart. they come to a creek, and there is the state marshal awaiting them with eighty armed men--for he thought he had better have a good force, as he heard it was john brown he might encounter. john puts his host of twenty-three men all told into battle array in front of the wagons, and gives the laconic order, 'now go straight at 'em, boys, they are sure to run.' into the water his men charge--but the baptism of water is all they are fated to pass through; there is no baptism of fire to follow, for, scared at the impulsive charge, and filled with vague terror at that irrepressible john brown, the marshal springs upon his horse and skedaddles. his men scramble to their horses. some cannot untie them from the shrubs quickly enough; several animals carry two men, and, to complete the ludicrousness of the scene, one man, fearing he might be too late, grips fast the tail of the steed to which the proper rider has just set spurs, and, vainly trying to spring on behind, is seen with his feet off the ground, being whirled through the air. a few prisoners are speedily added to brown's little company, who, thinking it is perhaps prudent to keep men off horseback who were so prone to flight, orders them to walk. but he has ideas of courtesy, has this rough old warrior, and says he means them no unkindness and will walk with them. such a favourable opportunity must in no wise be missed, so the old soldier-prophet gives them his mind upon the wickedness of slave-holding and the meanness of slave-hunting, which discourse, let us hope, is not wholly unfruitful. when he has held them for one night he thinks they have been brought far enough from their haunts to prevent further mischief, and sets them free. that one night spent with him they are not likely to forget. he would not so much as allow them the privilege of swearing. 'no taking of god's name in vain gentlemen; if there is a god you will gain nothing, and if there is none you are fools indeed.' such is the old man's plain argument. one of them, a harum-scarum young physician, is taken specially under charge by john brown. before retiring brown desires him to pray. 'i can't pray,' he says, with an oath. 'what, did your mother never teach you?' asks brown. 'oh yes,' he replies; 'but that was a long time ago.' 'well, you still remember the prayer she taught you?' continued brown. 'yes,' is the answer. 'say that for want of a better,' is the order. then, to the amusement of all, the poor doctor repeats the rhyme: and now i lay me down to sleep, i pray the lord my soul to keep. said the young doctor after he was released, 'john brown knows more about religion than any man i ever met. he never used harsh language; we were treated like gentlemen; we shared food with them. only it went against the grain to be guarded by niggers.' thus the journey proceeds. as they get farther north there is more bark than bite about the opposition they encounter. in the street at one town where they are sheltered, brown strolls alone and finds a champion of slavery haranguing the crowd and denouncing brown as a reckless, bloody outlaw, a coward who skulked and would never fight in the open. warming to a climax the orator proclaims, 'if i could get a sight of him i would shoot him on the spot; i would never give him a chance to steal any more slaves.' 'my friend,' says a plain-looking countryman--no other than john brown himself--on the outskirts of the throng, 'you talk very brave; and as you will never have a better opportunity to shoot old brown than right here and now, you can have a chance.' but his powder was damped--or his courage! now the journey is over. the twelve fugitives have become thirteen, for a little infant has been born on the march, never to know, thank god, the horrors the mother has left behind. the child is named after his deliverer 'john brown,' who conducts them safely across the ferry and places them under the shelter of the union jack on the canadian shore. then the old man reverently pronounces his 'nunc dimittis,' 'lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' 'i could not brook the thought that any ill should befall them, least of all that they should be taken back to slavery. the arm of jehovah has protected us.' before many months those rescued ones were weeping at the news that john brown was condemned to die, and were saying 'would that we could die instead.' chapter vii harper's ferry john brown now prepared for his final effort, for the enterprise he had espoused and the sacrifice he had sworn to make for it were to be completed by his death. 'there is no way of deliverance but by blood,' had become his settled conviction upon this slavery question. and truly it seemed so. the slave states were waxing fiercer in their unholy enterprise. the reopening of the market for freshly imported slaves from africa was openly advocated--indeed, prices were offered for the best specimens, as if it were a mere cattle trade. 'for sale, 400 negroes just landed,' was placarded in southern streets; and to complete the grim situation a prize was proposed for the best sermon in defence of the slave trade. surely the lord gave not 'the word,' but 'great was the company of the preachers' who were prepared to publish it. john brown felt that the fullness of time was come for a desperate stroke. desperate indeed it was. from a military point of view it was madness. he resolved to hire a farm in maryland, near to the great armoury at harper's ferry in the slave state of virginia, and there diligently and silently to store arms. then with a small company he would seize harper's ferry. having possessed himself of its stores, he would retreat to the mountains, where he hoped there would be considerable rallying to his standard. holding his own amid mountain fastnesses of which he had acquired an intimate knowledge, he thought he might at last become strong enough to make terms with the government. we next find him passing as isaac smith, a maryland farmer--known to his neighbours as a demure, somewhat eccentric, son of the soil. three of his sons, true to the vow, were with him. little thought the farmers around that hard by that farmhouse a few thousand weapons were stored and that a little band of mysterious strangers was gathering there, but so it was. to the last there was much opposition to brown's impulsive scheme. once, indeed, he resigned leadership, but the little group passed a horrible five minutes of bereavement and then re-elected him with many promises of support. sublime old madman!--if mad indeed he was! had he not made them all feel like himself, 'that they have but one life and once to die; and if they lose their lives perchance it will do more for the cause than their lives would be worth in any other way?' one reluctant darkie, rescued by him from slavery, was challenged to say what he would do. he hesitated--looked at his shaggy old benefactor, and then, with heart surcharged with gratitude, said, 'i believe i'll go wid de ole man.' ah! the old man's soul had entered into them--it kept them 'marching on.' in the dark, wet night of october 16, 1859, they mustered quietly. the captain addressed them, and he was no reckless destroyer of human life who thus spake: 'gentlemen, let me press this one thing on your minds. you all know how dear life is to you, and how dear your lives are to your friends; and in remembering that, consider that the lives of others are as dear. do not therefore take the life of any one if you can possibly avoid it, but if it is necessary to take life in order to save your own, then make sure work of it.' two of them were deputed to hasten, when the town was in their hands, to colonel washington's house, four miles distant--to seize him, free his slaves, and take the relic of the house, the famed sword of his illustrious ancestor george washington, that with this in hand john brown might head the campaign. that feat they actually performed, and for one brief day their leader bore that sword. silently marched that little band of about a score under shelter of the darkness. they had their plans complete, even a constitution ready framed, should they be successful. the telegraph wires were cut. they contrived to terrify all on guard without firing a shot, and as the sun rose, harper's ferry, arsenal, armoury, and rifle works, and many prisoners were in the hands of john brown. the day wore on, but the expected reinforcements came not; the spreading news, however, brought hostile troops around the captured place, and they hourly increased. brown took not his one chance of escape to the mountains--why, it is difficult to say. in prison afterwards he said his weakness in yielding to the entreaties of his prisoners ruined him. 'it was the first time i ever lost command of myself, and now i am punished for it,' he added. at another time when questioned he gave fatalistic answers, and said it was 'ordained so ages before the world was made.' by afternoon he was on the defensive within the armoury, and a fierce fight ensued. even then his simple notions of justice were uppermost, and to the last as his men fired from the portholes he would be heard saying of some one passing in the street, 'that man is unarmed don't shoot.' two of his sons--watson and oliver brown--were pierced with bullets. as he straightened out the limbs of the second, he said, 'this is the third son i have lost in the cause.' always the cause! the night fell and the fight was in abeyance, but in the morning he was summoned to surrender, and refused, saying he would die there. at length the engine-house, their last resort, held stubbornly, was captured, and brown fell, wounded by the sword of a young lieutenant who had marked him for his stroke. one of his prisoners who was by says truly of his last fight, 'almost any other man who saw his sons fall would have exacted life for life, but he spared all of us who were in his power.' of the force of twenty-two men, ten were killed, seven captured and hanged, and five escaped. on the other side six were killed and eight wounded. he was now a captive, suffered to recover from his wounds that he might die a felon's death. many were those who, from various motives, came to see the wounded prisoner, and from many interviews reported at the time we may take a few extracts: q. can you tell us who furnished money for your expedition? a. i furnished most of it myself. i cannot implicate others. it is by my own folly i have been taken. i could have saved myself had i not yielded to my feelings. q. if you would tell us who sent you, who provided means, it would be valuable information. a. i will answer freely and faithfully about what concerned myself, anything i can with honour, but not about others. it was my own prompting and that of my maker or the devil--whichever you please to ascribe it to--i acknowledge no master in human form. q. why came you here? a. to liberate the slaves--the cry of the oppressed is my only reason. i respect the rights of the poorest coloured folk as much as those of the most wealthy and powerful. q. how do you justify your acts? a. i think, my friend, you are guilty of a great wrong against god and humanity--i say it without wishing to be offensive and it would be perfectly right for any one to free those you wickedly hold in bondage. i am not here to gratify revenge, but because i pity those who have none to help them. q. do you consider this a religious movement? a. the greatest service man can render to god. q. do you consider yourself an instrument in the hands of providence? a. i do. q. brown, suppose you had every nigger in the united states, what would you do with them? a. set them free. said governor wise of virginia, 'mr. brown, the silver of your hair is reddened by the blood of crime, and you should eschew these hard words and think of eternity. you are committing felony by these sentiments.' brown replied, 'governor, i have by all appearances not more than fifteen or twenty years the start of you in the journey to eternity, and whether my time has to be long or short i am equally prepared to go. there is an eternity behind and an eternity before, and this speck in the centre, however long, is but comparatively a minute. the difference between your tenure and mine is trifling, and you have all of you a heavy responsibility and it behoves you to prepare more than it does me.' the governor's public testimony was: 'they are mistaken who took brown to be a madman. he is a bundle of the best nerves i ever saw. he is a man of clear head, of courage, fortitude, and simple ingenuousness. he is cool, collected, and indomitable; and it is but just to him to say that he was humane to his prisoners, and he inspired me with great trust in his integrity as a man of truth. he is a fanatic, vain and garrulous, but firm, truthful, and intelligent. he professes to be a christian in communion with the congregational church of the north, and openly preaches his purpose of universal emancipation, and the negroes themselves were to be the agents, by means of arms, led on by white commanders. colonel washington says that he was the coolest and firmest man he ever saw in defying danger and death. with one son dead by his side, and another shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son with one hand, held his rifle with the other, and commanded his men with the utmost composure, encouraging them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as they could.' the trial for treason and murder took place in the virginian court on october 27-31, ere he had recovered. he pleaded for delay till his health allowed him to give more attention to his defence, but the request was refused. so, weak and wounded, he had to lie upon his pallet with a blanket thrown over him. his words were few, and to the same effect as those we have quoted. there was only one verdict possible in that court--guilty--and he was sentenced to be hanged. technically there was no other course possible. the calm verdict of the cambridge modern history upon the raid is correct: 'it was the mad folly of an almost crazed fanatic . . . the stain still upon him of the bloodiest of the lawless work done in the name of freedom; a terrible outlaw because an outlaw for conscience' sake; intense to the point of ungovernable passion--heeding nothing but his own will and sense of right; a revolutionist upon principle; a lawless incendiary, and yet seeking nothing for himself.' but while we feel the veracity of these words there comes to our mind one of charles kingsley's impulsive sayings: 'get hold of one truth, let it blaze in your sky like a greenland sun, never setting day or night. see it in everything, and everything in it. the world will call you a bigot and fanatic, and then fifty years after will wonder how it was the bigot and fanatic managed to do so much more than all the sensible men round about him.' john brown vindicated that opinion. chapter viii the halt of the body and the march of the soul the journeys of john brown's body were now at an end. only his soul was free to travel, and it found its vehicle in letters which carried thoughts that breathed and words that burned far and wide. this condemned prisoner had five weeks left of mortal life, and they were the most fruitful he ever spent. the greatest achievement of his life was the marvellous advocacy of the cause conducted from his prison. his friend f. b. sanborn says: 'here was a defeated, dying old man, who had been praying and fighting and pleading and toiling for years, to persuade a great people that their national life was all wrong, suddenly converting millions to his cause by the silent magnanimity or the spoken wisdom of his last days as a fettered prisoner.' he had spoken of a samson's victory as possibly the great triumph in store for him. even so it was, and in his death and by the manner of it he mortally wounded his old enemy, slavery. as the great continent watched from afar his last days, a thrill passed through it that made emancipation a triumphant cause. efforts to save brown's life might be in vain, but brown's death was helping to save the life of the nation. his letters from the prison were many and widely circulated. all he has to say of himself is that he knows no degradation. 'i can trust god with the time and manner of my death, believing that for me now to seal my testimony with my life will do vastly more for the cause than all i have done before. dear wife and children, do not feel degraded on my account.' humorously he remarks, 'i am worth inconceivably more to hang than for any other purpose.' 'say to my poor boys never to grieve for one moment on my account; and should many of you live to see the time when you will not blush to own your relation to old john brown, it will not be more strange than many things that have happened.' '"he shall begin to deliver israel out of the hand of the philistines." this,' said he, 'i think is true of my commission from god and my work.' the scaffold had no terrors for him. his trust, he averred, was firm in that redeemer who, to european and ethiopian, bond and free alike, had brought a year of jubilee and a great salvation. but though he asked no pity for himself, he pleaded in every letter for those who, as he said, were on the 'under-hill' side. 'weep not for me,' he wrote home, 'but for the crushed millions who have no comforter.' the old text was continually repeated, 'remember them that are in bonds as bound with them,' and he bade them abhor with undying hatred that 'sum of all villanies--slavery.' his only cause of agitation in the prison was the intrusive ministration of certain pro-slavery parsons. he refused to let a man who 'had the blood of the slaves on his skirts' minister to him. 'i respect you as a gentleman, but a heathen gentleman,' he would say. 'don't let such go with me to the scaffold,' he asked. 'i would rather have an escort of barefooted, bareheaded, ragged slave boys and girls led by some old grey-headed slave mother.' a sculptor who had conceived a great admiration for the brave old man was ambitious to execute a marble bust of him. he applied to mrs. stearns--brown's old wealthy supporter--to aid him in his enterprise. she readily promised to supply all funds, but, said she, 'you will have a vain journey for the measurements. he will just say, "nonsense; give the money to the poor." you will then say, "mr. brown, posterity will want to know what you looked like," and he will reply, "no consequence to posterity how i looked; better give the money to the poor." but go if you will and use my name.' and off went the eager artist. with some difficulty he procured an interview with the prisoner. but woman is far-sighted; sure enough the answer came, 'nonsense; give the money to the poor.' but the artist pleaded, 'posterity will want to see what you were like.' said the man who longed that his work rather than his memory should live, 'no consequence to posterity how i looked; give the money to the poor.' however, the name of mrs. steams prevailed at last, and with a thankful look he said, 'she must have what she desires; take the measurements.' the day of execution, december 2, 1859, drew near. excitement increased, and for the first time in the history of the union the passport system was introduced by the state government of virginia, and was maintained during the last eight days of brown's life, lest haply aid from the north should be organized. troops were present to the number of 3,000, around the scaffold at charlestown, when he was carried forth to die. rumour alleged that he had on the way to the scaffold taken a slave child from its mother's arms and kissed it. but, credible as it may have been to many, those who were present knew he was too closely pinioned and guarded for it to be possible. he had little to say--only one word of the glory of the surrounding scenery, for he was a true son of nature to the last. he had placed in an official's hands a slip of paper with the following words upon it: 'i, john brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. i had, as i now think vainly, flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done.' upon the scaffold he only bade them be quick, as he was quite ready. ready! yes, he had been ready many a year, and it was no unwilling victim that swung mid-air that december morning. they carried his body to the old log-house he occupied at north elba, where it was buried upon the farm. that farm has been recently purchased for a public park; and the grave, with the big boulder upon it, forms a conspicuous feature. thousands approach it with reverent feet, not so much because of the body which lies mouldering there, but for the sake of the soul which is marching on. they had sung in northern streets a grim ditty during those days of suspense before his execution, with the refrain, addressed to the southerner: and old brown, osawatomie brown, may trouble you more than ever when you've nailed his coffin down. it contains a true word of prophecy. says an american writer: soon after, 'i meet him at every turn. john brown is not dead; he is more alive than ever he was.' as that same year the northern states gird themselves for the great presidential contest, determined that at length a thorough abolitionist named abraham lincoln shall tenant the white house, it is evident that john brown's soul is marching on. when at length fierce civil war breaks out, and those same northern states month by month are brought to the sure conviction that freedom as certainly as union is the cause for which they fight, and as through long disappointment and suspense, lavish effusion of blood, generous sacrifice of their bravest sons they steadily press to victory under the ever-patient, dogged leadership of president lincoln and general grant, it is evident that john brown's soul is marching on. in the tramp of ten thousands of armed men, in the strains of that grand old battle-hymn of the republic, i hear the march of his soul: mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the lord: he is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored; he hath loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible, swift sword: his truth is marching on. glory, glory, hallelujah, &c. he hath sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; he is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgement-seat; oh, be swift, my soul! to answer him; be jubilant, my feet! our god is marching on. i have seen him in the watchfires of a hundred circling camps; they have builded him an altar in the evening dews and damps; i can read his righteous sentence by the dim and flaring lamps; his day is marching on. in the beauty of the lilies christ was born across the sea, with a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me: as he died to make men holy, let us live to make men free! while god is marching on. when lincoln's first emancipation decree (made necessary by the fact that so many blacks belonging to the disloyal were fighting for the union), that all slaves in the rebel states from new year's day, 1863, shall be free, is promulgated; and when, two years later, the constitution is amended so as to forbid slavery all through the republic, now again united; when the nation generously provides food, shelter, and education for the emancipated; and when the freed bondmen greet their liberty-loving president in southern streets with shouts of gratitude and cries of 'father abraham'--you may know that john brown's soul is marching on. there in america and elsewhere it continues its march. wherever the swift cruiser speeds in pursuit of the infamous slave-ship, in every heart-beat of the brave seamen who feel they are on a righteous errand and will overhaul her in the king's--aye, in god's--name, we hear the march of john brown's soul. when a nation of free men rises up in wrath at the issue of some official document that seems to be couched in temporizing language on this supreme subject, or at some government that has tolerated conditions that approximate slavery, and will have none of it, we know the old hero's soul is marching on. whenever in secret council the ambassador of a free people negotiates a treaty, and, backed by the most sacred impulses of those he represents, urges an anti-slavery clause, we know john brown's soul is on the march. and march it shall, while nations learn to prize liberty as god's great chartered right to every man, while they read the shining letters of the golden rule, while they remember that god made all men of one blood and that all are redeemed by the blood of one. while god looks down from his heaven and sees the distressed face, or hears the piercing cry of the oppressed, and can turn the hearts of men to fight his battles upon earth, the soul of john brown will be marching still. [illustration: "you'd like your papa to come back home from the war?"] the man in gray _a romance of north and south_ by thomas dixon author of "the southerner," "the leopard's spots," "the birth of a nation," "the clansman," etc. dedicated to my fellow members of the kappa alpha fraternity founded under the inspiration of robert e. lee 1868 to the reader now that my story is done i see that it is the strangest fiction that i have ever written. because it is true. it actually happened. every character in it is historic. i have not changed even a name. every event took place. therefore it is incredible. yet i have in my possession the proofs establishing each character and each event as set forth. they are true beyond question. thomas dixon currituck lodge _munden, va._ leading characters of the story robert e. lee _the southern commander._ mrs. lee _his wife._ custis _his older son._ mary _his daughter._ mrs. marshall _lee's sister._ uncle ben _the butler._ sam _a slave._ j.e.b. stuart _"the flower of cavaliers."_ flora cooke _his sweetheart._ phil sheridan _his schoolmate._ francis preston blair _lincoln's messenger._ senator robert toombs _of georgia._ john brown _of osawatomie._ john e. cook _his spy._ virginia kennedy _cook's victim._ gerrit smith _a philanthropist._ george evans _a labor leader._ f. b. sanborn _brown's organizer._ rev. thomas w. higginson _a revolutionist._ wm. c. rives _confederate senator_ gen. e. p. alexander _of lee's artillery._ john doyle _a poor white._ mahala doyle _his wife._ edmond ruffin _a virginia planter._ the man in gray chapter i the fireflies on the virginia hills were blinking in the dark places beneath the trees and a katydid was singing in the rosebush beside the portico at arlington. the stars began to twinkle in the serene sky. the lights of washington flickered across the river. the capitol building gleamed, argus-eyed on the hill. congress was in session, still wrangling over the question of slavery and its extension into the territories of the west. the laughter of youth and beauty sifted down from open windows. preparations were being hurried for the ball in honor of the departing cadets--custis lee, his classmate, jeb stuart, and little phil sheridan of ohio whom they had invited in from washington. the fact that the whole family was going to west point with the boys and colonel robert e. lee, the new superintendent, made no difference. one excuse for an old-fashioned dance in a southern home was as good as another. the main thing was to bring friends and neighbors, sisters and cousins and aunts together for an evening of joy. a whippo'will cried his weird call from a rendezvous in the shadows of the lawn, as sam entered the great hall and began to light the hundreds of wax tapers in the chandeliers. "move dat furniture back now!" he cried to his assistants. "and mind yo' p's and q's. doan yer break nuttin." his sable helpers quietly removed the slender mahogany and rosewood pieces to the adjoining rooms. they laughed at sam's new-found note of dignity and authority. he was acting butler to-night in uncle ben's place. no servant was allowed to work when ill--no matter how light the tasks to which he was assigned. sam was but twenty years old and he had been given the honor of superintending the arrangements for the dance. and, climax of all, he had been made leader of the music with the sole right to call the dances, although he played only the triangle in the orchestra. he was in high fettle. when the first carriage entered the grounds his keen ear caught the crunch of wheels on the gravel. he hurried to call the mistress and young misses to their places at the door. he also summoned the boys from their rooms upstairs. he had seen the flash of spotless white in the carriage. it meant beauty calling to youth on the hill. sam knew. phil came downstairs with custis. the spacious sweep of the hall, its waxed floor clear of furniture, with hundreds of blinking candles flashing on its polished surface, caught his imagination. it _was_ a fairy world--this generous southern home. in spite of its wide spaces, and its dignity, it was friendly. it caught his boy's heart. mrs. lee was just entering. custis' eyes danced at the sight of his mother in full dress. he grasped phil's arm and whispered: "isn't my mother the most beautiful woman you ever saw?" he spoke the words half to himself. it was the instinctive worship of the true southern boy, breathed in genuine reverence, with an awe that was the expression of a religion. "i was just thinking the same thing, custis," was the sober reply. "i beg your pardon, phil," he hastened to apologize. "i didn't mean to brag about my mother to you. it just slipped out. i couldn't help it. i was talking to myself." "you needn't apologize. i know how you feel. she's already made me think i'm one of you--" he paused and watched mary lee enter from the lawn leaning on stuart's arm. stuart's boyish banter was still ringing in her ears as she smiled at him indulgently. she hurried to her mother with an easy, graceful step and took her place beside her. she was fine, exquisite, bewitching. she had never come out in society. she had been born in it. she had her sweethearts before thirteen and not one had left a shadow on her quiet, beautiful face. she demanded, by her right of birth as a southern girl, years of devotion. and the southern boy of the old regime was willing to serve. phil stood with stuart and watched custis kiss a dozen pretty girls as they arrived and call each one cousin. "is it a joke?" he asked stuart curiously. "what?" "this cousin business." "not much. you don't think i'd let him be such a pig if i could help him, do you?" "are they all kin?" "yes--" stuart laughed. "some of it gets pretty thin in the second and third cousin lines. but it's thick enough for him to get a kiss from every one--confound him!" the hall was crowding rapidly. the rustle of silk, the flash of pearls and diamonds, the hum of soft drawling voices filled the perfumed air. phil's eyes were dazzled with the bevies of the younger set, from sixteen to eighteen, dressed in soft tulle and organdy; slow of speech; their voices low, musical, delicious. he was introduced to so many his head began to swim. to save his soul he couldn't pick out one more entrancing than another. the moment they spied his west point uniform he was fair game. they made eyes at him. they languished and pretended to be smitten at first sight. twice he caught himself about to believe one of them. they seemed so sincere, so dreadfully in earnest. and then he caught the faintest twinkle in the corner of a dark eye and blushed to think himself such a fool. but the sensation of being lionized was delightful. he was in a whirl of foolish joy when he suddenly realized that stuart had deserted him, slipped through the crowd and found his way to mary lee. he threw a quick glance at the pair and one of the four beauties hovering around him began to whisper: "jeb stuart's just crazy about mary--" "did you ever see anything like it!" "he couldn't stop even to say how-d'y-do." "and she's utterly indifferent--" sam's voice suddenly rang out with unusual unction and deliberation. he was imitating uncle ben's most eloquent methods. "congress-man and mrs. rog-er a. pry-or!" mrs. lee hastened to greet the young editor who had taken high rank in congress from the day of his entrance. mrs. pryor was evidently as proud of her young congressman as he was of her regal beauty. colonel lee joined the group and led the lawmaker into the library for a chat on politics. the first notes of a violin swept the crowd. the hum of conversation and the ripple of laughter softened into silence. the dusky orchestra is in place on the little platform. sam, in all his glory, rises and faces the eager youth. he was dressed in his young master's last year's suit, immaculate blue broadcloth and brass buttons, ruffled shirt and black-braided watch guard hanging from his neck. his eyes sparkled with pride and his rich, sonorous voice rang over the crowd like the deep notes of a flute: "choose yo' pardners fur de fust cowtillun!" again the quick rustle of silk and tulle, the low hum of excited, young voices and the couples are in place. a boy cries to the leader: "we're all ready, sam." the young caller of the set knew his business better. he lifted his hand in a gesture of reverence and silence, as he glanced toward the library door. "jes' a minute la-dees, an' gem-mens," he softly drawled. "marse robert e. lee and missis will lead dis set!" the colonel briskly entered from the library with his wife on his arm. a ripple of applause swept the room as they took their places with the gay youngsters. sam lifted his hand; the music began--sweet and low, vibrating with the sensuous touch of the negro slave whose soul was free in its joyous melody. at the first note of his triangle, loud above the music rang sam's voice: "honors to yo' pardners!" with graceful courtesies and stately bows the dance began. and over all a glad negro called the numbers: "forward fours!" the caller's eyes rolled and his body swayed with the rhythm of the dance as he watched each set with growing pride. they danced a quadrille, a mazurka, another quadrille, a schottische, the lancers, another quadrille, and another and another. they paused for supper at midnight and then danced them over again. while the fine young forms swayed to exquisite rhythm and the music floated over all, the earnest young congressman bent close to his host in a corner of the library. "i sincerely hope, colonel lee, that you can see your way clear to make a reply to this book of mrs. stowe which ruffin has sent you." "i can't see it yet, mr. pryor--" "ruffin is a terrible old fire-eater, i know," the congressman admitted. "but _uncle tom's cabin_ is the most serious blow the south has received from the abolitionists. and what makes it so difficult is that its appeal is not to reason. it is to sentiment. to the elemental emotions of the mob. no matter whether its picture is true or false, the result will be the same unless the minds who read it can be cured of its poison. it has become a sensation. every northern congressman has read it. a half million copies have been printed and the presses can't keep up with the demands. this book is storing powder in the souls of the masses who don't know how to think, because they've never been trained to think. this explosive emotion is the preparation for fanaticism. we only wait the coming of the fanatic--the madman who may lift a torch and hurl it into this magazine. the south is asleep. and when we don't sleep, we dance. there's no use fooling ourselves. we're dancing on the crust of a volcano." pryor rose. "i've a number with mrs. pryor. i wish you'd think it over, colonel. this message is my big reason for missing a night session to be here." lee nodded and strolled out on the lawn before the white pillars of the portico to consider the annoying request. he hated controversy. yet he was not the type of man to run from danger. the breed of men from which he sprang had always faced the enemy when the challenge came. in the carriage of his body there was a quiet pride--a feeling not of vanity, but of instinctive power. it was born in him through generations of men who had done the creative thinking of a nation in the building. his face might have been described as a little too regular--a little too handsome perhaps for true greatness, but for the look of deep thought in his piercing eyes. and the finely chiseled lines of character, positive, clean-cut, vigorous. he had backbone. and yet he was not a bitter partisan. he used his brain. he reasoned. he looked at the world through kindly, conservative eyes. he feared god, only. he believed in his wife, his children, his blood. and he loved virginia, counting it the highest honor to be--not seem to be--an old-fashioned virginia gentleman. he believed in democracy guided by true leaders. this reservation was not a compromise. it was a cardinal principle. he could conceive of no democracy worth creating or preserving which did not produce the superman to lead, shape, inspire and direct its life. the man called of god to this work was fulfilling a divine mission. he must be of the very necessity of his calling a nobleman. without vanity he lived daily in the consciousness of his own call to this exalted ideal. it made his face, in repose, grave. his gravity came from the sense of duty and the consciousness of problems to be met and solved as his fathers before him had met and solved great issues. his conservatism had its roots in historic achievements and the chill that crept into his heart as he thought of this book came, not from the fear of the possible clash of forces in the future, but from the dread of changes which might mean the loss of priceless things in a nation's life. he believed in every fiber of his being that, in spite of slavery, the old south in her ideals, her love of home, her worship of god, her patriotism, her joy of living and her passion for beauty stood for things that are eternal. and great changes _were_ sweeping over the republic. he felt this to-day as never before. the washington on whose lights he stood gazing was rapidly approaching the end of the era in which the nation had evolved a soul. his people had breathed that soul into the republic. to this hour the mob had never ruled america. its spirit had never dominated a crisis. the nation had been shaped from its birth through the heart and brain of its leaders. but he recalled with a pang that the race of supermen was passing. calhoun had died two years ago. henry clay had died within the past two months. daniel webster lay on his death bed at mansfield. and there were none in sight to take their places. we had begun the process of leveling. we had begun to degrade power, to scatter talent, to pull down our leaders to the level of the mob, in the name of democracy. he faced this fact with grave misgivings. he believed that the first requirement of human society, if it shall live, is the discovery of men fit to command--to lead. with the passing of clay, calhoun and webster the washington on which he gazed, the washington of 1852, had ceased to be a forum of great thought, of high thinking and simple living. it had become the scene of luxury and extravagance. the two important establishments of the city were gautier's, the restaurateur and caterer--the french genius who prepared the feasts for jeweled youth; and gait, the jeweler who sold the precious stones to adorn the visions of beauty at these banquets. the two political parties had fallen to the lowest depths of groveling to vote getting by nominating the smallest men ever named for presidential honors. the democrats had passed all their real leaders and named as standard-bearer an obscure little politician of new hampshire, mr. franklin pierce. his sole recommendation for the exalted office was that he would carry one or two doubtful northern states and with the solid south could thus be elected. the whig convention in baltimore had cast but thirty-two votes for daniel webster and had nominated a military figurehead, general winfield scott. the nation was without a leader. and the low rumble of the crowd--the growl of the primal beast--could be heard in the distance with increasing distinctness. the watcher turned from the white city across the potomac and slowly walked into his rose garden. even in september the riot of color was beyond description. in the splendor of the full southern moon could be seen all shades from deep blood red to pale pink. all sizes from the tiniest four-leaf wild flowers to the gorgeous white and yellow masses that reared their forms like waves of the surf. he breathed the perfume and smiled again. a mocking bird, dropping from the bough of a holly, was singing the glory of a second blooming. the scene of entrancing beauty drove the thought of strife from his heart. he turned back toward the house and its joys of youth. sam's sonorous voice was ringing in deliberation the grand call of the evening's festivities: "choose-yo-pardners-fer-de-ol-virginy-reel!" and then the stir, the rush, the commotion for place in the final dance. the reel reaches the whole length of the hall with every foot of space crowded. there are thirty couples in line when the musicians pause, tune their instruments and with a sudden burst play "the gray eagle." the virginia reel stirs the blood of these southern boys and girls. its swift, graceful action and the inspiration of the old music seem part of the heart beat of the youth and beauty that sway to its cadences. the master of arlington smiled at the memory of the young congressman's eloquence. surely it was only a flight of rhetoric. chapter ii phil had finally reached the boys' room after the dance, his head in a whirl of excitement. sleep was the last thing he wished. his imagination was on fire. he had heard of southern hospitality. he had never dreamed of such waste of good things, such joy in living, such genuine pleasure in the meeting of friends and kinfolks. custis had insisted on every boy staying all night. a lot of them had stayed. the wide rooms bulged with them. there were cots and pallets everywhere. he had seen the housemaids and the menservants carrying them in after the dance. their own room contained four beds and as many pallets, and they were all full. he tried to sleep and couldn't. he dozed an hour, waked at dawn and began day-dreaming. there was no sense of weariness. his mind was too alert. the great house, in which he was made to feel as much at home as in the quiet cottage of his mother in ohio, fascinated him with its endless menservants, housemaids, serving boys, cooks, coachmen and hostlers. he thought of the contrast with the quiet efficiency and simplicity of his mother's house. he could see her seated at the little table in the center of the room, a snow-white cap on her head. the work of the house had been done without a servant. it had been done so simply and quietly, he had never been conscious of the fact that it was work at all. it had seemed a ministry of love for her children. their help had been given with equal joy, unconscious of toil, her kitchen floor was always spotless, with every pot and pan and shining dish in its place as if by magic. he wondered how custis' mother could bear the strain of all these people. he wondered how she could manage the army of black servants who hung on her word as the deliverance of an oracle. he could hear the hum of the life of the place already awake with the rising sun. down in the ravine behind the house he caught the ring of a hammer on an anvil and closer in the sweep of a carpenter's plane over a board. a colt was calling to his mother at the stables and he could hear the chatter and cries of the stable boys busy with the morning feed. he rose, stepped gingerly beside the sleepers on the floor and stood by an open window. his mind was stirring with a curious desire to see the ghost that haunted this house, its spacious grounds and fields. he, too, had read _uncle tom's cabin_, and wondered. the ghost must be here hiding in some dark corner of cabin or field--the ghost of deathless longing for freedom--the ghost of cruelty--the ghost of the bloodhound, the lash and the auction block. somehow he couldn't realize that such things could be, now that he was a guest in a southern home and saw the bright side of their life. never had he seen anything brighter than the smiles of those negro musicians as they proudly touched their instruments: the violin, the banjo, the flute, the triangle and castanets, and watched the dancers swing through each number. there could be no mistake about the ring of joy in sam's voice. it throbbed with unction. it pulsed with pride. its joy was contagious. he caught himself glancing at his rolling eyes and swaying body. once he muttered aloud: "just look at that fool nigger!" but somewhere in this paradise of flowers and song birds, of music and dance, of rustling silk, of youth and beauty, the ghost of slavery crouched. in a quiet way he would watch for it to walk. he had to summon all his pride of section and training in the catch words of the north to keep from falling under the charm of the beautiful life he felt enfolding him. he no longer wondered why every northern man who moved south forgot the philosophy of the snows and became a child of the sun. he felt the subtle charm of it stealing into his heart and threw off the spell with an effort. a sparrow chirped under the window. a redbird flashed from a rosebush and a mocking bird from a huge magnolia began to softly sing his morning love song to his mate. he heard a yawn, turned and saw custis rubbing his eyes. "for heaven's sake, phil, why don't you sleep?" "tried and can't." "don't like your bed?" "too much excited." "one of those girls hooked you?" "no. i couldn't make up my mind. so many beauties they rattled me." "all right," custis said briskly. "let's get up and look around the old plantation." "good," phil cried. custis called jeb stuart in vain. he refused to answer or to budge. phil found his shoes at the door neatly blacked and the moment he began to stir a grinning black boy was at his heels to take his slightest order. "i don't want _any_thing!" he said at last to his dusky tormentor. "nuttin tall, sah?" "nuttin tall!" phil smiled at the eager, rolling eyes. "get out--you make me laugh--" the boy ducked. "yassah--des call me if ye wants me--i'se right outside de do'." the two cadets ate breakfast alone. the house was yet asleep--except the children. their voices could be heard on the lawn at play. they had been put to bed early, at eleven o'clock. they were up with the birds as usual. the sun was an hour high, shining the glory of a perfect september morning. the boys strolled on the lawn. the children were everywhere, playing in groups. little black and white boys mixed indiscriminately. robbie lee was playing rooster fight with sid, his boon companion. the little black boy born nearest his birthday was dedicated to be his friend, companion and body servant for life. phil paused to see the rooster fight. the boys folded their arms and flew at each other sideways, using their elbows as a rooster uses his spurs. robbie was pressing sid against the fence of the rose garden. sid's return blows lacked strength. robbie stamped his foot angrily. "come on now--no foolin'--fight! there's no fun in a fight, if you don't fight!" sid bucked up and flew at his enemy. robbie saw the two older boys watching and gave a star performance. as sid lunged at him with uplifted arms, and drew back to strike a stunning blow, robbie suddenly stooped, hurled his elbow under sid's arm, lifted him clear of the ground and he fell sprawling. robbie stood in triumph over the prostrate figure. phil laughed. "you got him that time, robbie!" robbie squared himself, raised his spurs and waited for sid to rise. sid was in no hurry. he had enough. he hadn't cried. but he was close to it. "ye needn't put up dem spurs at me no mo'." "come on again!" robbie challenged. "na, sah. i'se done dead. ye stick dat spur clean froo me. hit mighty nigh come out on de odder side!" "got enough?" the game was suddenly ended by a barefoot white boy approaching robbie. johnny doyle carried a dozen teal ducks, six in each hand. they were so heavy for his hands that their heads dragged the ground. robbie rushed to meet his friend. "oh, john, where'd you get the ducks?" "me and daddy killed 'em this mornin' at sun-up on the river." "why, the duck season isn't on yet, is it?" custis asked the boy. "no, sir, but daddy saw a big raft of teal swingin' into the bend of the river yesterday and we got up before daylight and got a mess." "you brought 'em to me, john?" robbie asked eagerly. "jes the same, robbie. dad sent 'em to colonel lee." "that's fine of your daddy, john," custis said, placing his hand on the little bare sunburnt head. "yessir, my daddy says colonel lee's the greatest man in this county and he's mighty proud to be his neighbor." "tell him my father will thank him personally before we leave and say for all that he has given us a treat." custis handed the ducks to sid. "take them to the kitchen and tell aunt hannah to have them for dinner, sure." sid started for the kitchen and robbie called after him: "hurry back, sid--" "yassah--right away, sah!" robbie seized john's hand. "you'll stay all day?" "i can't." "we're goin' fishin'--" "honest?" "sure. uncle ben's sick. but after dinner he's promised to take us. he's not too sick to fish." "i can't stay," the barefoot boy sighed. "come on. there's three bird's nests in the orchard. the second layin'. it ain't no harm to break up the second nest. birds've no business layin' twice in one season. we _ought_ to break 'em up." "i'm afraid i can't." his tone grew weaker and robbie pressed him. "come on. we'll get the bird's eggs and chase the calves and colts till the dinner bell rings, ride the horses home from the fields, and go fishin' after dinner and stay till dark." "no--" "come on!" john glanced up the road toward the big gate beyond which his mother was waiting his return. the temptation was more than his boy's soul could resist. he shook his head--paused--and grinned. "come on, sid, john's goin' with us," robbie called to his young henchman as he approached. "all right," john consented, finally throwing every scruple to the winds. "ma'll whip me shore, but, by granny, it'll be worth it!" the aristocrat slipped his arm around his chum and led him to the orchard in triumph. custis laughed. "he'd rather play with that little, poor white rascal than any boy in the country." "don't blame him," phil replied. "he may be dirty and ragged but he's a real boy after a real boy's heart. and the handsomest little beggar i ever saw--who is he?" "the boy of a poor white family, the doyles. they live just outside our gate on a ten-acre farm. his mother's trying to make him go to school. his father laughs and lets him go hunting and fishing." they were strolling past the first neat row of houses in the servants' quarters. phil thought of them as the slave quarters. yet he had not heard the word slave spoken since his arrival. these black people were "servants" and some of them were the friends and confidants of their master and his household. phil paused in front of a cottage. the yard flamed with autumn flowers. through the open door and windows came the hum of spinning wheels and the low, sweet singing of the dark spinners, spinning wool for the winter clothing of the estate. from the next door came the click and crash of the looms weaving the warm cloth. "you make your own cloth?" the westerner asked in surprise. "of course, for the servants. it takes six spinners and three weavers working steadily all year to keep up with it, too." "isn't it expensive?" "maybe. we never thought of it. we just make it. always have in our family for a hundred years." they passed the blacksmith's shop and saw him shoeing a blooded colt. phil touched the horse's nostrils with a gentle hand and the colt nudged him. "it's funny how a horse knows a horseman instinctively--isn't it, phil?" "yes. he knows i'm going to join the cavalry." they moved down the long row of whitewashed cottages, each with its yard of flowers and each with a huge pile of wood in the rear--wood enough to keep a sparkling fire through the winter. chubby-faced babies were playing in the sanded walks and smiling young mothers watched them from the doors. phil started to put a question, stammered and was silent. "what is it?" custis asked. "you'll pardon my asking it, old boy, but are these black folks married?" the southern boy laughed heartily. "i should say so. a negro wedding is one of the joys of a plantation boy's life." "but isn't it awful when they're separated?" "they're not separated." "never?" "not on this plantation. nor on any estate whose master and mistress are our friends. it's not done in our set." "you keep them when they're old, lazy and worthless?" "if they're married, yes. it's a luxury we never deny ourselves, this softening of the rigor of the slave regime. it's not business. but it's the custom of the country. to separate a husband and wife is an unheard-of thing among our people." the thing that impressed the westerner in those white rows of little homes was the order and quiet of it all. every yard was swept clean. there was nowhere a trace of filth or disease-breeding refuse. and birds were singing in the bushes beside these slave cottages as sweetly as they sang for the master and mistress in the pillared mansion on the hill. they passed the stables and paused to watch a dozen colts playing in the inclosure. beyond the stable under the shadows of great oaks was the dog kennel. a pack of fox hounds rushed to the gate with loud welcome to their young master. he stooped to stroke each head and call each dog's name. a wagging tail responded briskly to every greeting. in another division of the kennel romped a dozen bird-dogs, pointers and setters. the puppies were nearly grown and eager for the fields. they climbed over custis in yelping puppy joy that refused all rebuffs. phil looked in vain for the bloodhounds. he was afraid to ask about them lest he offend his host. custis had never seen a bloodhound and could not guess the question back of his schoolmate's silence. sam entered the inclosure with breakfast for the dogs. phil couldn't keep his eyes off the sunlit, ebony face. his smile was contagious. his voice was music. the westerner couldn't resist the temptation to draw him out. "you were certainly dressed up last night, sam!" "yer lak dat suit i had on, sah?" "it was a great combination." "yassah, dat's me, sah," the negro laughed. "i'se a great combination--yassah!" he paused and threw his head back as if to recall the words. then in a voice rich and vibrant with care-free joy he burst into song: "yassah!" "when i goes out ter promenade i dress so fine and gay i'm bleeged to take my dog along ter keep de gals away." again his laughter rang in peals of sonorous fun. they joined in his laugh. a stable boy climbed the fence and called: "don't ye want yer hosses, marse custis?" he was jealous of sam's popularity. custis glanced at phil. "sure. let's ride." "all right, ned--saddle them." the boy leaped to the ground and in five minutes led two horses to the gate. as they galloped past the house for the long stretch of white roadway that led across the river to the city, phil smiled as he saw jeb stuart emerge from the rose garden with mary lee. custis ignored the unimportant incident. chapter iii stuart led mary to a seat beneath an oak, brushed the dust away with his cap and asked her to honor him. he bowed low over her hand and dared to kiss it. she passed the gallant act as a matter of course and sat down beside him with quiet humor. she knew the symptoms. a born flirt, as every true southern girl has always been, she eyed his embarrassment with surprise. she knew that he was going to speak under the resistless impulse of youth and romance, and that no hearts would be broken on either side no matter what the outcome. she watched him indulgently. she had to like him. he was the kind of boy a girl couldn't help liking. he was vital, magnetic and exceptionally good looking. he sang and danced and flirted, but beneath the fun and foolishness slumbered a fine spirit, tender, reverent, deeply religious. it was this undercurrent of strength that drew the girl. he was always humming a song, his heart bubbling over with joy. he had never uttered an oath or touched a drop of liquor amid all the gaiety of the times in which he lived. "miss mary," he began slowly. "now jeb," she interrupted. "you don't _have_ to, you know--" stuart threw his head back, laughed, and sang a stanza from "annie laurie" in a low, tender voice. he paused and faced his fair tormentor. "miss mary, i've got to!" "you don't have to make love to me just because you're my brother's classmate--" "you know i'm not!" he protested. "you're about to begin." "but not for that reason, miss mary--" he held her gaze so seriously that she blushed before she could recover her poise. he saw his advantage and pressed it. "i'm telling you that i love you because you're the most adorable girl i've ever known." his boyish, conventional words broke the spell. "i appreciate the tribute which you so gallantly pay me, sir knight. but i happen to know that the moonlight, the music of a dance, the song of birds this morning and the beauty of the landscape move you, as they should. you're young. you're too good looking. you're fine and unspoiled and i like you, jeb. but you don't know yet what love means." "i do, miss mary, i do." "you don't and neither do i. you're in love with love. and so am i. it's the morning of life and why shouldn't we be like this?" "there's no hope?" he asked dolefully. "of course, there's hope. there's something fine in you, and you'll find yourself in the world when you ride forth to play your part. and i'll follow you with tender pride." "but not with love," he sighed. "maybe--who knows?" she smiled. "is that all the hope you can give me?" "isn't it enough?" he gazed into her serious eyes a moment and laughed with boyish enthusiasm. "yes, it is, miss mary! you're glorious. you're wonderful. you make me ashamed of my foolishness. you inspire me to do things. and i'm going to do them for your sake." "for your own sake, because god has put the spark in your soul. your declaration of love has made me very happy. we're too young yet to take it seriously. we must both live our life in its morning before we settle down to the final things. they'll come too soon." "i'm going to love you always, miss mary," he protested. "i want you to. but you'll probably marry another girl." "never!" "and i know you'll be her loyal knight, her devoted slave. it's a way our southern boys have. and it's beautiful." stuart studied the finely chiseled face with a new reverence. "miss mary, you've let me down so gently. i don't feel hurt at all." a sweet silence fell between them. a breeze blew the ringlets of the girl's hair across the pink of her cheek. a breeze from the garden laden with the mingled perfume of roses. a flock of wild ducks swung across the lawn high in the clear sky and dipped toward the river. across the fields came a song of slaves at work in the cornfield, harvesting the first crop of peas planted between the rows. stuart caught her hand, pressed it tenderly and kissed it. "you're an angel, miss mary. and i'm going to worship you, if you won't let me love you." the girl returned his earnest look with a smile and slowly answered: "all right, beauty stuart, we'll see--" chapter iv the dinner at night was informal. colonel lee had invited three personal friends from washington. he hoped in the touch of the minds of these leaders to find some relief from the uneasiness with which the reading of mrs. stowe's book had shadowed his imagination. the man about whom he was curious was stephen a. douglas of illinois, the most brilliant figure in the senate. in the best sense he represented the national ideal. a northern man, he had always viewed the opinions and principles of the south with broad sympathy. the new senator from georgia, on the other hand, had made a sensation in the house as the radical leader of the south. lee wondered if he were as dangerous a man as the conservative members of the whig party thought. toombs had voted the whig ticket, but his speeches on the rights of the south on the slavery issues had set him in a class by himself. mr. and mrs. pryor had spent the night of the dance at arlington and had consented to stay for dinner. douglas had captured the young virginia congressman. and mrs. douglas had become an intimate friend of mrs. pryor. when douglas entered the library and pressed lee's hand, the master of arlington studied him with keen interest. he was easily the most impressive figure in american politics. the death of calhoun and clay and the sudden passing of webster had left but one giant on the floor of the senate. they called him the "little giant." he was still a giant. he had sensed the approaching storm of crowd madness and had sought the age-old method of compromise as the safety valve of the nation. he had not read history in vain. he knew that all statesmanship is the record of compromise--that compromise is another name for reason. the declaration of independence was a compromise between the radicalism of thomas jefferson and the conservatism of the colonies. in the original draft of the declaration, jefferson had written a paragraph arraigning slavery which had been omitted: "he (the king of great britain) has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him; capturing and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the _christian_ king of great britain. determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce. and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting these very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another." this indictment of slavery and the slave trade was stricken from the declaration of independence in deference to the opposition of both northern and southern slave owners who held that the struggling young colonies must have labor at all hazards. lee knew that the constitution also was a compromise of conflicting interests. but for the spirit of compromise--of reason--this instrument of human progress could never have been created. the word "slave" or "slavery" does not occur within it, and yet three of its most important provisions established the institution of chattel slavery as the basis of industrial life. the statesmen who wrote the constitution did not wish these clauses embodied in it. yet the union could not have been established without them. our leaders reasoned, and reasoned wisely, that slavery must perish in the progress of human society, and, therefore, they accepted the compromise. there has never been a statesman in the history of the world who has not used this method of constructive progress. there will never be a statesman who succeeds who can use any other method in dealing with masses of his fellow men. douglas was the coming constructive statesman of the republic and all eyes were being focused on him. his life at the moment was the fevered center of the nation's thought. that his ambitions were boundless no one who knew the man doubted. that his patriotism was as genuine and as great all knew at last. lee studied every feature of his fine face. no eye could miss him in an assemblage of people, no matter how great the numbers. his compact figure was erect, aggressive, dominant. a personage, whose sense of power came from within, not without. he was master of himself and of others. he looked the lion and he was one. the lines of his face were handsome in the big sense, strong, regular, masculine. he drew young men as a magnet. his vitality inspired them. his stature was small in height, measured by inches, but of such dignity, power and magnetism that he suggested napoleon. he smiled into colonel lee's face and his smile lighted the room. every man and woman present was warmed by it. douglas had scarcely greeted mrs. lee and passed into an earnest conversation with the young congressman when robert toombs of georgia entered. toombs had become within two years the successor of john c. calhoun. he had the genius of calhoun, eloquence as passionate, as resistless; and he had all of calhoun's weaknesses. he called a spade a spade. he loathed compromise. three years before he had swept the floor and galleries of the house with a burst of impassioned eloquence that had made him a national figure. lifting his magnificent head he had cried: "i do not hesitate to avow before this house and the country, and in the presence of the living god, that if by your legislation you seek to drive us from the territory of california and new mexico, purchased by the blood of southern white people, and to abolish slavery in the district of columbia, thereby attempting to fix a national degradation upon half the states of this confederacy, _i am for disunion_. the territories are the common property of the united states. you are their common agents; it is your duty while they are in the territorial state to remove all impediments to their free enjoyment by both sections--the slave holder and the non-slave holder!" he was the man of iron will, of passionate convictions. he might lead a revolution. he could not compromise. his rapidly growing power was an ominous thing in the history of the south. lee studied his face with increasing fascination. in this gathering no man or woman thought of wealth as the source of power or end of life. no one spoke of it. office, rank, position, talent, beauty, charm, personality--these things alone could count. these men and women _lived_. they did not merely exist. they were making the history of the world and yet they refused to rush through life. their souls demanded hours of repose, of thought, of joy and they took them. toombs' pocket was stuffed with a paper-backed edition of a french play. it was his habit to read them in the original with keen enjoyment in moments of leisure. the hum of social life filled the room and strife was forgotten. douglas and toombs were boys again and lee was their companion. mary lee managed to avoid stuart and took her seat beside phil sheridan--not to tease her admirer but to give to her western guest the warmest welcome of the old south. she knew the dinner would be a revelation to phil and she would enjoy his appreciation. the long table groaned under the luxuries of the season. course succeeded course, cooked with a delicate skill unknown to the world of to-day. the oysters, fresh, fat, luscious, were followed by diamond-back terrapin stew as a soup. phil tasted it and whispered to his fair young hostess. "miss mary, what is this i'm eating?" "don't you like it?" "i never expected to taste it on earth. i've only dreamed about it on high." "it's only terrapin stew. we serve it as a soup." "the angels made it." "no, aunt hannah." "i won't take it back. angels only could brew this soup." the terrapin was followed by old virginia ham and turnip greens. and then came the turkey with chestnut stuffing and jellies. the long table, flashing with old china and silver, held the staples of ham and turkey as ornaments as well as dainties for the palate. the real delicacies were served later, the ducks which doyle had sent the colonel, and plate after plate of little, brown, juicy birds called sora, so tender and toothsome they could be eaten bones and all. when phil wound up with cakes and custards, apples, pears and nuts from the orchard and fields, his mind was swimming in a dream of luxury. and over it all the spirit of true hospitality brooded. a sense of home and reality as intimate, as genuine as if he sat beside his mother's chair in the little cottage in ohio. "lord save me," he breathed. "if i stay here long i'll have but one hope, to own a plantation and a home like this--" toombs sat on lee's right and douglas on his left. mr. and mrs. pryor occupied the places of honor beside mrs. lee. the colonel's keen eye studied douglas with untiring patience. to his rising star, the man who loved the union, was drawn as by a magnet. toombs, the whig, belonged to his own party, the aristocracy of brains and the inheritors of the right to leadership. he was studying toombs with growing misgivings. he dreaded the radicalism within the heart of the southern whig. his eye rested on sam, serving the food as assistant butler in ben's absence. in the kink of his hair, the bulge of his smiling lips, the spread of his nostrils, the whites of his rolling eyes, he saw the slave. he saw the mystery, the brooding horror, the baffling uncertainty, the insoluble problem of such a man within a democracy of self-governing freemen. he stood bowing and smiling over his guests, in shape a man. and yet in racial development a million years behind the wit and intelligence of the two leaders at his side. over this dusky figure, from the dawn of american history our fathers had wrangled and compromised. more than once he had threatened to divide or destroy the union. reason and the compromises of great minds had saved us. in sam he saw this grinning skeleton at his feast. he could depend on the genius of douglas when the supreme crisis came. he felt the quality of his mind tonight. but could douglas control the mob impulse of the north where such appeals as _uncle tom's cabin_ had gripped the souls of millions and reason no longer ruled life? there was the rub. there was no question of the genius of douglas. the question was could any leadership count if the mob, not the man, became our real ruler? the task of douglas was to hold the fanatic of the north while he soothed the passions of the radical of the south. henry clay had succeeded. but _uncle tom's cabin_ had not been written in his day. toombs was becoming a firebrand. his eloquence was doing in the south what mrs. stowe's novel was doing in the north--preparing the soil for revolution--planting gunpowder under the foundations of society. could these forces yet be controlled or were they already beyond control? chapter v after dinner, jeb stuart succeeded in separating mary from phil and began again his adoration. the men adjourned to the library to discuss the presidential campaign and weigh the chances of general scott against franklin pierce. the comment of toombs was grim in its sarcasm and early let him out of the discussion. "it doesn't matter in the least, gentlemen, who is elected in november," he observed. "there's nothing before the country as yet. not even an honest-to-god man." lee shook his head gravely. toombs parried his protest. "i know, colonel lee, you're fond of the old general. you fought with him in mexico. but--" he dropped his voice to a friendly whisper--"all the same, you know that what i say is true." he took a cigar from the mantel, lighted it and waved to the group. "i'll take a little stroll and smoke." custis took phil to the cottage of the foreman to see a night school in session. "you mean the overseer's place?" phil asked eagerly, as visions of simon legree flashed through his mind. "no--i mean uncle ike's cottage. he's the foreman of the farm. we have no white overseer." phil was shocked. he had supposed every southern plantation had a white overseer as slave driver with a blacksnake whip in his hand. a negro foreman was incredible. as a matter of fact there were more negro foremen than white overseers in the south. in uncle ike's cottage by the light of many candles the school for boys was in session. custis' brother "rooney," was the teacher. he had six pupils besides sam. not one of them knew his lesson to-night and rooney was furious. as phil and custis entered, he was just finishing a wrathful lecture. his pupils were standing in a row grinning their apologies. "i've told you boys for the last three weeks that i won't stand this. you don't have to go to school to me if you don't want to. but if you join my school you've got to study. do you hear me?" "yassah!" came the answer in solid chorus. "well, you'll do more than hear me to-night. you're going to heed what i say. i'm going to thrash the whole school." sam broke into a loud laugh. and a wail of woe came from every dusky figure. "dar now!" "hear dat, folks--?" "i been a tellin' ye chillun--" "i lubs my spellin' book--but, oh, dat hickory switch!" "oh, lordy--" "gib us anudder chance, marse rooney!" "not another chance," was the stern answer. "lay off your coats." they began to peel their coats. big, strapping, husky fellows nudging one another and grinning at their fourteen-year-old schoolmaster. it was no use to protest. they knew they deserved it. a whipping was one of the minor misfortunes of life. its application was universal. no other method of discipline had yet been dreamed by the advanced thinkers and rulers of the world. "spare the rod and spoil the child" was accepted as the word of god and only a fool could doubt it. the rod was the emblem of authority for child, pupil, apprentice and soldier. the negro slave as a workman got less of it than any other class. it was the rule of a southern master never to use the rod on a slave except for crime if it could be avoided. to flog one for laziness was the exception, not the rule. the old virginia gentleman prided himself particularly on the tenderness and care with which he guarded the life of his servants. if the weather was cold and his men exposed, he waited to see that they had dry clothes and a warm drink before they went to bed. he never failed to remember that his white skin could endure more than their sunburned dark ones. the young school-teacher had no scruples on applying the rod. he selected his switches with care, and tested their strength and flexibility while he gave the bunch a piece of his mind. "what do you think i'm coming down here every night for, anyhow?" he stormed. "lordy, marse rooney," sam pleaded, "doan we all pay you fur our schoolin'?" "yes, you do when i can manage to choke it out of you. one dozen eggs a month or one pullet every two months. and i don't even ask you where you got the eggs or the pullet." "marse rooney!" protested sam. "yer know we gets 'em outen our own yards er buys 'em from de servants." "i hope you do. though my mother says she don't know how we eat so many chickens and eggs at the house. anyhow i'm not here because i'm going to get rich on the tuition you pay me. i'm not here for my health. i'm here from a sense of duty to you boys--" "yassah, we know dat, sah!" "give us annuder chance an' we sho' study dem lessons--" "i gave you another chance the last time. i'll try a little hickory tea this time." he began at the end of the line and belabored each one faithfully. they shouted in mockery and roared with laughter, scampered over the room and dodged behind chairs and tables. phil fairly split his sides laughing. when the fun was over, they drew close to their teacher and promised faithfully to have every word of the next lesson. they nudged each other and whispered their jokes about the beating. "must er bin er flea bitin' me!" "i felt sumfin. don't 'zactly know what it wuz. mebbe a chigger!" "must er been a flea. hit bit me, too!" sam tried to redeem himself for failing on his lessons in arithmetic. he had long ago learned to read and write and had asked for a course in history. the young teacher had given him a copy of _gulliver's travels_. "look a here, marse rooney, i been a readin' dat book yer gimme--" "well, that's good." "yer say dat book's history?" "well, it's what we call fiction, but i think fiction's the very best history we can read. it may not have happened just that way but it's true all the same." "well, ef hit nebber happened, i dunno 'bout dat," sam objected. "i been suspicionin' fer a long time dat some o' dem things that gulliver say nebber happen nohow." "you read it," the teacher ordered. "yassah, i sho gwine ter read it, happen er no happen. glory be ter god. just 'cause yer tells me, sah!" chapter vi the next morning found phil walking again between the white, clean rows of the quarter houses. he was always finding something to interest him. every yard had its gorgeous red autumn flowers. some of them had roses in bloom. the walks from the gate to the door were edged with white-washed bricks or conch shells. the conch shells were souvenirs of summer outings at the seashore. in the corner of the back yard there was the tall pole on which were hung five or six dried gourds with tiny holes cut in the sides for the martins. and every gourd had its black family. the martins were the guardians of the servants' chicken yards. the hawks were numerous and the woods close to the quarters. few chickens were lost by hawks. the martins circled the skies in battalions, watching, chattering, guarding, basking in the southern sun. at noon the assembly bell rang at the end of the broadway of the quarters. from every cottage, from field and stable, blacksmith shop, carpenter's shop, the house of the spinners, the weavers, the dairy, the negroes poured toward the shed beside the bell tower. "what is it?" phil asked of custis. "saturday noon. all work stops." "my lord, it's been raining nearly all morning. the field hands haven't worked a lick all day. do they stop, too?" "it's the unwritten law of the south. we would no more think of working on saturday afternoon than on sunday." "what are they gathering under that shed for?" phil inquired. custis led him to the shed where ike, the foreman, stood with mrs. lee beside a long table on which were piled the provisions for the week to follow. the negroes laughed and chattered like a flock of blackbirds picking grain in a wheat field. to each head of a family was given six pounds of meat for each person. a father, mother and two children received twenty-four pounds. their bread was never rationed. the barrel in each cottage was filled from the grist mill, a bag full at a time. they had their own garden and flocks of chickens. sugar, coffee and molasses were given on the first of each month. "come right back here now all ob you!" ike shouted, "des ez quick ez yer put yo vittles away. de missis gwine gib ye yo' winter close now, case she gwine ter wes' pint next week." the provisions were swept from the long table. out of the storehouse came huge piles of clothing and blankets. each package was marked with the owner's name. to each pair, man and wife, or two children, was given a new wool blanket. this was, of course, added to the stock each house had already. a woolen blanket was good for ten years' wear. many a servant's house had a dozen blankets for each bed. besides the blankets, to every woman with a baby was given a quilted comfort. to each man, woman and child were allotted two complete woolen suits for the winter, a new pair of shoes and three pairs of stockings. in the spring two suits of cotton would be given for summer. the thrifty ones had their cedar chests piled with clothes. many had not worn the suits given out a year ago. the heads of large families trudged away with six or seven blankets, a comfort, and twenty suits of clothes. it sometimes took the father, mother and two of the children to carry the load. but the most amazing thing which phil saw was the sudden transformation of the shed into a market for the sale of slave produce to the mistress of arlington. mrs. lee had watched the distribution of clothes, blankets, quilts, shoes and stockings for the winter and then became the purchaser of all sorts of little luxuries which the slave had made in his leisure hours on saturday afternoons and at night. the little boys and girls sold her dried wild fruits. the women had made fine jellies. they all had chickens and eggs to sell to the big house. some had become experts in making peanut brittle and fudge. they not only sold their wares here, but they also sold them in the market in washington. the old men were expert basket and broom makers. the slaves made so much extra money on their chickens, peanuts, popcorn, fudge, brittle, molasses cakes, baskets, brooms, mats and taking in sewing, that they were able to buy many personal luxuries. phil observed one dusky belle already arrayed in a silk dress for the saturday afternoon outing with her beau. a few of them had their sunday dresses made by fashionable mantua makers in washington. in addition to the regular distribution of clothing, the household supplied to the servants in rapid succession everything worn by master, mistress, son or daughter. knowing that their clothes were being watched and guarded by longing eyes, they never wore them very long. mary lee was distributing a dozen dresses now to the girls. they had been made within the past year. phil observed sam arrayed in a swallowtail coat of immaculate cut stroll by with his best girl. she was dressed in silk with full hoop-skirts, ruffles, ribbons and flowers. sid annoyed sam by calling loudly: "doan yer stay too late ter dat party. ef ye do i'll hatter sing fur ye- "run, nigger, run, de patterole ketch you. nigger run, de nigger flew, de nigger loss his best ole shoe! run, nigger, run. run, nigger, run. run, nigger, run." sam waved his arm in a long laugh. "dey won't git me, chile. i'se er conjur man, i is!" phil had supposed the patrol of the mysterious mounted police of the south--the men who rode at night--were to the slave always a tragic terror. it seemed a thing for joke and ribald song. after lunch, the negroes entered on the afternoon's fun or work. the industrious ones plied their trades to earn money for luxuries. the boys who loved to fish and hunt rabbits hurried to the river and the fields. there was always a hound at their service for a rabbit hunt on saturday afternoons. some were pitching horse shoes. two groups began to play marbles. the marketing done for the house, the mistress of arlington, with medicine case in hand, started on her round of healing for body and mind. mary offered to go with her but the mother saw stuart hovering about and quietly answered: "no. you can comfort poor jeb. he looks disconsolate." into every cottage she moved, a quiet, ministering angel. every hope and fear of ailing young or old found in her an ear to hear, a heart to pity and an arm to save. if she found a case of serious illness, a doctor was called and a nurse set to watch by the bedside. every delicacy and luxury the big house held was at the command of the sufferer and that without stint. in all these clean flower-set cottages there was not a single crippled servant maimed in the service of his master. no black man or woman was allowed to do dangerous work. all dangerous tasks were done by hired white laborers. they were hired by the day under contract through their boss. even ditches on the farm if they ran through swamp lands infested by malaria, were dug by white hired labor. the master would not permit his slave to take such risks. but the most important ministry of the mistress of arlington was in the medicine for the soul which she brought to the life and character of each servant for whose training she had accepted responsibility. to her even the master proudly and loyally yielded authority. her sway over the servants was absolute in its spiritual power. into their souls in hours of trial she poured the healing and inspiration of a beautiful spirit. the mistress of arlington was delicate and frail in body. but out of her physical suffering the spirit rose to greater heights with each day's duty and service. this mysterious power caught the warm imagination of the negroes. they were "servants" to others. they were her _slaves_ and they rejoiced in the bond that bound them. they knew that her body had no rest from morning until far into the hours of the night if one of her own needed care. the master could shift his responsibility to a trained foreman. no forewoman could take her place. to the whole scheme of life she gave strength and beauty. the beat of her heart made its wheels go round. the young westerner studied her with growing admiration and pity. she was the mistress of an historic house. she was the manager of an estate. she was the counselor of every man, woman and child in happiness or in sorrow. she was an accomplished doctor. she was a trained nurse. she taught the hearts of men and women with a wisdom more profound and searching than any preacher or philosopher from his rostrum. she had mastered the art of dressmaking and the tailor's trade. she was an expert housekeeper. she lived at the beck and call of all. she was idolized by her husband. her life was a supreme act of worship--a devotion to husband, children, friends, the poor, the slave that made her a high-priestess of humanity. the thing that struck phil with terrific force was that this beautiful delicate woman was the slave of slaves. as a rule, they died young. he began to wonder how a people of the intelligence of these proud white southerners could endure such a thing as slavery. its waste, its extravagance, its burdens were beyond belief. he laughed when he thought of his mother crying over _uncle tom's cabin_. yet a new edition of a hundred thousand copies had just come from the press. early sunday morning custis asked him to go down to the quarters to see uncle ben, the butler, who had not yet resumed his duties. he had sent an urgent message to his young master asking him to be kind enough to call on sunday. the message was so formal and reserved custis knew it was of more than usual importance. they found the old man superintending a special breakfast of fried fish for two little boys, neatly served at a table with spotless cloth. robbie and his friend, john doyle, were eating the fish they had caught with uncle ben the day before. they were as happy as kings and talked of fish and fishing with the unction of veteran sportsmen. the greeting to custis was profound in its courtesy and reverence. he was the first born of the great house. he was, therefore, the prospective head of the estate. jeffersonian democrats had long ago abolished the old english law of primogeniture. but the idea was in the blood of the virginia planter. the servants caught it as quickly as they caught the other english traits of love of home, family, kin, the cult of leisure, the habit of church, the love of country. it was not an accident that the decisions of the courts of the old south were quoted by english barristers and accepted by english judges as law. the common law of england was the law of southern seaboard states. it always had been and it is to-day. "how is you dis mornin', marse custis?" ben asked with a stately bow. "fine, uncle ben. i hope you're better?" "des tolerble, sah, des tolerble--" he paused and bowed to phil. "an' dis is you' school-mate at wes' pint, dey tells me about?" "yes, uncle," phil answered. "i'se glad ter welcome yer ter arlington, sah. and i'se powerful sorry i ain't able ter be in de big house ter see dat yer git ebry thing ter make yer happy, sah. dese here young niggers lak sam do pooty well. but dey ain't got much sense, sah. and dey ain't got no unction'tall. dey do de best dey kin an' dat ain't much." "oh, i'm having a fine time, uncle ben," phil assured him. "praise de lord, sah." "sam told me you wanted to see me, uncle ben," custis said. "'bout sumfin mos' particular, sah--" "at your service." the old man waved to his wife to look after the boys' breakfast. "pile dem fish up on der plates, hannah. fill 'em up--fill'em up!" "we're mos' full now!" robbie shouted. "no we ain't," john protested. "i jis begun." ben led the young master and his friend out the back door, past the long pile of cord wood, past the chicken yard to a strong box which he had built on tall legs under a mulberry tree. it was constructed of oak and the neatly turned gable roof was covered with old tin carefully painted with three coats of red. a heavy hasp, staple and padlock held the solid door. ben fumbled in his pocket, drew forth his keys and opened it. the box was his fireproof and ratproof safe in which the old man kept his valuables. his money, his trinkets, his hammer and nails, augur and bits, screwdriver and monkeywrench. from the top shelf he drew a tin can. a heavy piece of linen tied with a string served as a cover. he carefully untied the string in silence. he shook the can. the boys saw that it was filled with salt of the coarse kind used to preserve meats. ben felt carefully in the salt, drew forth a shriveled piece of dark gristle, and held it up before his young master. "yer know what dat is, marse custis?" custis shook his head. from the old man's tones of deep emotion he knew the matter was serious. he thought at once of the hoodoo. but he could make out no meaning to this bit of preserved flesh. "never saw anything like it." "nasah. i spec yer didn't." ben pushed the gray hair back from his left ear. he wore his hair drawn low over the tips of his ears. it was a fad of his, which he never allowed to lapse. "see anything funny 'bout de top o' dat year, sah?" custis looked carefully. "it looks shorter--" "hit's er lot shorter. de top ob hit's clean gone, sah. dat's why i allus combs my ha'r down close over my years--" he paused and held up the piece of dried flesh. "an' dat's hit, sah." "a piece of your ear?" "hit sho is. ye see, sah, a long time ergo when i wuz young an' strong ez er bull, one er dese here uppish niggers come ter our house drivin' a carriage frum westover on de james, an' 'gin ter brag 'bout his folks bein' de bes' blood er ole virginia. an' man i tells him sumfin. i tells dat fool nigger dat de folks at westover wuz des fair ter midlin. dat _our_ folks wuz, an' allus wuz, de very fust fambly o' virginy! i tells him, dat marse robert's father was general light horse harry lee dat help general washington wid de revolution. dat he wuz de govenor o' ole virginy. dat he speak de piece at de funeral o' george washington, dat we all knows by heart, now-"'fust in war, fust in peace and fust in de hearts o' his countrymen.' "i tells him dat marse robert's mother wuz a carter. i tells him dat he could count more dan one hundred gemmen his kin. dat his folks allus had been de very fust fambly in virginy. i tells him dat he marry my missis, de gran' daughter o' ole gineral washington his-salf--an' en--" he paused. "an' den, what ye reckon dat fool nigger say ter me?" "couldn't guess." "he say general washington nebber had no children. and den man, man, when he insult me lak dat, i jump on him lak a wil' cat. we fought an' we fit. we fit an' we fought. i got him down an' bit one o' his years clean off smooth wid his head. in de las' clinch he git hol' er my lef year a'fo' i could shake him, he bit de top of hit off, sah. i got him by the froat an' choke hit outen his mouf. and dar hit is, sah." he held up the dried piece of his ear reverently. "and what do you want me to do with it, uncle ben?" custis asked seriously. "nuttin right now, sah. but i ain't got long ter live--" "oh, you'll be well in a few days, uncle ben." "i mought an' den agin i moughtent. i been lyin' awake at night worryin' 'bout dat year o' mine. ye see hit wouldn't do tall fur me ter go walkin' dem golden streets up dar in heben wid one o' my years lopped off lake a shoat er a calf dat's been branded. some o' dem niggers standin' on dat gol' sidewalk would laugh at me. an' dat would hurt my feelin's. some smart aleck would be sho ter holler, 'dar come ole ben. but he ain't got but one year!' dat wouldn't do, tall, sah." phil bit his lips to keep from laughing. he saw the thing was no joke for the old man. it was a grim tragedy. "what i wants ter axe, marse custis, is dat you promise me faithful, ez my young master, dat when i die you come to me, get dis year o' mine outen dis salt box an' stick hit back right whar it b'long 'fore dey nail me up in de coffin. i des can't 'ford ter walk down dem golden streets, 'fore all dat company, wid a piece er my year missin'. will ye promise me, sah?" custis grasped the outstretched hand and clasped it. "i promise you, uncle ben, faithfully." "den hit's all right, sah. when a lee make a promise, hit's des ez good ez done. i know dat case i know who i'se er talkin' to." he placed the piece of gristle back into the tin can, covered it with salt, tied the linen cover over it carefully, put it back on the shelf, locked the heavy oak door and handed custis the key. "i got annudder key. you keep dat one, please, sah." custis and phil left the old man more cheerful than he had been for days. chapter vii as the sun was sinking across the gray waters of the river, reflecting in its silver surface a riot of purple and scarlet, the master of arlington sat in thoughtful silence holding the fateful book of the slave in his hand. he had promised his friend, edmund ruffin, to give him an answer early next week as to a public statement. he was puzzled as to his duty. to his ready protest that he was not a politician his friend had instantly replied that his word would have ten times the weight for that reason. so deep was his brooding he did not notice the two boys in a heated argument at the corner of the house. robbie lee had drawn his barefoot friend, john, thus far. he had balked and refused to go farther. "come on, john," robbie pleaded. "i'm skeered." "scared of what?" "colonel lee." "didn't you come to see him?" "i thought i did." "well, didn't ye?" "yes." "come on, then!" "no--" "what you scared of him for?" "he's a great man." "but he's my papa." "he don't want to be bothered with little boys." "yes, he does, too. he hears everything i've got to say to him." "ain't you skeered of him?" "no!" robbie seized john's hand again and before he could draw back dragged him to his father's side. lee turned the friendliest smile on john's flushed face and won his confidence before a word was spoken. "well, robbie, what's your handsome little friend's name?" "john doyle, papa." "your father lives on the farm just outside our gate, doesn't he?" "yessir," the boy answered eagerly. his embarrassment had gone. but it was hard to begin his story. it had seemed easy at first, the need was so great. now it seemed that he had no right to make the request he had in his heart. he hung his head and dug his big toe in the gravel. robbie hastened to his rescue. "john wants to tell you something, papa," he began tenderly. "all right," lee cheerfully answered as he drew one boy within each arm and hugged them both. "what can i do for you, johnnie?" "i dunno, sir. i hope you can do somethin'." "i will, if i can. i like to do things for boys. i was a little boy once myself and i know exactly how it feels. what is it?" again the child hesitated. lee studied the lines of his finely molded face and neck and throat. a handsomer boy of ten he had never seen. he pressed his arm closer and held him a moment until he looked up with a tear glistening in his blue eyes. "tell me, sonny--" "my ma's been cryin' all day, sir, and i want to do somethin' to help her--" he paused and his voice failed. "what has she been crying about?" "we've lost our home, sir, and my daddy's drunk." "you've lost your home?" "yessir. the sheriff come this mornin'. and he's goin' to put us out. ma's most crazy. i ain't been a very good boy here lately--" "no?" "no, sir. i've been runnin' away and goin' fishin' and hurtin' my ma's feelin's and now i wish i hadn't done it. i heard her sayin' this mornin' while she wuz cryin', that you wuz the only man she knowed on earth who could help us. she was afeared to come to see you. and i slipped out to tell ye. i thought if i could get you to come to see us, maybe you could tell ma what to do and that would make up for my hurtin' her so when i run away from my lessons this week." the colonel gently pressed the boys away and rose with quick decision. "i'll ride right up, sonny, and see your mother." "will you, colonel lee?" the child asked with pathetic eagerness. "just as soon as i can have my horse saddled." lee turned abruptly into the house and left the boy dazed. he threw his arms around robbie, hugged him in a flash and was gone. up the dusty way to the gate the little bare feet flew to tell glad tidings to a lonely woman. she stood beside the window looking out on the wreck of her life in a stupor of wordless pain. she saw her boy leap the fence as a hound and rushed from the house in alarm to meet him. he was breathless, but he managed to gasp his message. "ma--ma--colonel lee's comin' to see you!" "to see me?" "yes'm. i told him we'd lost our home and he said he'd come right up. and he's comin', too--" the mother looked into the child's flushed face, saw the love light in his eyes and caught him to her heart. "oh, boy, boy, you're such a fine young one--my baby--as smart as a whip. you'll beat 'em all some day and make your poor old mother proud and happy." "i'm going to try now, ma--you see if i don't." "i know you will, my son." "i'll never run away again. you see if i do." the boy stopped suddenly at the sight of colonel lee swiftly approaching. "run and wash your face," the mother whispered, "and tell your brothers to put on clean shirts. i want them to see the colonel, too." the boy darted into the house. the woman looked about the yard to see if there were any evidences of carelessness. she had tried to keep it clean. the row of flowers that flamed in the beds beside the door was the finest in the county. she knew that. she was an expert in the culture of the prolific tall cosmos that blooms so beautifully in the indian summers of old virginia. a cur dog barked. "get under the house, sir!" she commanded. the dog continued to look down the road at the coming horseman. "get under the house, i say--" she repeated and the dog slowly obeyed. she advanced to meet her visitor. he hitched his horse to a swinging limb outside the gate and hurried in. no introduction was necessary. the colonel had known her husband for years and he had often lifted his hat to his wife in passing. he extended his hand and grasped hers in quick sympathy. "i'm sorry to learn of your great misfortune from your fine boy, mrs. doyle." the woman's eyes filled with tears in spite of her firm resolution to be dignified. "he _is_ a fine--boy--isn't he, colonel?" "one of the handsomest little chaps i ever saw. you should be proud of him." "i am, sir." she drew her figure a bit higher instinctively. the movement was not lost on the keen observer of character. he had never noticed before the distinction of her personality. in a simple calico dress, and forty years of age, she presented a peculiarly winsome appearance. her features were regular, and well rounded, the coloring of cheeks and neck and hands the deep pink of perfect health. her eyes were a bright glowing brown. they were large, soulful eyes that spoke the love of a mother. she might scold her husband if provoked. but those eyes could never scold a child. they could only love him into obedience and helpfulness. they were shining mother eyes. lee studied her in a quick glance before speaking. he knew instinctively that he could trust her word. "is there anything i can do, mrs. doyle?" "oh, i hope so, sir. my man's gone all to pieces to-day. he's good-hearted and kind if i do have to say it myself. but when the sheriff come to put us out, he just flopped and quit. and then he got drunk. i don't blame him much. if i hadn't been a woman and the mother of three fine boys and two as pretty little gals as the lord ever give to a woman, i reckon i'd a got drunk, too." she stopped, overcome with emotion and lee hastened to ask: "how did it happen, mrs. doyle?" "well, sir, you see, we hadn't quite paid for the place. you know it's hard with a big family of children on a little farm o' ten acres. it's hard to make a livin' let alone save money to pay for the land. but we wuz doin' it. we didn't have but two more payments to make when my man signed a note for his brother. his brother got sick and couldn't pay and they come down on us and we're turned out o' house and home. the sheriff's give us till wednesday to get out and we've nowhere to go--" a sob caught her voice. "don't say that, madame. no neighbor of mine will ever be without a home so long as i have a house with a roof on it." "thank you, colonel lee," she interrupted, "but you know i can't let my man be a renter and see my husband and my sons workin' other people's land like nigger slaves. i got pride. i jus' can't do it. i'd rather starve." "i understand, madame," lee answered. the two older boys came awkwardly out into the yard. one of them was fourteen years old and the other sixteen. the mother beckoned and they came to her with embarrassed step. her face lighted with pride in their stalwart figures and well-shaped, regular features. "here's my oldest boy, william, colonel lee." the colonel took the outstretched hand with cordial grasp. "i'm glad to know you, young man." "and glad to see you, sir," he stammered, blushing. "my next boy drury, sir. he ain't but fourteen but he's a grown man." drury flushed red but failed to make a sound. when they had moved away and leaned against the fence watching the scene out of the corner of an eye, the mother turned to the colonel and asked: "do you blame me if i'm proud of my boys, colonel?" "i do not, madame." "the lord made me a mother. all i know is to raise fine children and love 'em. my little gals is putty as dolls." john suddenly appeared beside her and pulled her skirt. "what's the matter?" she whispered. "pa's waked up. i told him colonel lee's here and he's washed his face and walks straight. shall i fetch him out, too?" "yes, run tell him to come quick." the boy darted back into the house. "johnnie's father wants to see you, colonel lee," the woman apologized. "i'll be glad to talk to him, madame." "he'll be all right now. your comin' to see us'll sober him. he'll be awful proud of the honor, sir." doyle emerged from the house and walked quickly toward the colonel. his head was high. he smiled a welcome to his guest and his step was straight, light and springing, as if he were not quite sure he could rest his full weight on one foot and tried to get them both down at the same time. lee's face was a mask of quiet dignity. the tragedy in the woman's heart made the more pathetic the comedy of the half-drunken husband. besides, he was philosopher enough to know that more than half the drunkenness of the world was the pitiful effort to smother a heartache. the man's smile was a peculiarly winning one. his face was covered with a full growth of blond beard cut moderately long. he never shaved. his wife trimmed his beard in the manner most becoming to the shape of his head, the poise of his neck and evenly formed shoulders. he wore his hair full long and it curled about his neck in a deep blond wave. he might have posed for the model of hoffman's famous picture of christ. his eyes, a clear blue, were the finest feature of his personality. in spite of his lack of education, in spite of his shabby clothes, in spite of the smell of liquor he was a personality. his clean, high forehead, his aquiline nose, his straight eyebrows, his fair skin, his tall figure spoke the heritage of the great nordic race of men. the race whose leaders achieved the civilization of rome, conquered europe and finally dominated civilization. the difference between this man and the leader who wore the uniform of a colonel was not in racial stock. it was purely an accident of the conditions of birth and training. behind lee lay two hundred years of wealth and culture. the poorer man was his kinsman of the centuries. the world had not been kind to him. he had lost the way of material success. perhaps some kink in his mind, a sense of comedy, a touch of the old wanderlust of the ages. lee wondered what had kept him poor as he looked at the figure approaching. it was straight and fine in spite of the liquor. doyle's brain was just clear enough to realize that he had been highly honored in a call from the foremost citizen of virginia. his politeness was extreme. and it was true. it was instinctive. it leaped from centuries of racial inheritance. "we're proud of the honor you've done us, colonel lee," he announced. he grasped the extended hand with a cordial, dignified greeting. "i only hope i can be of some service to you and your family, mr. doyle." "i'm sure you can, sir. won't you come in, colonel?" "thank you, it's so pleasant outside, we'll just sit down by the well, if you don't mind." "yessir. all right, sir." lee moved slowly toward the platform of the well with its old oaken bucket and tall sweep. his wife threw a warning at her husband under her breath. "don't you say nothin' foolish now--" "i won't." "your tongue's too long when it gets to waggin'." "i'll mind, ma," he smiled. the woman called softly to her distinguished guest: "you'll excuse me, colonel, while i look after the supper. i'll be back in a minute." "certainly, madame." he could not have bowed with graver courtesy to the wife of stephen a. douglas. "have a seat here on the well, colonel," doyle invited. lee took his seat on the weather-beaten oak boards. doyle turned his foot on a rounded stone and set down a little ungracefully in spite of his effort to be fully himself. he saw at once his misstep and hastened to apologize. "i'm sorry, colonel, you've caught me with the smell of liquor, sir--" he paused and looked over his garden in an embarrassed way. "i know what has happened to you, mr. doyle, and you have my deepest sympathy." "thank you, sir." "i might have done the same thing if i'd been in your position. though, of course, liquor won't help things for you." doyle smiled around the corners of his blue eyes. "no, sir, except while it's a swimmin' in the veins. then for a little while you're great and rich and you don't care which a way the wind blows." "the farm is lost beyond hope?" "yessir, clean gone--world without end." "you had a lawyer?" "the best in the county, old jim randolph. i didn't have no money to pay him. he said we'd both always voted the whig ticket and he'd waive his retainer. i didn't know what he was wavin', but anyhow he tuck my case. and i will say he put up a nasty fight for me. he made one of the greatest speeches i ever heared in my life. hit wuz mighty nigh worth losin' the farm ter hear him tell how i'd been abused and how fine a feller i wuz. an' when he los' the case, he cussed the judge, he cussed the jury, he cussed the lawyers. he swore they was all fools and didn't know the first principles er law nohow. i sho enjoyed the fight, ef i did lose it. i couldn't pay him nothin' yet. but i did manage to get him a gallon of the best apple brandy i ever tasted." "what do you think of doing?" "i ain't had time ter think, sir. i don't think fast nohow and the first thing i had to do when i come home and tole the ole 'oman and she bust out cryin'--wuz ter get drunk. somehow i couldn't stand it." "you've never learned a trade?" "no sir--nothin' 'cept farmin'. i said to myself--what's the use? these damned nigger slaves have learned all the trades. they say in the old days, they wuz just servants in the house and stables, and field hands. now they've learnt _all_ the trades. they're mechanics, blacksmiths, carpenters, wagon makers and everything. what chance has a poor white man got agin 'em? they don't have to worry about nothin'. they have everything they need before they lift their hands to do anything. they got plenty to eat for themselves and their families, no matter how many children they have. all they can eat, all they can wear, a warm house and a big fire in the winter. i have to fight and scratch to keep a roof over my head, wood in my fireplace, clothes on my back and somethin' to eat on my table. how can i beat the slave at a trade? tain't no use to try. ef you want to build a house, your own carpenters can do it. and if you haven't enough slave carpenters of your own, your neighbors have. they can hire 'em to you cheaper than i can work and live. they're goin' to _live_ anyhow. that's settled because they're slaves. they're worth twelve hundred dollars apiece. their life is precious. mine don't count. i got to look after that myself and i got to look after my wife and children, too. hit ain't right, colonel, this slavery business. you know that as well as i do. i've heard you say it, too--" "i agree with you, mr. doyle. but if we set them all free to-morrow, and you had to compete with their labor, you couldn't live down to their standard of wages, could you?" "no, i couldn't. they would kill me at that game, too. that's why i hate a free nigger worse than a slave--" he paused and his face knotted with fury. "damn 'em all--why are they here anyhow?" "come, come, my friend," lee protested. "it doesn't help to swear about it. they _are_ here. not by any wish of mine or of yours. we inherited this curse from the past. we have clung to old delusions while our smart yankee friends have shifted the responsibilities on others." "what _can_ i do, colonel?" doyle asked desperately. "i don't know how to do anything but farm. i can't go into the fields and work with slaves as a field hand. and i couldn't get such work to do if i'd do it. i'll die before i'll come down to it. i might rent a little farm alongside of a free nigger. but he can beat me at that game. he can live on less and work longer hours than i do. he'll underbid me as a cropper. he can live and pay the owner four-fifths of the crop. i'd starve. what am i goin' to do?" "had you thought of moving west into one of the new territories just opening?" "yessir. i'd thought of it. but how am i goin' to get there with a wife and five children?" lee rose and looked about the place thoughtfully. "how much could you realize from the sale of your things?" doyle scratched his head doubtfully. "i ain't got no idee, sir. i'm afraid not much. ye see it's just home stuff. the old 'oman's awful smart. she raises enough chickens and turkeys and ducks and guineas to eat, and she sells a few eggs and young chickens and turkeys when they brings anything in the market. i got six sheep, a cow, a calf, a mule, a couple o' pigs in the pen. but they won't bring much money. ye see i never felt so poor ez long ez i had a _home_ where i can live independent like. that house ain't much, sir. but you ain't no idea how deep down in my heart it's got." he paused and looked at it. the colonel followed his gaze. it was a small frame structure standing in a yard filled with trees. a one-story affair with a sharp, gabled attic. two dormer windows projected from the high roof and a solid brick chimney at each end gave it dignity. a narrow porch came straight out from the front door. on either side of the porch were built wooden benches and behind them on a lattice grew a luxuriant rambler rose. it was still blooming richly in the warm september sun. "ye see, sir," doyle went on, "what we've got that's worth havin' can't be sold. i love the smell o' them roses. i wake up in the night and the breeze brings it in the window and it puts me to sleep like an old song my mother used to sing when i was a little shaver--" he stopped short. "i didn't mean to snivel, sir." "i understand, my friend. no apologies are necessary." "and that big scuppernong grape vine out there in the garden--i couldn't sell that. i planted it fifteen years ago. folks told us we was too fur north here fur it to grow good. but i knowed better. you can see its covered a place as big ez the house. and you can smell them ripe grapes a hundred yards before ye get to the gate. i make a little wine outen 'em. we have 'em to eat a whole month. that garden keeps us goin' winter and summer. you see them five rows of flat turnips and the ruttabaggers beside 'em? i've cabbage enough banked under them pine tops to make a fifty-gallon barrel o' kraut and give us cabbage with our bacon all winter. we've got turnip greens, onions and collards. i've got corn and wheat in my crib and bacon enough to last me till next year. i raise the finest watermelons and mushmelons in the county and it ain't much trouble to live here. i never knowed how well off i wuz till the sheriff come and told me i had to go." "you're in the prime of life. you can go to a new country and begin over again. why not?" "if i could get there. i reckon i could." he stopped short as his wife appeared by his side. she had heard colonel lee's last question. "of course, you can begin over again. haven't we got three of the finest boys the lord ever give a mother? they ain't got no chance here nohow. my baby boy's one o' the smartest youngsters in the county. ef old andy jackson wuz a poor boy an' got ter be president, he might do the same thing ef we give him a chance--" "yes, i reckon we could, ef we had a chance," doyle agreed doubtfully. "but it would be a hard pull to leave my ole virginy home. you know that would pull you, colonel--now wouldn't it?" "yes, it would," was the earnest answer. "you see i wuz born in this country an' me daddy before me. i like it here. i like the feel of the air in the fall. there's a flock o' ducks now circlin' over that bend o' the river. the geese are comin'. i heard 'em honk high up in the sky last night. i like my oysters and terrapin. i like to shoot ducks and geese, rabbits and quail. i like the smell o' the water. i like the smell o' these fields. i like the way the sun shines and the winds blow down here. it's in my blood." "but you'll go if you can get away," his wife interrupted cheerfully. two little girls timidly drew near. their faces were washed clean and their shining blonde hair gleamed in circles of golden light as the rays of the setting sun caught it. lee smiled, took them both in his arms and kissed them. a tear softened his eyes as he placed them on the ground. "you're darling little dolls. no wonder your mother loves you." "run back in the house now, honeys," the mother said. the children slowly obeyed, glancing back at the great man who had kissed them. they wondered why their daddy hadn't kissed them oftener. "what do you think we ought to do, colonel lee?" the woman asked eagerly. "i can tell you what i would do, madame, in your place--" "what?" the husband and wife spoke the word in chorus. "i'd go west and begin again." "but how'm i goin' to get away, sir?" the man asked blankly. "sell your things for the best price you can get and i'll loan you the balance of the money you'll need." "will you, sir?" the woman gasped. "i ain't got no security for ye, colonel--" doyle protested. "you are my friend and neighbor, mr. doyle. you're in distress. you don't need security. i'll take your note, sir, without endorsement." "glory to god!" the mother cried with face uplifted in a prayer of thanksgiving. doyle couldn't speak for a moment. he looked out over the roadway and got control of his feelings before trying. there was a lump in his throat which made his speech thick when at last he managed to grasp lee's hand. "i dunno how to thank you, sir." "it will be all right, mr. doyle. look after the sale of your things and i'll find out the best way for you to get there and let you know." he mounted his horse and rode away into the fading sunset as they watched him through dimmed eyes. chapter viii lee had promised edmund ruffin his answer early in the week. ruffin had just ridden up the hill and dismounted. mrs. marshall, the colonel's sister, on a visit from baltimore, fled at his approach. "excuse me, mary," she cried to mrs. lee. "i just can't stand these ranting fire-eating politicians. they make me ill. i'll go to my room." she hurried up the stairway and left the frail mistress of the house to meet her formidable guest. ruffin was the product of the fierce abolition crusade. hot-tempered, impulsive, intemperate in his emotions and their expression, he was the perfect counterpart of the men who were working night and day in the north to create a condition of mob feeling out of which a civil conflict might grow. _uncle tom's cabin_ had set him on fire with new hatreds. his vocabulary of profanity had been enlarged by the addition of every name in the novel. he had been compelled to invent new expressions to fit these characters. he damned them individually and collectively. he cursed each trait of each character, good and bad. he cursed the good points with equal unction and equal emphasis. in fact the good traits in mrs. stowe's people seemed to carry him to greater heights of wrath and profanity than the bad ones. he dissected each part of each character's anatomy, damned each part, put the parts together and damned the collection. and then he damned the whole story, characters, plot and scenes to the lowest pit and cursed the devil for not building a lower one to which he might consign it. and in a final burst of passion he always ended by damning himself for his utter inability to express _anything_ which he really felt. with all his ugly language, which he reserved for conversation with men, he was the soul of consideration for a woman. mrs. lee had no fear of any rude expression from his lips. she didn't like him because she felt in his personality the touch of mob insanity which the slavery question had kindled. she dreaded this appeal to blind instinct and belief. with a woman's intuition she felt the tragic possibility of such leadership north and south. she saw his leonine head and shaggy hair silhouetted against the red glow of the west with a shiver at its symbolism, but met him with the cordial greeting which every southern woman gave instinctively to the friend of her husband. "come in, mr. ruffin," she welcomed. he bowed over her hand and spoke in the soft drawl of the southern planter. "thank you, madame. i'm greatly honored in having you greet me at the door." "colonel lee is expecting you." the planter drew himself up with a touch of pride and importance. "yes'm. i sent him word i would be here at three. i was detained in washington. but i succeeded in convincing the editor of _the daily globe_ that my mission was one of grave importance. i not only desire to wish colonel lee god-speed on his journey to west point and congratulate him on the honor conferred on virginia by his appointment to the command of our cadets--but--" he paused, smiled and glanced toward the portico, as if he were holding back an important secret. mrs. lee hastened to put him at his ease. "you can trust my discretion in any little surprise you may have for the colonel." ruffin bowed. "i'm sure i can, madame. i'm sure i can." he dropped his voice. "you know perhaps that i sent him a few days ago a scurrilous attack on the south by a yankee woman--a new novel?" "he received it." "has he read it?" "carefully. he has read it twice." "good!" the planter breathed deeply, squared his shoulders and paced the floor with a single quick turn. he stopped before mrs. lee and spoke in sharp emphasis. "i'm going to spring a little surprise on the public, madame! a sensation that will startle the country, and god knows we need a little shaking just now--" he paused and whispered. "i'm so sure of what the colonel will say that i've brought a reporter from the washington _daily globe_ with me--" mrs. lee lifted her hand in dismay. "he is here?" "he is seated on the lawn just outside, madame," ruffin hastened to reassure her. "i thought at the last moment i'd better have him wait until i received colonel lee's consent to the interview." "i'm glad you did." "oh, it will be all right, i assure you!" "he might not wish to see a reporter--" "so i told the young man." "i'm afraid--" "i'll pave the way, madame. i'll pave the way. colonel lee and i are life-long friends. will you kindly announce me?" "the colonel has just ridden up to the stables to give some orders about his horses. he'll be here in a moment." lee stepped briskly into the room and extended his hand. "it's you, ruffin. my apologies. i was called out to see a neighbor. i should have been here to receive you." "no apologies, colonel, mrs. lee has been most gracious." the mistress of the house smiled. "make yourself at home, mr. ruffin. i shall hope to see you at dinner." ruffin stood respectfully until mrs. lee had disappeared. "pray be seated," lee invited. ruffin seated himself on the couch and watched his host keenly. lee took a cigar from the mantel and offered it. "a cigar, ruffin?" "thanks." "now make yourself entirely at home, my good friend." the planter lighted the cigar, blew a long cloud of smoke and settled in his seat. "i'm glad to learn from mrs. lee that you have read the book i sent you--the abolitionist firebrand." "yes." lee quietly walked to the mantel and got the volume. "i have it here." he turned the leaves thoughtfully. ruffin laughed. "and, what do you think of it?" the colonel was silent a moment. "well, for those who like that kind of book--it's the kind of book they will like." "exactly!" ruffin cried, slapping his knee with a blow that bruised it. "and you're the man in all the south to tell the fool who likes that sort of book just how big a fool he is!" lee opened the volume again and turned the pages slowly. "ruffin, i don't read many novels--" he paused as if in deep study. "but this one i have read twice." "i'm glad you did, sir," the planter snapped. "and i must confess it stunned me." "stunned you?" "yes." "how?" "when i finished reading it, i felt like the overgrown boy who stubbed his toe. it hurt too bad to laugh. and i'm too big to cry." "you amaze me, sir." "that's the way i feel, my friend." he paused, walked to the window, and gazed out at the first lights that began to flicker in the windows of the capitol across the river. "that book," he went on evenly, "is an appeal to the heart of the world against slavery. it is purely an appeal to sentiment, to the emotions, to passion, if you will--the passions of the mob and the men who lead mobs. and it's terrible. as terrible as an army with banners. i heard the throb of drums through its pages. it will work the south into a frenzy. it will make millions of abolitionists in the north who could not be reached by the coarser methods of abuse. it will prepare the soil for a revolution. if the right man appears at the right moment with a lighted torch--" "that's just why, sir, as the foremost citizen of virginia, you must answer this slander. i have brought a reporter from the _globe_ with me for that purpose. shall i call him," "a reporter from a daily paper with a circulation of fifteen thousand?" "your word, colonel lee, will be heard at this moment to the ends of the earth, sir!" "in a newspaper interview?" "yes, sir." "nonsense." "it's your character that will count." "such an answer would be a straw pitched against a hurricane. i am told that this book has already reached a circulation of half a million copies and it has only begun. that means already three million readers. to answer this book my pen should be better trained than my sword--" "it is, sir, if you'll only use it." "the south has only trained swords. and not so many of them as we think. we have no writers. we have no literature. we have no champions in the forum of the world's thought. we are being arraigned at the judgment bar of mankind and we are dumb. it's appalling." "that's why you must speak for us. speak in our defense. speak with a tongue of flame--" "i am not trained for speech, ruffin. and the pen is mightier than the sword. i've never realized it before. the south will soon have the civilized world arraigned against her. the north with a thousand pens is stirring the faiths, the prejudices and the sentiments of the millions. this appeal is made in the face of history, reason and law. but its force will be as the gravitation of the earth, beyond the power of resistance, unless we can check it in time." "when it comes to resistance," ruffin snapped, "that's another question. the yankees are a race of damned cowards and poltroons, sir. they won't fight." lee shook his head gravely. "i've been in the service more than a quarter of a century, my friend. i've seen a lot of yankees under fire. i've seen a lot of them die. and i know better. your idea of a yankee is about as correct as the northern notion of southern fighters. a notion they're beginning to exploit in cartoons which show an effeminate lady killer with an umbrella stuck in the end of his musket and a negro mixing mint juleps for him." "we've got to denounce those slanders. i'm a man of cool judgment and i never lose my temper--" he leaped to his feet purple with rage. "but, by god, sir, we can't sit quietly under the assault of these narrow-minded bigots. you must give the lie to this infamous book!" "how can i, my friend?" "doesn't she make heroes of law breakers?" "surely." "is there no reverence for law left in this country?" "in courts of justice, yes. but not in the courts of passion, prejudice, beliefs, sentiment. the writers of sentiment sing the praises of law breakers--" "but there can be no question of the right or wrong of this book. it is an infamous slander. i deny and impeach it!" "i'm afraid that's all we can do, ruffin--deny and impeach it. when we come down to brass tacks we can't answer it. from their standpoint the north is right. from our standpoint we are right, because our rights are clear under the constitution. slavery is not a southern institution; it is a national inheritance. it is a national calamity. it was written into the constitution by all the states, north and south. and if the north is ignorant of our rights under the laws of our fathers, we have failed to enlighten them--" "we won't be dictated to, sir, by a lot of fanatics and hypocrites." "exactly, we stand on our dignity. we deny and we are ready to fight. but we will not argue. as an abstract proposition in ethics or economics, slavery does not admit of argument. it is a curse. it's on us and we can't throw it off at once. my quarrel with the north is that they do not give us their sympathy and their help in our dilemma. instead they rave and denounce and insult us. they are even more responsible than we for the existence of slavery, since their ships, not ours, brought the negro to our shores. slavery is an outgrown economic folly, a bar to progress, a political and social curse to the white race. it must die of its own weakness, south, as it died of its own weakness, north. it is now in the process of dying. the south has freed over three hundred thousand slaves by the voluntary act of the master. if these appeals of the mob leader to the spirit of the mob can be stopped, a solution will be found." "it will never be found in the ravings of abolitionists." "nor in the hot tempers of our southern partisans, ruffin. look in the mirror, my good friend. chattel slavery is doomed because of the superior efficiency of the wage system. morals have nothing to do with it. the captain of industry abolished chattel slavery in the north, not the preacher or the agitator. he established the wage system in its place because it is a mightier weapon in his hand. it is subject to but one law. the iron law of supply and demand. labor is a commodity to be bought and sold to the highest bidder. and the highest bidder is at liberty to bid lower than the price of bread, clothes, fuel and shelter, if he chooses. this system is now moving southward like a glacier from the frozen heart of the northern mountains, eating all in its path. it is creeping over maryland, kentucky, missouri. it will slowly engulf virginia, north carolina and tennessee and the end is sure. its propelling force is not moral. it is soulless. it is purely economic. the wage earner, driven by hunger and cold, by the fear of the loss of life itself--is more efficient in his toil than the care-free negro slave of the south, who is assured of bread, of clothes, of fuel and shelter, with or without work. slavery does not admit of argument, my friend. to argue about it is to destroy it." "i disagree with you, sir!" ruffin thundered. "i know you do. but you can't answer this book." "it can be answered, sir." lee paced the floor, his arms folded behind his back, paused and watched ruffin's flushed face. he shook his head again. "the book is unanswerable, because it is an appeal to emotion based on a study of slavery in the abstract. if no allowance be made for the tender and humane character of the southern people or the modification of statutory law by the growth of public sentiment, its imaginary scenes are within the bounds of the probable. the story is crude, but it is told with singular power without a trace of bitterness. the blind ferocity of garrison, who sees in every slaveholder a fiend, nowhere appears in its pages. on the other hand, mrs. stowe has painted one slaveholder as gentle and generous. simon legree, her villain, is a yankee who has moved south and taken advantage of the power of a master to work evil. such men have come south. such things might be done. it is precisely this possibility that makes slavery indefensible. you know this. and i know it." "you astound me, colonel." "yes, i'm afraid i do. i'd like to speak a message to the south about this book. i've a great deal more to say to my own people than to our critics." ruffin rose, thrust his hands in his pockets, walked to the window, turned suddenly and faced his host. "but look here, colonel lee, i'm damned if i can agree with you, sir! suppose slavery _is_ wrong--an economic fallacy and a social evil--i don't say it is, mind you. just suppose for the sake of argument that it is. we don't propose to be lectured on this subject by our inferiors in the north. the children of the men who stole these slaves from africa and sold them to us at a profit!" lee laughed softly. "the sins of an inferior cannot excuse the mistakes of a superior. the man of superior culture and breeding should lead the world in progress. what has come over us in the south, ruffin? your father and mine never defended slavery. they knew it was to them, their children and this land, a curse. it was a blessing only to the savage who was being taught the rudiments of civilization at a tremendous cost to his teacher. the first abolition societies were organized in the south. washington, jefferson, madison, monroe, randolph, all the great leaders of the old south, the men whose genius created this republic--all denounced slavery. they told us that it is a poison, breeding pride and tyranny of character, that it corrupts the mind of the child, that it degrades labor, wears out our land, destroys invention, and saps our ideal of liberty. and yet we have begun to defend it." "because we are being hounded, traduced and insulted by the north, yes--" "yes, but also because we must have more land." "we've as much right in the west as the north." "that's not the real reason we demand the right of entry. we are exhausting the soil of the south by our slipshod farming on great plantations where we use old-fashioned tools and slave labor. we refuse to study history. ancient empires tried this system and died. the carthagenians developed it to perfection and fell before the romans. the romans borrowed it from carthage. it destroyed the small farms and drove out the individual land owners. it destroyed respect for trades and crafts. it strangled the development of industrial art. and when the test came roman civilization passed. you hot-heads under the goading of abolition crusaders now blindly propose to build the whole structure of southern society on this system." "we've no choice, sir." "then we must find one. slowly but surely the clouds gather for the storm. we catch only the first rumblings now but it's coming." ruffin flared. "now listen to me, colonel. i'm a man of cool judgment and i never lose my temper, sir--" he choked with passion, recovered and rushed on. "if they ever dare attack us, we won't need _writers_. we'll draw our swords and thrash them! the south is growing rich and powerful." lee lifted his hand in a quick gesture of protest. "a popular delusion, my friend. under slave labor the south is growing poorer daily. while the northern states, under the wage system, ten times more efficient, are draining the blood and treasure of europe and growing richer by leaps and bounds. norfolk, richmond and charleston should have been the great cities of the eastern seaboard. they are as yet unimportant towns in the world commerce. boston, philadelphia and new york have become the centers of our business life, of our trade, our culture, our national power. while slavery is scratching the surface of our soil with old-fashioned plows, while we quit work at twelve o'clock every saturday, spend our sundays at church, and set two negroes to help one do nothing monday morning, the north is sweeping onward in the science of agriculture. while they invent machines which double their crops, cut their labor down a hundred per cent, we are fighting for new lands in the west to exhaust by our primitive methods. the treasures of the earth yet lie in our mines untouched by pick or spade. our forests stand unbroken--vast reaches of wilderness. the slave is slow and wasteful. wage labor, quick, efficient. our chief industry is the breeding of a race of feverish politicians." "you know, colonel lee, as well as i do that slavery in the south has been a blessing to the negro." lee moved his head in quick assent. "i admit that slavery took the negro from the jungle, from a slavery the most cruel known to human history, that it has taught him the use of tools, the science of agriculture, the worship of god, the first lessons in the alphabet of humanity. but unless we can now close this school, my friend, somebody is going to try to divide this union some day--" ruffin struck his hands together savagely. "the quicker the better, i say! if the children of the men who created this republic are denied equal rights under its laws and in its territories, then i say, to your tents, oh, israel!" "and do you know what that may mean?" "a southern and a northern nation. let them come!" "the states have been knit together slowly, but inevitably by steam and electricity. i can conceive of no greater tragedy than an attempt to-day to divide them." "i can conceive of no greater blessing!" ruffin fairly shouted. "so william lloyd garrison, the leader of abolition, is saying in his paper _the liberator_. and, ruffin, unless we can lock up some hot-heads in the south and such fanatics as garrison in the north, the mob, not the statesman, is going to determine the laws and the policy of this country. somebody will try to divide the union. and then comes the deluge! when i think of it, the words of thomas jefferson ring through my soul like an alarm bell in the night. 'i tremble for my country when i reflect that god is just and that his justice cannot sleep forever. nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than these black people shall be free--'" ruffin lifted his hand in a commanding gesture. "don't omit his next sentence, sir--'nor is it less certain, that the two races, equally free, cannot live under the same government--'" "exactly," lee answered solemnly. "and that is the only reason why i have ever allowed myself to own a slave for a moment--the insoluble problem of what to do with him when freed. the one excuse for slavery which the south can plead without fear before the judgment bar of god is the blacker problem which their emancipation will create. unless it can be brought about in a miracle of patience, wisdom and prayer." he paused and smiled at ruffin's forlorn expression. "will you call your reporter now to take my views?" "no, sir," the planter growled. "i've changed my mind." the colonel laughed softly. "i thought you might." ruffin gazed in silence through the window at the blinking lights in washington, turned and looked moodily at his calm host. he spoke in a slow, dreamy monotone, his eyes on space seeing nothing: "colonel lee, this country is hell bent and hell bound. i can see no hope for it." lee lifted his head with firm faith. "ruffin, this country is in god's hands--and he will do what's right--" "that's just what i'm afraid, sir!" ruffin mused. "oh, no--i--don't mean that exactly. i mean that we must anticipate--" "the wisdom of god?" "that we must prepare to meet our enemies, sir." "i agree with you. and i'm going to do it. i've been doing a lot of thinking and _soul_ searching since you gave me this troublesome book to read--" he stopped short, rose and drew the old-fashioned bell cord. ben appeared in full blue cloth and brass buttons, on duty again as butler. "yassah--" "i'm glad to see you, ben. you're feeling yourself again?" "yassah. praise god, i'se back at my place once mo', sah." the master lifted his hand in warning. "take care of yourself now. no more risks. you're not as young as you once were." "thankee, sah." "ask mrs. lee to bring me the document on my desk. find sam and fetch him here." ben bowed. "yassah. right away, sah." lee turned to his guest genially. "i'm going to ask you to witness what i'm about to do, ruffin. and you mustn't take offense. we differ about slavery and politics in the abstract, but whatever our differences on the surface, you are an old virginia planter and i trust we shall always be friends." the two men clasped hands and ruffin spoke with deep emotion. "i am honored in your friendship, colonel lee. however i may differ with you about the union, we agree on one thing, that the old dominion is the noblest state on which the sun has ever shown!" lee closed his eyes as if in prayer. "on that we are one. old virginia, the mother of presidents and of states, as i leave her soil i humbly pray that god's blessings may ever rest upon her!" "so say i, sir," ruffin responded heartily. "and i'll try to do the cussin' for her while you do the praying." mrs. lee entered and handed to her husband a folded document, as ben came from the kitchen with sam, who bowed and grinned to every one in the room. lee spoke in low tones to his wife. "ask the young people to come in for a moment, my dear." mrs. lee crossed quickly to the library door and called: "come in, children, colonel lee wishes to see you all." mary, stuart, custis, phil, robbie and sid pressed into the hall in curious, expectant mood. mrs. marshall knew that ruffin was still there, but her curiosity got the better of her aversion. she followed the children, only to run squarely into ruffin. he was about to speak in his politest manner when she stiffened and passed him. ruffin's eye twinkled. he knew that she saw him. she hated him for his political views. she also knew that he hated her husband, judge marshall, with equal cordiality. his pride was too great to feel the slightest hurt at her attempt to ignore him. she was a fanatic on the subject of the union. all right, he was a fanatic on the idea of an independent south. they were even. let it be so. with a toss of his head, he turned toward lee who had seated himself at the table behind the couch. the children were chatting and laughing as they entered. a sudden hush fell on them as they caught the serious look on the colonel's face. he was writing rapidly. he stopped and fixed a seal on the paper which he held in his hand. he read it carefully, lifted his eyes to the group that had drawn near and said: "children, my good friend, mr. ruffin, has called to-day to bid us god-speed on our journey north. and he has asked me to answer _uncle tom's cabin_. i've called you to witness the only answer i know how to make at this moment." he paused and turned toward sam. "come here, sam." the young negro rolled his eyes in excited wonder about the room and laughed softly at nothing as he approached the table. "yassah, marse robert." "how old are you, sam?" "des twenty, sah." "i had meant to wait until you were twenty-one for this, but i have decided to act to-day. you will arrange to leave here and go with us as far as new york." the negro bowed gratefully. "yassah, thankee sah, i sho did want ter go norf wid you, sah, but i hated to axe ye." lee handed sam the document. "you will go with me a free man, my boy. you are the only slave i yet hold in my own right. i have just given you your deed of emancipation. from this hour you are your own master. may god bless you and keep you in health and strength and give you long life and much happiness." sam stared at the paper and then at the kindly eyes of his old master. a sob caught his voice as he stammered: "may god bless you, marse robert--" ben lifted his hands in benediction and his voice rang in the solemn cadence of the prophet and seer: "and let the glory of his face shine upon him forever!" mrs. marshall stooped and kissed her brother. "you're a true son of virginia, robert, in this beautiful answer you make to-day to all our enemies." she rose and faced ruffin with square antagonism. lee turned to the old butler. "and ben, tell all our servants of the estate that, under the will of mrs. lee's father i will in due time set them free. i would do so to-day if the will had not fixed the date." ben bowed gravely. "i'se proud to be your servant, marse robert and missis, and when my freedom comes frum yo' hands, i'll be prouder still to serve you always." with head erect ben proudly led the dazed young freedman from the hall to the kitchen where his reception was one of mixed wonder and pity. there fell a moment's awkward silence, broken at last by stuart's clear, boyish voice. he saw ruffin's embarrassment. he knew the man's fiery temper and wondered at his restraint. "well, mr. ruffin," stuart began, "we may not see as clearly as colonel lee to-day, but he's my commander, sir, and i'll say he's right." ruffin faced lee with a look of uncompromising antagonism and fairly shot his words. "and for the millions of the south, i say he's wrong. there's a time for all things. and this is not the time for such an act. from the appearance of this book you can rest assured the emancipation of slaves in the south will cease. we will never be bullied into freeing our slaves by slander and insult. colonel lee's example will not be followed. the fanatics of the north have begun to spit on our faces. there's but one answer to an insult--and that's a blow!" lee stepped close to the planter, laid one hand gently on his shoulder, searched his angry eyes for a moment and slowly said: "and thrice is he armed, my friend, who hath his quarrel just. i set my house in order before the first blow falls." ruffin smiled and threw off the ugly strain. "i'm sorry, sir," he said with friendly indifference, "that my mission has been a failure." "and i'm sorry we can't agree." "i won't be able to stay to dinner, mrs. lee, and i bid you all good evening." with a wave of his hand in a gesture behind which lurked the tingling of taut nerves, he turned and left. the beat of his horse's hoof echoed down the road with a sharp, angry crack. chapter ix on sunday the whole plantation went to church. the negroes sat in the gallery and listened with rapt attention to the service. they joined its ritual and its songs with their white folks in equal sincerity and more profound emotion. at the crossroads the stream of carriages, carts and buggies and horseback riders parted. to the right, the way led to the episcopal church, the old english establishment of the state, long since separated from secular authority, yet still bearing the seal of county aristocracy. colonel lee was a devout member of this church. mrs. lee was the inspiration of its charities and the soul of its activities. a few of the negroes of the estate attended it with the master and mistress of arlington. by far the larger number turned to the left at the cross roads and found their way to the antioch baptist church. the simplicity of its service, the fervor of its singing, and above all the emotional call of its revivals which swept the country each summer appealed to the warm-hearted africans. they took to the baptist and methodist churches as ducks to water. the master made no objection to the exercise of their right to worship god as their consciences called. he encouraged their own preachers to hold weekly prayer meetings and exhort his people in the assembling places of the servants. nor did he object to the dance which sam, who was an episcopalian, invariably organized on the nights following prayer and exhortation. this last sunday was one of tender farewells to friends and neighbors. they crowded about the colonel after the services. they wished him health and happiness and success in his new work. the last greeting he got from an old bent neighbor of ninety years. it brought a cloud to his brow. all day and into the night the thought persisted and its shadow chilled the hours of his departure. james nelson was his name, of the ancient family of the nelsons of yorktown. he held lee's hand a long time and blinked at him with a pair of keen, piercing eyes--keen from a spiritual light that burned within. he spoke in painful deliberation as if he were translating a message. "i am glad you are going to west point, colonel lee. you will have time for thinking. you will have time to study the art of war as great minds must study it alone if they lead armies to victory. generals are not developed in the saddle on our plains fighting savages. our country is going to need a leader of supreme genius. i saw him in a vision, the night i read in the _richmond enquirer_ that you had been called to west point. i shall not see you again. i am walking now into the sunset. soon the shadows will enfold me and i shall sleep the long sleep. i am content. i have lived. i have loved. i have succeeded and failed. i have swept the gamut of human passion and human emotion. i have no right to more. yet i envy you the glory of manhood in the crisis that is coming. may the god of our fathers keep you and teach you and bless you is my prayer." lee was too deeply moved for words to reply. he pressed his old friend's hand, held it in silence and turned away. the young people rode horseback. never in his life had phil seen anything to equal the easy grace with which these southern girls sat their horses. their mothers before them had been born in the saddle. their ease, their grace was not an acquirement of the teacher. it was bred in the bone. when a boy challenged a girl for a race, the challenge was instantly accepted. their saddles were made of the finest leather which the best saddle makers of england and america could find. their girths were set with double silver buckles. a saddle never turned. when the long procession reached the gates of arlington, it seemed to phil that half the congregation were going to stop for dinner. a large part of them did. every friend and neighbor who pressed colonel lee's hand, or the hand of his wife, had been invited. when they reached the hall and library to talk, their conversation covered a wide range of interest. the one topic tabooed was scandal. it might be whispered behind closed doors. it was never the subject of conversation in an assembly of friends and neighbors in the home. they talked of the rich harvest. they discussed the changes in the fortunes of their mutual friends. they had begun to demand better roads. they discussed the affairs of the county, the church, the state. the ladies chatted of fashions, of course. but they also discussed the latest novels of george eliot with keen interest and true insight into their significance in the development of english literature. they knew their dickens, thackeray and scott almost by heart--especially scott. they expressed their opinions of the daring work of the new author with enthusiasm. some approved; others had doubts. they did not yet know that george eliot was a woman. the chief topic of conversation among the men was politics, state and national. the problems of the british empire came in for a share of the discussion. these men not only read burke and hume, dickens and scott, they read the newspapers of england and they kept up with the program of english political parties as their fathers had. and they quoted their opinions as authority for a younger generation. on the shelves of the library could be seen the classics in sober bindings and sprinkled with them a few french authors of distinction. over all brooded the spirit of a sincere hospitality, gentle, cordial, simple, generous. they did not merely possess homes, they loved their homes. the two largest words in the tongue which they spoke were duty and honor. they were not in a hurry. the race for wealth had never interested them. they took time to play, to rest, to worship god, to chat with their neighbors, to enjoy a sunset. they came of a race of world-conquering men and they felt no necessity for hurrying or apologizing for their birthright. it was precisely this attitude of mind which made the savage attack of the abolitionists so far-reaching in its possible results. chapter x the morning of the departure dawned with an overcast sky, the prophecy of winter in the gray clouds that hung over the surface of the river. a chill mist, damp and penetrating, crept up the heights from the water's edge and veiled the city from view. something in the raw air bruised afresh the thought of goodbye to the southland. the threat of cold in virginia meant the piling of ice and snow in the north. not a sparrow chirped in the hedges. only a crow, passing high in the dull sky, called his defiance of wind and weather. the colonel made his final round of inspection to see that his people were provided against the winter. behind each servant's cottage, a huge pile of wood was stacked. the roofs were in perfect order. the chimneys were pouring columns of smoke. it hung low at first but rolled away at the touch of the breeze from the north. with mrs. lee he visited the aged and the sick. the thing that brought the smile to each withered mouth was the assurance of their love and care always. among the servants sam held the center of interest. the wonderful, doubtful, yet fascinating thing had come to him. he had been set free. in each heart was the wish and with it fear of the future. the younger ones laughed and frankly envied him. the older ones wagged their heads doubtfully. old ben expressed the best feelings of the wiser as he took sam's hand for a fatherly word. he had finished the packing in an old cowhide trunk which custis had given him. "we's all gwine ter watch ye, boy, wid good wishes in our hearts and a whole lot er misgivin's a playin' roun' in our min'." "don't yer worry 'bout me, uncle ben. i'se all right." he paused and whispered. "ye didn't know dat marse robert done gimme five hundred dollars in gol'--did ye?" "five hundred dollars in gol'!" ben gasped. sam drew the shining yellow eagles from the bag in his pocket and jingled them before the old man's eyes. "dar it is." ben touched it reverently. "praise god fer de good folks he give us." "i'se er proud nigger, i is. i'se sorry fur dem dat b'longs to po' folks." ben looked at him benignly. "don't you be too proud, boy. you'se powerful young and foolish. yer des barely got sense enough ter git outen a shower er rain. dat money ain't gwine ter las yer always." "no, but man, des watch my smoke when i git up north. yer hear frum me, yer will." "i hopes i hear de right news." sam replaced his coin with a touch of authority in possession. "don't yer worry 'bout me no mo'. i'se a free man now an' i gwine ter come into de kingdom." the last important task done by the colonel before taking the train for new york was the delivery to his lawyers of instructions for the removal of the doyles and the placing in his hands sufficient funds for their journey. he spent a day in washington investigating the chances of the new settler securing a quarter section of land in miami county, kansas, the survey of which had been completed. he selected this county on the missouri border to please mrs. doyle. she wished to live as near the line of old virginia's climate as possible and in a country with trees. doyle promised to lose no time in disposing of his goods. the father, mother, three sons and two little girls were at arlington to bid the colonel and his family goodbye. they were not a demonstrative people but their affection for their neighbor and friend could not be mistaken. the mother's eyes followed him with no attempt to hide her tears. she wiped them away with her handkerchief. and went right on crying and wiping them again. the boys were too shy to press forward in the crowd and grasp the colonel's hand. on arrival in new york the party stopped at the new hotel astor on broadway. colonel lee had promised to spend a day at fort hamilton, his old command. but it was inconvenient to make the trip until the following morning. besides, he had important business to do for sam. he had sent two of the servants, whom he had emancipated, to liberia, and he planned the same journey for sam. he engaged a reservation for him on a steamer sailing for africa, and returned to the hotel at nine o'clock ready to leave for fort hamilton. he was compelled to wait for sam's return from the boarding house for colored people on water street where he had been sent by the proprietor of the astor. not even negro servants were quartered in a first-class hotel in new york or any other northern city. sam arrived at half-past nine, and the colonel strolled down broadway with him to the little park at bowling green. he found a seat and bade sam sit down beside him. the boy watched the expression on his old master's face with dread. he had a pretty clear idea what this interview was to be about and he had made up his mind on the answer. his uncle, who had been freed five years before, had written him a glowing letter about liberia. he dreaded the subject. "you know, of course, sam," the colonel began, "that your life is now in your own hands and that i can only advise you as a friend." "an' i sho's glad ter have ye he'p me, marse robert." "i'm going to give you the best advice i can. i'm going to advise you to do exactly what i would do if i were in your place." "yassah." "if i were you, sam, i wouldn't stay in this country. i'd go back to the land of my black fathers, to its tropic suns and rich soil. you can never be a full-grown man here. the north won't have you as such. the hotel wouldn't let you sleep under its roof, in spite of my protest that you were my body-servant. in the south the old shadow of your birth will be with you. if you wish to lift up your head and be a man it can't be here. no matter what comes in the future. if every black man, woman and child were set free to-morrow, there are not enough negroes to live alone. the white man will never make you his equal in the world he is building. i've secured your passage to liberia and i will pay for it without touching the money which i gave you. what do you think of it?" sam scratched his head and looked away embarrassed. he spoke timidly at first, but with growing assurance. "i'se powerful 'fraid dat liberia's a long way frum home, marse robert." "it is. but if you wish to be a full-grown man, it's your chance to-day. it will be the one chance of your people in the future as well. can you make up your mind to face the loneliness and build your home under your own vine and fig tree? there you can look every man in the face, conscious that you're as good as he is and that the world is yours." "i'se feared i ain't got de spunk, marse robert." "the gold in your pocket will build you a house on public lands. you know how to farm. africa has a great future. you've seen our life. we've taught you to work, to laugh, to play, to worship god, to love your home and your people. you're only twenty years old. i envy you the wealth of youth. i've reached the hilltop of life. your way is still upward for a quarter of a century. it's the morning of life, boy, and a new world calls you. will you hear it and go?" "i'se skeered, marse robert," sam persisted, shaking his head gravely. lee saw the hopelessness of his task and changed his point of appeal. "what do you think of doing?" "who, me?" "who else? i can't think for you any longer." "oh, i'll be all right, sah. i foun' er lot er good colored friends in de bordin' house las' night. wid dat five hundred dollars, i be livin' in clover here, sah, sho. i done talk wid a feller 'bout goin' in business." "what line of business?" "he gwine ter sho me ter-day, sah." "you don't think you might change your mind about liberia?" "na sah. i don't like my uncle dat's ober dar, nohow." "then i can't help you any more, sam?" "na sah, marse robert. y'u been de bes' master any nigger eber had in dis worl' an' i ain't nebber gwine ter fergit dat. when i feels dem five hundred dollars in my pocket i des swells up lak i gwine ter bust. i'se dat proud o' myse'f an' my ole marster dat gimme a start. lordee, sah, hit's des gwine ter be fun fer me ter git long an' i mak' my fortune right here. ye see ef i don't--" lee smiled indulgently. "watch out you don't lose the little one i gave you." "yassah, i got hit all sewed up in my close." the old master saw that further argument would be useless. he rose wondering if his act of emancipation were not an act of cowardice--the shirking of responsibility for the boy's life. his mouth closed firmly. that was just the point about the institution of slavery. no such responsibility should be placed on any man's shoulders. sam insisted on ministering to the wants of the family until he saw them safely on the boat for west point. he waved each member a long goodbye. and then hurried to his new chum at the boarding house on water street. this dusky friend had won sam's confidence by his genial ways on the first night of their acquaintance. he had learned that sam had just been freed. that this was his first trip to new york though he spoke with careless ease of his knowledge of washington. but the most important fact revealed was that he had lately come into money through the generosity of his former master. the sable new yorker evinced no curiosity about the amount. after four days of joy he waked from a sickening stupor. he found himself lying in a filthy alley at dawn, bareheaded, his coat torn up the back, every dollar gone and his friend nowhere to be found. colonel lee had given him the address of three clergymen and told him to call on them for help if he had any trouble. he looked everywhere for these cards. they couldn't be found. he had been so cocksure of himself he had lost them. he couldn't make up his mind to stoop to blacking boots and cleaning spittoons. he had always lived with aristocrats. he felt himself one to his finger tips. there was but one thing he could do that seemed to be needed up here. he could handle tobacco. he could stem the leaf. he had learned that at arlington in helping ben superintend the curing of the weed for the servants' use. he made the rounds of the factories only to find that the larger part of this work was done in tenement homes. he spent a day finding one of these workshops. they offered to take him in as a boarder and give him sixty cents a day. he could have a pallet beside the six children in the other room and a place to put his trunk. sixty cents a day would pay his room rent and give him barely enough food to keep body and soul together. he hurried back to his boarding house, threw the little trunk on his back and trudged to the tobacco tenement. when he arrived no one stopped work. the mother waved her hand to the rear. he placed his trunk in a dark corner, came out and settled to the task of stemming tobacco. he did his work with a skill and ease that fascinated the children. he took time to show them how to grip the leaf to best advantage and rip the stem with a quick movement that left scarcely a trace of the weed clinging to it. he worked with a swinging movement of his body and began to sing in soft, low tones. the wizened eyes brightened, and when he stopped one of them whispered: "more, black man. sing some more!" he sang one more song and choked. his eye caught the look of mortal weariness in the tired face of the little girl of six and his voice wouldn't work. "goddermighty!" he muttered, "dese here babies ought not ter be wukkin lak dis!" when lunch time came the six children begged sam to live in the place and take his meals with them. their mother joined in the plea and offered to board him for thirty cents a day. this would leave him a few cents to spend outside. he couldn't yet figure on clothes. it didn't seem right to have to pay for such things. anyhow he had enough to last him awhile. he decided to accept the offer and live as a boarder with the family. the lunch was discouraging. a piece of cold bread and a glass of water from the hydrant. sam volunteered to bring the water. the hydrant was the only water supply for the six hundred people whose houses touched the alley. it stood in the center. the only drainage was a sink in front of it. all the water used had to be carried up the stairs and the slops carried down. the tired people did little carrying downstairs. pans and pails full of dishwater were emptied out the windows with no care for the passer below. scarcely a day passed without a fight from this cause. a fight in the quarter was always a pleasure to the settlement. sam munched his bread and sipped his water. he watched the children eat their pieces ravenously. he couldn't finish his. he handed it to the smallest one of the children who was staring at him with eyes that chilled his heart. he knew the child was still hungry. such a lunch as a piece of bread and a tin cup of water must be an accident, of course. he had heard of jailers putting prisoners on bread and water to punish them. he had never known human beings living at home to have such food. they would have a good dinner steaming hot. he was sure of that. a sudden commotion broke out in the alley below. yells, catcalls, oaths and the sound of crashing bricks, coal, pieces of furniture, and the splash of much water came from the court. the mother rushed to the window and hurled a stone. there was a pile of them in the corner of the room. sam tried to look out. "what's de matter, ma'm? is dey er fight?" "no--nothin' but a rent collector." the woman smiled. it was the first pleasant thought that had entered her mind since sam had come. the dinner was as rude a surprise as the lunch. he watched the woman fumble over lighting the fire in the stove until he could stand it no longer. "lemme start de fire fer ye, ma'm," he offered at last. "i wish you would," she sighed. "i married when i wuz seventeen and i never had made a fire before. i don't believe i'll ever learn." the negro was not long in observing that she knew no more about cooking than she did about lighting a fire. the only cooking utensils in the place were a pot and a frying pan. the frying pan was in constant use. for dinner she fried a piece of tough beef without seasoning. she didn't know how to make bread. she bought the soggy stuff at the grocer's. there was no bread for dinner at all. they had boiled potatoes, boiled in plain water without even a grain of salt or pepper. the coffee was so black and heavy and bitter he couldn't drink it. the father had a cup of beer with his coffee. a cup of beer was provided for sam. the girl of twelve had rushed the growler to the corner saloon. the negro had never tasted beer before and he couldn't drink it. the stuff was horrible. it reminded him of a dose of quinine his mistress had once made him take when he had a chill. he worked harder than usual next day to forget the fear that haunted him. at night he was ill. he had caught cold and had a fever. he dropped on his pallet without dinner and didn't get up for three weeks. he owed his landlady so much money now, he felt in honor bound to board with her and give her all his earnings. he felt himself sinking into an abyss and he didn't have the strength to fight his way out. the thing that hurt him more than bad food and air when he got to his work again was the look of death in the faces of the children. their eyes haunted him in the dark as they slept on the same floor. he would get out of there when he was strong again. but these children would never go except to be hauled in the dead wagon to the potter's field. and he heard the rattle of this black wagon daily. in a mood of desperation he walked down water street past the boarding house. in front of the place he met a boarder who had spoken to him the last day of his stay. he seized sam by the coat, led him aside and whispered: "has ye heard 'bout de old man, name john brown, dat come ter lead de niggers ter de promise' lan'?" "no, but i'se waitin' fur somebody ter lead me." "come right on wid me, man. i'se a-goin' to a meetin' to-night an' jine de ban'. will ye jine us?" "i jine anything dat'll lead me to de promise' lan'." "come on. hit's over in brooklyn but a nigger's gwine ter meet me at de ferry and take me dar." sam felt in his pocket for the money for the ferry. luckily he had twenty cents. it was worth while to gamble that much on a trip to the promised land. an emissary of the prophet met them on the brooklyn side and led them to a vacant store with closed wooden shutters. no light could be seen from the street. the guide rapped a signal and the door opened. inside were about thirty negroes gathered before a platform. chairs filled the long space. a white man was talking to the closely packed group of blacks. sam pressed forward and watched him. he was old until he began to talk. and then there was something strange and electric in his tones that made him young. his voice was vaulting and metallic and throbbed with an indomitable will. there was contagion in the fierceness of his tones. it caught his hearers and called them in a spell. his shoulders were stooped. his manner grim and impressive. there was a quick, wiry movement to his body that gave the idea that he was crouching to spring. it was uncanny. it persisted as his speech lengthened. he was talking in cold tones of the injustice being done the black man in the south. of the crimes against god and humanity which the southern whites were daily committing. the one feature of the strange speaker that fascinated sam was the glitter of his shifting eyes. he never held them still. he did not try to bore a man through with them. they were restless, as if moved by hidden forces within. the flash of light from their depths seemed a signal from an unknown world. sam watched him with open mouth. he was finishing his talk now in a desultory way more gripping in its deadly calm than the most passionate appeal. "we are enrolling volunteers," he quietly announced. "volunteers in the united states league of gileadites. if you sign your names to the roll to-night understand clearly what you are doing. i have written for each member _words of advice_ which he must memorize as the guide to his action." he drew a sheet of paper from his pocket and read: "no jury can be found in the northern states, that would convict a man for defending his rights to the last extremity. this is well understood by southern congressmen, who insist that the right of trial by jury should not be granted to the fugitive slave. colored people have more fast friends among the whites than they suppose. just think of the money expended by individuals in your behalf in the past twenty years! think of the number who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your account. have any of you seen the branded hand? do you remember the names of lovejoy and torrey? should any of your number be arrested, you must collect together as quickly as possible so as to outnumber your adversaries who are taking an active part against you. let no able-bodied man appear on the ground unequipped or with his weapons exposed to view; let that be understood beforehand. your plans must be known only to yourself, and with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever caught and proven to be guilty. "'whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and depart early from mount gilead' (judges vii chapter, 3rd verse; deuteronomy xx chapter, 8th verse). give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. do not delay one moment after you're ready: you will lose all your resolution if you do. let the first blow be the signal for all to engage; and when engaged do not do your work by halves; but make clean work with your enemies--" it was the slow way in which he spoke the last words that gave them meaning. sam could hear in his tones the crash of steel into human flesh and the grating of the blade on the bone. it made him shiver. every negro present joined the league. when the last man had signed, john brown led in a long prayer to almighty god to bless the holy work on which these noble men had entered. at the close of his prayer he announced that on the following night at the people's hall on the bowery in new york, the honorable gerrit smith, the noblest friend of the colored men in the north, would preside over a mass meeting in behalf of the downtrodden. he asked them all to come and bring their friends. the ceremony of signing over, sam turned to the guide with a genial smile. "i done jine de league." "that's right. i knew you would." "i'se a full member now, ain't i?" "of course." "when do we eat?" sam asked eagerly. "eat?" "sho." "we ain't organizin' de gileadites to eat, man." "ain't we?" "no, sah. we'se organizin'--ter kill white men dat come atter runaway slaves." "but ain't dey got nuttin ter eat fer dem dat's here?" "you come ter de big meetin' ter-morrow night an' hear sumfin dat's good fer yo' soul." "i'll be dar," sam promised. but he hoped to find something at the meeting that was good for his stomach as well as his soul. chapter xi the negroes in new york and brooklyn were not the only people in the north falling under the influence of the strange man who answered to the name of john brown. there was something magnetic about him that drew all sorts and conditions of men. the statesmen who still used reason as the guiding principle of life had no use for him. henry wilson, the new senator from massachusetts, met him and was repelled by the something that drew others. governor andrew was puzzled by his strange personality. the secret of his power lay in a mystic appeal to the puritan conscience. he had been from childhood afflicted with this conscience in its most malignant form. he knew instinctively its process of action. the puritan had settled new england and fixed the principles both of economic and political life. the civilization he set up was compact and commercial. he organized it in towns and townships. the meeting house was the center, the source of all power and authority. no dwelling could be built further than two miles from a church and attendance on worship was made compulsory by law. the south, against whose life brown was organizing his militant crusade, was agricultural, scattered, individual. individualism was a passion with the southerner, liberty his battle cry. he scorned the "authority" of the church and worshipped god according to the dictates of his own conscience. the court house, not the meeting house, was his forum, and he rode there through miles of virgin forests to dispute with his neighbor. the mental processes of the puritan, therefore, were distinctly different from that of the southerner. the puritan mind was given to hours of grim repression which he called "conviction of sin." resistance became the prime law of life. the world was a thing of evil. a morass of sin to be attacked, to be reformed, to be "abolished." the southerner perceived the evils of slavery long before the puritan, but he made a poor abolitionist. the puritan was born an abolitionist. he should not only resist and attack the world; he should _hate_ it. he early learned to love the pleasure of hating. he hated himself if no more promising victim loomed on the horizon. he early became the foremost persecutor and vice-crusader of the new world. he made witch-hunting one of the sports of new england. when not busy with some form of the witch hunt, the puritan found an outlet for his repressed instincts in the ferocity with which he fought the indians or worked to achieve the conquest of nature and lay up worldly goods for himself and his children. prosperity, therefore, became the second principle of his religion, next to vice crusading. when he succeeded in business, he praised god for his tender mercies. his goods and chattels became the visible evidence of his love. the only holiday he established or permitted was the day on which he publicly thanked god for the goods which he had delivered. through him the new england puritan thanksgiving day became a national festival and through him a religious reverence for worldly success has become a national ideal. the inner life of the puritan was soul-fear. driven by fear and repression he attacked his rock-ribbed country, its thin soil, its savage enemies and his own fellow competitors with fury. and he succeeded. the odds against him sharpened his powers, made keen his mind, toughened his muscles. the southern planter, on the other hand, represented the sharpest contrast to this mental and physical attitude toward life. he came of the stock of the english squire. and if he came from scotland he found this english ideal already established and accepted it as his own. the joy of living, not the horror of life, was the mainspring of his action and the secret of his character. the puritan hated play. the southerner loved to play. he dreamed of a life rich and full of spiritual and physical leisure. he enjoyed his religion. he did not agonize over it. his character was genial. he hated fear and drove it from his soul. he loved a fiddle and a banjo. he was brave. he was loyal to his friends. he loved his home and his kin. he despised trade. he disliked hard work. to this hour in the country's life his ideal had dominated the nation. the puritan abolitionists now challenged this ideal for a fight to the finish. slavery was protected by the constitution. all right, they burn the constitution and denounce it as a covenant with death, an agreement with hell. they begin a propaganda to incite servile insurrection in the south. they denounce the southern slave owner as a fiend. even the greatest writers of the north caught the contagion of this mania. longfellow, lowell, whittier and emerson used their pens to blacken the name of the southern people. from platform, pulpit and forum, through pamphlet, magazine, weekly and daily newspapers the stream of abuse poured forth in ever-increasing volume. that the proud southerner would resent the injustice of this wholesale indictment was inevitable. their habit of mind, their born instinct of leadership, their love of independence, their hatred of dictation, their sense of historic achievement in the building of the republic would resent it. their critics had not only been slave holders themselves as long as it paid commercially, but their skippers were now sailing the seas in violation of southern laws prohibiting the slave trade. our early slave traders were nearly all puritans. when one of their ships came into port, the minister met her at the wharf, knelt in prayer and thanked almighty god for one more cargo of heathen saved from hell. brown's whole plan of attack was based on the certainty of resentment from the south. he set out to provoke his opponents. this purpose was now the inspiration of every act of his life. a group of six typical northern minds had fallen completely under his power: dr. samuel g. howe, rev. theodore parker, rev. thomas wentworth higginson, frank b. sanborn, george l. stearns and the rev. hon. gerrit smith. gerrit smith was many times a millionaire, one of the great land owners of the country, a former partner in business with john jacob astor, the elder, and at this time a philanthropist by profession. he had built a church at peterboro, new york, and had preached a number of years. in his growing zeal as an abolitionist he had entered politics and had just been elected to congress from his district. he was a man of gentle, humane impulses and looked out upon the world with the kindliest fatherly eyes. it was one of the curious freaks of fate that he should fall under the influence of brown. the stern old puritan was his antithesis in every line of face and mental make-up. smith was the preacher, the theorist, and the dreamer. brown had become the man of action. and by action he meant exactly what the modern social anarchist means by _direct action_. the plan he had developed was to come to "close quarters" with slavery. he had organized the band of gileadites to kill every officer of the law who attempted to enforce the provisions of the constitution of the united states relating to slavery. his eyes were now fixed on the territory of kansas. there could be no doubt about the abnormality of the mind of the man who had constituted himself the chosen instrument of almighty god to destroy chattel slavery in the south. he was pacing the floor of the parlor of the new astor house awaiting the arrival of his friend, congressman gerrit smith, for a conference before the meeting scheduled for eight o'clock. it was a characteristic of brown that he couldn't sit still. he paced the floor. the way he walked marked him with distinction, if not eccentricity. he walked always with a quick, springing step. he didn't swing his foot. it worked on springs. and the spring in it had a furtive action not unlike the movement of a leopard. his muscles, in spite of his fifty-four years, were strong and sinewy. he was five feet ten inches in height. his head was remarkable for its small size. the brain space was limited and the hair grew low on his forehead, as if a hark back to the primitive man out of which humanity grew. his chin protruded into an aggressive threat. his mouth was not only stern, it was as inexorable as an oath. his hair was turning gray and he wore it trimmed close to his small skull. his nose was an aggressive roman type. the expression of his face was shrewd and serious, with a touch always of cunning. a visitor at his house at north elba whispered one day to one of his sons: "your father looks like an eagle." the boy hesitated and replied in deep seriousness: "yes, or some other carnivorous bird." the thing above all others that gave him the look of a bird of prey was his bluish-gray eye. an eye that was never still and always shone with a glitter. the only time this strange light was not noticeable was during the moments when he drew the lids down half-way. he was in the habit of holding his eyes half shut in times of deep thinking. at these moments if he raised his head, his eyes glowed two pin points of light. no matter what the impression he made, either of attraction or repulsion, his personality was a serious proposition. no man looked once only. and no man ever attempted undue familiarity or ridicule. his life to this time had been a series of tragic failures in everything he had undertaken. a study of his intense puritan face revealed at once his fundamental character. a soul at war with the world. a soul at war with himself. he was the incarnation of repressed emotions and desires. he had married twice and his fierce passions had made him the father of twenty children before fifty years of age. his first wife had given birth to seven in ten years and died a raving maniac during the birth of her last. two of his children had already shown the signs of unbalanced mentality. the grip of his mind on the individuals who allowed themselves to be drawn within the circle of his influence became absolute. he was a man of earnest and constant prayer to his god. the god he worshipped was one whose face was not yet revealed to the crowd that hung on his strangely halting words. he spoke in mystic symbols. his mysticism was always the source of his power over the religious leaders who had gathered about him. they had not stopped to analyze the meaning of this appeal. they looked once into his shining blue-gray eyes and became his followers. he never stopped to reason. he spoke with authority. he claimed a divine commission for action and they did not pause to examine his credentials. he had failed at every enterprise he had undertaken. and then he suddenly discovered his power over the puritan imagination. to brown's mind, from the day of his devotion to the fixed idea of destroying slavery in the south, "action" had but one meaning--bloodshed. he knew that revolutionary ideas are matters of belief. he asserted beliefs. the elect believed. the damned refused to believe. long before smith had entered the room brown had dropped into a seat by the window, his eyes two pin points. his abstraction was so deep, his absorption in his dreams so complete that when smith spoke, he leaped to his feet and put himself in an attitude of defense. he gazed at his friend a moment and rubbed his eyes in a dazed way before he could come back to earth. in a moment he had clasped hands with the philanthropist. smith looked into his eyes and his will was one with the man of action. he had not yet grasped the full meaning of the action. he was to awake later to its tremendous import--primitive, barbaric, animal, linking man through hundreds of thousands of years to the beast who was his jungle father. smith did not know that he was to preside at the meeting until brown told him. he consented without a moment's hesitation. chapter xii on their way to the hall on the bowery gerrit smith and john brown passed through dimly lighted streets along which were drifting scores of boys and girls, ragged, friendless, homeless, shelterless in the chill night. the strange old man's eyes were fixed on space. he saw nothing, heard nothing of the city's roaring life or the call of its fathomless misery. he saw nothing even when they passed a house with a red light before which little girls of twelve were selling flowers. neither of the men, living for a single fixed idea, caught the accent of evil in the child's voice as she stepped squarely in front of them and said: "what's ye hurry?" when they turned aside she piped again: "won't ye come in?" they merely passed on. the infinite pathos of the scene had made no impression. that this child's presence on the streets was enough to damn the whole system of society to the lowest hell never dawned on the philanthropist or the man of action. the crowd in the hall was not large. the place was about half full and it seated barely five hundred. the masses of the north as yet took no stock in the abolition crusade. they felt the terrific pressure of the problem of life at home too keenly to go into hysterics over the evils of negro slavery in the south. william lloyd garrison had been preaching his denunciations for twenty-one years and its fruits were small. the masses of the people were indifferent. but a man was pushing his way to the platform of the little hall to-night who was destined to do a deed that would accomplish what all the books and all the magazines and all the newspapers of the crusaders had tried in vain to do. small as the crowd was, there was something sinister in its composition. half of them were foreigners. it was the first wave of the flood of degradation for our racial stock in the north--the racial stock of john adams and john hancock. a few workingmen were scattered among them. fifty or sixty negroes occupied the front rows. sam had secured a seat on the aisle. gerrit smith rose without ceremony and introduced brown. there were no women present. he used the formal address to the american voter: "fellow citizens: "i have the honor to present to you to-night a man chosen of god to lead our people out of the darkness of sin, my fellow worker in the kingdom, the friend of the downtrodden and the oppressed, john brown." faint applause greeted the old man as he moved briskly to the little table with his quick, springing step. he fixed the people with his brilliant eyes and they were silent. he was slow of speech, awkward in gesture, and without skill in the building of ideas to hold the imagination of the typical crowd. it was not a typical crowd of american freemen. it was something new under the sun in our history. it was the beginning of the coming mob mind destined to use direct action in defiance of the laws on which the republic had been built. there was no mistaking the message brown bore. he proclaimed that the negro is the blood brother of the white man. the color of his skin was an accident. this white man with a black skin was now being beaten and ground into the dust by the infamy of his masters. their crimes cried to god for vengeance. all the negro needed was freedom to transform him into a white man--your equal and mine. at present, our brothers and sisters are groaning in chains on southern plantations. his vaulting metallic tones throbbed with a strange, cold passion as he called for action. the vibrant call for bloodshed in this cry melted the crowd into a new personality. the mildest spirit among them was merged into the mob mind of the speaker. and every man within the sound of his voice was a murderer. the final leap of the speaker's soul into an expression of supreme hate for the southern white man found its instant echo in the mob which he had created. they demanded no facts. they asked no reasons. they accepted his statements as the oracle of god. they were opinions, beliefs, dogmas, the cries of propaganda only--precisely the food needed for developing the mob mind to its full strength. envy, jealousy, hatred ruled supreme. liberty was a catchword. blood lust was the motive power driving each heart beat. brown suddenly stopped. his speech had reached no climax. it had rambled into repetition. its power consisted in the repetition of a fixed thought. he knew the power of this repeated hammering on the mind. an idea can be repeated until it is believed, true or false. he had pounded his message into his hearers until they were incapable of resistance. it was unnecessary for him to continue. he stopped so suddenly, they waited in silence for him to go on after he had taken his seat. a faint applause again swept the front of the house. there was something uncanny about the man that hushed applause. they knew that he was indifferent to it. hidden fires burned within him that lighted the way of life. he needed no torches held on high. he asked no honors. he expected no applause and he got little. what he did demand was submission to his will and obedience as followers. gerrit smith rose with this thought gripping his gentle spirit. his words came automatically as if driven by another's mind. "our friend and leader has dedicated his life to the service of suffering humanity. it is our duty to follow. the first step is to sacrifice our money in his cause." the ushers passed the baskets and sam's heart warmed as he heard the coin rattle. his eyes bulged when he saw that one of them had a pile of bills in it that covered the coin. he heard the great and good man say that it was for the poor brother in black. he saw visions of a warm room, of clean food and plenty of it. he was glad he'd come, although he didn't like the look in john brown's eyes while he spoke. their fierce light seemed to bore through him and hurt. now that he was seated and his eyes half closed, uplifted toward the ceiling, he wasn't so formidable. he rather liked him sitting down. the ushers poured the money on the table and counted it. sam had not seen so much money together since he piled his five hundred dollars in gold in a stack and looked at it. he watched the count with fascination. there must be a thousand at least. he was shocked when the head usher leaned over the edge of the platform, and whispered to smith the total. "eighty-five dollars." sam glanced sadly at the two rows of negroes in front. there wouldn't be much for each. he took courage in the thought, however, that some of them were well-to-do and wouldn't ask their share. he was sure of this because he had seen three or four put something in the baskets. gerrit smith announced the amount of the collection with some embarrassment and heartily added: "my check for a hundred and fifteen dollars makes the sum an even two hundred." that was something worth while. smith and brown held a conference about the announcement of another meeting as sam whispered to the head usher: "could ye des gimme mine now an' lemme go?" "yours?" "yassah." "your share of the collection?" the usher eyed him in scorn. "to be sho," sam answered confidently. "yer tuk it up fer de po' black man. i'se black, an' god knows i'se po'." "you're a poor fool!" "what ye take hit up fer den?" "to support john brown, not to feed lazy, good-for-nothing, free negroes." sam turned from the man in disgust. he was about to rise and shamble back to his miserable pallet when a sudden craning of necks and moving of feet drew his eye toward the door. he saw a man stalking down the aisle. he carried on his left arm a little bundle of filthy rags. he mounted the platform and spoke to the chairman: "mr. smith, may i say just a word to this meeting?" the philanthropist congressman recognized him instantly as the most eloquent orator in the labor movement in america. he had met him at a reform convention. he rose at once. "certainly." "fellow citizens, mr. george evans, the leading advocate of organized labor in america, wishes to speak to you. will you hear him?" "yes! yes! yes!" came from all parts of the house. the man began in quivering tones that held sam and gripped the unwilling mind of the crowd: "my friends: just a few words. i have in my arms the still breathing skeleton of a little girl. i found her in a street behind this building within the sound of the voice of your speaker." he paused and waved to john brown. "she was fighting with a stray cat for a crust of bread in a garbage pail. i hold her on high." with both hands he lifted the dazed thing above his head. "look at her. this bundle of rags god made in the form of a woman to be the mother of the race. she has been thrown into your streets to starve. her father is a workingman whom i know. for six months, out of work, he fought with death and hell, and hell won. he is now in prison. her mother, unable to support herself and child, sought oblivion in drink. she's in the gutter to-night. her brother has joined a gang on the east side. her sister is a girl of the streets. "you talk to me of negro slavery in the south? behold the child of the white wage slave of the north! why are you crying over the poor negro? in the south the master owns the slave. here the master owns the job. down there the master feeds, clothes and houses his man with care. black children laugh and play. here the master who owns the job buys labor in the open market. he can get it from a man for 75 cents a day. from a woman for 30 cents a day. when he has bought the last ounce of strength they can give, the master of the wage slave kicks him out to freeze or starve or sink into crime. "you tell me of the white master's lust down south? i tell you of the white master's lust for the daughters of our own race. "i see a foreman of a factory sitting in this crowd. i've known him for ten years. i've talked with a score of his victims. he has the power to employ or discharge girls of all ages ranging from twelve to twenty-five. do you think a girl can pass his bead eyes and not pay for the job the price he sees fit to demand? "if you think so, you don't know the man. i do!" he paused and the stillness of death followed. necks were craned to find the figure of the foreman crouching in the crowd. the speaker was not after the individual. his soul was aflame with the cause of millions. "i see also a man in the crowd who owns a row of tenements so filthy, so dark, so reeking with disease that no southern master would allow a beast to live in them. this hypocrite has given to john brown to-night a contribution of money for the downtrodden black man. he coined this money out of the blood of white men and women who pay the rent for the dirty holes in which they die." a moment of silence that was pain as he paused and a hundred eyes swept the room in search of the man. again the speaker stood without a sign. he merely paused to let his message sink in the hearts of his hearers. "my eyes have found another man in this crowd who is an employer of wage slaves. he is here to denounce chattel slavery in the south as the sum of all villainies while he practices a system of wage slavery more cruel without a thought morally wrong. "i say this in justice to the man because i know him. he hasn't intelligence enough to realize what he is doing. if he had he would begin by abolishing slavery in his own household. this reformer isn't a bad man at heart. he is simply an honest fool. these same fools in england have given millions to abolish black slavery in the colonies and leave their own slaves in the spittalfield slums to breed a race of paupers and criminals. why don't a buxton or a wilberforce complain of the white slavery at home? because it is indispensable to their civilization. they lose nothing in freeing negroes in distant colonies. they would lose their fortunes if they dared free their own white brethren. "the master of the wage slave employs his victim only when he needs him. the southern master supports his man whether he needs him or not. and cares for him when ill. the abolitionist proposes to free the black slave from the whip. noble work. but to what end if he deprives him of food? he escapes the lash and lands in a felon's cell or climbs the steps of a gallows. "your inspired leader, the speaker of this evening, has found his most enthusiastic support in new england. "no doubt. "in lowell, massachusetts, able-bodied men in the cotton mills are receiving 80 cents a day for ten hours' work. women are receiving 32 cents a day for the same. at no period of the history of this republic has it been possible for a human being to live in a city and reproduce his kind on such wages. what is the result? the racial stock that made the commonwealth of massachusetts a civilized state is perishing. it is being replaced from the slums of europe. the standard of life is dragged lower with each generation. "the negro, you tell me, must work for others or be flogged. the poor white man at your door must work for others or be starved. the negro is subject to a single master. he learns to know him, if not to like him. there is something human in the touch of their lives. the poor white man here is the slave of many masters. the negro may lead the life of a farm horse. your wage slave is a horse that hasn't even a stable. he roams the street in the snows of winter. he is ridden by anybody who wishes a ride. he is cared for by nobody. our rich will do anything for the poor except to get off their backs. the negro has a master in sickness and health. the wage slave is honored with the privilege of slavery only so long as he can work ten hours a day. he is a pauper when he can toil no more. "your abolitionist has fixed his eye on chattel slavery in the south. it involves but three million five-hundred thousand negroes. the system of wage slavery involves the lives of twenty-five million white men and women. "slavery was not abolished in the north on moral grounds, but because, as a system of labor it was old-fashioned, sentimental, extravagant, inefficient. it was abolished by the masters of men, not by the men. "the north abolished slavery for economy in production. there was no sentiment in it. wage slavery has proven itself ten times more cruel, more merciless, more efficient. the captain of industry has seen the vision of an empire of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice. he has seen that the master who cares for the aged, the infirm, the sick, the lame, the halt is a fool who must lag behind in the march of the juggernaut. only a fool stops to build a shelter for his slave when he can kick him out in the cold and find hundreds of fresh men to take his place. "two years ago the chief of police of the city of new york took the census of the poor who were compelled to live in cellars. he found that eighteen thousand five hundred and eighty-six white wage slaves lived in these pest holes under the earth. one-thirteenth of the population of the city lives thus underground to-day. hundreds of these cellars are near the river. they are not waterproof. their floors are mud. when the tides rise the water floods these noisome holes. the bedding and furniture float. fierce wharf rats, rising from their dens, dispute with men, women and children the right to the shelves above the water line. "there are cellars devoted entirely to lodging where working men and women can find a bed of straw for two cents a night--the bare dirt for one cent. black and white men, women and children, are mixed in one dirty mass. these rooms are without light, without air, filled with the damp vapors of mildewed wood and clothing. they swarm with every species of vermin that infest the animal and human body. the scenes of depravity that nightly occur in these lairs of beasts are beyond words. "these are the homes provided by the master who has established 'free' labor as the economic weapon with which he has set out to conquer the world. "and he is conquering with it. the superior, merciless power of this system as an economic weapon is bound to do in america what it has done throughout the world. the days of chattel slavery are numbered. the abolitionist is wasting his breath, or worse. he is raising a feud that may drench this nation in blood in a senseless war over an issue that is settled before it's raised. "long ago the economist discovered that there was no vice under the system of chattel slavery that could not be more freely gratified under the new system of wage slavery. "you weep because the negro slave must serve one master. he has no power to choose a new one. do not forget that the power to _choose_ a new master carries with it power to discharge the wage slave and hire a new one. this power to discharge is the most merciless and cruel tyranny ever developed in the struggle of man from savagery to civilization. this awful right places in the hand of the master the power of life and death. he can deprive his wage slave of fuel, food, clothes, shelter. life is the only right worth having if its exercise is put into question. a starving man has no liberty. the word can have no meaning. he must live first or he cannot be a man. "the wage slave is producing more than the chattel slaves ever produced, man for man, and is receiving less than the negro slave of the south is getting for his labor to-day. "your system of wage slavery is the cunning trick by which the cruel master finds that he can deny to the worker all rights he ever had as a slave. "if you doubt its power, look at this bundle of rags in my hands and remember that there are five thousand half-starved children homeless and abandoned in the streets of this city to-night. "find for me one ragged, freezing, starving, black baby in the south and i will buy a musket to equip an army for its invasion--" he paused a moment, turned and gazed at the men on the platform and then faced the crowd in a final burst of triumphant scorn. "fools, liars, hypocrites, clean your own filthy house before you weep over the woes of negroes who are singing while they toil--" a man on an end seat of the middle aisle suddenly sprang to his feet and yelled: "put him out!" before gerrit smith could reach evans with a gift of five dollars for the sick child which he still held in his arms the crowd had become a mob. they hustled the labor leader into the street and told him to go back to hell where he came from. through it all john brown sat on the platform with his blue-gray eyes fixed in space. he had seen, heard or realized nothing that had passed. his mind was brooding over the plains of kansas. chapter xiii it was october, 1854, before john brown's three sons, owen, frederick and salmon, left ohio for their long journey to kansas. in april, 1855, they crossed the missouri river and entered the territory. john brown decided to move his family once more to north elba before going west. it was june before his people reached this negro settlement in northern new york. he placed his wife and children in an unplastered, four-roomed house. through its rough weatherboarding the winds and snows of winter would howl. it had been hurriedly thrown together by his son-in-law, henry thompson. brown had never stayed on one of his little farms long enough to bring order out of chaos. his restless spirit left him no peace. he was now in boston, now in springfield, massachusetts, now in new york, again in ohio, or illinois. he was giving up the work in ohio to follow his sons into kansas. he had planned to move there two years before and abandoned the idea. he had at last fully determined to go. on october the sixth, his party reached the family settlement at osawatomie. with characteristic queerness the old man did not enter with his sons, oliver, jason and john, jr., and their caravan. he stopped alone on the roadside two miles away until next day. the party on arrival had plenty of guns, swords and ammunition but their treasury held but sixty cents. the family settlement were living in tents around which the chill autumn winds were howling. the poor crops they had raised had not been harvested. the men were ill and discouraged. there was little meat, except game and that was difficult to kill. their only bread was made from corn meal ground at a hand-turned mill two miles away. brown's sons, who had preceded him, had lost all vigor. the old man was not slow to see the way out. the situation called for action. he determined to get it. he immediately plunged into free soil politics without pausing to build his first shanty against the coming rains and snows of a terrible winter. chapter xiv the race for the lands of the new territories of kansas and nebraska was on to the finish. nebraska was far north. kansas only interested the southerner. the frontiersmen were crossing the boundary lines years before congress formally opened them for settlement. after a brief stop in west tennessee the doyles had succeeded in reaching miami county, just beyond the missouri border, in 1853. they had settled on a fertile quarter section on the pottawattomie creek in a small group of people of southern feeling. the sun of a new world had begun to shine at last for the humble but ambitious woman who had borne five strong children to be the athletic sons and daughters of a free country. her soul rose in a triumphant song that made her little home the holy of holies of a new religion. her husband was the lord of a domain of fertile land. his fields were green with wheat. she loved to look over its acres of velvet carpet. in june her man and three stalwart boys, now twenty, eighteen and fourteen years of age, would swing the reaper into that field and harvest the waving gold without the aid of a hired laborer. she and her little girls would help and sing while they toiled. there was no debt on their books. they had horses, cows, sheep, pigs, chickens, ducks, turkeys. their crib was bulging with corn. the bins in their barn were filled with grain. their house was still the humble cottage of the prairie pioneer, but her men had made it snug and warm against the winds and snows of winter. their farm had plenty of timber on the pottawattomie creek which flowed through the center of the tract. they had wood for their fires and logs with which to construct their stable and outhouses. the house they built four-square with sharp gables patterned after the home they had lost. there were no dormers in the attic, but two windows peeped out of the gable beside the stone chimney and gave light and air to the boys' room in the loft. a shed extension in the rear was large enough for both kitchen and dining room. the home stood close beside the creek, and the murmur of its waters made music for a busy mother's heart. there was no porch over the front door. but her boys had built a lattice work that held a labyrinth of morning glories in the summer. she had found the gorgeous wild flowers blooming on the prairies and made a hedge of them for the walks. they were sending their shoots up through the soil now to meet the sun of spring. the warm rays had already begun to clothe the prairie world with beauty and fragrance. the mother never tired of taking her girls on the hill beyond the creek and watching the men at work on the wide sweeping plains that melted into the skyline miles beyond. something in its vast silence, in its message of the infinite, soothed her spirit. all her life in the east she had been fighting against losing odds. these wide breathing plains had stricken the shackles from her soul. she was free. sometimes she felt like shouting it into the sky. sometimes she knelt among the trees and thanked god for his mercy in giving her the new lease of life. the new lease on life had depth and meaning because she lived and breathed in her children. her man had a man's chance at last. her boys had a chance. the one thing that gave her joy day and night was the consciousness of living among the men and women of her own race. there was not a negro in the county, bond or free, and she fervently prayed that there never would be. now that they were free from the sickening dread of such competition in life, she had no hatred of the race. as a free white woman, the mother of free white men and women, all she asked was freedom from the touch of an inferior. she had always felt instinctively that this physical contact was poison. she breathed deeply for the first time. there was just one cloud on the horizon which threatened her peace and future. her husband, after the fashion of his kind, in the old world and the new, had always held political opinions and had dared to express them without fear or favor. in virginia his vote was sought by the leaders of the county. he had been poor but he had influence because he dared to think for himself. he was a southern born white man, and he held the convictions of his birthright. he had never stopped to analyze these faiths. he believed in them as he believed in god. they were things not to be questioned. doyle had not hesitated to express his opinions in kansas as in virginia. the few southern settlers on the pottawattomie creek were sympathetic and no trouble had come. but the keen ears of the woman had caught ominous rumors on the plains. the father and mother sat on a rude board settee which john had built. the boy had nailed it against a black jack close beside the bend of the creek where the ripple of the hurrying waters makes music when the stream is low and swells into a roar when gorged by the rains. the woman's face was troubled as she listened to the waters. she studied the strong lines of her husband's neck, shoulders and head, with a touch of pride and fear. his tongue was long in a political argument. he had a fatal gift of speech. he could say witty, bitter things if stung by an opponent. she spoke with deep seriousness: "i wish you wouldn't talk so much, john--" "and why not?" "you'll get in trouble." "well, i've been in trouble most of my life. there's no use livin' at all, if you live in fear. i ain't never knowed what it is to be afraid. and i'm too old to learn." "they say, the northern men that's passin' into the territory have got guns and swords. and they say they're goin' to use 'em. they outnumber the southerners five to one." "what are they goin' to do with their guns and swords? cut a man's tongue out because he dares to say who he's goin' to vote for next election?" "you don't have to talk so loud anyhow," his wife persisted. "ole woman, i'm free, white, and twenty-one. i've been a-votin' and watchin' the elections in this country for twenty odd years. ef i've got to tiptoe around, ashamed of my raisin', and ashamed of my principles, i don't want to live. i wouldn't be fit ter live." "i want ye to live." "you wouldn't want to live with a coward." "a brave man can hold his tongue, john." "i ain't never learnt the habit, honey." "won't you begin?" "ye can't learn a old dog new tricks--can they, jack?" he stroked his dog's friendly nose suddenly thrust against his knee. "you know, honey," he went on laughingly, "we brought this yellow pup from old virginia. he's the best rabbit and squirrel dog in the county. i've taught him to stalk prairie chickens out here. i'd be ashamed to look my dog in the face ef i wuz ter tuck my tail between my legs and run every time a fool blows off his mouth about the south--" he stopped and laughed, his white teeth gleaming through his fine beard. "don't you worry, honey. those fields are too purty this spring for worrying. we're goin' to send colonel lee our last payment this fall and we'll not owe a cent to any man on earth." chapter xv john brown plunged into politics in kansas under the impression that his will could dominate the rank and file of the northern party. he quickly faced the fact that the frontiersmen had opinions of their own. and they were not in the habit of taking orders from a master. his hopes were raised to their highest at the free state convention which met at lawrence on monday, the twenty-fifth of june, 1855. this convention spoke in tones that stirred brown's admiration. it meant action. they elected him a vice president of the body. he had expected to be made president. however, his leadership was recognized. all he needed was the opportunity to take the action on which his mind had long been fixed. the moment blood began to flow, there would be but one leader. of that, he felt sure. he could bide his time. the convention urged the people to unite on the one issue of making kansas a free soil state. they called on every member of the shawnee legislature who held free soil views to resign from that body, although it had been recognized by the national government as the duly authorized law-making assembly of the territory. they denounced this legislature as the creature of settlers from missouri who had crowded over the border before the northerners could reach their destination. they urged all people to refuse to obey every law passed by the body. the final resolution was one inspired by brown himself. it was a bold declaration that if their opponents wished to fight, the northerners were ready! the challenge was unmistakable. brown felt that action was imminent. only a set of poltroons would fail to accept the gauge of battle thus flung in their faces. to his amazement the challenge was not received by the rank and file of the free soil party with enthusiasm. most of these northerners had moved to kansas as bona fide settlers. they came to build homes for the women they had left behind. they came to rush their shacks into shape to receive their loved ones. they had been furnished arms and ammunition by enthusiastic friends and politicians in the older states. and they had eagerly accepted the gifts. there were droves of indians still roaming the plains. there were dangers to be faced. the southern ruffians of whom they had heard so much had not materialized. although the radical wing of the northern party had made lawrence its capital and through their paper, the _herald of freedom_, issued challenge after challenge to their enemies. the northern settlers began to divide into groups whose purposes were irreconcilable. six different conventions met in lawrence on or before the fifteenth of august. each one of these conventions was divided in councils. in each the cleavage between the moderates and radicals became wider. out of the six conventions of northerners at lawrence, out of resolution and counter resolution, finally emerged the accepted plan of a general convention at big springs. the gathering was remarkable for the surprise it gave to the radicals of whom brown was the leader. the convention adopted the first platform of the free state party and nominated ex-governor reeder as its candidate for delegate to congress. for the first time the hard-headed frontiersmen who came to kansas for honest purposes spoke in plain language. the first resolution settled the slavery issue. it declared that slavery was a curse and that kansas should be free of this curse. but that as a matter of common sense they would consent to any reasonable adjustment in regard to the few slaves that had already been brought into the territory. brown and his followers demanded that slavery should be denounced as a crime, not a curse, as the sum of all villainies and the southern master as a vicious and willful criminal. the mild expression of the platform on this issue wrought the old man's anger to white heat. the offer to compromise with the slave holder already in kansas he repudiated with scorn. but a more bitter draught was still in store for him. the platform provided that kansas should be a free white state. and in no uncertain words made plain that the accent should be on the word white. the document demanded the most stringent laws excluding all negroes, bond and free, forever from the territory. the old man did not hear this resolution when read. so deep was his brooding anger, the words made no impression. their full import did not dawn on him until john brown, jr., leaned close and whispered: "did you hear that?" the father stirred from his reverie and turned a dazed look on his son. "hear what?" "the infamous resolution demanding that kansas be made a white man's country and no negro, bond or free, shall ever be allowed to enter it?" the hard mouth twitched with scorn. and his jaws came together with a snap. "it doesn't matter what they add to their first maudlin plank on the slavery issue." "will you sit here and see this vile thing done?" a look of weariness came over the stern face with its deep-cut lines. "it's a waste of words to talk to politicians." john, jr. was grasping at the next resolution which was one surpassing belief. he rubbed his ears to see if he were really hearing correctly. this resolution denounced the charge that they were radicals at all. it denounced the attempt of any man to interfere by violence with slaves or slavery where protected by the supreme law of the land. it repudiated as stale and ridiculous the charge of abolitionism against them. and declared that such an accusation is without a shadow of truth to support it. charles stearns, the representative of the new england society, leaped to his feet and denounced the platform in withering tones. he fairly shrieked his final sentence: "all honest anti-slavery men, here and elsewhere, will spit on your platform!" he paused and faced the leaders who had drafted it. "and all pro-slavery men must forever despise the base sycophants who originated it!" john brown, jr., applauded. the crowd laughed. old john brown had paid no further heed to the proceedings of the convention. his eyelids were drawn half down. only pin points of glittering light remained. the resolutions were adopted by an overwhelming majority. in the east, horace greeley in the _tribune_ reluctantly accepted the platform: "why free blacks should be excluded it is difficult to understand; but if slavery can be kept out by compromise of that sort, we shall not complain. an error of this character may be corrected; but let slavery obtain a foothold there and it is not so easily removed." brown's hopes were to be still further dashed by the persistence with which the leaders of this convention followed up the program of establishing a white man's country on the free plains of the west. when the convention met at topeka on the twenty-third of october, to form a constitution, the determination to exclude all negroes from kansas was again sustained. the majority were finally badgered into submitting the issue to a separate vote of the people. on the fifteenth of december, the northern settlers voted on it and the question _was_ settled. negroes were excluded by a three-fourths majority. three-fourths of the free state settlers were in favor of a white man's country and the heaviest vote against the admission of negroes was polled in lawrence and topeka, where the radicals had from the first made the most noise. the northern men who had come to kansas merely to oppose the extension of slavery were in a hopeless minority in their own party. the american voters still had too much common sense to be led into a position to provoke civil war. john brown spent long hours in prayer after the final vote on the negro issue had been counted. he denounced the leaders in politics in kansas as trimmers, time servers, sycophants and liars. he walked beneath the star-sown skies through the night. he wrestled with his god for a vision. there must be a way to action. he rose from prayer at dawn after a sleepless night and called for his sons, owen, oliver, frederick and salmon, to get ready for a journey. he had received a first hint of the will of god. he believed it might lead to the way. he organized a surveyor's party and disguised himself as a united states surveyor. he had brought to kansas a complete outfit for surveying land. he instructed owen and frederick to act as chain carriers, salmon as axeman and oliver as marker. he reached the little southern settlement on the pottawattomie creek the fifteenth of may. he planted his compass on the bank of the creek near the doyles' house and proceeded to run a base line. the father and three boys were in the fields at work beyond the hill. he raised his compass and followed the chainman to the doyles' door. the mother and little girl trudged behind, delighted with the diversion of the party, so rare on the lonely prairies. little could they dream the grim deed that was shaping in the soul of the surveyor. when they reached the house she turned to the old man with southern courtesy: "won't you come in, sir, and rest a few minutes?" the strange, blue-gray eyes glanced restlessly toward the hill and he signaled his sons: "rest awhile, boys." frederick and oliver sat down on a pile of logs. salmon and owen, at a nod from their father, wandered carelessly toward the stable and outhouses. owen found the dog doyle had brought from virginia and took pains to make friends with him. brown's keen, restless eyes carefully inspected the door, its fastenings and the strength of its hinges. the iron of the hinges was flimsy. the fastening was the old-fashioned wooden shutters hung outside and closed with a single slide. he noted with a quick glance that there was no cross bar of heavy wood nor any sockets in which such a bar could be dropped. the windows were small. there was no glass. solid wooden shutters hung outside and closed with a single hook and eye for fastenings. the sun was setting before the surveying party stopped work. they had run a line close to the house of every southern settler on the pottawattomie creek, noting carefully every path leading to each house. they had carefully mapped the settlement and taken a census of every male inhabitant and every dog attached to each house. they also made an inventory of the horses, saddles and bridles. having completed their strange errand, they packed their instruments and rode toward osawatomie. chapter xvi with the opening of the territory of kansas the first regiment of united states cavalry, commanded by colonel e.v. sumner, had been transferred to fort leavenworth. the life of the barracks was young lieutenant j.e.b. stuart. colonel lee had been transferred from west point to the command of the second united states cavalry on the mexican border at the same time that stuart's regiment was moved to kansas. the rollicking song-loving, banjo-playing virginian had early distinguished himself as an indian fighter. he had been dangerously wounded, but recovered with remarkable rapidity. his perfect health and his clean habits stood him in good stead on the day an indian's bullet crashed through his breast. he was a favorite with officers and men. as a cadet he had given promise of the coming soldier. at the academy he was noted for his strict attendance to every military duty, and his erect, soldierly bearing. he was particularly noted for an almost thankful acceptance of a challenge to fight any cadet who might feel himself aggrieved. the boys called him a "bible class man." he was never known to swear or drink. they also called him "beauty stuart," in good natured boyish teasing. he was the best-looking cadet of his class, as he was the best-looking young officer of his regiment. his hair was a reddish brown. his eyes a deep steel blue, his voice clear and ringing. in his voice the soul of the man spoke to his fellows. he was always singing--always eager for a frolic of innocent fun. above all, he was always eager for a frolic with a pretty girl. he played both the banjo and the guitar and little he cared for the gathering political feud which old john brown and his sons had begun to foment on the frontier. as a southerner the struggle did not interest him. it was a foregone conclusion that the country would be settled by northern immigrants. they were pouring into the territory in endless streams. a colony from new haven, connecticut, one hundred strong, had just settled sixty miles above lawrence on the kansas river. they knew how to plow and plant their fields and they had modern machinery with which to do it. the few southerners who came to kansas were poorly equipped. lawrence was crowded with immigrants from every section of the north. the fields were white with their tents. a company from ohio, one from connecticut, and one from new hampshire were camping just outside the town. daily their exploring committees went forth to look at localities. daily new companies poured in. stuart let them pour and asked no questions about their politics. he was keen on one thing only--the pretty girls that might be among them. when exploring parties came to fort leavenworth, the young lieutenant inspected them with an eye single to a possible dance for the regiment. the number of pretty girls was not sufficient to cause excitement among the officers as yet. the daughters of the east were not anxious to explore kansas at this moment. the indians were still troublesome at times. a rumor spread through the barracks that the prettiest girl in kansas had just arrived at fort riley, sixty-eight miles beyond topeka. colonel phillip st. george cooke of virginia commanded the fort and his daughter flora had ventured all the way from harper's ferry to the plains to see her beloved daddy. the news thrilled stuart. he found an excuse to carry a message from colonel sumner to colonel cooke. he expected nothing serious, of course. every daughter of virginia knew how to flirt. she would know that he understood this from the start. it would be nip and tuck between the virginia boy and the virginia girl. he had always had such easy sailing in his flirtations he hoped miss flora would prove a worthy antagonist. as a matter of course, colonel cooke asked the gallant young virginian to stay as his guest. "what'll colonel sumner say, sir?" stuart laughed. "leave sumner to me." "you'll guarantee immunity?" "guaranteed." "thank you, colonel cooke, i'll stay." stuart could hardly wait until the hour of lunch to meet the daughter. he was impatient to ask where she was. the colonel guessed his anxiety and hastened to relieve it, or increase it. "you haven't met my daughter, lieutenant?" he asked casually. "i haven't that honor, colonel, but this gives me the happy opportunity." he said it with such boyish fun in his ringing voice that cooke laughed in spite of his desire to maintain the strictest dignity. he half suspected that the young officer might meet his match in more ways than one. "she'll be in at noon," the commander remarked. "off riding with one of the boys." "of course," stuart sighed. he began to scent a battle and his spirits rose. he went to his room, took his banjo out of its old leather strapped case and tuned it carefully. he made up his mind to give the young buck out riding with her the fight of his life while there. he heard the ring of the girl's laughter as she bade her escort goodbye at the door. he started to go down at once and begin the struggle. something in the ring of her young voice stopped him. there was a joyous strength in it that was disconcerting. a girl who laughed like that had poise. she was an individual. he liked, too, the tones of her voice before he had seen her. this struck him as odd. never in his life before had he liked a girl before meeting her just for a tone quality in her voice. this one haunted him the whole time he was changing his uniform. he decided to shave again. he had shaved the night before very late. he didn't like the suggestion of red stubble on his face. it might put him at a disadvantage. he resented the name of beauty stuart and yet down in his man soul he knew that he was vain. he began to wonder if she were blonde or brunette, short or tall, petite or full, blue eyes or brown? she must be pretty. her father was a man of delicate and finely marked features--the type of scotch-irish gentlemen who had made the mountains of virginia famous for pretty women and brainy men. he heard her softly playing a piano and wondered how on earth they had ever moved a piano to this far outpost of civilization. the cost was enormous. but the motive of her father in making such a sacrifice to please her was more important. his love for her must be unusual. it piqued his interest and roused again his impulse for a battle royal with another elusive daughter of his native state. he made up his mind not to wait for the call to lunch. he would walk boldly into the reception room and introduce himself. she knew he was there, of course. at the first sound of his footstep, her hand paused on the keys and she turned to greet him, rising quickly, and easily. the vision which greeted stuart stunned him for a moment. a perfect blonde with laughing blue eyes, exactly the color of his own, slim and graceful, a smile that was sunlight, and a step that was grace incarnate. and yet her beauty was not the thing that stunned him. he had discounted her good looks from a study of her father's delicate face. it was the glow of a charming personality that disarmed him at the first glance. she extended a slender hand with a smile. "i'm so glad to meet you, lieutenant stuart." he took it awkwardly, and blushed. he mumbled when he spoke and was conscious that his voice was thick. "and i'm so glad to see you, miss flora." they had each uttered the most banal greeting. yet the way in which the words were spoken was significant. never in his life had he heard a voice so gentle, so tender, so appealing in its sincerity. all desire to flirt, to match wit against a charming girl vanished. he felt a resistless impulse to protect her from any fool who would dare try to start a flirtation. she was too straightforward, too earnest, too sincere. she seemed a part of his own inmost thought and life. it was easy to see that while she was the pet of her father, she was unspoiled. stuart caught himself at last staring at her in a dazed, foolish way. he pulled himself together and wondered how long he had held her hand. "won't you play for me, miss flora?" he asked at last. "if you'll sing," she laughed. "how do you know i sing?" "how do you know i play?" "i heard you." "i heard you, too." "upstairs?" "just before you came down." "i had no idea i was so loud." "your voice rings. it has carrying power." he started to say: "i hope you like it," and something inside whispered: "behave." she took the seat at the piano and touched the keys with an easy, graceful movement. she looked up and smiled. her eyes blinded him. they were so bright and friendly. "what will you sing?" "_annie laurie_," he answered promptly. stuart sang with deep tenderness and passion. he outdid himself. and he knew it. he never knew before that he could sing so well. on the last stanza the girl softly joined a low, sweet voice with his. as the final note died away in stuart's voice, hers lingered a caress. the man's heart leaped at its tenderness. "why didn't you join me at first?" he asked. "nobody axed me, sir!" she said. "well, i ask you now--come on--we'll do it together!" "all right," was the jolly answer. they sang it in duet to the soft accompaniment which she played. never had he heard such singing by a slip of a girl. her voice was rich, full of feeling and caressing tenderness. he felt his soul dissolving in its liquid depths. throughout the lunch he caught himself staring at her in moments of long silence. he had for the first time in his life lost his capacity for silly gaiety. he roused himself with an effort, and wondered what on earth had come over him. he was too deeply interested in studying the girl to attempt to analyze his own feelings. it never occurred to him to try. he was too busy watching the tender light in her eyes. he wondered if she could be engaged to the fellow she went riding with? he resented the idea. of course not. and when he remembered the care-free ring to her laughter when she said goodbye, he was reassured. no girl could laugh a goodbye like that to a man she loved. the tone was too poised and impersonal. he asked her to ride with him that afternoon. "on one condition," she smiled. "what?" "that you bring your banjo and play for me when i ask you." "how'd you know i had a banjo?" "caught the final twang as you tuned it on my arrival." "i'll bring it if you like." "please." he hurried to his room, placed the banjo in its case and threw it over his shoulder. she had promised to be ready in ten minutes and have the horses at the door. she was ready in eight minutes, and leaped into the saddle before he could reach her side. for the life of him he couldn't keep his eye off her exquisite figure. she rode without effort. she had been born in the saddle. she led him along the military road to the juncture of the smoky hill and republican rivers. a lover at the fort had built a seat against a huge rock that crowned the hill overlooking the fork of the rivers. stuart hitched the horses and found the seat. for two hours he played his banjo and they sang old songs together. "i love a banjo--don't you?" she asked enthusiastically. "it's my favorite music. there's no sorrow in a banjo. you can make it laugh. you can make it shout. you can make it growl and howl and snarl and fight. but you can't make a banjo cry. there are no tears in it. the joy of living is all a banjo knows. why should we try to know anything else anyhow?" "we shouldn't," she answered soberly. "the other things will come without invitation sometime." for an hour they talked of the deep things of life. he told of his high ambitions of service for his country in the dark days that might come in the future. of the kind of soldier the nation would need, and the ideal he had set for his soul of truth and honor, of high thinking and clean living in the temptations that come to a soldier's daily life. and she applauded his ideals. she told him they were big and fine and she was proud of him as a true son of old virginia. the sun was sinking behind the dim smoky hills toward the west when she rose. "we must be going!" "i had no idea it was so late," he apologized. it was not until he reached his room at eleven o'clock after three hours more of her in the reception room that he faced the issue squarely. he stood before the mirror and studied his flushed face. a look of deep seriousness had crept into his jolly blue eyes. "you're a goner, this time, young man!" he whispered. "you're in love." he paused and repeated it softly. "_in love_--the big thing this time. sweeping all life before it. blotting out all that's passed and gripping all that lies beyond--glory to god!" for hours he lay awake. the world was made anew. the beauty of the new thought filled his soul with gratitude. he dared not tell her yet. the stake was too big. he was playing for all that life held worth having. he couldn't rush a girl of that kind. a blunder would be fatal. he had a reputation as a flirt. she had heard it, no doubt. he must put his house in order. his word must ring true. she must believe him. he made up his mind to return to fort leavenworth next day and manage somehow to get transferred to fort riley for two weeks. chapter xvii the surveyor of the lands of pottawattomie creek was shaping the organization of a band of followers. to this little group, composed as yet of his own sons in the main, he talked of his work, his great duty, his mission with mystic elation. a single idea was slowly fixing itself in his mind as the purpose of life. it was fast becoming an obsession. he slept but little. the night before he had slept but two hours. when the camp supper had been prepared, he stood with bare head in the midst of his followers and thanked god. the meal was eaten to-night in a grim silence which brown did not break once. the supper over, he rose and again returned thanks to the bountiful giver. and then he left the camp without a word. alone he tramped the prairie beneath the starlit sky of a beautiful may night. hour after hour he paused and prayed. always the one refrain came from his stern lips: "give me, oh, lord god, the vision!" and he would wait with eyes set on the stars for its revelation. he crouched at last against the trunk of a tree in a little ravine near the camp. it was past three o'clock. william walker, who was acting his second in command, was still waiting his orders for the following day. he saw brown enter the ravine at one o'clock. impatient of his endless wandering, tired and sleepy, he decided to follow his chief and ask his orders. he found him in a sitting posture, leaning against a blackjack, his rifle across his knees. walker called softly and received no response. he approached and laid his hand on his shoulder. instantly he leaped to his feet, his rifle at his follower's breast, his finger on the trigger. "my god!" walker yelled. his speech was too late to stop the pressure of the finger. walker pushed the muzzle up and the ball grazed his shoulder. the leader gripped his follower's arm, stared at him a moment and merely grunted: "oh!" when the day dawned a new man was found to act as second in command. walker had deserted his queer chieftain. the old man entered the camp at dawn, the light of determination in his eyes and a new set to his jaw. his first plan of the pottawattomie was right. the turn toward lawrence had been a waste of time. he selected six men to accompany him on his mission, his four sons who had made up the surveyor's party, his son-in-law, henry thompson, and theodore weiner. owen, salmon, oliver and frederick brown knew every foot of the ground. they had carried the chain, set the markers and flags and kept the records. he called his men in line and issued his first command: "to the house of james townsley." townsley belonged to the pottawattomie rifles of which organization his son, john jr., was the captain. arrived at the house, brown drew townsley aside and spoke in a vague, impersonal manner. "i hear there is trouble expected on the pottawattomie." "is there?" "we hear it." "what are you going to do?" "march to their rescue. will you help us?" "how?" "harness your team of grays and take our party to pottawattomie." "all right." the old man found a grindstone and ordered the ugly cutlasses which he had brought from ohio to be sharpened. he stood over the stone and watched it turned until each edge was as keen as a butcher's blade. it began to dawn on the two younger sons before the grinding of the swords was finished what their father had determined. frederick asked oliver tremblingly: "what do you think of this thing?" "it looks black to me." "it looks hellish to me." "i'm not going." "nor am i." they promptly reported the decision to their father. his eyes flamed. "it's too late to retreat now!" "we're not going," was the sullen answer in chorus. the father gripped the two with his hard hands and held them as in a vise. "you will not put me to shame now before these men. you will go with me--do you hear?" his tones rang with the quiver of steel and the boys' wills weakened. frederick said finally: "we'll go with you then, but we'll take no part in what you do." "agreed," was the stern answer. he turned to oliver and said: "give me your revolver. i may need it." "it's mine," the boy replied. "i'll not give it up." the old man looked the stalwart figure over in a quick glance of appraisement. brown had been a man of iron strength in his day but his shoulders were stooped and he knew he was no match for the fierce strength of youth. yet his hesitation was only for an instant. with the sudden spring of a panther he leaped on the boy and attempted to take the pistol by force. the son resisted with fury. frederick, alarmed lest the pistol should be discharged in the struggle, managed to slip it from his brother's belt. the match was not equal. youth was master in the appeal to brute strength. at north elba the father had once thrown thirty lumbermen in a day, one after the other, in a wrestling match. he summoned the last ounce of strength now to subdue his rebellious son. frederick watched the contest with painful anxiety. his own mind was not strong. he had already given evidences of insanity that had distressed his brother. if oliver should kill his father or the old man should kill the brother! he couldn't face the hideous possibility. yet he couldn't stop them. fortunately there were no other witnesses to the fight. townsley was busy at the stable with the team. weiner and thompson had gone into the house to complete their packing of provisions for the journey. in tones of blind anguish frederick followed the two desperate struggling men. "don't do this, father!" the old man made no answer save to swing his agile son's frame to one side in another futile effort to throw him to the ground. not a word escaped his lips. his eyes flashed and glittered with the uncertain glare of a maniac in the moments when the iron muscles of the son pinned his arms and held his wiry body rigid. again frederick's low pleading could be heard. this time to his brother: "can't you stop it, oliver?" "how can i?" "for god's sake stop it--stop it!" "i can't stop it. don't ye see he's got me and i've got to hold him." the consciousness of failing strength drove the father to fury. his breath was coming now in shorter gasps. he knew his chances of success were fading. he yielded for a moment, and ceased to struggle. a cunning look crept into his eyes. the boy relaxed his vigilance. the old man felt the boy's grip ease. with a sudden thrust of his body he summoned the last ounce of strength, and threw his son to the ground. the boy laughed a devilish cry of the strong with the weak as he fell. before he touched the ground he had deftly turned the father's body beneath his and the full weight of his two hundred pounds fairly crushed the breath from the older man. a groan of rage and despair was wrung from his stern lips. but no word escaped him. frederick rushed to the prostrate figures, seized oliver by the shoulders and tore his grip loose. "this is foolish!" he stormed. no sooner had brown risen than he plunged again at his son. the boy had been playing with him to this time. the half of his strength was yet in reserve. a little angry grunt came from his lips, and his father was a child in his hands. with sure, quick movement he pinioned both arms and jammed him against the wheel of the wagon. he held him there for an instant helpless to resist or move. the last cry of despairing command came from brown's soul. "let go of me, sir!" the boy merely growled a bulldog's answer. "not till you agree to behave yourself." another desperate contraction of muscles and the order came more feebly. "will you let go of me, sir?" "will you behave yourself?" "yes," came the sullen answer. the boy relaxed his grip and stood ready for action. "all right, then." "you can keep your pistol." "i intend to." "but you are not to use it, sir, without my orders." "i am not going to use it at all, except in self-defense." "you will not be called upon to defend yourself. i am going on a divine mission. god has shown me the way in a vision. i wish no man's help who must be driven." "you'll not get any help, sir. i wouldn't have gone on that survey with you if i'd known what was in your mind." brown searched his son's eyes keenly. "you will not betray me to my enemies?" "i can't do that. you're my father." he turned to frederick. "nor you?" the tears were streaming down the boy's face. he was hysterical from the strain of the fight. "you heard me, sir," the father stormed. "what did you say?" frederick stammered. oliver explained. "he asked if you were going to betray his plans to those people on the pottawattomie." a far-away expression came into his eyes. "no--no--not that." "then you'll both follow and keep out of my way until we have finished the work and then come back with me?" "yes," oliver answered. "yes," frederick echoed vaguely. townsley and weiner were coming with the pair of grays to be hitched to the wagon. weiner led his own pony already saddled. when they reached the wagon all signs of rebellion had passed. "are you ready?" townsley asked. "ready." brown's metallic voice rang. the horses were hitched to the wagon, the provisions and equipment loaded. brown turned to his loyal followers: "arm yourselves." owen, salmon, henry thompson, theodore weiner and john brown each buckled a loaded revolver about his waist, and seized a rifle and cutlass. weiner mounted his pony as an outpost rider and the others climbed into the wagon. oliver and frederick agreed to follow on foot. the expedition moved toward the southern settlement on pottawattomie creek. brown crouched low in the wagon as it moved slowly forward and a look of cunning marked his grim face. he was the witch hunter now. the chase was on. and the game was human. as the sun was setting behind the western horizon in a glow of orange and purple glory the strange expedition drove down to the edge of the timber between two deep ravines and camped a mile above dutch henry's crossing of the pottawattomie. the scene was one of serene beauty. the month of may--saturday, the twenty-third. nature was smiling in the joy of her happiest hour. peace on earth, plenty, good will and happiness breathed from every bud and leaf and song of bird. the broad prairies of the territory were fertile and sunny. they stretched away in unbroken, sublime loveliness until the land kissed the infinite of the skies. unless one had the feeling for this suggestion of an inland sea the view might be depressing and the eye of the traveler weary. the spot which john brown picked for his camp was striking in its beauty and picturesque appeal. winding streams, swelling hills, and steep ravines broke the monotony of the plains. the streams were bordered by the rich foliage of noble trees. the streams were called "creeks." in reality, they were beautiful rivers in the month of may--the marais des cygnes and the pottawattomie. they united near osawatomie to form the osage river, the largest tributary to the missouri below its mountain sources. each river had its many tributaries winding gracefully along wood-fringed banks. beyond these ribbons of beautiful foliage stretched the gorgeous carpet of the grass-matted, flower-strewn prairies. the wild flowers were in full bloom, pushing their red, white, yellow, blue and pink heads above the grass. the wind was blowing a steady life-giving gale. the fields of flowers bowed and swayed and rose again at its touch. their perfume filled the air. the perfume of the near-by fields was mingled with the odor of thousands of miles of prairie gardens to the south and west. a peculiar clearness in the atmosphere gave the widest range to vision. brown climbed the hill alone while his men were unpacking. from the hilltop, even in the falling twilight, he could see clearly for thirty or forty miles. he swept the horizon for signs of the approach of a party which might interfere with his plan. he knelt again and prayed to his god, as the twilight deepened into darkness. the stars came out one by one and blinked down at his bent figure still in prayer, his eyes uplifted in an uncanny glare. as he slowly moved back to his camp he met townsley. frederick and oliver had reached camp and townsley had caught a note of the sinister in their whispered talk. he didn't like the looks of it. brown had told him there was trouble brewing on the pottawattomie. he had supposed, as a matter of course, that it was the long-threatened attack of enemies on weiner's store. weiner, a big, quarrelsome austrian, had been in more than one fist fight with his neighbors. brown studied townsley and decided to give him but a hint of his true purpose. he didn't like this sign of weakness on the eve of great events. townsley took the hint with a grain of salt, but what he heard was enough to bring alarm. the thing brown had hinted was incredible. but as townsley looked at the leader he realized that he was not an ordinary man. there was something extraordinary about him. he either commanded the absolute obedience of men who came near him or he sent them from him with a repulsion as strong as the attraction to those who liked him. he felt the smothering power of this spell over his own mind now and tried to break it. "mr. brown," townsley began haltingly, "i've brought you here now. you are snug in camp. i'd like to take my team back home." "to-night?" "to-night." "it won't do." "why not?" "i won't allow this party to separate until the work to which god has called me is done." "i've done my share." "no. it will not do for you to go yet." "i'm going--" "you're not!" brown faced the man and held him in a silent look of his blue-gray eyes. townsley quailed before it. "whatever happens, you brought me here. you are equally responsible with me." townsley surrendered. the threat was unmistakable. he saw that he was trapped. whether he liked it or not, he had packed his camp outfit, harnessed his horses and driven over the trail on a hunting expedition. he knew now that they were stalking human game. it sent the chills down his spine. but there was no help for it. he had to stick. brown spent the night alone reconnoitering the settlement of the pottawattomie, marking the place of his game and making sure that no alarm could be given. all was still. there was nowhere the rustle of a leaf along a roadway that approached the unsuspecting quarry. saturday dawned clear and serene. his plans required that he lie concealed the entire day. he could stalk his prey with sure success on the second night. the first he had to use in reconnoitering. when breakfast had been eaten and brown had finished his morning prayers, he ordered his men to lie low in the tall grass and give no sign of life until the shadows of night should again fall. they were not allowed to kindle another fire. the fires of the breakfast had been extinguished at daylight. the wind rose with the sun and the tall wild flowers swayed gracefully over the dusty figures of the men. they lay in a close group with brown in the center leading the low-pitched conversation which at times became a debate. as the winds whispered through the moving masses of flowers, the old man would sometimes stop his talk suddenly and an ominous silence held the group. he had the strange power of thus imposing his will on the men about him. they watched the queer light in his restless eyes as he listened to the voices within. suddenly he awaked from his reverie and began an endless denunciation of both parties in kansas. northern and southern factions had become equally vile. the southerners were always criminals. their crime was now fully shared by the time servers, trimmers and liars in the free state party. his eyelids suddenly closed halfway and his eyes shone two points of light as his metallic voice rang without restraint: "they're all crying peace, peace!" he paused and hissed his words through the grass. "there shall be no peace!" chapter xviii brown lay flat on his belly the last hour of the day catching moments of fitful sleep. at sunset he lifted his small head above the grass and scanned the horizon. there might be the curling smoke of a camp in sight. a relief party might be on his trail. he breathed a sigh of satisfaction. all was well. the sun was fast sinking beneath the hills, the prey was in sight and no hand could be lifted to help. the moment the shadows closed over the ravine he rose, stretched his cramped body and turned to thompson. "build your fire for supper." thompson nodded. "and give our men all they can eat." "yes, sir." "they'll need their strength to-night." "i understand." the supper ready, brown gathered his band around the camp fire and offered thanks to his god. the meal was eaten in silence. the tension of an imperious mind had gripped the souls of his men. they moved as if stalking game at close quarters. and they were doing this exactly. the last pot and pan had been cleaned and packed. the fire was extinguished. brown issued his first order of the deed. "lie down flat in the grass now." the men dropped one by one. brown was the last. "when i give the word, see that your arms are in trim and march single file fifty yards apart and beat the brush as you go. if you come on a cabin in our path not marked in our survey, it is important. do not pass it. report to me immediately." there was no response. he had expected none. the order was final. the first move in the man hunt was carefully planned. the instinct to kill is the elemental force, beneath our culture, which makes the hunter. the strongest personalities of our world-conquering race of nordic freemen are always hunters. if they do not practice the chase the fact is due to an accident of position in life. the opportunity has not been given. beneath the skin of the man of the college, the council table, the forum, the sacred altar, of home, and the church slumbers this elemental beast. culture at best is but a few hundred years old and it has probably skipped several generations in its growth. the archaic instinct in man to kill reaches back millions of years into the past. the only power on earth to restrain that force is law. the rules of life, embodied in law are the painful results of experience in killing and the dire effects which follow, both to the individual and the race. law is a force only so long as reverence for law is made the first principle of man's social training. the moment he lifts his individual will against the embodied experience of humanity, he is once more the elemental beast of the prehistoric jungle--the hunter. and when the game is human and the hunter is a man of prayer, we have the supreme form of the beast, the ancient witch hunter. it is a fact that the pleasure of killing is universal in man. our savage ancestors for millions of years had to kill to live. we have long ago outgrown this necessity in the development of civilization. but the instinct remains. we are human as we restrain this instinct and bring it under the dominion of law. we still hunt the most delicate and beautiful animals, stalk and kill them, driven by the passionate secret pleasure of the act of murder. with bated breath and glittering eyes we press our advantage until the broken wing ceases to flutter and the splintered bone to crawl. this imperious atavism the best of us cannot or will not control in the pursuit of animals. when man has lifted his arm in defiance of tradition and law, this impulse is the dominant force which sweeps all else as chaff before it. john brown was the apostle of the sternest faith ever developed in the agonies of our history. to him life had always been a horror. there was no hesitation, no halting, no quiver of maudlin pity, when he slowly rose from his grass-covered lair in the darkness and called his men at ten o'clock: "ready!" single file, moving silently and swiftly they crept through the night, only the sharpened swords clanking occasionally broke the silence. their tread was soft as the claws of panthers. the leader's spirit gripped mind and body of his followers. they moved northward from the camp in the ravine and crossed the mosquito creek just above the home of the doyles. once over the creek, the hunters again spread out single file fifty yards apart. they had gone but two hundred yards when the signal to halt was whispered along the line. owen brown reported to his father: "there's a cabin just ahead." "we haven't charted it in our survey?" "no." "it will not do to pass it," said brown. "they might give the alarm." "surround it and do your duty," was the stern command. owen called three men, cautiously approached the door and knocked. something moved inside and a gun was suddenly rammed through a chink in the walls. the muzzle line could be seen in the flash of a star's light. the four men broke and scattered in the brush. they reported to the leader. "we want no fight with this fool. no gun play if we can avoid it. we'll take our chances and let him alone. he'll think we're a bunch of sneak thieves. i don't see how we missed this man's place. it can't be five hundred yards from the doyles'. back to your places and swing round his cabin." owen quickly gave the order and the hunters passed on. the first one of the marked prey had shown teeth and claws and the hunters slipped on under the cover of the darkness to easier game. the doyles were not armed. at least the chances were the old shotgun was not loaded, as it was used only for hunting. the hunters crouched low and circled the doyle house, crawling through the timber and the brush. a hundred yards from the stable, a dog barked. owen had carefully marked this dog on the day of the survey. he was merely a faithful yellow cur which doyle had brought from virginia. he looked about seven years old. if crossed he might put up a nasty fight. if approached with friendly word by a voice he had once heard, the rest would be easy. the signal was given to halt. the hunters paused and stood still in their tracks. owen had taken pains to be friendly with this dog on the day of the survey. he had called him a number of times and had given him a piece of bread from his pocket. he was sure he could manage him. in a low tone he whistled and called the dog by name. he had carefully recalled it. "jack!" he listened intently and heard the soft step of a paw rustling the leaves. the plan was working. the dog pushed his way into an open space in the brush and stopped. the hunter called softly: "jack, old boy!" the dog wagged his tail. the man could see the movement of kindly greeting in the starlight, and ventured close. he bent low and called again: "come on, boy!" the dog answered with a whine, wagged his tail, came close and thrust his nose against the man's arm in a welcome greeting. with his left hand the man stroked the warm, furry head, while his right slowly slipped the ugly sharpened cutlass from its scabbard. still stroking the dog's head and softly murmuring words of endearment, he straightened his body: "bully old dog! fine old doggie--" the dog's eyes followed the rising form with confidence, wagging his tail in protest against his going. the hand gripped the brass hilt of the cutlass, the polished steel whizzed through the air and crashed into the yellow mass of flesh and bones. his aim was bad in the dark. he missed the dog's head and the sword split the body lengthwise. to the man's amazement a piercing howl of agony rang through the woods. he dropped his sword and gripped the quivering throat and held it in a vise of steel until the writhing body was still at last. inside the darkened cabin, the mother stirred from an uneasy sleep. she shook her husband and listened intently. the only sound that came from without was the chirp of crickets and the distant call of a coyote from the hill across the creek. she held her breath and listened again. the man by her side slept soundly. she couldn't understand why her heart persisted in pounding. there wasn't the rustle of a leaf outside. the wind had died down with the falling night. it couldn't be more than eleven o'clock. her husband's breathing was deep and regular. his perfect rest and the sense of strength in his warm body restored her poise. she felt the slender forms of her little girls in the trundle bed and tried to go back to sleep. it was useless. in spite of every effort her eyes refused to close. again she was sure she had heard the dog's cry in the night. she believed that it was an ugly dream. the dawn of a beautiful sunday morning would find all well in the little home and her faithful dog again wagging his tail at the door asking for breakfast. she listened to the beating of her foolish heart. wide awake, she began to murmur a prayer of thanks to god for all his goodness and mercy in the new home he had given. as owen's hands slowly relaxed from the throat of the lifeless body he seized a handful of leaves and wiped the blood from the blade and replaced it in the scabbard. he rose quickly and gave the signal to advance. again crouching low, moving with the soft tread of beasts of prey, the hunters closed in on the settler's home. the keen ears of the mother, still wide awake, caught the crunch of feet on the gravel of the walk. with a heart pounding again in alarm she raised her head and listened. from the other side of the house came the rustle of leaves stirred by another swiftly approaching footstep. it was so still she could hear her own heart beat again. there could be no mistake about it this time. she gripped her husband's arm: "john!" he moaned drowsily. "john--john--" "what's matter?" he murmured without lifting his head from the pillow. "get up quick!" "what for?" he groaned. "there's somebody around the house." "na." "i tell you--yes!" "hit's the dawgs." "i heard a man's step on the path, i tell you." "yer dreamin', ole woman--" "i'm not, i tell ye." "go back to sleep." the man settled again and breathed deeply. the woman remained on her elbow, listening with every nerve strained in agony. again she heard a step on the gravel. this time another footfall joined the first. she gripped her husband's shoulders and shook him violently. "john, john!" she whispered. he had half roused himself this time, shocked into consciousness by her trembling grip on his shoulders. but above all by the tremor in her whispered call. "what is it, mahala?" "for god's sake, get up quick and call the boys down outen the loft." "no!" he growled. "i tell you, there's somebody outside--" they were both sitting on the edge of the bed now, speaking in whispers. "you're dreamin', ole 'oman," he persisted. "i heard 'em. there's more'n one. i heard some on the other side of the house. i heard two in front. call the boys down--" "don't wake the boys up fer nothin--" "is yer gun loaded?" "no." "oh, my god." "i ain't got no powder. i don't kill game in the springtime." they both listened. all was still. they could hear the breathing of the little girls in the trundle bed. the crunch of feet suddenly came to the doorstep. the woman's hand gripped her husband's arm in terror. he heard it now. "that's funny," he mused. "call the boys!" the mother pleaded. "_wait_ till we find out what it is--" a firm knock on the door echoed through the darkened room. "god save us!" the woman breathed. doyle rose and quietly walked to the door. "what is it?" he called in friendly tones. "we're lost in the woods," a voice answered. his wife had followed and gripped his arm. "don't open that door." "wait, mother--" "we're trying to find the way to mr. wilkinson's--can you tell us?" "sure i can." he moved to open the door. again his wife held him. "don't do it!" doyle brushed her aside. "don't be foolish, mahala," he protested indignantly. "i'm a poor sort o' man if i can't tell a lost traveler the way out of the woods." "they're lyin'!" "we'll see." he raised the latch and six men crashed their way through the door. john brown led the assault. he held a dim lantern in his hand which he lifted above his head, as he surveyed the room. he kept his own face in shadow. with a smothered cry, the mother backed against the trundle bed instinctively covering the sleeping figures of the girls. brown pointed a cocked revolver at doyle's breast and said in cold tones: "call those three boys down." doyle hesitated. brown's eye glanced down the barrel of his revolver: "quick!" the man saw he had no chance. he mounted the ladder, the revolver following him. the mother's terror-stricken eyes saw that each man was armed with two revolvers, a bowie knife and cutlass. "don't you scare 'em," brown warned. "i won't." "tell 'em to come down and show us the way to wilkinson's." "boys!" the father called. there was no answer at first, and the father wondered if they had heard and gotten weapons of some kind. he hoped not. it would be a useless horror to try to defend themselves before a mother's eyes, and those little girls screaming beside her. he hastened to call a second time and reassure their fears. "boys!" william, the older one, answered drowsily: "yessir--" "come down, all of you. some travelers are here who've lost the way. they want you to help them get to mr. wilkinson's." "all right, sir." the boys hastily slipped on their trousers and shoes. "tell 'em to hurry," brown ordered. "jest slip on yer shoes and britches," doyle called. the surveyor held the lantern behind his body until the three sons had come down the ladder and he saw that they were unarmed. he stepped to the fireplace, took the shotgun from the rack and handed it to weiner. the boys, startled at the group of stern armed men, instinctively moved toward their father, dazed by the assault. brown faced the group. "you four men are my prisoners." the mother left the trundle bed and faced the leader. "who are you?" brown dropped his lantern, fixed her with his eyes. "i am the leader of the northern army." "what are you doing here to-night?" "i have come on a divine mission." "who sent you?" "the lord of hosts in a vision--" "what are you going to do?" "the will of god." "what are you going to do?" she fairly screamed in his face. "that is not for your ears, woman," was the stern answer. "i have important business with southern settlers on the pottawattomie to-night." the woman's intuition saw in a flash the hideous tragedy. with a cry of anguish she threw her arms around her husband's neck, sobbing. "oh, john, john, my man, i told ye not to talk--but ye would tell folks what ye believed. why couldn't ye be still? oh, my god, my god, it's come to this!" the man soothed her with tender touch. "hush, mother, hush. you mustn't take on." "i can't help it--i just can't. god have mercy on my poor lost soul--" she paused and looked at her boys. with a scream she threw herself first on one and then on the other. "oh, my big fine boy! i can't let you go! where is god to-night? is he dead? has he forgotten me?" the father drew her away and shook her sternly. "hush, mother, hush! yer can't show the white feather like this!" "i can't help it. i can't give up my boys!" she paused and looked at doyle. "and i can't give you up, my man--i just can't!" "don't, don't--" the husband commanded. "we've got to be men now." she fought hard to control her tears. the little girls began to sob. she rushed to the trundle bed and soothed them. "keep still, babies. they won't hurt you. keep still!" the children choked into silence and she leaped toward brown and tried to seize his hand. he repulsed her and she went on frantically. "please, for god's sake, man, have mercy on a wife and mother, if you ain't got no pity in your heart for my men! surely you have women home. their hearts can break like mine. my man's only been talkin' as politicians talk. it was nothing. surely it's no crime." brown drew a notebook from his pocket and held it up. "i have the record in this book of your husband's words against the men of our party, madame. he stands convicted of murder in his heart. his sons are not of age. their opinions are his." for a moment the mother forgot her pleading and shrieked her defiance into the stern face before her. "and who made you a judge o' life and death for my man and my sons? i bore these boys of the pains of my body. god gave them to me. they are mine, not yours!" brown brushed her aside. "that's enough from you. those men are my prisoners. bring them on!" he moved toward the door and the guards with drawn swords closed in on the group. the mother leaped forward and barred the way to the door. she faced brown with blanched face. her breath came in short gasps. she fought desperately for control of her voice, failed to make a sound, staggered to the old man, grasped blindly his body and sank to her knees at his feet. at last she managed to gasp: "just one of my boys--then--my baby boy! he's a big boy--but look at his smooth face--he ain't but fourteen years old. hit don't seem but yistiday that he wuz just a laughin' baby in my arms! and i've always been that proud of him. he's smart. he's always been smart--and god forgive me--i've loved him better'n all the others--hit--wuzn't--right-fer--a--mother--to--love one of her--children--more--than--the--others-but i couldn't help it! if ye'll just spare him--hit's all i'll ask ye now"--her voice sank into a sob as her face touched the floor. the dark figure above her did not move and she lifted her head with desperate courage. "i'll be all alone here--a broken-hearted woman with two little gals and nobody to help me--or work fer me--ef you'll just spare my baby boy--" she sprang to her feet and threw her arms around the youngest boy's neck. "oh, my baby, my baby, i can't let ye go--i can't--i can't!" she lifted her tear-streaming eyes to the dark face again. "please, please, for the love of god--you--say--you--believe--in--god--leave me this one!" brown moved his head in a moment's uncertainty. he turned to owen. "leave him and come on with the others." with a desperate cry, the mother closed her eyes and clung to the boy. she dared not lift them in prayer for the others as they passed out into the night. the armed men had seized her husband and her two older sons, william and drury, and hustled them through the door. the mother drew the boy back on the trundle bed and held him in her arms. the little girls crouched close and began to sob. "hush--don't make a noise. they won't hurt you. i want to hear what they do--maybe--" the mother stopped short, fascinated by the horror of the tragedy she knew would take place outside her door. the darkness gave no token of its progress. a cricket was chirping in the chimney just awakened by the noise. she held her breath and listened. not a sound. the silence was unbearable. she sprang to her feet in a moment's fierce rebellion against the crime of such an infamous attack. a roused lioness, she leaped to the mantel to seize the shotgun. john followed and caught her. "the gun's gone, ma," he cried. "yes, yes, i forgot," she gasped. "they took it, the damned fiends!" "ma, ma, be still!" the boy pleaded. he was horror-stricken at the oath from her lips. in all his life he had never heard her use a vulgar word. "yes, of course," she faltered. "i mustn't try to do anything. they might come back and kill you--my baby boy!" she pressed him again to her heart and held him. she strained her ears for the first signal of the deed the darkness shrouded. the huntsmen dragged the father and two sons but a hundred and fifty yards from the door and halted beside the road. brown faced the father in the dim starlight. "you are a southern white man?" "i am, sir." "you are pro-slavery?" "i hate the sight and sound of a slave." "but you believe in the institution?" "i hate it, i tell you." brown paused as if his brain had received a shock. the answer had been utterly unexpected. the man was in earnest. he meant what he said. and he was conscious of the solemnity of the trial on which his life hung. brown came back to his cross examination, determined to convict him on the grounds he had fixed beforehand. "what do you mean when you say that you hate the institution of slavery?" "exactly what i say." "you do not believe in owning slaves?" "i do not." "did you ever own one?" "no!" "and you never expect to own one?" "never." "why did you rush into this territory among the first to cross the border?" "i come west to get away from niggers, and bring my children up in a white man's country." quick as a flash came the crucial question from lips that had never smiled. it was the triumphant scream of an eagle poised to strike. he had him at last. "then you don't believe the negro to be your brother and your equal--do you?" the poor white man's body suddenly stiffened and his chin rose: "no, by god, i don't believe that!" john brown lifted his hand in a quick signal and owen stepped stealthily behind doyle. the sharpened cutlass whistled through the air and crashed into doyle's skull. his helpless hands were lifted instinctively as he staggered. the swift descending blade split the right hand open and severed the left from the body before he crumpled in a heap on the ground. the assassin placed his knee on the prostrate figure and plunged his knife three times in the breast,--once through the heart and once through each lung. he had learned the art in butchering cattle. fifty yards away the mangled bodies of william and drury doyle lay on the ground with the dim figure of the assassin bending low to make sure that no sign of life remained. john brown raised the wick of his lantern and walked coolly up to the body of the elder doyle. he flashed the lantern on the distorted features. a look of religious ecstasy swept the stern face of the puritan and his eyes glittered with an unearthly glare. he uttered a sound that was half a laugh and half a religious shout, snatched his pistol from his belt, placed the muzzle within an inch of the dead skull and fired. the brains of the corpse splashed the muzzle of the revolver. the trembling mother inside the cabin uttered a low cry of horror and crumpled in the arms of her son. the boy dragged her to the bed and rushed to the kitchen for a cup of water. he dashed it in her face and cried for joy when she breathed again. he didn't mind the moans and sobs. the thought that she, too, might be dead had stopped his very heartbeat. he soothed her at last and sat holding her hand in the dark. the girls nestled against her side. the mother gave no sign that she was conscious of their presence. her spirit was outside the cabin now, hovering in the darkness mourning her dead. through the dread hours of the night she sat motionless, listening, dreaming. no sounds came from the darkness. the coyote had ceased to call. the cricket in the chimney slept at last. chapter xix the dark figures secured the horses, bridles and saddles and moved to the next appointed crime. the stolen horses were put in charge of the two sons, who had refused to take part in the events of the night. they were ordered to follow the huntsmen carefully. again they crept through the night and approached the home of wilkinson, the member of the legislature from the county. brown had carefully surveyed his place and felt sure of a successful attack unless the house should be alarmed by a surly dog which no member of his surveying party had been able to approach. when they arrived within two hundred yards of the gate, it was one o'clock. brown carefully watched the house for ten minutes to see that no light gleamed through a window or a chink. the wife had been sick with the measles when the survey was made. there was no sign of a light. salmon and owen brown were sent by the men on a protest to brown. salmon was spokesman. "we've got something to say to you, father, before we take out wilkinson--" "well?" the old man growled. "you gave every man strict orders to fire no guns or revolver unless necessary--didn't you?" "i did." "you fired the only shot heard to-night." "i'll not do it again. i didn't intend to. i don't know why i did it. stick to my order." "see that _you_ stick to it," the boy persisted. "i will. use only your knives and cutlasses. the cutlass first always." the men began to move slowly forward. brown called softly. "just a minute. this dog of wilkinson's is sure to bark. don't stop to try to kill him. rush the house double quick and pay no attention to his barking--" "if he bites?" owen asked. "take a chance, don't try to kill him--wilkinson might wake. now, all together--rush the house!" they rushed the house at two hundred yards. they had taken but ten steps when the dog barked so furiously brown called a halt. they waited. then, minutes later the dog raged, approaching the house and retreating. his wild cry of alarm rang with sinister echo through the woods. the faithful brute was calling his master and mistress to arms. still the man inside slept. the territory of kansas to this time had been as free from crime as any state on its border. the lawmaker had never felt a moment's uneasiness. footsteps approached the door. the sick woman saw the shadow of a man pass the window. the starlight sharply silhouetted his face against the black background. some one knocked on the door. the woman asked: "who's that?" no one answered. "henry, henry!" she called tensely. "well?" the husband answered. "there's somebody knocking at the door." wilkinson half raised in bed. "who is that?" a voice replied: "we've lost the road. we want you to tell us the way to dutch henry's." wilkinson began to call the directions. "we can't understand--" "you can't miss the way." "come out and show us!" the request was given in tones so sharp there could be no mistake. it was a command not a plea. "i'll have to go and tell them," he said to his wife. "for god's sake, don't open that door," she whispered. "it's best." she seized and held him. "you shall not go!" wilkinson sought to temporize. "i'm not dressed," he called. "i can tell you the way as well without going outdoors." the men stepped back from the door and held a consultation. john brown at once returned and began his catechism: "you are wilkinson, the member of the legislature?" "i am, sir." "you are opposed to the free soil party?" "i am." the answers were sharp to the point of curtness and his daring roused the wrath of brown to instant action. "you're my prisoner, sir." he waited an instant for an answer and, getting none, asked: "do you surrender?" "gentlemen, i do." "open the door!" "in just a minute." "open it--" "when i've made a light." "we've got a light. open that door or we'll smash it!" again the sick woman caught his arm. "don't do it!" "it's better not to resist," he answered, opening the door. brown held the lantern in his face. "put on your clothes." wilkinson began to dress. the men covered him with drawn revolvers. the sick woman sank limply on the edge of the bed. "are there any more men in this house?" brown asked sharply. "no." "have you any arms?" "only a quail gun." "search the place." the guard searched the rooms, ransacking drawers and chests. they took everything of value they could find, including the shotgun and powder flask. the sick woman at length recovered her power of speech and turned to brown. "if you've arrested my husband for anything, he's a law-abiding man. you can let him stay here with me until morning." "no!" brown growled. "i'm sick and helpless. i can't stay here by myself." "let me stay with my wife, gentlemen," wilkinson pleaded, "until i can get some one to wait on her and i'll remain on parole until you return or i'll meet you anywhere you say." brown looked at the woman and at the little children trembling by her side and curtly answered: "you have neighbors." "so i have," wilkinson agreed, "but they are not here and i cannot go for them unless you allow me." "it matters not," brown snapped. "get ready, sir." wilkinson took up his boots to pull them on when brown signaled his men to drag him out. without further words they seized him and hurried into the darkness. they dragged him a few yards from the house into a clump of dead brush. weiner was the chosen headsman. he swung his big savage figure before wilkinson and his cutlass flashed in the starlight. the woman inside the darkened house heard the crash of the blade against the skull and the dying groan from the lips of the father of her babies. when the body crumpled, weiner knelt, plunged his knife into the throat, turned it and severed the jugular vein. standing over the body john brown spoke to one of his men. "the horses, saddles and bridles from the stable--quick!" the huntsman hurried to the stable and took wilkinson's horse. it was two o'clock before they reached the home of james harris on the other side of the pottawattomie. harris lived on the highway and kept a rude frontier boarding place where travelers stopped for the night. with him lived dutch henry sherman and his brother, william. brown had no difficulty in entering this humble one-room house. it was never locked. the latch string was outside. without knocking brown lifted the latch and sprang into the room with his son, owen, and another armed huntsman. he surveyed the room. in one bed lay harris, his wife and child. in two other beds were three men, william sherman, john whitman and a stranger who had stopped for the night and had given no name. "you are our prisoners," brown announced. "it is useless for you to resist." the old man stood by one bed with drawn saber and owen stood by the other while weiner searched the room. he found two rifles and a bowie knife which he passed through the door to the guard outside. brown ordered the stranger out first. he kept him but a few minutes and brought him back. he next ordered harris to follow him. brown confronted his prisoner in the yard. a swordsman stood close by his side to catch his nod. "where is dutch henry sherman?" "on the plains hunting for lost cattle." "you are telling me the truth?" brown asked, boring him through with his terrible eyes. "the truth, sir!" he studied harris by the light of his lantern. "have you ever helped a southern settler to enter the territory of kansas?" "no." "did you take any hand in the troubles at lawrence?" "i've never been to lawrence." "have you ever done the free state party any harm?" "no. i don't take no part in politics." "have you ever intended to do that party any harm?" "i don't know nothin' about politics or parties." "what are you doing living here among these southern settlers?" "because i can get better wages." "any horses, bridles, or saddles?" "i've one horse." "saddle him and bring him here." a swordsman walked by his side while he caught and saddled his horse and delivered him to his captors. brown went back into the house and brought out william sherman. harris was ordered back to bed, and a new guard was placed inside until the ceremony with sherman should be ended. it was brief. brown had no questions to ask this man. he was the brother of henry sherman, the most hated member of the settlement. brown called thompson and weiner and spoke in tones of quick command. "take him down to the pottawattomie creek. i want this man's blood to mingle with its waters and flow to the sea!" the doomed man did not hear the sentence of his judge. the two huntsmen caught his arms and rushed him to the banks of the creek. he stood for a moment trembling and dazed. not a word had passed his lips. not one had passed his guards. they loosed their grip on his arms, stepped back and two cutlasses whistled through the air in a single stroke. the double blow was so swiftly and evenly delivered that the body stood erect until the second stroke of the sharpened blades had cut off one hand and split open the breast. when the body fell at the feet of the huntsmen they seized the quivering limbs and hurled them into the creek. they reported at once to their captain. he stood in front of the house with his restless gaze sweeping the highway for any possible, belated traveler. the one hope uppermost in his mind was that dutch henry sherman might return with his lost cattle in time. he raised his lantern and looked at his watch. the men who had butchered william sherman stood with red swords for orders. brown had not yet uttered a word. he knew that the work on the bank of the pottawattomie was done. the attitude of his swordsmen was sufficient. he asked but one question. "you threw him into the water?" "yes." "good." he closed his silver watch with a snap. "it's nearly four o'clock. we have no more time for work to-night. back to camp." the men turned to repeat his orders. "wait!" his order rang like vibrant metal. the men stopped. "we'll mount the horses we have taken, and march single file. i'll ride the horse taken here. bring him to the door." with quick springing step brown entered the house where the husband and wife and the two lodgers were still shivering under the eye of the guard with drawn sword. the leader's voice rang with a note of triumph. "you people whose lives have been spared will stay in this house until sunrise. and the less you say about what's happened to-night the longer you'll live." he turned to his guard. "come on." brown had just mounted his horse to lead the procession back to the camp in the ravine, when the first peal of thunder in a spring shower crashed overhead. he glanced up and saw that the sky was being rapidly overcast by swiftly moving clouds. a few stars still glimmered directly above. the storm without was an incident of slight importance. the rain would give him a chance to test the men inside. he ordered his followers to take refuge in the long shed under which harris stabled the horses and vehicles of travelers. he stationed a sentinel at the door of the house. his orders were clear. "cut down in his tracks without a word, the man who dares to come out." the swordsman threw a saddle blanket around his shoulders and took his place at the doorway. the storm broke in fury. in five minutes the heavens were a sea of flame. the thunder rolled over the ravine, the hills, the plains in deafening peals. flash after flash, roar after roar, an endless throb of earth and air from the titanic bombardment from the skies. the flaming sky was sublime--a changing, flashing, trembling splendor. townsley was the only coward in the group of stolid figures standing under the shed. he watched by the lightning the expression of brown's face with awe. there was something terrible in the joy that flamed in his eyes. never had he seen such a look on human face. he forgot the storm and forgot his fears of cyclones and lightning strokes in the fascination with which he watched the seamed, weather-beaten features of the man who had just committed the foulest deed in the annals of american frontier life. there was in his shifting eyes no shadow of doubt, of fear, of uncertainty. there was only the look of satisfaction, of supreme triumph. the coward caught the spark of red that flashed from his soul. for a moment he regretted that he had not joined the bloody work with his own hand. he was ashamed of his pity for the stark masses of flesh that still lay on the deluged earth. in spite of the contagion of brown's mind which he felt pulling him with resistless power, his own weaker intellect kept playing pranks with his memory. he recalled the position of the bodies which they had left in the darkness. he had seen them by the light of the lantern which brown had flashed each time before leaving. he remembered with a shiver that the two doyle boys had died with their big soft blue eyes wide open, staring upward at the starlit skies. he wondered if the rain had beaten their eyelids down. a blinding flash filled the sky and lighted every nook and corner of the woods and fields. he shook at its glare and put his hand over his eyes. for a moment he could see nothing but the wide staring gaze upward of those stalwart young bodies. he shivered and turned away from the leader. the next moment found him again watching the look of victory on the terrible face. as the lightning played about brown's form he wondered at the impression of age he gave with his face turned away and his figure motionless. he was barely fifty-seven and yet he looked seventy-five, until he moved. the moment his wiry body moved there was something uncanny in the impression he gave of a wild animal caught in human form. brown had tired waiting for the shower to pass and had begun to pace back and forth with his swinging, springy step. when he passed, townsley instinctively drew aside. he knew that he was a coward and yet he couldn't feel the consciousness of cowardice in giving this man room. it was common sense. the storm passed as swiftly as it came. without a word the leader gave the signal. his men mounted the stolen horses. with townsley's grays and weiner's pony the huntsmen returned to the camp in the ravine, a procession of cavalry. the eastern sky was whitening with the first touch of the coming sun when they dismounted. the leader ordered the fire built and a hearty breakfast cooked for each man. as was his custom he wandered from the camp alone, his arms gripped behind his stooped back. he climbed the hill, stood on its crest and watched the prairie. the storm had passed from west to east. on the eastern horizon a low fringe of clouds was still slowly moving. they lay in long ribbons of dazzling light. the sun's rays flashed through them every color of the rainbow. now they were a deep purple, growing brighter with each moment, until every flower in the waving fields was touched with its glory. the purple melted into orange; the waving fields were set with dazzling buttercups; the buttercups became poppies. and then the mounting sun kissed the clouds again. they blushed scarlet, and the fields were red. the grim face gave no sign that he saw the glory and beauty of a wonderful sabbath morning. his figure was rigid. his eyes set. a sweet odor seemed to come from the scarlet rays of the sun. the man lifted his head in surprise to find the direction from which the perfume came. he looked at the ground and saw that he was standing in a bed of ripening wild strawberries. he turned from the sunrise, stooped and ate the fruit. he was ravenously hungry. his hunger satisfied, he walked deliberately back to camp as the white light of day flooded the clean fields and woods. he called his men about the fire and searched for marks of the night's work. as the full rim of the sun crept over the eastern hills and its first rays quivered on the surface of the water, the huntsmen knelt by the bank of the pottawattomie and washed the stains from their swords, hands and clothes. breakfast finished, the leader divided among his headsmen the goods stolen from his victims and called his men to sunday prayers. with folded hands and head erect in the attitude of victory he read from memory a passage from the old hebrew prophet, singing in triumph over the enemies of the lord. from the scripture recitation, given in tones so cold and impersonal that they made townsley shiver, his voice drifted into prayer: "we thank thee, oh, lord, god of hosts, for the glorious victory thou hast given us this night over thy enemies. we have heard thy voice. we have obeyed thy commands. the wicked have been laid low. and thy glory shines throughout the world on this beautiful sabbath morning. make strong, oh, god, the arms of thy children for the work that is yet before them. thou art a jealous god. thou dost rejoice always in blood offerings on thy altars. we have this night brought to thee and laid before thy face the five offerings which the sins of man have demanded. may this blood seem good in thy sight, oh, god, as it is glorious in the eyes of thy servant whom thou hast anointed to do thy will. may it be as seed sown in good ground. may it bring forth a harvest whose red glory shall cover the earth, even as the rays of the sun have baptized our skies this morning. we wait the coming of thy kingdom, oh, lord, god of hosts. speed the day we humbly pray. amen." townsley's eyes had gradually opened at the tones of weird, religious ecstasy with which the last sentences of the prayer were spoken. he was staring at brown's face. it was radiant with a strange joy. he had not smiled; but he was happy for a moment. his happiness was so unusual, so sharply in contrast with his habitual mood, the sight of it chilled townsley's soul. chapter xx stuart succeeded in securing from colonel sumner a leave of absence of two weeks to visit fort riley. the colonel suspected the truth and teased the gallant youngster until he confessed. he handed stuart the order with a hearty laugh. "it's all right, my boy. i've been young myself. good luck." stuart's laughter rang clear and hearty. "thank you, colonel. you had me scared." he had just turned to leave the room when a messenger handed sumner a telegram. stuart paused to hear the message. "bad news, lieutenant." "what, sir?" "an attack has been made on the southern settlement on the pottawattomie." "a drunken fight--" "no. wilkinson, the member of the legislature from miami county, was taken from his house in the night and murdered." "the story's a fake," stuart ventured. "the man who sent this message doesn't make such mistakes." he paused and studied the telegram. "no. this means the beginning of a blood feud. the time's ripe for it." "we'll have better news to-morrow," stuart hoped. "we'll have worse. i've been looking for something like this since the day i heard old brown harangue a mob at lawrence." he stopped short. "you'll have to give me back that order, my boy." stuart's face fell. "colonel, i've just got to see that girl, if it's only for a day--" he slowly handed the order back to the commandant. sumner watched the red blood mount to stuart's face with a look of sympathy. "is it as bad as that, boy?" "it couldn't be worse, sir," stuart admitted in low tones. "i'm a goner." "all right. you've no time to lose, i'll give you three days--" "thank you!" "this regiment will be on the march before a week has passed or i miss my guess." "i'll be here, sir!" was the quick response. stuart grasped the leave of absence and hurried out before another messenger could arrive. he reached fort riley the following day and had but twenty-four hours in which to crowd the most important event of his life. he paced the floor in colonel cooke's reception room awaiting flora's appearance with eager impatience. what on earth could be keeping her? he asked himself the question fifty times and looked at his watch a dozen times before he heard the rustle of organdy on the stairs. a vision of radiant youth! she had taken time to make her beauty still more radiant with the daintiest touches to her blonde hair. the simple dress she wore was a poem. the young cavalier was stunned anew. there was no doubt about the welcome in her smile and voice. it thrilled him to his fingertips. he held her hand until she drew it away with a little self-conscious laugh that was confusing to stuart's plan of direct action. there was a touch of the southern girl's conscious poise and coquetry in the laugh. there was something aloof in it that meant trouble. he felt it with positive terror. he didn't have time to fence for position. he was in no mood for a flirtation. he had come to speak the deep things. she led him to a seat with an air of dignity and reserve that alarmed him still more. he had taken too much for granted perhaps. there might be another man. conceited fool! he hadn't thought it possible. her manner had been so frank, so utterly sincere. she sat by his side smiling at him in the bewitching way so many pretty girls had done before, when they merely wished to play with love. he spoke in commonplaces and studied her with increasing panic. her tactics baffled him. until at last he believed he had solved the riddle! she had suddenly waked to the fact, as he had, that she had met her fate. she was drawing back for a moment in fright at the seriousness of surrender. "yes, that's it!" he murmured half aloud. "what did you say?" she asked archly. and his heart sank again. she asked the question with a tone of teasing that made him blush in spite of himself. with sudden resolution he decided to make the plunge. he seized her hand and spoke with a queer hitch of awkwardness in his voice. "miss flora, i've just twenty-four hours to be here. every one of them is precious. i want to make them count. don't you know that i love you?" the little mouth twitched with a smile. "i've heard that you're very fickle, mr. jeb stuart. isn't this all very, very sudden, to be so serious?" she was still smiling and her eyes were twinkling, but her hand was not trembling. she was complete mistress of her emotions. stuart felt his heart pounding. he couldn't keep his hand from trembling, nor his voice from quivering slightly. "i know i've been a little quick on the trigger, miss flora. but it came to me in a flash, the moment i saw you. i've had a good time with pretty girls--yes. but i never felt that way when i met one of the others. and now i'm stammering and trembling and i don't know how to talk to you. i can't rattle on like i've done so many times. you--you've got me, dear honey girl, for life, if you want me--please--be good to me." she laughed a joyous, girlish peal that disconcerted him completely. "my daddy's been warning me against you, sir!" stuart suddenly caught a note in her laughter that gave him courage. she was not laughing at him but with him. "he did not," he protested solemnly. "colonel cooke was just as nice to me as he could be--" "certainly. he's an old virginia gentleman. behind your back he told me confidentially what he thought of you." "all right. i dare you to cross your heart and tell me what he said." "dare me?" "dee double dare you." "he said that you're a sad product of sir walter scott's novels, a singing, rollicking, flirting, lazy young cavalier." "didn't say lazy." "no." "i thought not." "i added that for good measure." "i thought so." "and he warned me that there might be a streak of the old stuart purple blood in your veins that might make you silly for life--" "didn't say silly." "no, i added that, too." stuart again seized the hand she had deftly withdrawn. he pressed it tenderly and sought the depths of her blue eyes. "ah, honey girl," he cried passionately, "don't tease me any more, please! i've got to leave you in a few hours. my regiment is going to march. it may be a serious business. you're a brave soldier's daughter and you're going to be a soldier's bride." the girl's lips quivered for the first time and her voice trembled the slightest bit as she fought for self-control. "i'll never marry a soldier." "you will!" "my daddy's never at home. i promised my mother never to look at a soldier." "you're looking at me, dear heart!" she turned quickly. "i won't--" stuart drew her suddenly into his arms and kissed her. "i love you, flora! and you're mine." she looked into his eyes, smiled, slipped both arms around his neck and kissed him. "and i love you, my foolish, singing, laughing boy!" "always?" "always." "and you'll marry me?" "you couldn't get away from me if you tried." she drew him down and kissed him again. "the shadow will always be in my heart, dear soldier man. the shadow of the day i shall lose you! but it's life. i'll face it with a smile." through the long, sweet hours of the day and deep into the night they held each other's hand, and talked and laughed and dreamed and planned. what mattered the shadow that was slowly moving across the sunlit earth? it _was_ the morning of life! chapter xxi the eight men engaged in the remarkable enterprise on the pottawattomie, led by their indomitable captain, mounted their stolen horses and boldly rode to the camp of the military company commanded by john brown, jr. the father planned to make his stand behind these guns if pursued by formidable foes. brown reached the camp of the rifles near ottawa jones' farm at midnight. the fires still burned brightly. to his surprise he found that the news of the murders had traveled faster than the stolen horses. the camp was demoralized. john brown, jr., had been forced to resign as captain and h. h. williams had been elected in his stead. the reception which the county was giving his inspired deed stunned the leader. he had expected a reign of terror. but the terror had seized his own people. he was compelled to lie and deny his guilt except to his own flesh and blood. even before his sons he was arraigned with fierce condemnation. on the outer edge of the panic-stricken camp his sons, jason and john, jr., faced him with trembling and horror in their voices. jason had denounced the first hint of the plan when the surveyor's scheme was broached. john, jr. had refused to move a step on the expedition. the two sons confronted their father with determined questions. he shifted and evaded the issue. jason squared himself and demanded: "did you kill those men?" "i did not," was the sharp answer. the son held his shifting eye by the glare of the camp fire. "did you have _anything_ to do with the killing of those men?" to his own he would not lie longer. it wasn't necessary. his reply was quick and unequivocal. "i did not do it. but i approved it." "it was the work of a beast." "you cannot speak to me like that, sir!" the old man growled. "and why not?" "i am your father, sir!" "that's why i tell you to your face that you have disgraced every child who bears your name--now--and for all time. what right had you to put this curse upon me? the devils in hell would blush to do what you have done!" the father lifted his hand as if to ward a blow and bored his son through with a steady stare. "god is my judge--not you, sir!" john brown, jr., sided with his brother in the attack but with less violence. his feebler mind was already trembling on the verge of collapse. "it cuts me to the quick," the old man finally answered, "that my own people should not understand that i had to make an example of these men--" jason finally shrieked into his ears: "who gave you the authority of almighty god to sit in judgment upon your fellow man, condemn him without trial and slay without mercy?" the father threw up both hands in a gesture of disgust and walked from the scene. he spent the night without sleep, wandering through the woods and fields. three days later while brown and his huntsmen were still hiding in the timber, the people of his own settlement at osawatomie held a public meeting which was attended by the entire male population. they unanimously adopted resolutions condemning in the bitterest terms the deed. when the old man heard of these resolutions he ground his teeth in rage. he had thought to sweep the territory with a holy war in a sacred cause. he expected the men who hated slavery to applaud his blood offering to the god of freedom. instead they had hastened to array themselves with his foes. something had gone wrong in the execution of his divine vision. his mind was stunned for the moment. but he was wrestling again with god in prayer, while the avengers were riding to demand an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. when the true history of man is written it will be the record of mind not the story of the physical acts which follow the mental process. the dangers of society are psychological, not physical. the crucial moments of human history are not found in the hours in which armies charge. they are found in the still small voices that whisper in the silence of the night to a lone watcher by the fireside. they are found in the words of will that follow hours of silent thought behind locked doors or under the stars. the story of man's progress, his relapses to barbarism, his victories, his failures, his years of savage cruelties, his eras of happiness and sorrow, must be written at last in terms of mental states. john brown's mind had conceived and executed the series of murders that shocked even a western frontier. his mind enacted the tragedy days before the actual happening. and it was the state of mind created by the deed that upset all his calculations. the reaction was overwhelming. he was correct in his faith that a blood feud once raised, all appeal to reason and common sense, all appeal to law, order, tradition, religion would be vain babble. but he had failed to gauge the moral sense of his own party. they had not yet accepted the theory which he held with such passionate conviction. brown's moral code was summed up in one passage from the bible which he quoted and brooded over daily: "without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sins." but he had made a mistake in the spot chosen for rousing the blood feud. men had instantly seen red. they sprang to their arms. they leaped as tigers leap on their prey. but his own people were the prey. he had miscalculated the conditions of frontier life, though he had not yet realized it. his stubborn, restless mind clung to the idea that the stark horror of the crimes which he had committed in the name of liberty would call at last all men who stood for freedom. he held his armed band in camp under the sternest discipline to await this call of the blood. the southern avengers who swarmed across the missouri border into the region of osawatomie accepted brown's standards of justice and mercy without question. a few men of education among them were the only restraining influence. through these exciting days the old man would show himself at daylight in different places removed from his camp in the woods. while squadrons of avengers were scouring the ravines, the river bottoms and the tangled underbrush, he was lying quietly on his arms. sometimes his pursuers camped within hearing and got their water from the same spring. with all his indomitable courage he was unable to rally sufficient men to afford protection to his people. he was a fugitive from justice with a price on his head. yet, armed and surrounded by a small band of faithful followers, he led a charmed life. his deed on the pottawattomie made murder the chief sport of the unhappy territory. the life of the frontier was reduced to anarchy. outrages became so common it was impossible to record them. murder was a daily incident. many of them passed in secret. many were not revealed for days and weeks after they had been committed--then, only by the discovery of the moldering remains of the dead. two men were found hanging on a tree near westport. they were ill-fated free state partisans who had fallen by the hand of the avengers. the troops buried them in a grave so shallow that the prairie wolves had half devoured them before they were again found and re-buried. the free soil men organized guerrilla bands for retaliation. john e. cook, a daring young adventurer, the brother-in-law of governor willard of indiana, early distinguished himself in this work. he put himself at the head of a group of twenty young "cavalry scouts" who ranged the country, asking no quarter and giving none. a squadron of avengers invaded brown's settlement at osawatomie, sacked and partly destroyed it, and killed his son, frederick, whose mind had been in a state of collapse since the night of the murders on the pottawattomie. john brown rallied a group of sympathizers and fought a pitched battle with the invaders but was defeated with bloody losses and compelled to retreat. he was followed by deputy united states marshal, henry c. pate. brown turned and boldly attacked pate's camp and another battle ensued. the deputy marshal, wishing to avoid useless bloodshed, sent out a flag of truce and asked an interview with the guerrilla commander. brown answered promptly, advanced and sent for pate. pate, trusting the flag of truce, approached the old man. "i am addressing the captain in command?" pate asked. "you are, sir." "then let me announce that i am a deputy united states marshal." "and why are you fighting us?" "i have no desire for bloodshed, sir. i am acting under the orders of the marshal of the territory." "and what does the marshal demand?" "the arrest of the men for whom i have warrants." pate had never seen john brown and had no idea that he was talking to the old man himself. "i have a proposition to make," he went on. "i'll have no proposals from you, sir," brown announced shortly. "i demand your surrender." "i am an officer of the law. i cannot surrender to armed outlaws." brown's metallic voice quivered. "i demand your immediate and unconditional surrender!" "i have the right to retire under a flag of truce and consider your proposition with my men--" pate started to go and brown stood in front of him. "you're not going." "you will violate a flag of truce?" brown signaled his men to advance and surround pate. "you're not going, sir," he repeated. "i claim my rights under a flag of truce accepted by you for this parley. an indian respects that flag." brown pointed to his men who were standing within the sound of their voices. "order those men to surrender." pate folded his arms and remained silent. brown placed his revolver at the deputy marshal's breast and shouted. "tell your men to lay down their arms!" pate refused to speak. there was a moment's deadly silence and the marshal's posse, to save the life of their captain, threw down their guns and the whole party were made prisoners. the united states cavalry at fort leavenworth were ordered to the scene to rescue the deputy marshal and his men. chapter xxii the bugles at fort leavenworth sounded boots and saddles for the march on brown and his guerrillas. the barracks were early astir with the excitement. stern work might be ahead. outlaws who would dare violate a flag of truce, to take a united states marshal and his posse would have no more respect for cavalry. the men and officers were tired of disorder. they were eager for a stand up and knock down fight. they expected it and they were ready for it. stuart's bride was crying. in spite of her young husband's gay banter, she persisted in being serious. "there's no danger, honey girl!" he laughed. she touched the big cavalry pistol in its holster, her lips still trembling. "no--you're just galloping off on a picnic." "that's all it will be--" "then you can take me with you." stuart's brow clouded. "well, no, not just that kind of a picnic." "there may be a nasty fight and you know it." "nonsense." "it may, too." "don't be silly, little bride," he pleaded. "you're a soldier's wife now. the bullet hasn't been molded that's going to get me. i feel it. i know it." she threw her arms around his neck and held him in a long silence. only a sob broke the stillness. he let her cry. his arms merely tightened their tender hold, as he caressed her fair head and kissed it. "there, there, now. that's enough. it's hard, this first parting. it's hard for me. you mustn't make it harder." "we've just begun to live, dearest," she faltered. "i can't let you go. i can't stand it for an hour and you'll be gone for days and days--" she paused and sobbed. "why did i marry a soldier-man?" "you had to, honey. it was fate. god willed it." he spoke with deep reverence. she lifted her lips for his goodbye kiss. he turned quickly to go and she caught him again and smothered him with kisses. "i can't help it, darling man," she sobbed. "i didn't mean to make it hard for you--but--i've an awful presentiment that i shall lose you--" her voice died again in a pathetic whisper. stuart laughed softly and kissed the tears from her eyes. "so has every soldier's wife, honey girl. the silly old presentiment is overworked. it will pass bye and bye--when you see me coming home so many, many times to play that old banjo for you and sing our songs over again." she shook her head and smiled. "go now--quick," she said, "before i break down again." he swung out the door, his sword clanking and his arm waving. she watched him from the window, crying. she saw him mount his horse with a graceful swing. his figure on horseback was superb. horse and man seemed one. he looked over his shoulder, saw her at the window and waved again. she ran to her room, closed the door, took his picture to bed with her and cried herself to sleep. the thing that had so worried her was that colonel sumner was taking major sedgwick with him for conference and a single squadron of fifty men under stuart's command. the little bride had found out that he was the sole leader of the fifty fighting men and her quick wit had sensed the danger of the possible extermination of such a force in a battle with desperadoes. she was ashamed of her breakdown. but she knew her man was brave and that he loved a fight. she would count the hours until his return. brown rallied a hundred and fifty men when the squadron of cavalry was ordered to the rescue of pate and his posse. he entrenched himself on an island in middle ottawa creek and from this stronghold raided and robbed the stores within range of his guerrillas. on june 3rd, he successfully looted the store of j. m. bernard at centropolis and secured many valuables, particularly clothing. the raiding party was returning from the looted store as stuart's cavalry troop was approaching brown's camp. the cavalry arrived in the nick of time. a battle was imminent that might have ended in a massacre. within striking distance of brown's island colonel sumner encountered general whitfield, a southern member of congress, at the head of a squadron of avengers, two hundred and fifty strong, heavily armed and well mounted. sumner acted with quick decision. he confronted whitfield and spoke with a quiet emphasis not to be mistaken: "by order of the president of the united states and the governor of the territory, i am here to disperse all armed bodies assembled without authority." "may i see the order of the president, sir?" whitfield asked. "you may." the telegraphic order was handed to the leader. he read it in silence and handed it back without a word. colonel sumner continued: "my duty is plain and i'll do it." he signaled stuart to draw up his company for action. the lieutenant promptly obeyed. fifty regulars wheeled and faced two hundred and fifty rugged horsemen of the plains. whitfield consulted his second in command and while they talked colonel sumner again addressed him: "ask your people to assemble. i wish to read to them the president's order and the governor's proclamation." whitfield called his men. in solemn tones sumner read the documents. whitfield saw that his men were impressed. "i shall not resist the authority of the general government. my party will disperse." he promptly ordered them to disband. in five minutes they had disappeared. on the approach of the company of cavalry, john brown, with a single guard, walked boldly forward to meet them. colonel sumner heard his amazing request with rising wrath. he spoke as one commanding a body of coordinate power. "i have come to suggest the arrangement of terms between our forces," brown coolly suggested. "no officer of law, sir," sumner sternly replied, "can make terms with lawless, armed men. i am here to execute the orders of the president. you will surrender your prisoners immediately, disarm your men and disperse or take the consequences." brown turned without a word and slowly walked back to his camp. the united states cavalry followed close at his heels with drawn sabers, stuart at their head. colonel sumner summoned brown before sedgwick and stuart and made to him an announcement which he thought but fair. "i must tell you now that there is with my company a deputy united states marshal, who holds warrants for several men in your camp. those warrants will be served in my presence." brown's glittering eye rested on the deputy marshal. he moved uneasily and finally said in a low tone: "i don't recognize any one for whom i have warrants." the grim face of the man of visions never relaxed a muscle. sumner turned to the deputy indignantly. "then what are you here for?" he made no answer. and stuart laughed in derision. during this tense moment the keen blue eyes of the lieutenant of cavalry studied john brown with the interest of a soldier in the man who knows not fear. at first glance he was a sorry figure. he was lean and gaunt and looked taller than he was for that reason. his face was deeply sun tanned and seamed. he looked a rough, hard-working old farmer. the decided stoop of his shoulders gave the exaggerated impression of age. his face was shaved. he wore a coarse cotton shirt, a clean one that had just been stolen from bernard's store. it was partly covered by a vest. his hat was an old slouched felt, well worn. in general appearance he was dilapidated, dusty, and soiled. the young officer was too keen a judge of character to be deceived by clothes on a western frontier. the dusty clothes and worn hat he scarcely saw. it was the terrible mouth that caught and held his imagination. it was the mouth of a relentless foe. it was the mouth of a man who might speak the words of surrender when cornered. but he could no more surrender than he could jump out of his skin. stuart was willing to risk his life on a wager that if he consented to lay down his arms, he had more concealed and that he would sleep on them that night in the brush. the low forehead and square, projecting chin caught and held his fancy. it was the jaw and chin of the fighting animal. no man who studied that jaw would care to meet it in the dark. but the thing that had put the deputy out of commission as warrant officer of the government was the old man's strange, restless eyes. stuart caught their steel glitter with a sense of the uncanny. he had never seen a human eye that threw at an enemy a look quite so disconcerting. he had laughed at the deputy's fear to move with fifty dragoons to back him. there was some excuse for it. back of those piercing points of steel-blue light were one hundred and fifty armed followers. what would happen if he should turn to these men and tell them to fight the cavalry of the united states? it was an open question. the old man walked toward his men with wiry, springing step. the prisoners were released. stuart shook hands with pate, who was a virginian and a former student of the university. brown's men laid down their arms and dispersed. true to stuart's surmise he did not move far from his entrenched camp. he anticipated a fake surrender to the troops. he had concealed weapons for the faithful but half a mile away. with weiner he built a new camp fire before stuart's cavalry had moved two miles. chapter xxiii the man with the slouched hat and coarse cotton shirt lost no time in grieving over the dispersal of his one hundred and fifty men. it was the largest force he had ever assembled. his experience in the three days in which he had acted as their commander had greatly angered him. the frontiersman who failed to come under the spell of brown's personality by direct contact generally refused to obey his orders. the crowd of free rangers which his fight with pate had gathered proved themselves beyond control. they raided the surrounding country without brown's knowledge. they stole from friend and foe with equal impartiality. there was one consolation in his surrender to the united states troops. he got rid of these troublesome followers. they had already robbed him of the spoils of his own successful raids and not one of them had shown any inclination to bring in the enemies' goods for common use. he began to choose the most faithful among them for a scheme of wider scope and more tragic daring. he was not yet sure of his plan. but god would reveal it clearly. he spent a week at his new camp in the woods wandering alone, dreaming, praying, weighing this new scheme from every point of view. his mind came back again and again to the puzzle of the failure to raise a national blood feud. for a moment his indomitable puritan soul was discouraged. he had obeyed the command of his god. he could not have been mistaken in the voice which spoke from heaven: "without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sins." he had laid the blood offering on god's altar counting his own life as of no account in the reckoning and from that hour he had been a fugitive from justice, hiding in the woods. he had escaped arrest only by the accidental assembling of a mob of a hundred and fifty disorderly fools who had stolen his own goods before they had been dispersed. instead of the heroic acclaim to which the deed entitled him, his own flesh and blood had cursed him, one of his sons had been shot and another was lying in prison a jibbering lunatic. would future generations agree with the men who had met in his own town and denounced his deed as cruel, gruesome and revolting? his stolid mind refused to believe it. through hours of agonizing prayer the new plan, based squarely on the vision that sent him to pottawattomie, began to fix itself in his soul. this time he would chose his disciples from the elect. only men tried in the fires of action could be trusted. of five men he was sure. his son, owen, he knew could be depended on without the shadow of turning. yet oliver was the second disciple chosen. he had forgiven the boy for the fight over the pistol and had taken pains to regain his complete submission. john henry kagi was the third chosen disciple, a young newspaper reporter of excellent mind and trained pen. he had been captured by united states troops in kansas as a guerrilla raider and was imprisoned first at lecompton and then at tecumseh. the fourth disciple selected was aaron dwight stevens, an ex-convict from the penitentiary at fort leavenworth. stevens was by far the most daring and interesting figure in the group. his knowledge of military tactics was destined to make him an invaluable aide. the uncanny in brown's spirit had appealed to his imagination from the day he made his escape from the penitentiary and met the old man. the fifth disciple chosen was john e. cook, a man destined to play the most important role in the new divine mission with the poorest qualification for the task. born of a well-to-do family in haddon, connecticut, he had studied law in brooklyn and new york. he dropped his studies against the protest of his people in 1855, and, driven by the spirit of adventure, found his way into kansas and at last led his band of twenty guerrillas into john brown's camp. brown's attention was riveted on him from the day they met. he was a man of pleasing personality and the finest rifle shot in kansas. he was genial; he was always generous; he was brave to the point of recklessness; and he was impulsive, indiscreet and utterly reckless when once bent on a purpose. his sister had married willard, the governor of indiana. brown's new plan required a large sum of money. with the prestige his fighting in kansas had given him, he believed the abolition philanthropists of the east would give this sum. he left his disciples to drill and returned east to get the money. in boston his success was genuine, although the large amount which he asked was slow in coming. the old man succeeded in deceiving his new england friends completely as to the pottawattomie murders. on this event he early became a cheerful, consistent and successful liar. this trait of his character had been fully developed in his youth. everywhere he was acclaimed by the pious as, "captain brown, the old partisan hero of kansas warfare." his magnetic, uncanny personality rarely failed to capture the dreamer and the sentimentalist. sanborn, howe, theodore parker, thomas wentworth higginson, george l. stearns and gerrit smith became his devoted followers. he even made wendell phillips and william lloyd garrison his friends. garrison met him at theodore parker's. the two men were one on destroying slavery: garrison, the pacifist; brown, the man who believed in bloodshed as the only possible solution of all the great issues of national life. brown quoted the old testament; garrison, the new. he captured the imagination of thoreau and ralph waldo emerson. he was raising funds for another armed attack on slavery in kansas. the sentimentalists asked no questions. and if hard-headed business men tried to pry too closely into his plans, they found him a past master in the art of keeping his own counsel. he struck a snag when he appealed to the national kansas committee for a gift of rifles and an appropriation of five thousand dollars. they voted the rifles on conditions. but a violent opposition developed against giving five thousand dollars to a man about whose real mind they knew so little. h. b. hurd, the chairman of the committee, had suspected the purpose back of his pretended scheme for operations in kansas. he put to brown the pointblank question and demanded a straight answer. "if you get these guns and the money you desire, will you invade missouri or any slave territory?" the old man's reply was characteristic. he spoke with a quiet scorn. "i am no adventurer. you all know me. you are acquainted with my history. you know what i have done in kansas. i do not expose my plans. no one knows them but myself, except perhaps one. i will not be interrogated. if you wish to give me anything, i want you to give it freely. i have no other purpose but to serve the cause of liberty." his answer was not illuminating. it contained nothing the committee wished to know. the statement that they knew him was a figure of speech. they had read partisan reports of his fighting and his suffering in kansas--through his own letters, principally. how much truth these letters contained was something they wished very much to find out. he had given no light. he declared that they knew what he had done in kansas. this was the one point on which they needed most light. the biggest event in the history of kansas was the deed on the pottawattomie. in the fierce political campaign that was in progress its effects had been neutralized by denials. brown had denied his guilt on every occasion. yet as they studied his strange personality more than one member of the committee began to suspect him as the only man in the west capable of the act. the committee refused to vote the rifles and compromised on the money by making a qualification that would make the gift of no service. they voted the appropriation, "in aid of captain john brown in any _defensive_ measures that may become necessary." he was authorized to draw five hundred dollars when he needed it for this purpose. the failure rankled in the old man's heart and he once more poured out the vials of his wrath on all politicians,--north and south. for months he became an incessant and restless wanderer throughout new york and the new england states. he finally issued a general appeal for help through the _new york tribune_ and other friendly papers. the contributions came slowly. the invitations to speak came slower. at collinsville, connecticut, however, after his lecture he placed with charles blair, a blacksmith and forge-master, an important secret order for a thousand iron pikes. blair pledged his loyalty. he received his first payment on account, for a stand of weapons destined to become souvenirs in marking the progress of civilization in the new world. in the midst of his disappointing canvas for funds he received a letter from his son, jason, that a deputy united states marshal had passed through cleveland on the way east with a warrant for his arrest for the pottawattomie murders. on the receipt of this news he wrote his friend, eli thayer: "one of the u. s. hounds is on my track: and i have kept myself hid for a few days to let my track get cold. i have no idea of being taken: _and intend_ (if god _will_) to go back with irons _in_ rather than _upon_ my hands. i got a _fine lift_ in boston the other day; and hope worcester will not be _entirely behind_. i do not mean _you_; or _mr. alien & company_." so dangerous was the advent of the u. s. marshal from kansas that brown took refuge in an upper room in the house of judge russell in boston and remained in hiding an entire week. mrs. russell acted as maid and allowed no one to open the front door except herself during the time of his stay. the judge's house was on a quiet street and his connection with the abolition movement had been kept secret for political reasons. his services to their cause were in this way made doubly valuable. brown daily barricaded his door and told his hostess that he would not be taken alive. he added with the nearest approach to a smile ever seen on his face: "i should hate to spoil your carpet, madame." while in hiding at judge russell's he composed a sarcastic farewell to new england. it is in his best style and true character as a poseur: "old brown's _farewell_: to the plymouth rock; bunker hill monument; charter oaks; and _uncle tom's cabins_. "has left for kansas. was trying since he came out of the territory to secure an outfit; or, in other words, the means of arming and equipping thoroughly, his regular minute men, who are mixed up _with the people of kansas_: and _he leaves the states_, with a _deep feeling of sadness_: that after exhausting _his own_ small means: and with his _family and his brave men_: suffered hunger, nakedness, cold, sickness, (and some of them) imprisonment, with most barbarous and cruel treatment: _wounds and death_: that after laying on the ground for months; in the most unwholesome _and_ sickly as well as uncomfortable places: with sick and wounded destitute of any shelter part of the time; dependent in part on the care, and hospitality of the indians: and hunted like wolves: that after all this; in order to sustain a cause, which _every citizen_ of this _glorious republic_, is under equal moral obligation to do: (_and for the neglect of which he will be held accountable to god:) in which every man, woman and child of the human family;_ has a deep and awful interest; and that _no wages are asked or expected:_ he cannot secure (amidst all the wealth, luxury and extravagance of this _'heaven exalted'_ people) even the necessary supplies for a common soldier. how are the mighty fallen? "john brown." following his usual tactics of interminable delays and restless, aimless wandering, it was the 7th of august before he reached tabor, iowa, the appointed rendezvous of his disciples. two days after his arrival the free state election of the ninth of august was held in kansas and the heavy vote polled was a complete triumph of the men of peace within the party. kansas, in his absence, had settled down to the tried american plan of the ballot box for the decision of political disputes. brown wrote stearns a despairing letter. he was discouraged and utterly without funds. he begged for five hundred to one thousand dollars immediately for secret service and no questions asked. he promised interesting times in kansas if he could secure this money. of his disciples for the great coming deed but one had arrived at tabor, his faithful son owen. the old man lingered at tabor with his religious friends until november before starting for kansas. higginson, his chief backer in massachusetts, was growing angry over his repeated delays and senseless inaction. sanborn, always brown's staunch defender, wrote higginson a letter begging patience: "you do not understand brown's circumstances. he is as ready for revolution as any other man, and is now on the border of kansas safe from arrest, prepared for action. but he needs money for his present expenses and active support. "i believe that he is the best dis-union champion you can find, and with his hundred men, when he is put where he can raise them and drill them (for he has an expert drill officer with him) will do more to split the union than a list of 50,000 names for your convention, good as that is. "what i am trying to hint at is that the friends of kansas are looking with strange apathy at a movement which has all the elements of fitness and success--a good plan, a tried leader, and a radical purpose. if you can do anything for it _now_, in god's name do it--and the ill results of the new policy in kansas may be prevented." the new policy in kansas must be smashed at all hazards, of course. to the men who believed in bloodshed as the only rational way to settle political issues, the ballot box and the council table were the inventions of the devil. it was the duty of the children of light to send the lord's anointed with the sword of gideon to raise anew the blood feud. it is evident from this letter of f. b. sanborn to higginson that even sanborn had not penetrated the veil of the old puritan's soul. the one to whom he had revealed his true plan was his faithful son in kansas. the territory was not the objective of this mission. it was only a feint to deceive friend and foe. and he succeeded in doing it. that his purpose was the disruption of the union in a deluge of blood, sanborn, of course, understood and approved. he was utterly mistaken as to the time and place and method which the man of visions had chosen for the deed. on entering the territory, now as peaceful as any state in the union, brown gathered his disciples, oliver, kagi, stevens, and cook and despatched them to tabor, iowa. here they were informed for the first time of the real purpose of their organization--the invasion of virginia and the raising of a servile insurrection in which her soil would be drenched in blood within sight of the capitol at washington. with stevens, as drill master, they began the study of military tactics. they moved to springdale and established their camp for the winter. chapter xxiv suddenly the old man left springdale. he ordered his disciples to continue their drill until he should instruct them as to their next march. two weeks later he was in rochester, new york, with frederick douglas. in a room in this negro's house brown composed a remarkable document as a substitute for the declaration of independence and the constitution of the united states. he hurried with his finished manuscript to the home of gerrit smith at peterboro for a consultation with smith, sanborn, higginson and stearns. only sanborn and smith appeared. brown outlined to them in brief his plan of precipitating a conflict by the invasion of the black belt of the south and the establishment of a negro empire. its details were as yet locked in his own breast. smith and sanborn discussed his plans and his constitution for the government of the new power. in spite of its absurdities they agreed to support him in the venture. smith gave the first contribution which enabled him to call the convention of negroes and radicals at chatham, canada, to adopt the "constitution." brown went all the way to springdale, iowa, to escort the entire body of his disciples to this convention. and they came across a continent with him--stevens, kagi, cook, owen brown, and six new men whom he had added--leeman, tidd, gill, taylor, parsons, moffit and realf. thirty-four negroes gathered with them. among the negroes were richard o. p. anderson and james h. harris of north carolina. the presiding officer was william c. monroe, pastor of a negro church in detroit. kagi, the stenographer, was made secretary of the convention. brown addressed the gathering in an unique speech: "for thirty years, my friends, a single passion has pursued my soul--to set at liberty the slaves of the south. i went to europe in 1851 to inspect fortifications and study the methods of guerrilla warfare which have been successfully used in the old world. i have pondered the uprisings of the slaves of rome, the deeds of spartacus, the successes of schamyl, the circassian chief, of touissant l'overture in haiti, of the negro nat turner who cut the throats of sixty virginians in a single night in 1831. "i have developed a plan of my own to sweep the south. you must trust me with its details. i shall depend on the blacks for the body of my soldiers. and i expect every freedman in the north to flock to my standard when the blow has fallen. i know that every slave in the south will answer my call. the slaveholders we will not massacre unless we must. we will hold them as hostages for our protection and the protection of any prisoners who may fall into their hands." the men listened in rapt attention and when he read his "constitution and preamble," it was unanimously adopted. the constitution which they adopted was a piece of insanity in the literal sense of the word, a confused medley of absurd, inapplicable forms. the preamble, however, which contained the keynote of brown's philosophy of life, was expressed in clear-cut, logical ideas. he read it in a cold, vibrant voice: "whereas, slavery, throughout its entire existence in the united states is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked and unjustifiable war of one portion of its citizens upon another portion: the only conditions of which are perpetual imprisonment, and hopeless servitude or absolute extermination, in utter disregard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our declaration of independence: _therefore_, we citizens of the united states, and the oppressed people who by a recent decision of the supreme court are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect; together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being ordain and establish for ourselves, the following provisional constitution and ordinances the better to protect, our persons, property, lives and liberties: and to govern our action." the first result of his radical convention was the exhaustion of his treasury. he had used his last dollar to bring his men on from the west and no money had been collected to pay even their return fares. they were compelled to go to work at various trades to earn their bread. brown determined to return to kansas and create a sensation that would again stir the east and bring the money into his treasury. he would at the same time test the first principle of his plan by an actual raid into a neighboring southern state. in the meantime, he issued his first order of the great deed. he selected john e. cook as his scout and spy and dispatched him to harper's ferry, virginia, to map its roads, study its people and reconnoiter the surrounding territory. he raised the money to pay cook's fare and saw him on the train for virginia before he started for kansas to spring his second national sensation. chapter xxv brown's scout reached the town of harper's ferry on june 5, 1858. the magnificent view which greeted his vision as he stepped from the train took his breath. the music of trembling waters seemed a grand accompaniment to an oratorio of nature. the sensitive mind of the young westerner responded to its soul appeal. he stood for half an hour enraptured with its grandeur. two great rivers, the potomac and the shenandoah, rushing through rock-hewn gorges to the sea, unite here to hurl their tons of foaming waters against the last granite wall of the blue ridge mountains. beyond the gorge, through which the roaring tide has cut its path, lies the city of washington on the banks of the potomac, but sixty miles away--a day's journey on a swift horse; an hour and a half by rail. cook at first had sharply criticized brown's selection of such a place for the scene of the great deed. as he stood surveying in wonder the sublimity of its scenery he muttered softly: "the old man's a wizard!" the rugged hills and the rush of mighty waters called the soul to great deeds. there was something electric in the air. the town, the rivers, the mountains summoned the spirit to adventure. the tall chimneys of the united states arsenal and rifle works called to war. the lines of hills were made for the emplacement of guns. the roaring waters challenged the skill of generals. the scout felt his heart beat in quick response. the more he studied the hills that led to high knob, a peak two thousand four hundred feet in height, the more canny seemed the choice of brown. from the top of this peak stretches the county of fauquier, the beginning of the black belt of the south. fauquier county contained more than ten thousand slaves and seven hundred freed negroes. there were but nine thousand eight hundred whites. from this county to the sea lay a series of adjoining counties in which the blacks outnumbered the whites. these counties contained more than two hundred and sixty thousand negroes. the black belt of virginia touched the black belts of north carolina, south carolina and georgia--an unbroken stretch of overwhelming black majority. in some counties they outnumbered the whites, five to one. this mountain gorge, hewn out of the rocks by the waters of the rivers, was the gateway into the heart of the slave system of the south. and it could be made the highroad of escape to the north if once the way were opened. another fact had influenced the mind of brown. the majority of the workmen of harper's ferry were mechanics from the north. they would not be enthusiastic defenders of slavery. they were not slave owners. in a fight to a finish they would be indifferent. their indifference would make the conquest of the few white masters in town a simple matter. cook felt again the spell of brown's imperious will. he had thought the old man's chief reason for selecting harper's ferry as the scene was his quixotic desire to be dramatic. he knew the history of the village. it had been named for robert harper, an englishman. lord fairfax, the friend of george washington, had given the millwright a grant of it in 1748. washington, himself, had made the first survey of the place and selected the ferry, in 1794, as the site of a national armory. colonel lewis washington, the great-grandson of washington's brother, lived on the lordly plantation of bellair, four miles in the country. brown had learned that the sword which frederick the great had given to washington, and the pistols which lafayette had given him hung on the walls of the colonel's library. he had instructed cook to become acquainted with colonel washington, and locate these treasures. he had determined to lead his negro army of insurrection with these pistols and sword buckled around his waist. cook was an adventurer but he had no trace of eccentricity in his character. he thought this idea a dangerous absurdity. and he believed at first that it was the one thing that had led his chief to select this spot. he changed his mind in the first thirty minutes, as he stood studying the mountain peak that stood sentinel at the gateway of the black belt. with a new sense of the importance of his mission he sought a boarding house. he was directed by the watchman at the railroad station, a good-looking freedman, an employee of the mayor of the town, to the widow kennedy's. her house was situated on a quiet street just outside the enclosure of the united states arsenal. cook was a man of pleasing address, twenty-eight years old, blue-eyed, blond, handsome, affable, genial in manner and a good mixer. within twenty-four hours he had made friends with the widow and every boarder in the house. they introduced him to their friends and in a week he had won the good opinion of the leading citizens of the place. a few days later the widow's pretty daughter arrived from boarding school and the young adventurer faced the first problem of his mission. she was a slender, dark-eyed, sensitive creature of eighteen. shy, romantic, and all eyes for the great adventure of every southern girl's life--the coming of the prince charming who would some day ride up to her door, doff his plumed hat, kiss her hand and kneel at her feet? cook read the eagerness in her brown eyes the first hour of their meeting. and what was more serious he felt the first throb of emotion that had ever distressed him in the presence of a woman. he had never made love. he had tried all other adventures. he had never met the type that appealed to his impulsive mind. he was angry with himself for the almost resistless impulse that came, to flirt with this girl. it could only be a flirtation at best and, it could only end in bitterness and hatred and tragedy in the end. he had done dark deeds on the western plains. but they were man deeds. no delicate woman had been involved in their tangled ethics. there was something serious in his nature that said no to a flirtation of any kind with a lovely girl. he had always intended to take women seriously. he did take them seriously. he wouldn't hesitate to kill a man if he were cornered. but a woman--that was different. he tried to avoid the eyes of virginia. he couldn't. in spite of all, seated opposite at the table, he found himself looking into their brown liquid depths. they were big, soulful eyes, full of tenderness and faith and wonder and joy. and they kept saying to him: "come here, stranger man, and tell me who you are, where you came from, where you're going, and what's your hurry." there was nothing immodest or forward in them. they just kept calling him. she was exactly the type of girl he had dreamed he would like to marry some day when life had quieted down. she was of the spirit, not the flesh. yet she was beautiful to look upon. her hair was a dark, curling brown, full of delicate waves even on the top of her head. her hands were dainty. her body was a slender poem in willowy, graceful lines. her voice was the softest southern drawl. the kennedys were not slave holders. the pretty daughter joyfully helped her mother when she came home from school. her sentiments were southern without the over emphasis sometimes heard among the prouder daughters of the old regime. these southern sentiments formed another impassable barrier. cook said this a hundred times to himself and sought to make the barrier more formidable by repeating aloud his own creed when in his room alone. the fight was vain. he drifted into seeing her a few minutes alone each day. she had liked him from the first. he felt it. he knew it. he had liked her from the first, and she knew it. each night he swore he'd go to bed without seeing her and each night he laughed and said: "just this once more and it won't count." he felt himself drifting into a tragedy. yet to save his life he couldn't lay hold of anything that would stand the strain of the sweet invitation in those brown eyes. to avoid her he spent days tramping over the hills. and always he came back more charmed than ever. the spell she was weaving about his heart was resistless. chapter xxvi brown returned to kansas with stevens and kagi, his two bravest and most intelligent disciples. if he could make the tryout of his plan sufficiently sensational, his prestige would be restored, his chief disciples become trained veterans and his treasury be filled. when he arrived, the free state forces had again completely triumphed at the ballot box. they had swept the territory by a majority of three to one in the final test vote on the new constitution. the issue of slavery in kansas was dead. it had been settled for all time. such an inglorious end for all his dreams of bloodshed did not depress the man of visions. kansas no longer interested him except as a rehearsal ground for the coming drama of the great deed. he had carefully grown a long gray beard for the make-up of his new role. it completely changed his appearance. he not only changed his make-up, but he also changed his name. the title he gave to the new character which he had come to play was, "shubel morgan." the revelation of his identity would be all the more dramatic when it came. when his men and weapons had been selected, he built his camp fire on the missouri border. his raid was carefully planned in consultation with stevens, kagi and tidd. with these trusted followers he had rallied a dozen recruits who could be depended on to obey orders. among them was a notorious horse thief and bandit known in the territory by the title of "pickles." as they entered the state of missouri on the night of the twenty-fifth of january, brown divided his forces. keeping the main division under his personal command, he despatched stevens with a smaller force to raid the territory surrounding the two plantations against which he was moving. between eleven and twelve o'clock brown reached the home of harvey g. hicklin, the first victim marked on his list. without the formality of a knock he smashed his door down and sprang inside with drawn revolver. hicklin surrendered. "we have come to take your slaves and such property as we need," the old man curtly answered. "i am at your mercy, gentlemen," hicklin replied. gill was placed in charge of the robbers who ransacked the bureau drawers, closets and chests for valuables. brown collected the slaves and assured them of protection. when every watch, gun, pistol, and every piece of plate worth carrying had been collected, and the stables stripped of every horse and piece of leather, the old man turned to his victim and coolly remarked: "now get your property back if you can. i dare you and the whole united states army to follow me to-night. and you tell this to your neighbors to-morrow morning." hicklin kept silent. brown knew that his tongue would be busy with the rising sun. he also knew that his message would be hot on the wires to the east before the sun would set. he could feel the thrill it would give his sentimental friends in boston. and he could see them reaching for their purses. the men were still emptying drawers on the floor in a vain search for cash. hicklin never kept cash over night in his house. he lived too near the border. brown called his men from their looting and ordered them to the next house which he had marked for assault--the house of james lane, three-quarters of a mile away. they smashed lane's door and took him a prisoner with dr. erwin, a guest of the family. from hicklin he had secured considerable booty and his men were keen for richer spoils. the first attack had netted the raiders two fine horses, a yoke of oxen, a wagon, harness, saddles, watches, a fine collection of jewelry, bacon, flour, meal, coffee, sugar, bedding, clothing, a shotgun, boots, shoes, an overcoat and many odds and ends dumped into the wagon. from lane they expected more. they were sore over the results. they got six good horses, their harness and wagons, a lot of bedding, clothing and provisions, but no jewelry except two plain silver watches. brown added five negroes to his party and told them he would take them to canada. thus far no blood had been shed. the attacks had been made with such quiet skill, the surprise was complete. in spite of all the talk and bluster of frontier politicians no sane man in the state of missouri could conceive of the possibility of such a daring crime. the victims were utterly unprepared for the assault. and no defense had been attempted. stevens had better luck. his party had encountered david cruise, a man who was rash enough to resist. he was an old man, too, of quiet, peaceable habits and exemplary character. he proved to be the man who didn't know how to submit to personal insult. he owned but one slave who did the cooking for his family. when stevens broke into his house and demanded the woman, he indignantly refused to surrender his cook to a gang of burglars. the ex-convict, who had served his term for an assault with intent to kill, didn't pause to ask cruise any questions. his revolver clicked, a single shot rang out and the old man dropped on the floor with a bullet through his heart. passing the body, stevens looted the house. he made the largest haul of the night. he secured four oxen, eleven mules, two horses, and a wagon load of provisions. incidentally he picked up a valuable mule from a neighbor of cruise as they passed his house on the way to join brown. when stevens reported the murder and gave the inventory of the valuable goods stolen, "shubel morgan" stroked his long gray beard and spoke but one word: "good." in his grim soul he knew that the blood stain left on cruise's floor would be worth more to his cause than all the stolen jewelry, horses and wagons. its appeal to the east would be the one secret force needed to rouse the archaic instincts of his pious backers. they would deny with indignation the accusation of murder against his men. they would invent the excuse of self-defense. he did not need to make it. from the deeps of their souls would come the shout of the ancient head-hunter returning with the bloody scalp of a foe in his hand. brown felt this. he knew it, because he felt it in his own heart. he was a puritan of puritans. with deliberate daring the caravan moved back into the territory. for the moment the audacity of the crime stunned the frontier. he had figured on this hour of uncertainty and amazement to make good his escape. he knew that he could depend on the people along the way to iowa to protect the ten slaves which he had brought out of missouri. the press of kansas unanimously condemned the outrage. brown knew they would. he could spit in their faces now. he was done with kansas. his caravan was moving toward the north; his eyes were fixed on the hills of virginia. his experiment had been a success. the president of the united states, james buchanan, offered a reward of $250 for his arrest. the governor of missouri raised the reward to $3,000. the press flashed the news of the daring rescue of ten slaves by old john brown. he regained in a day his lost prestige. the stories of the robberies which accompanied the rescue were denied as border ruffian lies, as "shubel morgan" knew they would be denied. his enterprise had met every test. he got his slaves safely through to canada and started a reign of terror. the effect of the raid into a slave state had tested his theory of direct, bloodstained action as the solution and the only solution of the problem. the occasional frowns of pious people on his methods caused him no uneasiness or doubt. he was a man of daily prayer. he was on more intimate terms with god than his critics. the one fly in the ointment of his triumph was the cold reception given him by the religious settlement at tabor, iowa. these good people had treated him as a prophet of god in times past and his caravan had headed for tabor as their first resting place. he entered the village with a song of triumph. he would exhibit his freed slaves before the church and join with the congregation in a hymn of praise to god. but the news of his coming had reached tabor before his arrival. they had heard of the stealing of the oxen, the horses, the mules, the wagons. they had also heard of the murder of david cruise. brown had denied the pottawattomie crimes and they had believed him. this murder he could not deny. they had not yet reached the point of justifying murder in an unlawful rescue. these pious folks also had a decided prejudice against a horse thief, however religious his training and eloquent his prayers. when his caravan of stolen wagons, horses and provisions, moved slowly into the village, a curious but cold crowd gazed in silence. he placed the negroes in the little school house and parked his teams on the common. the next day was sunday and the old puritan hastened to church with his faithful disciples. amazed that he had received from the rev. john todd no invitation to take part in the services, he handed stevens a scribbled note: "give it to the preacher when he comes in." stevens gave the minister the bit of paper without a word and resumed his seat in the house of god. the rev. john todd read the scrawl with a frown: "john brown respectfully requests the church at tabor to offer public thanksgiving to almighty god in behalf of himself and company: _and of their rescued captives, in particular_, for his gracious preservation of their lives and health: and his signal deliverance of all out of the hands of the wicked. 'oh, give thanks unto the lord; for he is good: for his mercy endureth forever.'" the rev. dr. king was in the pulpit with the militant preacher todd that day and the perplexed man handed the note to king. the two servants of christ were not impressed with the appeal. the words brown had marked in italics and his use of the psalms failed to rouse the religious fervor of the preachers. they knew that somewhere in the crowd sat the man who had murdered cruise and stolen those horses. they also knew that john brown had approved the deeds of his followers. todd rose and announced that he had received a petition which he could not grant. he announced a public meeting of the citizens of the town in the church the following day to take such action as they might see fit. when brown faced this meeting on monday he felt its hostility from the moment he rose. he made an excuse for not speaking by refusing to go on when a distinguished physician from missouri entered the church. brown demanded that the man from missouri be expelled. the citizens of tabor refused. and the old man sullenly took his seat. stevens, the murderer, sprang to his feet and in his superb bass voice shouted: "so help me, god, i'll not sit in council with one who buys and sells human flesh." stevens led the disciples out of the church. at the close of the discussion the citizens of tabor unanimously adopted the resolution: "_resolved_, that while we sympathize with the oppressed and will do all that we conscientiously can to help them in their efforts for freedom, nevertheless we have no sympathy with those who go to slave states to entice away slaves and take property or life, when necessary, to attain this end. "j. smith, _sec. of meeting._" tabor, feb. 7, 1857. john brown shook the dust of tabor from his feet after a long prayer to his god which he took pains to make himself. at grinnell, iowa, his reception was cordial and he began to feel the confidence which his exploit would excite in the still more remote east. his caravan had moved eastward but fourteen days' journey from tabor and he had been received with open arms. the farther from the scene of action brown moved, the more heroic his rugged patriarchal figure with its flowing beard loomed. on reaching boston his triumph was complete. every doubt and fear had vanished. sanborn, higginson, stearns, howe, and gerrit smith, in a short time, secured for him more than four thousand dollars and the great deed was assured. chapter xxvii while brown was at work in the north collecting money, arms and ammunition, cook was quietly completing his work at the ferry. he fought the temptation to take virginia with him on his trips and then succumbed. the thing that decided it was the fact that she knew colonel louis washington and had been to bellair. she promised to introduce him. to make sure of brown's quixotic instructions about the sword and pistols he must make the trip. the drive in the snug little buggy along the river bank was a red letter experience in the young westerner's life. seated beside the modest slip of a southern girl chatting with vivacity and a happiness she couldn't conceal, the man forgot that he was a conspirator in a plot to deluge a nation in blood. he forgot the long nights of hiding in woods and ravines. he forgot dark deeds of sacking and robbery. he was just a boy again. the sun was shining in the glory of a sweet spring morning in the mountains. the flowers were blooming in the hedges. he smelled the wild cherry, blackberry and dewberry bushes. birds were singing. the new green of the leaves was dazzling in its splendor. the air was pure and sweet and sent the blood bounding to the tips of his fingers. he glanced at the soft red cheeks of the girl beside him and a great yearning for a home and babies and peace overwhelmed him. his lips trembled and his eyes filled with tears. he rebelled against the task to which he had put his hand. "why so pensive?" she asked with a laugh. "am i?" "you haven't spoken for a mile." "i'm just so happy, i reckon," he answered seriously. he remembered his grim task and threw off the spell. he must keep a cool head and a strong hand. he remembered the strange old man to whose "constitution" he had sworn allegiance in canada and began to talk in commonplaces. to the girl's romantic ears they had meaning. every tone of his voice fascinated her. the mystery about him held her imagination. she was sure it was full of thrilling adventure. he would tell her some day. she wondered why he had waited so long. he had been on the point of telling his love again and again and always stopped with an ugly frown. she wondered sometimes if his life had been spoiled by some tragedy. a thousand times she asked herself the question whether he might be married and separated from a wife. he had lived in the north. he had told her many places he had seen. people were divorced sometimes in the north. she dismissed the thought as absurd and resigned herself again to the charms of his companionship. colonel washington was delighted to see again the daughter of an old friend. her father had been his companion on many a hunting and fishing trip. virginia introduced her companion. "my friend, mr. john cook, colonel washington." the colonel extended his hand cordially. "glad to meet you, young man. a friend of virginia's is a friend of mine, sir." "thank you." "walk right in, children, sit down and make yourselves at home. i'll find that damned old lazy butler of mine and get you some refreshments." "let's sit outside," virginia whispered. "no," cook protested. "i want to see the inside of a washington home." the colonel waved his arm toward the house. "with you in a minute, children. walk right in." "of course, if you wish it," the girl said softly. they entered the fine old house, and sat down in the hall. cook smiled at the easy fulfillment of his task. directly in front of the door, set in a deep panel, was the portrait of the first president. on the right in a smaller panel hung the sword which frederick the great had given him. on the other side, the pistols from the hands of lafayette. a tiny, gold plate, delicately engraved, marked each treasure. virginia showed him these souvenirs of her country's history. she spoke of them with breathless awe. she laughed with girlish pride. "aren't they just grand?" cook nodded. he felt guilty of treachery. a betrayal of southern hospitality in this sweet girl's presence! he ground his teeth at the thought of his weakness the next moment. colonel washington appeared through the door from the dining room. he was followed by his ancient butler, bearing a tray filled with drinks. the colonel served them with his own hand. the negro grinned his welcome to the guests. at the sight of a slave, cook was himself again. his jaw closed and his eye flashed. he was once more the disciple of the man of the blood-feud. washington handed a tall glass to virginia. "your lemonade, young lady. i know your taste and approve." he bowed low and gave her the drink. he took two glasses of mint juleps, one in each hand. "mr. cook, the favorite drink of these mountains, sir, as pure as its dews, as refreshing as its air--the favorite drink of old virginia. to your good health, sir!" cook's head barely moved and he drank in silence. he held his mood of reserve on the drive home. in vain the girl smiled and coaxed his dreary spirits. he refused to respond. they passed the same wonderful views, the same birds were singing, the same waters foaming and laughing over the rocks below. the man heard nothing, saw nothing, save a vision inside his raging soul. he saw men riding through the night to that house. he saw black hands grip iron pikes and knock at the door of its great hall. there was a far-away look in his keen eyes--eyes that could sight a rifle with deadly aim. the slender girl nestled closer in wonder at the veil that had suddenly dropped between them. the fires of youth and passion responded for a moment to this instinctive stir of his mate. resistance was agony. his arm moved to encircle her waist. he turned in an impulse to kiss her lips and whisper the mad things his heart was saying. he caught himself in time. what had he to do with this eternal call of the human heart to love and be loved? it meant home, it meant tenderness. it meant peace and good will to every living thing. he had come to kill, not to love; to destroy, not build homes. again he rebelled against his hideous task. and then he remembered john brown and all for which he stood. his oath crashed through his memory. he resolved to put every thought of tenderness, beauty, and love under his feet and trample them. it was the only way to save himself and this girl. it would be hard--but he would do it. for an entire week he did not speak to her except in monosyllables. he made no effort to hide his decision. he wanted her to see and know the firm purpose within his heart. her eyes followed him with a look of dumb anguish. if she had spoken in reproaches he would have fought and withstood her. her silence was more than he could bear. on the sixth day of his resolution he saw that she had been crying. she smiled and tried to hide it, but he knew. he would go for a walk to the heights and cheer her up a bit. it wasn't necessary to be brutal. her brown eyes began to smile again. they walked over the heights and down a steep pathway among the rocks to the river's edge and sat down on a boulder worn smooth by the waters of the spring floods. the ripple of the current made soft music. they were silent for a long time and then she turned toward him a tender, questioning gaze. in spite of her effort to be strong a tear stole down the firm young cheek. "what have i done to make you angry?" "nothing," he answered in a whisper. "what's the matter, then?" he took her hand and held it in a cruel grip before he spoke. his words came at last in passionate pleading. "oh, dear little girl, can't you see how i've been fighting this thing for months--how i've tried to keep away from you and couldn't?" "why?" she breathed the question leaning so close that her lips framed a kiss. "i can't tell you," he said. "but you must! you must!" she pleaded. tears were in his eyes now. he looked away. "a gulf separates us, child." "how can it?" she whispered tenderly. "it's just there!" "can't you cross it?" "no." she drew her slender body erect with an effort. she tried to speak twice before she succeeded. "you--are--married--then?" "oh--no--no--not that--no!" she bent close again, a sweet smile breaking through her tears. "then you can tell me what it is." "i couldn't tell it, even to my wife." her brow contracted in a puzzled look. "it's nothing low or dishonorable?" "no. and it belongs to the big things of life-and death." "and i cannot know this secret?" "you cannot know. i have taken an oath." "and it separates us?" "yes." "but why--if--you--love--me--and i love--you--" she paused and blushed scarlet. she had told a man her love before he had spoken. but he _had_ spoken! his voice, his tears, his tones had told her. he looked at her a moment, trembling. he spoke one word at a time as if he had no breath to finish the sentence. "it's--sweet--to--hear--your--dear--lips--say--that--you--love--me--god knows i love you--you-dear-little-angel-sent-from heaven! i'm not worthy to touch your hand and yet i'm crushing it--i can't help it--i can't-i can't." she slipped into his arms and he crushed her to his heart. "i love you," she whispered. "i can trust you. i'll never ask your secret until you wish to tell me. just love me, forever. that's all i ask." "i can do that, and i will!" he answered solemnly. they were married the next night in the parsonage of the methodist church of which she was a member. and the foundation was laid for a tragedy involving more lives than one. chapter xxviii from an old log farmhouse on the hills of maryland,--overlooking the town of harper's ferry, the panther was crouching to spring. for four months in various disguises brown had reconnoitered the mountains around the gorge of the two rivers. he had climbed the peak and looked into the county of fauquier with its swarming slave population. each week he piloted his wagon to the town of chambersburg, pennsylvania, thirty-five miles back in the hills. the humanitarians through their agents were shipping there, day by day, the powder, lead, guns, knives, torches and iron pikes the chosen one had asked. these pious men met him for a final conference in the home of gerrit smith, the preacher philanthropist of peterboro. the canny old huntsman revealed to them just enough to excite the unconscious archaic impulse beneath the skin of culture. he told them that he was going to make a daring raid into the heart of the old south and rescue as many of the "oppressed" as possible. they knew that the raid into missouri had resulted in murder and that he rode back into kansas with the red stains on his hands. brown gained their support by this carefully concealed appeal to their subconscious natures. as the crowd of eager faces bent close to catch, the details of his scheme, the burning eyes of the leader were suddenly half closed. silence followed and they watched the two pin points of light in vain. each pious man present caught the smell of human blood. yet each pious man carefully concealed this from himself and his neighbor until it would be approved by all. had the bald facts behind the enterprise been told in plain english, religion and culture would have called a halt. the elemental impulse of the beast must therefore be carefully concealed. every man present knew that they were sending brown on a man-hunt. they knew that the results might mean bloodshed. they knew, as individuals, exactly what was being said and what was being planned. its details they did not wish to know. the moral significance--the _big_ moral significance of the deed was something apart from the bloody details. the great deed could be justified by the higher law, the greater glory of god. they were twisting the moral universe into accord with the elemental impulse of the brute that sleeps beneath every human skin. the great deed about to be done would be glorious, its actors heroes and martyrs of a divine cause. they knelt in prayer and their chosen leader invoked the blessings of the lord of hosts upon them and upon his disciples in the divine cause. the hour of action was now swiftly approaching. cook had become a book agent. with his pretty virginia wife his figure became familiar to every farm, in the county. he visited every house where a slave was to be found. he sold maps as well as books. he also sketched maps in secret when he reached the quiet of his home while his happy little bride sang at her work. he carefully compiled a census of slaves at the ferry and in the surrounding country. so sure had he become of the success of the blow when it should fall, that he begged his chief to permit him to begin to whisper the promise of the uprising to a few chosen men among the slaves. the old man's eyes; flamed with anger. "you have not done this already?" he growled. "no--no." "you swear it?" brown had seized cook by both arms and searched his eyes for the truth. the younger man was amazed at the volcanic outburst of anger. "a hundred times i've told you, cook, that you talk too much," he went on tensely. "you mean well, boy, but your marriage may prove a tragedy in more ways than one." "it has proven my greatest weapon." "if you're careful, if you're discreet, if you can control your foolish impulses. i've warned you again and again and yet you've been writing letters--" cook's eyes wavered. "i only wrote one to an old girl friend in tabor." "exactly. you told of your marriage, your happiness, your hopes of a great career--and i got a copy of the letter." "how?" "no matter. if i got it, somebody else could get one. now will you swear to me again to obey my orders?" the burning eyes pierced his soul and he was wax. "yes. i swear!" "good. i want a report from you daily from now on. stop your excursions into the country, except to meet me in broad daylight in the woods this side of our headquarters. you understand?" "yes. you can depend on me." brown watched him with grave misgivings. he was the one man on whom he depended least and yet his life and the life of every one in his enterprise was in his hands. there were more reasons than one why he must hasten the final preparations for the deed. the suspicions of the neighbors had been roused in spite of the utmost vigilance. he had increased his disciples to twenty men. he had induced his younger son, watson, to leave north elba and join them. his own daughter, annie, and oliver's wife had come with watson, and the two women were doing the work for his band--cooking, washing, and scrubbing without a murmur. the men were becoming restless in their close confinement. five of them were negroes. brown's disciples made no objections to living, eating and sleeping with these blacks. such equality was one of the cardinal principles of their creed. but the danger of the discovery of the presence of freed negroes living in this farmhouse with two white women and a group of white men increased each day. the headquarters had a garrulous old woman for a neighbor. gradually, mrs. huffmeister became curious about the doings at the farm. she began to invent daily excuses for a visit. they might be real, of course, but the old man's daughter became uneasy. as she cleaned the table, washed the dishes and swept the floors of the rooms and the porch, she was constantly on the lookout for this woman. the thing that had fascinated her was the man whom this girl called father. his name was "smith," but it didn't seem to fit him. she was an illiterate german and knew nothing of the stirring events in kansas. but her eyes followed the head huntsman with fascinated curiosity. at this time his personal appearance was startling in its impressive power, when not on guard or in disguise. his brilliant eyes, his flowing white beard and stooped shoulders arrested attention instantly and held it. he was sixty years old by the calendar and looked older. and yet always the curious thing about him was that the impression of age was on the surface. it was given only when he was still. the moment he moved in the quick, wiry, catlike way that was his habit, age vanished. the observer got the impression of a wild beast crouching to spring. it was little wonder that mrs. huffmeister made excuses to catch a glimpse of his figure. it was little wonder that she had begun to talk to her friends about "mr. smith" and his curious ways. she had talked to him only once. she was glad that he didn't talk much. there was an expression to his set jaw and lips that was repulsive. especially there was something chill in the tones of his voice. they never suggested tenderness or love, or hope or happiness--only the impersonal ring of metal. the agile and alert body of a man of his age was an uncanny thing, too. the woman's curiosity was roused anew with each glimpse she got of him until her coming at last became a terror to the daughter. she warned her father and he hastened his preparations. if the world below once got a hint of what was going on behind those rough logs there would be short shrift for the men who were stalking human game. it became necessary for the entire party of twenty men to lie concealed in the low attic room the entire day. not more than two of them could be seen at one time. the strange assortment of ex-convicts, dreamers, theorists, adventurers and freed negroes were kept busy by their leader until the eve of the great deed. they whittled into smooth shape the stout hickory handles for a thousand iron pikes, which blair, the blacksmith of collinsville, connecticut, had finally delivered. to these rude weapons the fondest hopes of the head-huntsman had been pinned from the first. the slave was not familiar with the use of firearms. his strong, black arm could thrust these sharp pieces of iron into human breasts with deadly accuracy. brown saw that every nail was securely set in the handles. each day he required the first stand of rifles to be burnished anew. the swords and knives were ground and whetted until their blades were perfect. there was not work enough to stop discussion toward the end. cook had finally whispered to tidd that the leader intended to assault and take the united states arsenal and rifle works. cook's study of law revealed the fact that this act would be high treason against the republic. the men had all sworn allegiance to brown under his constitution but the rank and file of the little provisional army did not understand that he intended to attack the national authority by a direct assault. a violent discussion broke out in the attack led by tidd. at the end of the argument tidd became so infuriated by brown's imperious orders for submission to his will that he left the place in a rage, went down to the ferry and spent the week with cook. brown tendered his resignation as commander in chief. there was no other man among them who would dare to lead. a frank discussion disclosed this fact and the disciples were compelled to submit. they voted submission and authorized owen to put it in writing which he did briefly but to the point: harper's ferry, aug. 18, 1859. dear sir, we have all agreed to sustain your decisions, until you have _proved incompetent_, and many of us will adhere to your decisions as long as you will. your friend, owen smith. the rebellion was suppressed within the ranks and the leader's authority restored. but the task of watching and guarding became more and more trying and dangerous. one of the women remained on guard every moment from dawn to dusk. when washing dishes she stood at the end of the table where she could see the approach to the house. the meals over, she took her place on the porch or just inside the door. always she was reading or sewing. she not only had to watch for foes from without, but she was also the guard set over the restless "invisible" upstairs. in spite of her vigilance, hazlett and leeman would slip off into the woods and wander for hours. hazlett was a fine-looking young fellow, overflowing with good nature and social feelings. the prison life was appalling to him. leeman was a boy from saco, maine, the youngest man among the disciples. he smoked and drank occasionally and chafed under restraint. in spite of the women's keen watch these two fellows more than once broke the rules by slipping into harper's ferry in broad daylight and spending the time at cook's house. they loved to watch the slender, joyous, little wife at her work. they envied cook, and, while they watched, wondered at the strange spell that had bound their souls and bodies to the old man crouching on the hill to strike the sleeping village. the reports of these excursions reached brown's ears and increased his uneasiness. the thing that hastened the date for the great deed to its final place on the calendar was the fact that a traitor from ambush had written a letter to the secretary of war, john b. floyd, revealing the whole plot and naming john brown of kansas as the leader. the secretary of war was at the time in the mountains of virginia on a vacation. the idea of any sane human being organizing a secret association to liberate the slaves of the south by a general insurrection was too absurd for belief--too puerile for attention. the letter was tossed aside. if this were not enough, his friend and benefactor, gerrit smith, had made an unfortunate speech before a negro audience in which he had broadly hinted of his hope of an early slave insurrection. it was the last straw. he was awaiting recruits but he dare not delay. he summoned his friend, frederick douglas, from rochester to meet him at chambersburg. if he could persuade douglas to take his place by his side on the night the blow would be struck, he would need no other recruits. brown knew this negro to be the foremost leader of his race and that the freedmen of the north would follow him. the old man arranged through his agent in chambersburg that the meeting should take place in an abandoned stone quarry just outside of town. the watcher on the hill over harper's ferry was disguised as a fisherman. his slouch hat, and also rod and reel, rough clothes, made him a typical farmer fisherman of the neighborhood. he reached the stone quarry unchallenged. with eager eloquence he begged for the negro's help. douglas asked the details of his attack. brown bared it, in all its daring. he did not omit the armory or the rifle works. douglas was shocked. with his vivid eloquence as a negro orator, he possessed far more common sense than the old puritan before whom he stood. he opposed his plea as the acme of absurdity. the attack on the federal arsenal would be treason. it would array the whole nation against him. it would hurl the army of the united states with the militia of virginia on his back in an instant. brown; boldly faced this possibility and declared that with it he could still triumph, if once he crossed the line of farquier county and thrust his pikes into the heart of the black belt. all day saturday and half the day on sunday the argument between the two men continued. at noon on sunday the old man slipped his arm around the negro and pressed it close. his voice was softer than douglas had ever heard it and it sent the cold chills down his spine in spite of his firm determination never to yield. "come with me, douglas, for god's sake," he begged. "i'll defend you with my life. i want you for a special purpose. i'll capture harper's ferry in two hours. they'll be asleep. when i cross the line on the mountain top and call the ten thousand slaves in fauquier county--the bees will swarm, man! can't you see them? can't you hear the roar when i've placed these pikes in their hands?--_i want you_ to hive them." douglas hesitated for only a moment. his vivid imagination had seen the flash of the hell-lit vision of the slave insurrection and his soul answered with a savage cry. but he slipped from brown's arms, rubbed his eyes and flung off the spell. "my good friend," he said at last, "you're walking into a steel trap. you can't come out alive." he turned to shields green, the negro guard who was now one of the old man's disciples. green had been a friend of douglas' in rochester. he had introduced him to the crusader. he felt responsible for his life. he had a duty to perform to this ignorant black man and he did it, painful as it was. "green, you have heard what i've just said to my friend. he has changed his plans since you volunteered. you understand, now. you can go with him or come home with me to rochester. what will you do?" his answer was coolly deliberate. "i b'lieve i go wid de ole man!" with a heavy heart brown saw douglas leave. it was the shattering of his most dramatic dream of the execution of the great deed. when the black bees should swarm he had seen himself at the head of the dark, roaring tide of avengers, their pikes and rifles flashing in the southern sun. around his waist was the sword of george washington and the pistols of lafayette. his aide of honor would ride, this negro, once a fugitive slave. side by side they would sweep the south with fire and sword. on arrival at his headquarters on the hill he learned that a revival of religion was going on in the town below and he fixed sunday, the seventeenth of october, as the day of the deed. harper's ferry would not only be asleep that night--every foe would be lulled in songs of praise to god. chapter xxix at eight o'clock on sunday night, the sixteenth of october, 1859, john brown drove his one-horse wagon to the door of the rude log house in which he had hidden with his disciples for four months. it was a damp, chill evening of mid fall. heavy rain clouds obscured the stars and not a traveler ventured along the wind-swept roads. from the attic were loaded into the wagon crowbars, sledge hammers, iron pikes and oil-soaked faggots. the crowbars and sledge hammers might be used on the gates or doors. there could be no doubt about the use to which the leader intended to put the pikes and torches. when the wagon had been loaded the old man summoned his faithful son, owen. "captain owen brown," the steel voice rang, "you will take private barclay coppoc and f.j. merriam and establish a guard over this house as the headquarters of our expedition. hold it at all hazards. you are guarding the written records of our work, the names of associates, the reserves of our arms and ammunition. we will send you reinforcements in due time." owen saluted his commander and the two privates under his command took their places beside him. brown waved to the eighteen men standing around the wagon. "get on your arms, and to the ferry!" they had been ready for hours, eager for the deed. not one among them in his heart believed in the wisdom of this assault, yet so grim was the power of brown's mind over the wills of his followers, there was not a laggard among them. brown drove the wagon and led the procession down the pitch-black road toward the town. the men fell in line two abreast and slowly marched behind the team. cook and tidd, raised to the rank of captains, their commissions duly signed, led the tramping men. there were many captains in this remarkable army of twenty-one. there were more officers than privates. the officers were commissioned to recruit their black companies when the first blow had been struck. the enterprise on which these twenty-one veteran rangers had started in the chill night was by no means so foolhardy as appears on the surface. the leader was leaving his base of supplies with a rear guard of but three men. yet the army on the march consisted of but eighteen. he knew that the united states arsenal had but one guarded gate and that the old watchman had not fired a gun in twenty-five years. it would be the simplest thing to force this gate and the arsenal was in their hands. the rifle works had but a single guard. they could be taken in five minutes. once inside these enclosures, he had unlimited guns and ammunition at his command. the town would be asleep at ten o'clock when he arrived at the maryland end of the covered bridge across the potomac. eighteen armed men were an ample force to capture the unsuspecting town. not a single policeman was on duty after ten. the people were not in the habit of locking their doors. the one principle of military law which the leader was apparently violating was the failure to provide a plan of retreat. but retreat was the last thing he intended to face. the one thing on which he had staked his life and the success of his daring undertaking was the swarming of the black bees. his theory was reasonable from the abolitionist's point of view. he believed that negro chattel slavery as practiced in the south was the sum of all villainies. and the southern slave holders were the arch criminals and oppressors of human history. in his preamble of the new "constitution" to which his men had sworn allegiance, he had described this condition as one of "perpetual imprisonment, and hopeless servitude or absolute extermination." if the negroes of the south were held in the chains of such a system, if they were being beaten and exterminated, the black bees _would_ swarm at the first call of a master leader and deluge the soil in blood. john brown believed this as he believed in the god to whom he prayed before he loaded his pikes and torches on the wagon. these black legions would swarm to-night! he could hear their shouts of joy and revenge as they gripped their pikes and swung into line under his god imposed leadership. the whole scheme was based on this faith. if garrison's words were true, if the southern slave holder was a fiend, if mrs. stowe's arraignment of slavery on the grounds of its inhuman cruelty was a true indictment, his faith was well grounded. his thousand pikes in the hands of a thousand determined blacks led by the trained captains whom he had commissioned was a force adequate to hold the town of harper's ferry and invade the black belt beyond the peak. the moment these black legions swarmed and weapons were placed in their hands the insurrection would spread with lightning rapidity. the weapons were in the arsenal. the massacres would be sweeping through virginia, north and south carolina before an adequate force could reach this mountain pass. and when they reached it, he would be at the head of a black, savage army moving southward with resistless power. the only question was the swarming of this dark army. cook, who had spent nearly a year among the people and knew these slaves best, was the one man who held a doubt. for this reason he had begged brown a second time to let him sound the strongest men among the slaves and try their spirit. brown refused. he knew a negro. he was simply a white man in a black skin by an accident of climate. he knew exactly what he would do when put to the test. to discuss the subject was a waste of words. and so with faith serene in the success of the deed, he paused but a moment at the entrance of the bridge. he ordered captains kagi and stevens to advance and take as prisoner william williams, the watchman. the two rangers captured williams without a struggle. "a good joke, boys," he laughed. "you'll find it a good one before the night's over," stevens answered. when he attempted to move, a revolver at his breast still failed to convince him. "go 'way, you boys, with your foolishness. it's a dark night, but i'm used to being scared!" it was not until kagi gave him a rap over the head with his rifle that he sat down in amazement and wiped the sweat from his brow. he forgot the chill of the night air. his brain was suddenly on fire. brown waited at the entrance of the bridge until the watchman had been captured and cook and tidd had cut the line on the maryland side of the river. he then advanced across the covered way to the gate of the arsenal hut a few yards beyond the virginia entrance. he captured daniel whelan, the watchman at the arsenal entrance. dumbfounded but stubborn, he refused to betray his trust by surrendering the keys. "open the gate!" brown commanded. "to hell wid yez!" a half dozen rifles were thrust at his head. he folded his arms and stood his ground. they pushed a lantern into his face and brown studied him a moment. he didn't wish a gun fired yet. the town was asleep and he wanted it to sleep. "get a crowbar," he ordered. they got a crowbar from the wagon, jammed it into the chain which held the wagon gate and twisted the chain until it snapped. he drove the wagon inside, closed the gate and the united states arsenal was in his hands. brown placed the two watchmen in charge of his men, jerry anderson and dauphin thompson. he spoke to the prisoners in sharp command. "behave yourselves, now. i've come here to free all the negroes in this state. if i'm interfered with i'll burn the town and have blood." every man who passed through the dark streets was accosted, made prisoner and placed under guard. hazlett and edwin coppoc were ordered to hold the armory. oliver brown and william thompson were sent to seize the shenandoah bridge, the direct line of march into the slave-thronged lower valley. stevens was sent to capture the rifle works which was accomplished in two minutes. the program had worked exactly as brown had predicted. not a shot had been fired and they were masters of the town, its two bridges, the united states arsenal, armory and rifle works. the men were now despatched through the town for the real work of the night--the arming of the black legion with pikes and torches. it was one o'clock before the first accident happened. patrick higgins, the second night watchman, came to relieve williams on the maryland bridge. oliver brown, on guard, cried: "you're my prisoner, sir." the irishman grinned. "yez don't till me!" without another word he struck oliver a blow. the crack of a rifle was the answer. in his rage young brown was too quick with the shot. the bullet plowed a furrow in higgins' skull but failed to pierce it. he ran into the shadows. once inside the wager house, he gave the alarm. the train from the west pulled into the station and was about to start across the bridge when higgins, his face still streaked with blood, rushed up to the conductor and told him what had happened. he went forward to investigate, was fired on and backed his train out to the next station. as the train pulled out shepherd haywood, a freedman, the baggage master of the station, walked toward the bridge to find the missing watchman. the raiders shot him through the breast and he fell mortally wounded. the first victim was a faithful colored employee of mayor beekham, the station master of the baltimore and ohio railroad company. the shot that killed him roused a man of action. dr. john d. starry lived but a stone's throw from the spot where haywood had fallen. hearing the shot and the groans of the wounded man, the doctor hastened to his rescue and carried him into the station. he could give no coherent account of what had happened and was already in a dying condition. the doctor investigated. he approached two groups of the raiders, was challenged and retreated. satisfied of the seriousness of the attack when he saw two armed white men lead three negroes holding pikes in their hands into the armory gate, he saddled his horse and rode to his neighbors in town and country and gave the alarm. while this dangerous messenger was on his foam-flecked horse, brown, true to his quixotic sense of the dramatic, sent a raiding party of picked men to capture colonel washington and bring to his headquarters in the arsenal the sword and pistols. on this foolish mission he despatched captains stevens, cook and tidd, with three negro privates, leary, anderson and green. he gave positive orders that colonel washington should be forced to surrender the sword of the first president into the hands of a negro. day was dawning as the strange procession on its return passed through the armory gate. in his own carriage was seated colonel washington and his neighbor, john h. allstead. their slaves and valuables were packed in the stolen wagons drawn by stolen horses. brown stood rifle in hand to receive them. "this," said stevens to washington, "is john brown." "osawatomie brown of kansas," the old man added with a stiffening of his figure. he then handed a pike to each of the slaves captured at bellair and allstead's: "stand guard over these white men." the negroes took the pikes and held them gingerly. at sunrise kagi sent an urgent message to his chief advising him that the rifle works could not be held in the face of an assault. he begged him to retreat across the potomac at the earliest possible moment. retreat was a word not in the old man's vocabulary. he sent leary to reinforce him, with orders to hold the works. he buckled the sword and pistols of washington about his gaunt waist and counted his prisoners. he had forty whites within the enclosure. he counted the slaves whom he had armed with pikes. he had enrolled under his banner less than fifty. they stood in huddled groups of wonder and fear. the black bees had failed to swarm. he scanned the horizon and not a single burning home lighted the skies. it had begun to drizzle rain. not a torch had been used. he had lost four precious hours in his quixotic expedition to capture colonel washington, his sword and slaves. he could not believe this a mistake. god had shown him the dramatic power of the act. he held a washington in his possession. he was being guarded by his own slaves, armed. the scene would make him famous. it would stir the millions of the north. it would drive the south to desperation. the thing that stunned him was the failure of the black legions to mobilize under the captains whom he had appointed to lead them. it was incredible. he paced the enclosure, feverishly recalling the histories of mobs which he had studied, especially the fury of the french populace when the restraints of law and tradition had been lifted by the tocsin of the revolution. the moment the beast beneath the skin of religion and culture was unchained, the massacres began. every cruelty known to man had been their pastime. and these beasts were white men. how much more should he expect of the blacks? haiti had given him assurance of darker deeds. the world was shivering with the horrors of the black uprising in haiti when he was born. he had drunk the story from his puritan mother's breast. from childhood he had brooded with secret joy over its bloody details. the black bees had swarmed there and toussaint l'overture had hived them as he had asked frederick douglas to hive them here. they seized the rudest weapons and wiped out the white population. they butchered ten thousand french men, women and children. and not a cry of pity or mercy found an echo in a savage breast. what was wrong here? he had proclaimed the slave a freeman. he had placed an iron pike in his right hand and a torch in his left. why had they not answered with a shout of triumph? his somber mind refused to believe that they would not rise. even now he was sure they were mobilizing in a sheltered mountain gorge. before noon he would hear the roar of their coming and see the terror-stricken faces of the whites fleeing before their rush. he had repeated to his northern crowds the fable of negro suffering in the south until he believed the lie himself. he believed it with every beat of his stern puritan heart. and he had repeated and shouted it until the gathering abolitionist mob believed it as a message from god. the fact that the system of african slavery, as actually practiced in the south, was the mildest and most humane form of labor ever fixed by the masters of men, they refused to consider. the mob leader never allows his followers to consider facts. he knows that his crowd prefers dreams to facts. dreams are the motives of crowd action. the dream, the illusion, the unreality have ever been the forces that have shaped human history in its hours of crisis when fate has placed the future in the hands of the mob. the fact that slavery in the south had lifted millions of black savages--half of them from cannibal tribes--into the light of human civilization--that it had been their school, their teacher, their church, their inspiration--did not exist, because it was a fact. they did not deal in facts. and so again brown lifted his burning eyes toward the hills reflected in the mirror of the rivers. down one of those rocky slopes the black legion would sweep before the day was done! he had boldly despatched cook across the potomac bridge with the wagons, horses and treasures stolen from colonel washington's house to be stored at headquarters. there was still no doubt or shadow of turning in his imperious soul. with each passing moment the swift feet of the avengers were closing the trap into which he had walked. by ten o'clock the terror-stricken people of the town and county had seized their weapons and the fight began. bullets were whistling from every street corner and every window commanding a glimpse of the arsenal and armory. brown's handful of men began to fall. the rifle works surrendered first and his guard of three men were all dead or wounded. by three o'clock his forces had been cut to pieces and he had taken refuge in the engine house of the armory. the bridges were held by the people. owen, cook and his guard at the old log house on the maryland side were cut off and could not come to his rescue. the amazing news of an abolition invasion of virginia and the capture of the united states arsenal and rifle works had shaken the nation. president buchanan hastily summoned from arlington the foremost soldier of the republic and despatched colonel robert e. lee to the scene with the only troops available at the capital, a company of marines. lieutenant j. e. b. stuart volunteered to act as his aide. the young cavalier was in the east celebrating the birth of a baby boy. chapter xxx when the marines arrived from washington it was past midnight. the town swarmed with armed men from every farm and fireside. five companies of militia from maryland and virginia were on the ground and henry wise, the governor of virginia, was hurrying to take command. stuart had established colonel lee's headquarters behind the brick wall of the arsenal enclosure. not more than fifty yards from the gate stood the engine house in which brown had barricaded himself with his two sons, oliver and watson, and four of his men. he held forty white hostages. a sentinel of marines covered the entrance to the enclosure. the militia had yielded command to the united states troops. as stuart stood awaiting colonel lee's arrival, lieutenant green, in command of the marines, stepped briskly to the aide's side to report the preliminary work. as yet no one in the excited town knew the identity of the mysterious commander "john smith" who led the invasion. no one could guess the number of men he had in his army nor how many he held in reserve on the maryland hills. stuart's blue eyes flashed with excitement. "the marines have the arsenal completely surrounded?" he asked. "a rat couldn't get through, lieutenant stuart." "the bridges leading into harper's ferry guarded?" "three picked men at each end, sir." "any signs of the abolitionists on the hills at dawn?" "a shot from a sniper on the maryland side nipped one of the guards--" "then their headquarters and the reserves are back in those hills." "i'm sure of it. i've sent a squad to get the sniper." "all right, it's daylight. keep your marines away from the arsenal gate. it's barely fifty yards to the engine house. we've got the abolitionists penned inside. but they're good shots." "i've warned them, sir." "no fighting now until colonel lee takes command. his train has just pulled in." "why the devil didn't he come with us?" green asked suddenly. "called to the white house for a conference with president buchanan, in such haste that he couldn't stop to put on his uniform. the capital's agog over this affair. the wildest rumors are afloat." "nothing to the rumors afloat here among these militiamen and dazed citizens." "colonel lee will straighten them out in short order--" stuart suddenly stiffened to attention as he saw the soldierly figure of the colonel approaching from the station with quick, firm step. over his civilian suit he had hastily thrown an army overcoat and looked what he was, the bronzed veteran commander of the texas plains. he saluted the two young officers and quickly turned to his aide. "no sign of a slave uprising, of course?" "the invaders did their best to bring it on. they've taken about fifty negroes from their masters." "armed them?" "with pikes and rifles." "the invaders have robbed houses as reported?" "taken everything they could get their hands on. they forced their way into colonel washington's home, dragged him from bed, stole his watch, silver, wagons, horses, saddles and harness. they hold him a prisoner with four of his slaves." "colonel washington is now their prisoner?" "with others they are holding as hostages." "hostages?" "they swear to murder them all at the first sign of an attack." "they won't!" he answered sharply. "i think they will, sir. they shot an unarmed negro porter at the depot and murdered the mayor to-day as he was passing through the streets. they are expecting reinforcements at any minute." "the militia are ready for duty?" "some are. some are drinking." lee turned to lieutenant green. "close every barroom in town." green saluted. "at once, sir." green turned to execute the order. the only problem that gave lee concern was the use the invaders might make of the prisoners they held. that they would not hesitate to expose them to death as a protection to their own lives he couldn't doubt. men who would dare the crime of raising a slave insurrection would not hesitate to violate the code of military honor. he saw stuart was restless. there was something on his mind. he half guessed the trouble and paused. "well, lieutenant?" stuart laughed. "i suppose, colonel, you couldn't possibly let me lead the assault on the engine house, could you?" lee's eyes twinkled at the eager look. the colonel was a man as well as a soldier. and he was a father. he loved the shouts of children more than he loved the shouts of armies. in the pause he saw a vision. a little blue-eyed mother crooning over a baby which she had named for her sweetheart. the great heart forgot the daring soldier before him eager for a fight. he saw only the handsome husband and a wife at home praying god for his safe return. he could see her pressing the pink bundle of flesh to her heart, singing a lullaby that was a prayer. there would be no glory in such an assault. there was only the possibility of a bloody tragedy before a handful of desperadoes could be overcome. he faced his aide with a frown. "lieutenant green is in command of the marines, sir. you are only my voluntary aide. you will act strictly within the rules of war." stuart saluted. he knew that his commander was a stern disciplinarian. argument was out of the question. he made up his mind, however, to watch for a chance to join in the attack, once it was begun. green returned from his errand leading an old negro who held one of brown's iron pikes. the lieutenant thrust the trembling figure before the colonel. lee studied him, and suppressed the smile that began to play about his lips. "well, uncle, this looks bad for you," he said finally. "lordee, master, don't you blame me!" the old negro protested. "they found him hiding in the bushes," green explained. "yassah," the old man broke in. "i wuz kivered up in de leaves!" "that's right, sir," green agreed. "the pike was standing beside a tree. they raked the leaves and found him in a hole." "an' i tried ter git under de hole, too." "the raiders took you by force?" lee asked. "yassah! dey pulls me outen bed, make me put on my close, gimme dis here han' spike, an' tells me i kin kill my ole marster an' missis when i feels like it--" "did you try to kill them?" lee asked seriously. "who? me?" "yes." "man! i drawed dat han' spike on dem abolishioners an' i says: 'you low doun stinkin' po' white trash. des try ter lay de weight er yo' han' on my marster er missis,--an' i'll lan' yo' in de middle of er spell er sickness'--" "and they took you prisoner." "yassah." "i see." "dey starts ter shoot me fust! but den dey say i wuzn't wuf de powder an' lead hit'ud take ter kill me." "and you escaped?" "na sah, not den. dey make me go wid 'em, wher er no. but i git loose byme bye an' crawl inter dat patch er trees doun dar by de ribber--" "we found him there," green nodded. "yassah, i mak' up my min' dat dey's have ter burn de woods an' sif de ashes for' dey ebber see me ergin." stuart's boyish laughter rang without restraint. "all right, uncle," lee responded cordially. "you can leave that pike with me." "yassah, you kin sho have it. god knows i ain't got no use fur it." he threw the pike down and brushed his hands as if to get rid of the contagion of its touch. "you're safe," lee added. "the united states marines are in command of harper's ferry now." "yassah. de lawd knows i doan wanter 'sociate wid no slu-footed, knock-kneed po' whites. i'se er ristercrat, i is. yassah, dat's me!" "i'm glad to help you, uncle." "thankee, sah." "hurry back to your home now and help your people in their troubles." "yassah, right away, sah--right away!" the old man hurried home, bowing right and left to his white friends and muttering curses on the heads of the abolitionists, who had dragged him from his bed and caused him to lose four square meals. lee examined the pike carefully. he measured its long stiletto-like blade, projecting nine inches from its fastenings in the hickory handle. he observed the skill and care with which the rivets had been set. "an ugly piece of iron," he said at last. "i'll bet they've thousands of them somewhere back in these hills," stuart added. "and not a negro has lifted his hand against his master?" "not one." lee ran his fingers along the edges of the blade and a dreamy look came into his thoughtful eyes. "my boy, such people deserve their freedom. but not this way--not this way! god save us from the horrors of the mob and the fanatic who leads them! slavery is surely and swiftly dying. it cannot survive the economic pressure of the century. if only we can be saved from such madness." his voice died away as in a troubled dream. he looked up suddenly and turned to his aide. "i must summon their leader to surrender. you have not yet learned his name?" "he calls himself john smith, sir. they've been here all summer in an old farmhouse on the maryland side." "strange that their purpose should not have been discovered. their work has been carefully and secretly planned." "beyond a doubt." "they could not have done it without big backing somewhere." "they've had it. they've had plenty of money. they have rifles of the finest make. and they're not the type made in this arsenal." "they expected to use the rifles in the armory, of course. and they expect reinforcements. any sign of their reserves?" "not yet, sir. we have the roads guarded for ten miles." "we'll settle it before they can get help," lee said sharply. he hastily wrote a summons to surrender and handed it to stuart. "approach the engine house under a flag of truce. ask for a parley with their leader and give him this." stuart saluted. "at once, sir." he attached his handkerchief to his sword and entered the gate. a loud murmur rose from the crowd of excited people who had pressed close to see the famous commander of the marines. lee turned to the sentinel. "push that crowd back." the crowd had pressed closer, watching stuart with increasing excitement. the sentinel clubbed his musket and pressed against the front men savagely. "stand back!" the people slowly retreated. lee turned to lieutenant green. "your men are ready for action?" "they await your orders, sir." "i suppose you wish the honor of leading the troops in taking these men out of the engine house?" green smiled and bowed. "thank you, colonel!" "pick a detail of only twelve men, with a reserve of twelve more. when lieutenant stuart gives you the signal, assault the engine house and batter down the doors with sledge hammers--" green saluted. "yes, sir." lee spoke his next command in sharp emphasis. "the citizens inside whom the raiders are holding must not be harmed. see to this when you gain an entrance. once inside, pick your enemies. you understand?" "perfectly, sir." "hold your men in check until the signal to attack. i hope it will not be necessary to give it. i shall do my best to avoid further bloodshed." "all right, sir." green saluted and stood at attention awaiting the arrival of stuart. lee's aide had approached the engine house, watched in breathless suspense by a crowd of more than two thousand people. in spite of the efforts of the sentinels they had jammed every inch of space commanding a view of the enclosure. when stuart reached the bullet-marked door he called: "for mr. smith, the commander of the invaders, i have a communication from colonel lee!" brown opened the door about four inches and placed his body against the crack. stuart could see through the opening his hand gripping a rifle. he refused to open it further and the parley was held with the door ajar. he at last allowed stuart to enter. his first look at the man's face startled him. the full gray beard could not mask the terrible mouth which he had studied one day in kansas. and nothing could dim the flame that burned in his blue-gray eyes. he recognized him instantly. "why, aren't you old osawatomie brown of kansas, whom i once held there as my prisoner?" "yes, but you didn't keep me." "i have a written communication from colonel lee." "read it." stuart drew the sheet of paper from his pocket and read in his clear, ringing voice: "headquarters harper's ferry, october 18, 1859. colonel lee, united states army, commanding the troops sent by the president of the united states to suppress the insurrection at this place, demands the surrender of the people in the armory buildings." "if they will peaceably surrender themselves and return the pillaged property, they shall be kept in safety to await the orders of the president. colonel lee reports to them, in all frankness, that it is impossible for them to escape, that the armory is surrounded by troops, and that if he is compelled to take them by force he cannot answer for their safety. r. e. lee, _colonel commanding u. s. troops_." stuart waited and brown made no reply. "you will surrender?" "i will not," was the prompt answer. in vain the young officer tried to persuade the stubborn old man to submit without further loss of life. "i advise you to trust to the clemency of the government," stuart urged. "i know what that means, sir. a rope for my men and myself. i prefer to die just here." "i'll give you a short time to think it over and return for your final answer." brown at once began to barricade the doors and windows. and stuart reported to his commander. lee met him at the gate. "well?" "a little surprise for us, colonel--" "he refuses to surrender?" "absolutely. captain 'john smith' turns out to be old john brown of osawatomie, kansas, sir." "you're sure?" "i couldn't be mistaken. i had him a prisoner on the plains once when our troops were ordered out to quell the disturbances." "that man's been here all summer planning this attack?" "and not a soul knew him." lee was silent a moment and spoke slowly: "it can only mean a conspiracy of wide scope to drench the south in blood--" "of course." "he refuses to yield without a fight?" stuart laughed. "he don't know how to surrender. i left him with two pistols and a bowie knife in his belt and a rifle in each hand." "how many men were with him?" "i saw but six besides the prisoners he holds as hostages. the prisoners begged for an interview with you, sir. i told them to be quiet--that you knew what you were doing." "it's incredible!" lee exclaimed. he paused in deep thought and went on as if talking to himself. "strange old man--i must see him." "i wouldn't, colonel. he's a tough customer." "i hate to order an assault on six men. he must be insane." "no more than you are, unless the pursuit of a fixed idea for a lifetime makes a man insane." lee turned suddenly to his aide. "press that crowd back into the next street and ask him to come here under a flag of truce." "i warn you, colonel," stuart protested. "he violated a flag of truce in kansas. he won't hesitate to shoot you on sight if he takes a notion." lee smiled. "he didn't try to shoot you on sight, did he?" "no--" "go back and bring him here. i must find out some things from him if i can. he may not survive the assault." stuart again fixed his flag of truce and returned to the engine house. this time the colonel called a cordon of marines and pressed the crowd into the next street. he beckoned to a sentinel. "ask lieutenant green to step here." the sentinel called a marine to take his place and went in search of the commander of the company. lee lifted his eyes to the hills of maryland. but a few miles beyond the first range lay the town of sharpsburg, where destiny was setting the stage for the bloodiest battle in the history of the republic. a little farther on lay the town of gettysburg, over whose ragged hills death was hovering in search of camping ground. did his prophetic soul pierce the future? never had he been more profoundly depressed. the event he was witnessing was but the prelude to a tragedy he felt to be from this hour inevitable. green saluted in answer to his summons. "i want you to witness an interview which i will have with john brown, and receive my final orders!" "the leader is old john brown?" "lieutenant stuart has identified him." a shout from a crowd of boys who had climbed the trees of the next street caused lee to turn toward the gate as the invader and stuart passed through. as lee confronted brown no more startling contrast could be presented by two men born under the same flag. john brown with his bristling, unkempt beard, his two revolvers and sword hanging and dangling on his gaunt frame, his eyes glittering and red from the loss of two nights' sleep, the incarnation of lawlessness; lee, the trained soldier, the inheritor of centuries of constructive genius, the aristocrat in taste, the humblest and gentlest christian in spirit, the lover of peace, of order. the commander of the forces of law spoke in friendly tones. "you are john brown of osawatomie, kansas?" "yes!" "you are in command of the invaders who have killed four citizens of harper's ferry and seized the united states arsenal?" "i am in command." "would you mind telling me why you have invaded virginia?" "to free your slaves." "how many men were under your command when you entered?" "seventeen white men and five colored freedmen." "with an armed force of twenty-two you have invaded the south to free three million slaves?" "i expected help--" he paused and his burning eyes flashed toward the hills. "and i still expect it!" "from whom could you expect it?" "from here and elsewhere." "from blacks as well as whites?" "from both." "you have been disappointed in not getting it from either?" "thus far--yes." lee studied him with increasing wonder. there was a quiet daring in his attitude, an utter disregard of the tragic forces that had closed in on his ill-fated venture that was astounding. what could be its secret? it was something more than the coolness and poise of a brave ulan. his manner was not cool. his mind was not poised. there was a vibrant ring to his metallic voice which betrayed the profoundest emotion. his daring came from some mysterious source within. it was a daring that was the contradiction of reason and experience. it was uncanny. lee asked his questions in measured tones. "you were disappointed, i take it, particularly in the conduct of the blacks?" "yes." "exactly. if negro slavery in the south were to-day the beastly thing which you and garrison have so long proclaimed, you could not have been disappointed. had your illusion of abuse and cruelty been true the negroes _would_ have risen to a man, put their masters to death, and burned their homes. yet, not a black man has lifted his hand. there must be something wrong in your facts--" brown lifted his head solemnly. "there can be nothing wrong in my faith, colonel lee. it comes from god." "i didn't say your faith, my friend. i said your facts--" he paused and picked up the pike. "these unused pikes bear witness to your error. this is an ugly weapon, mr. brown!" "it was meant to kill." "we found it in the hands of a negro." "i wish to conceal nothing, sir--" the old man paused, lifted his stooped shoulders and drew a deep breath. "i armed fifty blacks with them and i had many more which i hoped to use." lee touched the point of the two-edged blade, "this piece of iron, then, placed in the hands of a negro was meant for the breasts of southern white men, women and children?" "i came to proclaim your slaves free and give them the weapons to make good my orders." "who gave you the authority to issue orders of life and death?" lee asked with slow, steady emphasis. brown's eyes flashed. "i gave it to myself, sir. by the authority of my conscience and what i believe to be right." "suppose all took the same orders? every man who differs with his neighbor, gets his gun, proclaims himself the mouthpiece of god and kills those who disagree with him. civilization is built on an agreement not to do this thing. we have placed in the hands of the officer of the law the task of executing justice. the moment we dare as individuals to take this into our own hands, the world becomes a den of wild beasts--" "the world's already a den of wild beasts," brown interrupted sharply. "they have snarled and snapped long enough. it's time to clinch and fight it out." there could be no doubt of the savage earnestness of the man who spoke. there was the ring of steel in every word. lee looked at him curiously. "may i ask how many people you know in the north who feel that way toward the south?" "millions, sir." "and they back you in this attack?" "a few chosen prophets--yes--thank god." "and these prophets of the coming mob of millions have furnished you the money to arm and equip this expedition?" "they have." "it's amazing--" "the millions are yet asleep," brown admitted. he shook his gray locks as his terrible mouth closed with a deep intake of breath. "but i'll awake them! the thunderbolt which i have launched over harper's ferry will call them. and they will follow me. i hope to hear the throb of their drums over the hills before you have finished with me to-day!" lee was silent again, looking at the face with flaming eyes in a new wonder. "and you invade to rob and murder at will?" "i have not robbed!" "no?" "i have confiscated the property of slaveholders for use in a divine cause." "who gave you the right to confiscate the property of others in any cause?" "again i answer, my conscience." "so a common thief can say." "i am no common thief." "yet when you forced your way into colonel washington's home at night you committed a felony, known as burglary." "i did it in a holy crusade, sir." "the highwayman on the plains might plead the same necessity." "you know, colonel lee, that i am neither felon, nor highwayman. i am an abolitionist. my sole aim in the invasion of the south is to free the slave--" "at any cost?" "at any cost. i see, feel, know but one thing-that you are guilty of a great wrong against god and humanity. i have the right to interfere with you. to free those whom you hold in bondage." "even though you deluge the world in blood?" "yes. that is why i am here. i have no personal hate. no spirit of revenge. i have killed only when i thought i had to. i have protected your citizens whom hold as prisoners." "you had no right to take those men prisoners." brown ignored the interruption. "i ordered my men to fire only on those who were trying to stop our work." "and yet you placed these pikes in the hands of negroes and gave them oil-soaked torches?" brown threw his hand high over his head as if to waive an irrelevant remark. "i am here, sir, to aid those suffering a great wrong." "and you begin by doing a greater wrong!" the old man pursued his one idea without a break in thought. lee's words made not the slightest impression. "this question of the negro, colonel lee, you must face. you may dispose of me now easily. but this question is still to be settled. the end of that is not yet!" "i, too, believe that slavery is wrong, my friend. yet surely this is not the way to bring to the slave his freedom. on pikes to be driven into the breasts of unoffending men and women! two wrongs have never yet made a right." the old man lifted his head towards the hills and a look of religious rapture overspread his furrowed face. his soul's deepest faith breathed in his words: "moral suasion is a vain thing, sir. this issue can be settled in blood alone." the colonel watched him with a growing feeling of futility. "i have taken pains in this interview, mr. brown, to clear the way for your surrender without bloodshed. i cannot persuade you?" "upon what terms?" "terms?" "i said so, sir." the colonel marveled at his audacity. yet he was in dead earnest. his suggestion was not bravado. "the only possible terms i can offer i suggested in my first message. i will protect you and your men from this infuriated crowd and guarantee you a fair trial by the civil authorities." "i can't accept," brown answered curtly. "you must allow me to leave this place with my men and the prisoners i hold as hostages until i reach the canal locks on the maryland side. there i will release your citizens, and as soon as this is done your troops may fire on us, and pursue us." "such an offer is a waste of words. you must see that further resistance is useless." "you have the numbers on us, sir," brown answered defiantly. "but we are not afraid of death. i'd as lief die by a bullet as on the gallows. i can do more now by dying than by living. i came here to destroy the institution of slavery by the sword--" lee's answer came with clean-cut emphasis. "the law which protects slavery is going to be repealed in god's own time. i am, myself, working toward that end as well as you, sir, and the end is sure. but at this moment the constitution of the united states to which we owe liberty, justice, order, progress, wealth and power, guarantees this institution. until its repeal it is my duty and it is your duty to obey the law. will you submit?" brown's answer came like the crack of a rifle. "the laws of the united states i have burned in a public square, sir. the constitution is a covenant with death, an agreement with hell. i loathe it. i despise it. i spit upon it--" lee lifted his hand in gesture of command. "that will do, sir!" he faced stuart with quick decision. "take him back to his men and give the signal of assault." "good!" stuart turned to green. "i'll wave my cap." stuart led brown through the gate to the engine house. lee summoned green. "your troops are raw men, i understand." "they have never been under fire, sir. but they're soldiers--never fear." "all right. we'll put them to the test. assault and take the engine house without firing a shot. no matter how severe the fire on you, we must protect our citizens held inside. use the bayonet only. give each of your twelve men careful instructions. when fired on, they must not return that fire!" green saluted and passed to the head of his detail of twelve men. a shout from the boys in the tree tops was the signal of stuart's return. "watch that crowd," lee ordered the sentinel. "use the reserves to hold them out of range." stuart returned with his eyes flashing. "ready, sir!" "give your signal." stuart stepped into the open, and waved his cap. green's detail of twelve men, the commander at their head, rushed to the engine house with a shout. the crowd of two thousand people answered with a roar. a volley rang from the besieged and a moment's silence followed. their first shots had gone wild and not a marine had fallen. they had reached the door and their sledge hammers were raining blows on its solid timbers. an incessant fire poured from the portholes which brown had cut through the walls. the men were so close to the door his shots were not effective. brown ordered one of his prisoners, captain dangerfield, a clerk of the armory staff, to secure the fastenings. dangerfield slipped the bolts to their limit and stood watching his chance to throw them and admit the marines. brown ordered him back. he retreated a few feet and watched the bolts, as the blows rained on the door. stuart had slipped into the fight. he called to green. "the hammers are too light. there's a big ladder outside. get it and use it as a battering ram." with a shout the marines seized the ladder, five men on a side, and drove it with tremendous force against the door. the first blow shivered a panel. brown ordered the fire engine rolled against the door. dangerfield sprang to assist. he slipped the bolt out instead of in! the next rush of the ladder drove the door against the engine, rolled it back a foot and made a small opening through which lieutenant green forced his way. the marines crowded in behind him. green sprang on the engine with drawn sword and looked for brown. a shower of bullets greeted him. yet the miracle happened. not one touched him. he recognized colonel washington, leaped from the engine and rushed to his side. on one knee, a few feet to his left, knelt a man with a carbine in his hand pulling the lever to reload. colonel washington waved his arm. "that's osawatomie." the lieutenant sprang twelve feet at him. he gave a quick underthrust of his sword, struck him midway of the body and raised the old man completely from the ground. he fell forward with his head between his knees. green clubbed his sword and rained blow after blow on his head. the men who watched the scene supposed that he had split the skull. yet he survived. green's first sword thrust had struck the heavy leather belt and did not enter the body. the sword was bent double. the clubbed blade was too light. it had made only superficial wounds. as the marines pressed through the opening the first man was shot dead. the second was wounded in the face. the men who followed made short work of the fight. they bayoneted a raider under the engine and pinned another to the wall. the fight had lasted but three minutes. brown lay on the ground wounded. his son, oliver, was dead. his son, watson, was mortally wounded. all the rest were dead or prisoners, save seven who made good their escape with cook and owen brown into the hills of pennsylvania. colonel lee entered the engine house and greeted washington. "you are all right, sir?" "sound as a dollar, colonel lee. the damned old fool's had me penned up here for two days. i'm dry as a powder horn and hungry as a wolf. nothing to eat, and nothing to drink, but _water out of a horse-bucket_!" green faced his colonel and saluted. he glanced at the prostrate prisoners. "see that their wounds are dressed immediately. give them good food, and take them as quickly as possible to the jail at charlestown under heavy guard. see that they are not harmed or insulted by the people." lee turned sadly to his friend. "colonel washington, the thing we have dreaded has come. the first blow has been struck. the blood feud has been raised." chapter xxxi on the surface only was the great deed a failure. not a single pike had been thrust into a white man's breast by his slave. not a single torch had been applied to a southern home. his chosen captains never passed the sentinel peak into fauquier county. the black bees had not swarmed. but the keen ear of the old man had heard the rumble of the swarming of twenty million white hornets in the north. the moment he had lifted his head a prisoner in the hands of his courteous captor, he foresaw the power which the role of martyrdom would give to his cause. instantly he assumed the part and played it with genius to the last breath of his indomitable body. he had stained the soil of virginia with the blood of innocent and unoffending citizens. he had raised the blood feud at the right moment, a few months before a presidential campaign. he had raised it at the right spot in a mountain gorge that looked southward to the capitol at washington and northward to the beating hearts of the millions, who had been prepared for this event by the long years of the abolition crusade which had culminated in _uncle tom's cabin_. a wave of horror for a moment swept the nation, north and south. frederick douglas fled to europe. sanborn, the treasurer and manager of the conspiracy, hurried across the border into canada. howe and stearns hid. theodore parker was already in europe. poor, old, gentle, generous gerrit smith collapsed and was led to the insane asylum at ithaca, new york. two men alone of the conspirators realized the tremendous thing that had been done--john brown in jail at charlestown, and thomas wentworth higginson, the militant preacher of massachusetts. to brown, life had been an unbroken horror. his tragic puritan soul had ever faced it with scorn--scorn for himself and the world. he was used to failure and disaster. they had been his meat and drink. bankruptcy, imprisonment, flight from justice and the death of half his children had been mere incidents of life. he had cast scarcely a glance at his dying sons in the engine house. he had not tried to minister to them. his hand was tightly gripped on his carbine. his grim soul now rose to its first long flight of religious ecstasy. he saw that the southerner's reverence for law and order would make his execution inevitable. his dark spirit shouted for joy. his own blood, if he could succeed in playing the role of martyr, would raise the blood feud to its highest power. no statesman, no leader, no poet, no seer could calm the spirit of the archaic beast in man, which this martyrdom would raise if skillfully played. he was sure he could play the role with success. the one man in the north who saw with clear vision the thing which brown's failure had done was the worcester clergyman. higginson was a preacher by accident. he was a born soldier. from the first meeting with brown his fighting spirit had answered his cry for blood with a shout of approval. higginson not only refused to run, but also groaned with shame at the fears of his fellow conspirators. his first utterance was characteristic of his spirit. "i am overwhelmed with remorse that the men who gave him money and arms could not have been by his side when he fell." he stood his ground in worcester and dared arrest. he did not proclaim his guilt from the housetop. but his friends and neighbors knew and he walked the streets with head erect. he did more. he joined with john w. lebarnes and immediately organized a plot to liberate brown by force. he raised the money and engaged george h. hoyt to go to harper's ferry, ostensibly to appear as his attorney at the trial, in reality to act as a spy, discover the strength of the jail and find whether it could be stormed and taken by a company of determined men. at his first interview with brown the spy revealed his purpose. "i have come from boston to rescue you," he whispered. the old man's face was convulsed with anger. he spoke in the tones of final command which had always closed argument with friend or foe. "never will i consent to such a scheme." "but listen--" "you listen to me, young man. the bare mention of this thing again and i shall refuse to see or speak to you. do you accept my decision, sir?" hoyt agreed at once. only in this way could he keep in touch with the man whom he had come to save. "the last thing on this earth i would ask," brown continued sternly, "is to be taken from this jail except by the state of virginia when i shall ascend the scaffold." hoyt looked longingly at the old-fashioned fireplace in his prison room. two men could have crawled up its flue at the same time. his refusal did not stop higginson's efforts. he appealed to the forlorn wife at north elba, new york, to go to harper's ferry, ask to see her husband and whisper her plan into his ear. he sent the money and got mrs. brown as far as baltimore on her journey when brown heard of it and stopped her with a peremptory command. the determined conspirator then worked up the proposition to buy a steam tug which could make 18 knots an hour, steam up the james river to richmond, kidnap the governor of the commonwealth, henry wise, and hold him for ransom until brown was released. the scheme only failed for the lack of money. higginson had seen one thing. brown saw a bigger thing. higginson's refusal to flee was based on sound psychology. he knew that from the day john brown struck his brutal blow at the heart of the south and blood had begun to flow, the blood feud would be the biggest living fact in the nation's history. he knew that he could remain in worcester with impunity. the strength of a revolution lies in the fact that its first bloodletting releases the instincts of the animal in man hitherto restrained by law. he knew that brown's cry of liberty for the slave would become for millions the cloak to hide the archaic impulse to kill. he knew that while the purpose of civilization is to restrain and control these instincts of the beast in man--it was too late for the forces of law and order to rally in the north. the first outbursts of indignation against brown would quickly pass. they would be futile. he read them with a smile. the _new york herald_ said: "he has met with a fate which he courted, but his death and the punishment of all his criminal associates will be as a feather in the balance against the mischievous consequences which will probably follow from the rekindling of the slavery excitement in the south." the _tribune_ took the lead in dismissing the act as the deed of a madman. the hartford _evening news_ declared: "brown is a poor, demented, old man. the calamity would never have occurred had there been no lawless and criminal invasion of kansas." but the most significant utterance in the north came from the pacifist leader of abolition, william lloyd garrison, himself. higginson read it with a cry of joy. _the liberator's_ words of comment were brief but significant of the coming mob mind: "the particulars of a misguided, wild, and apparently insane, through disinterested and well-intended effort by insurrection, to emancipate the slaves in virginia, under the leadership of captain john, alias 'osawatomie' brown, may be found on our third page. our views of war and bloodshed even in the best of causes, are too well known to need, repeating here; _but let no one who glories in the revolutionary struggle of 1776, deny the right of slaves to imitate the example of our fathers._" even the leader of the movement for abolition by peaceful means had succumbed to the poison of the smell of human blood. higginson knew that the process of a revolution was always in the order of ideas, leaders, the mob, the tread of armies. for thirty years garrison and the abolition crusaders had spread the ideas. the inspired leader had at last appeared. his right arm had struck the first blow. he could hear the roar of the coming mob whose impulse to murder had been roused. it would call their ancestral soul. the answer was a certainty. he could see no necessity for brown's blood to be spilled in martyrdom. the old man, walking with burning eyes toward his trial, knew better. his vision was clear. god had revealed his full purpose at last. he would climb a virginia gallows and drag millions down, from that scaffold into the grave with him. chapter xxxii never in the history of an american commonwealth was a trial conducted with more reverence for law than the arraignment of john brown and his followers in the stately old court house at charlestown, virginia. the people whom he had assaulted with intent to kill, the people against whom he had incited slaves to rise in bloody insurrection, the kinsmen of the dead whom his rifles had slain, stood in line on the street and watched him pass into the building manacled to one of his disciples. they did not hoot, nor hiss, nor curse. they watched him walk in silence between the tall granite pillars of the house of justice. the behavior of this crowd was highwater mark in the development of southern character. the structure of their society rested on the sanctity of law. it was being put to the supreme test. a northern crowd under similar conditions, had they followed the principles which john brown preached, would have torn those prisoners to pieces without the formality of a trial. it was precisely this trait of character in his enemies on which brown relied for the martyrdom he so passionately desired. when the witnesses at the preliminary hearing had testified to his guilt and the court had ordered the trial set, he was asked if he had counsel. he rose from his seat and addressed the nation, not the court: "virginians, i did not ask for any quarter at the time i was taken. i did not ask to have my life spared. the governor of the state of virginia tenders me his assurance that i shall have a fair trial, but under no circumstances whatever will i be able to have a fair trial. if you seek my blood, you can have it at any moment, without this mockery of a trial. i have no counsel. i am ready for my fate. i do not wish a trial. i have now little further to ask, other than that i may not be foolishly insulted, as cowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their power." the posing martyr was courting insults which had not been offered him. he was grieved that he could not bring the charge of barbarous treatment. he had been treated by colonel lee with the utmost consideration. his wounds had been dressed. he had received the best medical care. he had eaten wholesome food. his jailer had proven friendly and sympathetic. he went out of his way to insult the court and the people and invite abuse. he demanded that he be executed without trial. the court calmly assigned him two of the ablest lawyers in the county, and ordered the trial to proceed. at noon the following day the grand jury returned a true bill against each of the prisoners for treason to the commonwealth, and for conspiring with slaves to commit both treason and murder, and for murder. captain avis, the kindly jailer, was ordered to bring his prisoners into court. he found old brown in bed, pretending to be ill. he refused to rise. he was determined to get the effect of an arraignment of his prostrate body in the court room. he had foreseen the effect of this picture on the imagination of the north. the crowd of eager reporters at the preliminary hearing had given him the cue. he was carried into the court room exactly as he had desired, on a cot. while the hearing proceeded he lay with his eyes closed as if in deep suffering. he had carefully prepared a plea for delay which he knew would not be granted. its effect on the mob mind of the north was what he sought. the press would give it wings. he lifted himself on his elbow and asked judge parker to allow him to make a protest: "i have been promised a fair trial. i am not now in circumstances that enable me to attend a trial, owing to the state of my health. i have a severe wound in the back, or rather in one kidney which enfeebles me very much. but i am doing well, and i only ask for a very short delay of my trial, that i may be able to listen to it! and i merely ask this that, as the saying is, the devil may have his dues, no more. i wish to say further that my hearing is impaired by wounds i have about my head. i could not hear what the court said this morning. i would be glad to hear what is said at my trial. any short delay would be all i would ask. i do not presume to ask more than a very short delay so that i may in some degree recover and be able at least to listen to my trial." dr. mason the attending physician, swore that he had examined brown, and that his wounds had effected neither his hearing nor his mind. he further swore that he was not seriously disabled. brown knew that this was true, but he had entered his plea. his words would flash over the nation. the effect was what he foresaw. although he had defied the laws of god and man, he dared demand more than justice under the laws which he had spit upon. and, however inconsistent his position, he knew that as the poison of the blood feud which he was raising filled the souls of the people through the press, he would be glorified from day to day and new power given to every word he might utter. he had already composed his last message destined to sway the minds of millions. the response of the radical press to his pose of illness was quick and sharp. the lawrence, kansas, _republican_ voiced the feelings of thousands: "we defy an instance to be shown in any civilized community where a prisoner has been forced to trial for his life, when so disabled by sickness or ghastly wounds as to be unable even to sit up during the proceedings, and compelled to be carried to the judgment hall upon a litter. such a proceeding shames the name of justice, and only finds a congenial place amid the records of the bloody inquisition." even so conservative a paper as the boston _transcript_ said: "whatever may be his guilt or folly, a man convicted under such circumstances, and, especially, a man executed after such a trial, will be the most terrible fruit that slavery has ever borne, and will excite the execration of the civilized world." the canny old poseur was on his way to an immortal martyrdom. he knew that every article of the virginia code was being scrupulously obeyed. he knew that the grand jury was in session and that the trial was set at the first term of the court following the crime. there had been no haste. he also knew that the impartial judge who was presiding was the soul of justice in his dealings both with the clamorous people, the prosecution and the counsel appointed for the defense. but he also knew that the mob mind to whom he was appealing would not believe that he knew this. in appeals to the crowd he was a past master. in this appeal he knew that facts would count for nothing--beliefs, illusions for everything. he played each opportunity for all it was worth. when the court opened the following morning, his counsel, mr. botts, amazed the prisoner and the prosecution by reading a telegram from ohio asking a delay on the ground that important affidavits were on the way to prove legally that john brown was insane. before the old man could stop him he gave to the court the substance of these sworn statements. his friends and relatives in ohio had sworn that brown had been always a monomaniac and had been intermittently insane for twenty years. one swore that he had been plainly insane for a quarter of a century. on the family record of insanity the affidavits all agreed. his grandmother was hopelessly insane for six years and died insane. his uncles and aunts, two sons and two daughters had been intermittently insane for years, while one of his daughters had died a hopeless maniac. his only sister, her daughter and one of his brothers were insane at intervals. two of his first cousins were occasionally mad. two had been committed to the state insane asylum repeatedly and two others were at that time in close restraint. brown refused to allow this plea to be entered. he bitterly denounced the counsel assigned to him as traitors, and at their request the following day they were allowed to withdraw from the case. no sooner had he finished his denunciation of his counsel than hoyt, the young alleged attorney, sent by higginson to defend him, sprang to his feet and asked a delay, as he was unprepared to proceed without assistance. the judge adjourned the court until the following morning at ten o'clock. the young spy knew nothing of law but he bluffed it through until the arrival of two able attorneys, samuel chilton of washington, and hiram grismer of cleveland. botts, the dismissed counsel, who had sought to save brown's life by the plea of insanity, put his notes and his office at the disposal of hoyt and sat up all night with him preparing his work for the following day. when the new lawyers appeared the old man made another play at illness to gain delay. the court ordered him to be brought in on his cot. again, the physician swore he was lying, that he was gaining in strength daily. the judge, however, granted a delay of two days. the moment the order was issued for an adjournment brown deliberately rose from his cot and walked back to jail. the trial was closed on monday by the speeches of the prosecution and the defense. the judge charged the jury and in three-quarters of an hour they filed back into the jury box. the crowd jammed every inch of space in the old court house, the wide entrance hall, and overflowed into the street. the foreman solemnly pronounced him guilty. the old man merely pulled the covers of his cot up and stretched his legs, as if he had no interest in the verdict. entirely recovered from every effect of his wounds, as able to walk as ever, he had refused to walk and had been carried again into the court room. he had determined to receive his sentence on a bed. he knew the effect of this picture on the gathering mob. the silence of death fell on the crowded room. not a single cry of triumph from the kindred of the dead. not a single cheer from the men whose wives and children had been saved from the horrors of massacre. chilton made his motion for an arrest of judgment and the judge ordered the motion to stand over until the next day. brown heard the arguments the following day again lying on his cot. the judge reserved his decision and the final scene of the drama was enacted on november second. the clerk asked john brown if he had anything to say concerning why sentence should not be pronounced upon him. the crowd stared as they saw the wiry figure of the old man quickly rise. he fixed his eagle eye on them, not on the judge. over their heads he talked to the gathering mob of his countrymen. brown had been a habitual liar from boyhood. in this speech, made on the eve of the sentence of death, he lied in every paragraph. he lied as he had when he grew a beard to play the role of "shubel morgan." he lied as he had lied to his victims when posing as a surveyor on the pottawattomie. he lied as he had done when he crept through the darkness of the night on his sleeping prey. he lied as he had a hundred times about those gruesome murders. he lied for his sacred cause. he lied without stint and without reservation. he lied with such conviction that he convinced himself in the end that he was a hero--a martyr of human liberty and progress. and that he was telling the solemn truth. "i have, may it please the court, a few words to say: "in the first place i deny everything but what i have already admitted: of a design on my part to free slaves. i intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as i did last winter when i went into missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moving them through the country and finally leading them into canada. i designed to have done the thing again on a larger scale. that was all i intended. i never did intend murder or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or to incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection. "now, if it is deemed necessary that i should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children--and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel and unjust treatment--i say let it be done." david cruise was not there to tell of the bullet that crashed through his heart in missouri. frederick douglas was not there to tell that he abandoned brown in the old stone quarry outside chambersburg, precisely because he had changed the plan of carrying off slaves as in missouri to a scheme of treason, wholesale murders and insurrection. cruise was in his grave and douglas on his way to europe. there was no one to contradict his statements. the mob mind never asks for facts. it asks only for assertions. john brown gave them what he knew they wished to hear and believe. they heard and they believed. with due solemnity, the judge pronounced the sentence of death and fixed the date on december the second, thirty days in the future. the old man's eyes flamed with hidden fires at the unexpected grant of a month in which to complete the raising of the blood feud so gloriously begun. he was a master in the coming of mystic phrases in letters. he gloried in religious symbols. within thirty days he could work with his pen the miracle that would transform a nation into the puppets of his will. he walked beside the jailer, his eyes glittering, his head uplifted. the judge ordered the crowd to keep their seats until the prisoner was removed. in silence he marched through the throng without a hiss or a taunt. chapter xxxiii the day of the great deed was one never to be forgotten by cook's little bride. they had been married six months. each hour had bound the girl's heart in closer and sweeter bonds. the love that kindled for the handsome blond the day of their first meeting had grown into the deathless passion of the woman for her mate. he was restless saturday night. through the long hours she held her breath to catch his regular breathing. he did not sleep. at last the terror of it gripped her. her hand touched his brow and brushed the hair back from his forehead. "what's the matter, john dear?" "restless." "what is it?" "oh, nothing much. just got to thinking about something and can't sleep. that's all. go to sleep now, like a good girl. i'm all right." the little fingers sought his hand and gripped it. "i'll try." she rose at dawn. he had asked an early breakfast to make a long trip into the country. at the table she watched him furtively. she had asked to go with him and he told her he couldn't take her. she wondered why. a great fear began to steal into her soul. it was the first time she had dared to look into the gulf. she would never ask his secret. he must tell her of his own free will. her eyes searched his. and he turned away without an answer. he fought for self-control when he kissed her goodbye. a mad desire swept his heart to take her in his arms, perhaps for the last time. it would be a confession at the moment the blow was about to fall. he would betray the lives of his associates. he gripped himself and left her with a careless smile. all day she brooded over the odd parting, the constraint, the silence, the sleepless night. she went to the services of the revival and sought solace in the songs and prayers of the people. at night the minister preached a sermon that soothed her. a warm glow filled her heart. if god is love as the preacher said, he must know the secrets of his heart and life. he must watch over and bring her lover safely back to her arms. she reached home at a quarter to ten and went to bed humming an old song cook had taught her. the tired body was ready for sleep. she did not expect her husband to return that night. he had gone as far as chambersburg. he promised to come on monday afternoon. through the early hours of the fatal night she slept as soundly as a child. the firing at the arsenal between three and four o'clock waked her. she sprang to her feet and looked out the window. the street lamps flickered fitfully in the drizzling rain. no one was passing. there were no shouts, no disturbances. she wondered about the shots. a crowd of drunken fools were still hanging around the galt house bar perhaps. she went back to bed and slept again. it was eight o'clock before the crash of a volley from the arsenal enclosure roused her. she leaped to her feet, rushed to the window and stood trembling as volley followed volley in a long rattle of rifle and shotgun and pistol. a neighbor hurried past with a gun in his hand. she asked him what the fighting meant. "armed abolitionists have invaded virginia," he shouted. still it meant nothing to her personally. her husband was not an abolitionist. she had known him for more than a year. she had been with him day and night for six months in the sweet intimacy of home and love. and then the hideous truth came crashing on her terror-stricken soul. cook had been recognized by a neighbor as he drove colonel washington's wagon across the maryland bridge at dawn. a committee of citizens came to cross-examine her. she faced them with blanched cheeks. "my husband, an abolitionist!" she gasped. "he's with those murderers and robbers." she turned on the men like a young tigress. "you're lying--i tell you!" for an hour they tried to drag from her a confession of his plans. they left at last convinced that she knew nothing, that she suspected nothing of his real life. she had fought them bravely to the last. in her soul of souls she knew the hideous truth. she recalled the strange yearning with which he had looked at her as he left sunday morning. she saw the bottom of the gulf at last. with a cry of anguish and despair she sank to the floor in a faint. she stirred with one thought tearing at her heart. had they killed or captured him? she rose, dressed and joined the crowd that surged through the streets. the rifle works had been captured, kagi was dead, the other two wounded, one fatally, the other a prisoner. no trace of her husband had been found. he had not reentered the town from the maryland side. she walked to the bridge and found it guarded by armed citizens. tears of joy filled her eyes. "he can't get back now!" she breathed. she hurried to her room, fell on her knees and prayed: "oh, dear lord jesus, i've tried to be a good and faithful wife. my man has loved me tenderly and truly. save him, oh, lord! don't let him come back now into this den of howling beasts. they'll tear him to pieces. and i can't endure it. i can't. i can't. have pity, lord. i'm just a poor, heart-broken wife!" through six days of terror and excitement, of surging crowds and marching soldiers, the shivering figure watched through her window--and silently prayed. a guard had been set at her house to catch her husband if he dared to return. she laughed softly. he would not return! she had asked god not to let him. she was asking him now with every breath she breathed. god would not forget her. he would answer her prayers. she knew it. god is love. she had begun to sleep again at night. her man was safe in the mountains of pennsylvania. the governor of virginia had set a price on his head. men were scouring the hills hunting, as they hunt wild beasts, but god would save him. she had seen his shining face in prayer and he had promised. and then the blow fell. far down the street she caught the roar of a mob. its cries came faintly at first and then they grew to fierce oaths and brutal shouts. a man stopped in front of her house and spoke to the guard. "they've got him!" "who?" "cook!" "the damned beast, the spy, the traitor!" "where are they takin' him?" "to the jail at charlestown." she had no time to lose. she must see him. bareheaded she rushed into the street and fought her way to his side. his hands were manacled but his fair head was held erect until he saw the white face of his bride. and then his eyes fell. would she, too, turn and curse him? he asked himself the hideous question once and dared not lift his head. he felt her coming nearer. the guard halted. his eyes were blurred. he could see nothing. he only felt two soft arms slip round his neck. his own moved instinctively to clasp her but the manacles held them. she kissed his lips before the staring crowd and murmured inarticulate sounds of love and tenderness. she smoothed his blond hair back from his forehead and crooned over him as a mother over a babe. "my little wife--my poor little girlie--my baby!" he murmured. "forgive me--i tried to save you from this. but i couldn't. love would have it so. now you can forget me!" the arms tightened about his neck, and gave the answer lips could not frame. when his trial came she moved to charlestown to sit by his side in the prison dock, touch his manacled hands and look into his eyes. the trial moved to its certain end with remorseless certainty. cook's sister, the wife of governor willard, sat beside her doomed brother, and cheered the desolate heart of the girl he had married. governor willard gave the full weight of his position and his sterling manhood to his wife in her grief. he had employed the best lawyer in his state to defend cook--daniel w. vorhees, whose eloquence had given him the title of "the tall sycamore of the wabash." when the great advocate rose, his towering figure commanded a painful silence in the crowded court room. the people, who packed every inch of its space, hated the man who had lived among them for more than a year as a spy. but he had a wife, he had a sister. and in this solemn hour he should have his day in court. the crowd listened to vorhees' speech with rapt attention. his appeal was not based on the letter of the law. he took broader, higher grounds. he sketched the dark days of blood-cursed kansas. he saw a handsome prodigal son, lured by the spirit of adventure, drawn into its vortex of blind passions. he pictured the sinister figure of the grim puritan leader condemned to death. he told of the spell this evil mind had thrown over a sensitive boy's soul. he pleaded for mercy and forgiveness, for charity and divine love. he pictured the little virginia girl at his side drawn into the tragedy by a deathless love. he sketched in words that burned into the souls of his hearers the love of his sister, a love big and tender and strong, a love that had followed him in the far frontiers with prayers, a love that encircled him in the darkness of deeds of violence against the forms of law and order. he pleaded for her and the distinguished governor of a great state, not because of their high position in life but because they had hearts that could ache and break. when he had finished his remarkable speech, strong men who hated cook were sobbing. the room was bathed in tears. the stern visaged judge made no effort to hide his. the court charged the jury to do impartial justice under the laws of the commonwealth. there could be but one verdict. it was solemnly given by the foreman and the judge pronounced the sentence of death. two soft arms stole around the doomed man's neck, and then, before the court, crowd and god as witnesses, the little wife tenderly cried: "my lover--my sweetheart--my husband--through evil report and through good report, through life, through death, through all eternity--i--love--you!" again strong men wept and turned from one another to hide the signs of their weakness. the wife walked beside her doomed lover back to the jail. as they went through the narrow passage to his cell, the tall, rough-looking prison guard who accompanied them brushed close, caught her hand and pressed it. his eyes met hers in a quick look that said more plainly than words: "i must see you alone." she waited outside the jail until he reappeared. he approached her boldly and spoke as if he were delivering a casual message. "keep your courage, young woman. and don't you be surprised at anything i'm going to say to you. there's people lookin' at us now. i'm just tellin' you a message your husband's told me--you understand." "yes--yes--go on--i understand," she answered quickly. "i'm from kansas. i'm a friend of john cook's. i come all the way here to help him. i joined these guards to get to him. i'm goin' to get him out of here if i can." "thank god--thank god," she murmured. "keep a stiff upper lip and get your hand on some money to follow us." "i will." another guard approached. "leave me now. my name's charles lenhart. don't try to talk to me again. just watch and wait." she nodded, brushed the tears from her eyes and left quickly. he was on the job without delay. cook and edwin coppoc, condemned to die on the same day, occupied the same room in jail. they borrowed a knife from lenhart as soon as he came on duty and "forgot" to return it. with this knife they worked at night for a week cutting a hole through the brick wall. under their clothes in a corner they concealed the fragments of bricks. when the opening had been completed, they cut teeth in the knife blade and made a small saw strong and keen enough to eat through a link in their shackles. on the night fixed, lenhart was on guard waiting in breathless suspense for the men to drop the few feet into the prison yard. a brick wall fifteen feet high could he scaled from his shoulders and the last man up could give him a lift. through the long, chill hours he paced his beat on the wall and waited to hear the crunching of the bodies slipping through the walls. what had happened? something had gone wrong in the impulsive mind of the blue-eyed adventurer inside. the hole was open, the saw in his hand to cut the manacles, when he suddenly stopped. "what's the matter?" coppoc asked. "we can't do this to-night." "for god's sake, why?" "my sister's in town with governor willard to tell me goodbye. they will put the blame of this on them. my sister might be imprisoned. the governor would be in bad. i've caused them trouble enough--god knows--" "when are they going?" "to-morrow. we'll wait until to-morrow night--after they've gone." "but lenhart may not be on guard." "that's so," cook agreed. "coppoc, you can go alone. you'd better do it." "no." "you'd better." "i'm not made out of that sort of goods," the boy answered. "you've got a good old quaker mother out in springdale praying for you. it's your chance--go--i can't tonight." nothing could induce coppoc to desert his comrade and leave him to certain death when his escape should be known. they replaced the bricks, covered the debris and waited until the following night. at eleven o'clock they cut the manacles and coppoc crawled out first. he had barely touched the ground when cook followed. they glanced about the yard and it was deserted. they strained their eyes to make out the figure of the guard who passed the brick wall. he was not in sight. it was a good omen. lenhart had no doubt foreseen their escape and dropped to the street outside. they saw that the timbers of the gallows on which they were to die had not all been fastened. they secured two pieces of scantling and reached the top of the wall. suddenly the dark figure of a guard moved toward them. cook called the signal to lenhart. but a loyal son of virginia stood sentinel that night. the answer was a rifle shot. they started to leap and caught the flash of a bayonet below. they walked back into the jail and surrendered to captain avis, their friendly keeper. the little wife waited and watched in vain. chapter xxxiv all uncertainty at an end to his execution, john brown set his hand to finish the work of his life in a supreme triumph. he entered upon the task with religious joy. the old puritan had always been an habitual writer of letters. the authorities of virginia allowed him to write daily to his friends and relatives. he quickly took advantage of this power. the sword of washington which he grasped on that fatal sunday night had proven a feeble weapon. he seized a pen destined to slay a million human beings. his soul on fire with the fixed idea that he had been ordained by god to drench a nation in blood, he joyfully began the task of creating the mob mind. no man in history had a keener appreciation of the power of the daily press in the propaganda of crowd ideas. the daily newspaper had just blossomed into its full radiance in the modern world. no invention in the history of the race has equaled the cylinder printing press as an engine for creating crowd movements. the daily newspaper of 1859 spoke only in the language of crowds. they were, in fact, so many mob orators haranguing their subscribers. they wrote down to the standards of the mob. they were molders of public opinion and they were always the creatures of public opinion. they wrote for the masses. their columns were filled with their own peculiar brand of propaganda, illusions, dreams, assertions, prejudices, sensations, with always a cheap smear of moral platitude. our people had grown too busy to do their own thinking. the daily newspapers now did it for them. there was as little originality in them as in the machines which printed the editions. yet they were repeated by the crowd as god-inspired truth. we no longer needed to seek for the mob in the streets. we had it at the breakfast table, in the office, in the counting room. the process of crowd thinking became the habit of daily life. john brown hastened to use this engine of propaganda. from his comfortable room in the jail at charlestown there poured a daily stream of letters which found their way into print. a perfect specimen of his art was the concluding paragraph of a letter to his friend and fellow conspirator, george l. stearns of boston. "i have asked to be _spared_ from having any _mock or hypocritical prayers made over me_ when i am publicly _murdered_; and that my only _religious attendants_ be poor, _little, dirty, ragged, bareheaded and barefooted slave boys and girls_, led by old, _gray-headed slave mothers_," this message he knew would reach the heart of every abolitionist of the north, of every reader of _uncle tom's cabin_. on the day of his transfiguration on the scaffold he would deliver the final word that would sweep these millions into the whirlpool of the blood feud. to his wife and children he wrote a message which hammered again his fixed idea into a dogma of faith: "john rogers wrote to his children, 'abhor the arrant whore of rome.' john brown writes to his children to abhor with _undying hatred_ also the 'sum of all villainies,' slavery." not only did these daily letters find their way into the hands of millions through the press, but the newspapers maintained a staff of reporters at charlestown to catch every whisper from the prisoner. so brilliantly did these reports visualize his daily life that the crowds who read them could hear the clanking of the chains as he walked and the groans that came from his wounded body. thousands of letters began to pour into the office of the governor of virginia, threatening, imploring, pleading for his life. the leading politicians of all parties of the north were at length swept into this howling mob by the press. to every plea the governor of the commonwealth replied: "southern society is built on reverence for law. the law has been outraged by this man. it shall be vindicated, though the heavens fall." in this stand he was immovable and the south backed him to a man. for exciting servile insurrection the king of great britain was held up to everlasting scorn by our fathers who wrote the declaration of independence. for this crime among others we rebelled and established the american republic. should john brown be canonized for the same infamy? the southern people asked this question in dumb amazement at the clamor from the north. and so the day of transfiguration on the scaffold dawned. judge thomas russell and his good wife journeyed all the way from boston to minister to the wants of their strange guest. there was in the distinguished jurist's mind a question which he must ask brown before the rope should strangle him forever. his martyrdom had cleared every doubt and cloud from the mind of his friend save one. his fascinating letters, filled with the praise of god and the glory of a martyr's cause, had exalted him. the judge had heard his speech in court on the day he was sentenced to death and had believed that each word was inspired. but the old man, who was now to die in glory, had spent a week in judge russell's house in boston hiding from a deputy sheriff in whose hands was a warrant for plain murder--one of the foulest murders in the records of crime. the judge was a student of character, as well as abolitionist. he asked brown for his last confidential statement as to these crimes on the pottawattomie. there was no hesitation in his bold reply. standing beneath the shadow of the gallows, the white hand of death on his stooped shoulders, one foot on earth and the other pressing the shores of eternity, he lied as brazenly as he had lied a hundred times before. he assured his friend and his wife that he had nothing to do with those killings. mrs. russell, weeping, kissed him. and brown said calmly: "now, go." as he ascended the scaffold he handed to one who stood near his final message, the supreme utterance over which he had prayed day and night to his god. despatched from the scaffold, and sealed by his blood, he knew that its magic words would spread by contagion the red thought. his face shone with the glory of his hope as his feet climbed the scaffold steps. on the scrap of paper he had written: "i, john brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood." the trap fell, his darkened soul swung into eternity and the deed was done. he had raised the blood feud to the nth power. his message thrilled the world. bells were tolling in the north while crowds of weeping men and women knelt in prayer to his god. had they but lifted the veil and looked, they would have seen the face of a fiend. but their eyes were now blinded with the madness which had driven him to his death. in cleveland, melodeon hall was draped in mourning at a meeting where thousands wept and cursed and prayed. mammoth gatherings were held in new york, in rochester and syracuse. in boston a crowd, so dense they were lifted from their feet by the pressure of thousands behind, clamoring for entrance, rushed into tremont temple. william lloyd garrison, the pacifist, declared the meeting was called to witness john brown's resurrection. he flung the last shred of principle to the winds and joined the mob of the blood feud without reservation. "as a peace man--an ultra peace man--i am prepared to say: 'success to every slave insurrection in the south and in every slave country!'" wendell phillips, believing judge russell's report of brown's denial of the pottawattomie murders, declared to the thousands who crowded cooper union that john brown was a saint--that he was not on the pottawattomie creek on that fateful night, that he was not within twenty-five miles of the spot! ralph waldo emerson, ignorant of the truth of pottawattomie, hailed brown as "the new saint, than whom none purer or more brave was ever led by love of men into conflict and death--the new saint who has achieved his martyrdom and will make the gallows glorious as the cross." one great spirit among the anti-slavery forces refused to be swept in the current of insanity. abraham lincoln at troy, kansas, said on the day of brown's death: "old john brown has been executed for treason against a state. we cannot object, even though he agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. that cannot excuse violence, bloodshed and treason. it could avail him nothing that he might _think_ himself right." lincoln's voice was drowned in the roar of the mob. john brown from the scaffold had set in motion forces of mind beyond control. never before had men so little grasped the present, so stupidly ignored the past, so poorly divined the future. reason had been hurled from her throne. man had ceased to think. had lieutenant green's sword pierced brown's heart he would have died the death of a mad dog. his imprisonment, his carefully staged martyrdom, his message of blood, and final, just execution by law created the mob mind which destroyed reverence for law. as he swung from the gallows and his body swayed for a moment between heaven and earth colonel preston, standing beside the steps, solemnly cried: "so perish all such enemies of virginia! all such enemies of the union! all such foes of the human race!" yet even as the trap was sprung, in the capitol of the greatest state of the north, the leaders of the crowd were firing a hundred guns as a dirge for their martyr hero. a criminal paranoiac had become the leader of twenty millions of people. the mob mind had caught the disease of his insanity and a nation began to go mad. robert e. lee, in command of the forces of law and order, watched the swaying ghostly figure with a sense of deep foreboding for the future. chapter xxxv john brown's body lay molderingin the grave but his soul was marching on. and his soul was a thousand times mightier than his body had ever been. while living, his abnormal mind repelled men of strong personality. he had never been able to control more than two dozen people in any enterprise which he undertook. and in these small bands rebellions always broke out. the paranoiac had been transfigured now into the hero and the saint through the worship of the mob which his insanity had created. his apparent strength of character was in reality weakness, an incapacity to master himself or control his criminal impulses. but the jacobin mind of his followers did not consider realities. they only cherished dreams, illusions, assertions. the mob never reasons. it only believes. reason is submerged in passion. john brown was a typical jacobin leader. he was first and last a puritan mystic. the god he worshipped was a fiend, but he worshipped him with all the more passionate devotion for that reason. when he committed murder on the pottawattomie he stalked his prey as a panther. he sang praises to his god as he paused in the brush before he sprang. his narrow mind, with a single fixed idea, was inaccessible to any influences save those which fed his mania. nothing could loose the grip of his soul on this dream. he closed his glittering eyes and refused to consider anything that might contradict his faith. he acted without reason, driven blindly forward by an impulse. when his cunning mind used reason it was never for the purpose of finding truth. it was only for the purpose of confounding his enemies. he never used it as a guide to conduct. by the magic of mental contagion he had transferred from the scaffold this jacobin mind to the soul of a nation. the contact of persons is not necessary to transfer this disease. its contagion is electric. it moves in subtle thought waves, as a mysterious pestilence spreads in the night. the mob mind, once formed, is a new creation and becomes with amazing rapidity a resistless force. the reason for its uncanny power lies in the fact that when once formed it is dominated by the unconscious, not the conscious forces, of man's nature. its credulity is boundless. its passions dominate all life. the records of history are a sealed book. experience does not exist. impulse rules the universe. and this mob mind moves always as a unit. it devours individuality. men who as individuals may be gentle and humane are swept into accord with the most beastly cry of the crowd. this mental unity grows out of the crushing power of contagion. gestures, cries, deeds of hate and fury are caught, approved, repeated. any lie can be built into a religion if repeated often enough to a crowd by a mind on fire with its passions. pirates have died as bravely as john brown. the glorification of the manner of his dying was merely a phenomenon of the unity of the crowd mind. it was precisely the grip of his puritan mysticism, his worship of the devil, that gave to his insanity its most dangerous appeal. for the first time in the history of the republic the mob mind had mastered the collective soul of its people. the contagion had spread both north and south. in the north by sympathy, in the south by a process of reaction even more violent and destructive of reason. john brown had realized his vision of the plains. he had raised a national blood feud. no hand could stay the scourge. the red thought burst into a flame that swept north and south, as a prairie fire sweeps the stubble of autumn. _uncle tom's cabin_ had prepared the stubble. from the northern press began to pour a stream of vindictive abuse. a fair specimen of this insanity appeared in the new york _independent_: "the mass of the population of the atlantic coast of the slave region of the south are descended from the transported convicts and outcasts of great britain. oh, glorious chivalry and hereditary aristocracy of the south! peerless first families of virginia and carolina! progeny of the highwaymen, the horse thieves and sheep stealers and pickpockets of old england!" the fact that this paper was a religious publication, the outgrowth of the new england conscience, gave its columns a peculiar power over the northern mind. the south retorted in kind. _de bow's review_ declared: "the basic framework and controlling inference of northern sentiment is puritanic, the old roundhead rebel refuse of england, which has ever been an unruly sect of pharisees, the worst bigots on earth and the meanest tyrants when they have the power to exercise it." when the conventions met a few months later to name candidates for the presidency and make a declaration of principles, leaders had ceased to lead and there were no principles to declare. the mob mind was supreme. the democratic convention met at charleston, south carolina, to name the successor of james buchanan. their constituents commanded a vast majority of the voters of the nation. the convention became a mob. the one man, the one giant leader left in the republic, the one constructive mind, the one man of political genius who could have saved the nation from the holocaust toward which it was plunging was stephen a. douglas of illinois. he could have been elected president by an overwhelming majority had he been nominated by this united convention. he was entitled to the nomination. he had proven himself a statesman of the highest rank. he had proven himself impervious to sectional hatred or sectional appeal. he was a northern man, but a friend of the south as well as the north. he was an american of the noblest type. but the radical wing of his party in the south were seeing red. old brown's words to them meant the spirit of the north. they heard echoing and reechoing from every newspaper and pulpit: "i, john brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood." if the hour for bloodshed had come they demanded that the south prepare without further words. and they believed that the hour had come. they heard the tread of swarming hosts. they were eager to meet them. reason was flung to the winds. passion ruled. compromise was a thing beyond discussion. douglas was a northern man and they would have none of him. he was hooted and catcalled until he was compelled to withdraw from the convention. the radical south named their own candidate for president. he couldn't be elected. no matter. war was inevitable. let it come. the northern democratic convention named douglas for president. he couldn't be elected. no matter. war was inevitable. let it come. in dumb amazement at the tragedy approaching--the tragedy of a divided union and a bloody civil war--the union men of the party nominated a third ticket, bell of tennessee and everett of massachusetts. they couldn't be elected. no matter. war was inevitable. it had to come. they would stand by their principles and go down with them. when the new republican party met at chicago they were sobered by the responsibility suddenly thrust upon them of naming the next president of the united states. fremont, a mere figurehead as their candidate, had polled a million votes in the campaign before. with three democratic tickets in the field, success was sure. they wrote a conservative platform and named for their candidate abraham lincoln, the one man in their party who had denounced john brown's deeds, the man who had declared in his debates with douglas that he did not believe in making negroes voters or jurors, that he did not believe in the equality of the races, that he did not believe that two such races could ever live together in a democracy on terms of political or social equality. their candidate was the gentlest, broadest, sanest man within their ranks. unless the nation had already gone mad they felt that in his triumph they would be safe from the red menace which stalked through their crowded hall. their radical leaders were furious. but they were compelled to submit and fight for his election. the life of their party depended on it. their own life was bound up in their party. there was really but one issue before the nation--peace or war. the new party, both in its candidate and its platform, sought with all its power to stem the red tide of the blood feud which john brown had raised. their well-meant efforts came too late. war is a condition of mind primarily. its causes are always psychological--not physical. the result of this state of mind is an abnormal condition of the nervous system, in which the thoughts and acts of men are controlled by the collective mind--the mob mind. indians execute their war dances for days and nights to produce this mental state. once it had been created, the war cry alone can be heard. this mind, once formed, deliberative bodies cease to exist. the congress of the united states ceased to exist as a deliberative body at the session which followed john brown's execution. the atmosphere of both the senate and the house was electric with hatred and passion. men who met at the last session as friends, now glared into each other's faces, mortal enemies. l. q. c. lamar, the young statesman from mississippi, threw a firebrand into the house on the day of its opening. "the republicans of this house are not guiltless of the blood of john brown, his conspirators, and the innocent victims of his ruthless vengeance." keitt of south carolina shouted: "the south asks nothing but her rights. i would have no more, but as god is my judge i would shatter this republic from turret to foundation stone before i would take a little less!" old thaddeus stevens of pennsylvania scrambled up on his club foot and with a face flaming with scorn replied: "i do not blame gentlemen of the south for using this threat of rending god's creation from foundation to turret. they have tried it fifty times, and fifty times they have found weak and recreant tremblers in the north who have been affected by it, and who have retreated before these intimidations." he turned to the group of conservative members of his own party with a look of triumphant taunting. he wanted war. he courted it. he saw its coming with a shout of joy. the house was in an uproar. members leaped from their seats and jammed the aisles, shouting, cheering, hissing, catcalling. the clerk was powerless to preserve order. for two months the bedlam continued while they voted in vain to elect a speaker. the new party was determined to have john sherman. the opposition was divided but finally chose mr. pennington, a moderate of mediocre ability. during these eight weeks of senseless wrangling the members began to arm themselves with revolvers. one of the weapons dropped from the pocket of a member from new york and he was accused of attempting to draw it for use against an opponent. the sergeant at arms was summoned and pandemonium broke loose. for a moment it seemed that a pitched battle before the dais of the speaker was inevitable. john sherman rose and made a remarkable statement--remarkable in showing how the mob mind will inevitably destroy the mind of the individual until its unity is undisputed. he spoke in tones of reconciliation. "when i came here i did not believe that the slavery question would come up; and but for the unfortunate affair of brown's at harper's ferry i do not believe that there would have been any feeling on the subject. northern members came here with kindly feelings, no man approving of the deed of john brown, and every man willing to say so, every man willing to admit it an act of lawless violence." it was true. and yet before that mad session closed they were brown's disciples and he had become their martyr here. the mob mind devours individuality, and reduces all to the common denominator of the archaic impulse. in the fierce conflict for speaker four years before, when banks had been chosen, slavery was then the issue. good humor, courtesy and reason ruled the contest which lasted three days longer than the fight over sherman. instead of courtesy and reason--hatred, passion, defiance, assertion were now the order of the day. four years before a threat of disunion was made on the floor. the house received it with shouts of derision and laughter. keitt's dramatic threat had thrown the house into an uproar which had to be quelled by the sergeant at arms. envy, hate, jealousy, spite, passion were supreme. the favorite epithets hurled across the chamber were: "slave driver!" "nigger thief!" the newspapers no longer reported speeches as delivered. they were revised and raised to greater powers of vituperation and abuse. instead of a convincing, logical speech, their champion hurled a "torrent of scathing denunciation," "withering sarcasm," and "crushing invective!" at this historic session appeared the first suit of confederate gray, worn by roger a. pryor, the brilliant young member from virginia. immediately a northern member leaped to his feet. he had caught the significance of the southern emblem. he gave a moment's silent survey to the gray suit and opened his address on the state of the country by saying: "virginia, instead of clothing herself in sheep's wool, had better don her appropriate garb of sackcloth and ashes!" the nation was already at war before abraham lincoln left springfield for washington to take his seat as president. it was deemed wise that he should enter the city practically in disguise. in vain the great heart that beat within his lonely breast tried to stem the red tide in his first inaugural. with infinite pathos he turned toward the south and spoke his words of peace, reconciliation and assurance: "i have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so." his closing sentences were spoken with his deep eyes swimming in tears. "i am loath to close. we are not enemies but friends. we must not be enemies. though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." the noblest men of north and south joined with the new president, pleading for peace. they knew by the light of reason that a war of brothers would be a wanton crime. they proved by irresistible logic that every issue dividing the nation could be settled at the council table. they pleaded in vain. they pitched straws against a hurricane. from the deep, subconscious nature of man, the lair of the beast, came only the growl of challenge to mortal combat. the new president is but a leaf tossed by the wind. the union of which our fathers dreamed is rent in twain. with tumult and shout, the armies gather, blue and gray, brother against brother. a madman's soul now rides the storm and leads the serried lines as they sweep to the red rendezvous with death. chapter xxxvi a little mother with a laughing boy two years old and baby in her arms was awaiting at a crowded hotel in washington the coming of her father from the western plains. her men were going in opposite directions in these tragic days that were trying the souls of men. colonel phillip st. george cooke was a virginian. lieutenant j. e. b. stuart was a virginian. the soul of the little mother was worn out with the question that had no answer. why should her lover-husband and her fine old daddy fight each other? she stood appalled before such a conflict. she had written to her father a letter so gentle, so full of tender appeal, he could not resist its call. she had asked that he come to see her babies and her husband and, face to face, say the things that were in his heart. her own sympathies were with her husband. he had breathed his soul into hers. she thought as he thought and felt as he felt. but her dear old daddy must have deep reasons for refusing to follow virginia, if she should go with the south in secession. she must hear these reasons. stuart must hear them. if he could convince them, they would go with him. in her girl's soul she didn't care which way they went, as long as they did not fight each other. she had watched the shadow of this war deepen with growing anguish. if her father should meet her husband in battle and one should kill the other! how could she live? the thought was too horrible to frame in, words, but it haunted her dreams. she couldn't shake it off. that her rollicking soldier man would come out alive she felt sure somehow. no other thought was possible. to think that he might be killed in the pride and glory of his youth was nonsense. her mind refused now to dwell on the idea. she dismissed it with a laugh. he was so vital. he lived to his finger tips. his voice rang with the joy of living. the spirit of eternal youth danced in his blue eyes. he was just twenty-eight years old. he was the father of a darling boy who bore his name and a baby that nestled in her arms to whom they had given hers. life in its morning of glory was his--wife, babies, love, youth, health, strength, clean living and high thinking. no, it was the thought of harm to her father that was eating her heart out. he has passed the noon-tide of life. his slender, graceful form lacked the sturdy power of youth. his chances were not so good. the thing that sickened her was the certainty that both these men, father and husband, would organize the cavalry service and fight on horseback. they had spent their honeymoon on the plains. she had ridden over them with her joyous lover. he would be a cavalry commander. she knew that he would be a general. her father was a master of cavalry tactics and was at work on the manuel for the united states army. the two men were born under the same skies. their tastes were similar. their clean habits of life were alike. their ideals were equally high and noble. how could two such men fight each other to the death over an issue of politics when some wife or sister or mother must look on a dead face when the smoke has cleared? her soul rose in rebellion against it all. she summoned every power of her mind to the struggle with her father. she brought them together at last in the room with her babies, asleep in their cradles. she sat down between the two and held a hand in each of hers. "now, daddy dear, you must tell me why you're going to fight virginia if she secedes from the union." the gentle face smiled sadly. "how can i make you understand, dear baby? it's foolish to argue such things. we follow our hearts--that's all." "but you must tell me," she pleaded. "there's nothing to tell, child. we must each decide these big things of life for himself. i'll never draw my sword against the union. my fathers created it. i've fought for it. i've lived for it. and i've got to die for it, if must be, that's all--" he paused, withdrew his hand from hers, rose and put it on stuart's shoulder. "you've chosen a fine boy for your husband, my daughter. i love him. i'm proud of him. i shall always be proud that your children bear his name. he must fight this battle of his allegiance in his own soul and answer to god, not to me. i would not dare to try to influence him." stuart rose and grasped the colonel's hand. his eyes were moist. "thank you, colonel. i shall always remember this hour with you and my flora. and i shall always love and respect you, in life or death, success or failure." the older man held stuart's hand in a strong grip. "it grieves me to feel that you may fight the union, my son. i have seen the end in a vision already. the union is indissoluble. the stars in their courses have said it." "it may be, sir," stuart slowly answered. "who knows? we must do each what we believe to be right, as god gives us to see the right." the little mother was softly crying. her hopes had faded. there was the note of finality in each word her men had uttered. she was crushed. for an hour she talked in tender commonplaces. she tried to be cheerful for her father's sake. she saw that he was suffering cruelly at the thought of saying a goodbye that might be the last. she broke down in a flood of bitter tears. the father took her into his arms and soothed her with tender words. but something deep and strange had stirred in the mother heart within her. she drew away from his arms and cried in anguish. "it's wrong. it's wrong. it's all wrong--this feud of blood! and god will yet save the world from it. i must believe that or i'd go mad!" the two men looked at each other in wonder for a moment and then at the mother's convulsed face. into the older man's features slowly crept a look of awe, as if he had heard that voice before somewhere in the still hours of his soul. stuart bent and kissed her tenderly. "there, dear, you're overwrought. don't worry. your work god has given you in these cradles." "yes, that's why i feel this way," she whispered on his breast. chapter xxxvii if reason had ruled, the gulf states of the south would never have ordered their representatives to leave washington on the election of abraham lincoln. the new administration could have done nothing with the congress chosen. the president had been elected on a fluke because of the division of the opposition into three tickets. lincoln was a minority president and was powerless except in the use of the veto. if the gulf states had paused for a moment they could have seen that such an administration, whatever its views about slavery, would have failed, and the next election would have been theirs. the moment they withdrew their members of congress, however, the new party had a majority and could shape the nation's laws. the crowd mind acts on blind impulse, never on reason. in spite of the president's humane purpose to keep peace when he delivered his first inaugural, he had scarcely taken his seat at the head of his cabinet when the mob mind swept him from his moorings and he was caught in the torrent of the war mania. the firing on fort sumter was not the first shot by the secessionists. they had fired on the _star of the west_, a ship sent to the relief of the fort, weeks before. they had driven her back to sea. but the president at that moment had sufficient power to withstand the cry for blood. at the next shot he succumbed to the inevitable and called for 75,000 volunteers to invade the south. this act of war was a violation of his powers under constitutional law. congress alone could declare war. but congress was not in session. the mob had, in fact, declared war. the president and his cabinet were forced to bow to its will and risk their necks on the outcome of the struggle. so long as virginia, north carolina and tennessee refused to secede and stood with the border states of maryland, missouri and kentucky inside the union, the confederacy organized at montgomery, alabama, must remain a mere political feint. the call of the president on virginia, north carolina, tennessee, kentucky, missouri and maryland, all slave states, to furnish their quota of troops to fight the seceders, was in effect a declaration of war by a united north upon the south. virginia had refused to join the confederacy before by an overwhelming majority. all eyes were again turned on the old dominion. would she accept the president's command and send her quota of troops to fight her sisters of the south, or would she withdraw from the union? the darkest day of its history was dawning on arlington. lee had spent a sleepless night watching the flickering lights of the capitol, waiting, hoping, praying for a message from the convention at richmond. on that message hung the present, the future, and the sacred glory of the past. the lamp on the table in the hall was still burning dimly at dawn when mary lee came downstairs and pulled the old-fashioned bell cord which summoned the butler. ben entered with a bow. "you ring for me, missy?" "yes. you sent to town to see if an extra had been issued?" "yassam. de boy come back more'n a hour ago." "there was none?" "nomum." "and he couldn't find lieutenant stuart?" "nomum. he look fur him in de telegraph office an' everywhar." "why don't he come--why don't he come?" she sighed. "i spec dem wires is done down, an' de news 'bout secesum come froo de country fum richmon' by horseback, m'am." the girl sighed again wearily. "the coffee and sandwiches ready, ben?" "yassam. all on de table waitin'. de coffee gittin' cold." "i'll bring papa down, if i can get him to come." "yassam. i hopes ye bring him. he sho must be wore out." "it's daylight," she said, "open the windows and put out the lamp." mary climbed the stairs again to get her father to eat. ben drew the curtains and the full light of a beautiful spring morning flooded the room. a mocking bird was singing in the holly. a catbird cried from a rosebush, a redbird flashed and chirped from the hedge and a colt whinnied for his mother. the old negro lowered the lamp, blew it out and began to straighten the room. a soft knock sounded on the front door. he stopped and listened. that was queer. no guest could be coming to arlington at dawn. lieutenant stuart would come on horseback and the ring of his horse's hoofs could be heard for half a mile. he turned back to his work and the knock was repeated, this time louder. he cautiously approached the door. "who's dar?" "hit's me." "me who?" "hit's me--sam." "'tain't no sam nuther--" "'tis me." "sam's bin free mos' ten year now an' he's livin' in new york--" "i done come back. lemme come in a minute!" ben was not sure. he picked up a heavy cane, held it in his right hand and cautiously opened the door with his left, as sam entered. the old man dropped the cane and stepped back in dumb amazement. it was some time before he spoke. "name er gawd, sam--hit is you." "sho, hit's me!" "what yer doin' here?" "i come to see my old marster when i hears all dis talk 'bout war. whar is he?" ben lifted his eyes to the ceiling and spoke in a solemn tone: "up dar in his room all night trampin' back an' forth lak er lion in de cage, waitin' fur marse stuart ter fetch de news fum richmond 'bout secessun--" "secessun?" ben nodded--and raised his eyes in a dreamy look. "some say ole virginy gwine ter stay in de union. some say she's a gwine ter secede. de convenshun in richmon' wuz votin' on hit yestiddy. marse stuart gone ter town ter fetch de news ter arlington." sam stepped close and searched ben's face. "what's my ole marster dat set me free gwine ter do?" "dat's what everybody's axin. he bin prayin' up dar all night." sam glanced toward the stairway and held his silence for a while. he spoke finally with firm conviction. "well, i'se gwine wid him. ef he go wid de union, i goes. ef he go wid ole virginy, i go wid ole virginy. whichever way _he_ go, dat's de _right_ way--" "dat's so, too!" ben responded fervently. sam advanced to the old butler with the quick step of the days when he was his efficient helper. "what ye want me ter do?" ben led him to the portico and pointed down the white graveled way to washington. "run doun de road ter de rise er dat hill an' stay dar. de minute yer see a hoss cross dat bridge--hit's marse stuart. yer fly back here an' tell me--" sam nodded and disappeared. ben hurried back into the hall, as mary and her mother came down the stairs. mrs. lee was struggling to control her fears. "no sign of lieutenant stuart yet, ben?" "nomum. i'se er watchin'." "look again and see if there's any dust on that long stretch beyond the river--" ben shook his head. "yassam, i look." he passed out the front door still wagging his head in deep sympathy for the stricken mistress of the great house. mary slipped her arm around her mother, and used the pet name she spoke in moments of great joy and sorrow. "oh, mim dear, you mustn't worry so!" her mother's lips trembled. she tried to be strong and failed. the tears came at last streaming down her cheeks. "i can't help it, darling. life hangs on this message--our home--" she paused and her eyes wandered about the familiar room and its furnishings. "you know how i love this home. it's woven into the very fiber of my heart. our future--all that we have on earth--it's more than i can bear--" the daughter drew the dear face to her lips. "but why try to take it all on our shoulders, dearest? we must leave papa to fight this out alone. we can't decide it for him." the mother brushed her tears away and responded cheerfully. "yes, i know, dear. your father didn't leave his room all day yesterday. he ate no dinner. no supper. all night the tramp of his feet overhead has only been broken when he fell on his knees to pray--" her voice wandered off as in a half dream. she paused, and then rushed on impetuously. "why, why can't we hear from richmond? the convention should have voted before noon yesterday. and we've waited all night--" "the authorities may be holding back the news." "but why should they suppress _such_ news? the world must know." she stopped suddenly--as if stunned by the thought that oppressed her. she seized mary's hand, and asked tensely: "what do you think, dear? has virginia left the union?" a quick answer was on the young lips. she had a very clear opinion. she had talked to stuart. and his keen mind had seen the inevitable. she didn't have the heart to tell her mother. she feigned a mind blank from weariness. "i can't think, honey. i'm too tired." ben came back shaking his gray head. "nomum. dey ain't no sign on de road yet." the waiting wife and mother cried in an anguish she could not control. "why--why--why?" ben sought to distract her thoughts with the habit of house control. he spoke in his old voice of friendly scolding. "ain't marse robert comin' doun to his coffee, m'am?" "not yet, ben. i couldn't persuade him." the mistress caught the effort of her faithful servant to help in his humble way and it touched her. she was making a firm resolution to regain her self-control when a distant cry was heard from the roadway. "uncle ben!" "what's dat?" the old man asked. "he's coming?" mrs. lee gasped. "i dunno, m'am. i hears sumfin!" sam's cry echoed near the house now in growing excitement. "uncle ben--uncle ben!" "see, ben, see quick--" mary cried. "yassam. he's comin', sho. he's seed him." the mother's face was uplifted in prayer. "god's will be done!" the words came in a bare whisper. and then as if in answer to the cry of her heart she caught new hope and turned to her daughter. "you know, dear, the first convention voted against secession!" sam reached the door and met ben. "uncle ben--he's a comin'--marse stuart's horse! i seen him 'way 'cross de ribber fust--des one long, white streak er dust ez fur ez de eye can reach!" the mother gripped mary's arm with cruel force. the strain was again more than she could bear. "oh, dear, oh, dear, what have they done? what have they done?" ben entered the hall holding himself erect with the dignity of one who must bear great sorrows with his people. the mistress called to him weakly: "tell colonel lee, ben." the old man bowed gravely. "yassam. right away, m'am." ben hurried to call his master as sam edged into the front door and smiled at his mistress. mrs. lee saw and recognized him for the first time. his loyalty touched her deeply in the hour of trial. she extended her hand in warm greeting. "why, _sam_, you've come home!" "yassam. i come back ter stan' by my folks when dey needs me." mary's eyes were misty as she smiled her welcome. "you're a good boy, sam." "yassam. marse robert teach me." the echo of stuart's horse's hoof rang under the portico and sam hurried to meet him. his clear voice called: "don't put 'im up, boy!" mary's heart began to pound. she knew he would be galloping down the white graveled way again in a few minutes. his next order confirmed her fear. "just give him some water!" "yassah!" the two women stood huddled close in tense anxiety. lee hurried down the stairs and met stuart at the door. before the familiarity of a handshake or word of welcome he asked: "what news, lieutenant?" stuart spoke with deep emotion. on every word the man and the woman hung breathlessly. "it has come, sir. virginia has answered to the president's call to send troops against her own people. she has sacrificed all save honor. the vote of the convention was overwhelming. she has withdrawn from the union--" a moment's deathly silence. and the cry of pain from a woman's white lips. mary caught her mother in her arms and held her firmly. the cry wrung her young heart. "oh, dear god, have mercy on us--and give us strength to bear it--" stuart hurried to her side and tried to break the blow with cheerful words. "don't worry, mrs. lee. the south is right." lee had not spoken. his brilliant eyes had the look of a man who walks in his sleep. they were in the world but not of it. the deep things of eternity were in their brooding. he waked at last and turned to stuart sadly. "god save our country, my boy." he paused and looked out the doorway on the beautiful green of the lawn. the perfume from the rose garden stole in on the fresh breeze that stirred from the river. "a frightful blow," he went on dreamily, "this news you bring." stuart's young body stiffened. "you're the foremost citizen of virginia, sir. others may doubt and waver and be confused. i think i know what you're going to do, in the end--" "it's hard--it's hard," the strong man cried bitterly. the mother and daughter studied his face in eager, anxious waiting. on his word life hung. stuart glanced at their tense faces and couldn't find speech. he turned and spoke briskly. "i must hurry, sir. i'll be in richmond before sunset." the sound of carriage wheels grated on the road and a foaming pair of horses drew under the portico. a woman sprang out. mrs. lee turned to the colonel. "it's your sister, annie, colonel." "yes," stuart added, "i passed her on the way--" mrs. marshall hurried to greet mrs. lee. the two women embraced and wept in silence. "mary!" "annie!" the names were barely breathed. mary silently kissed her aunt as she turned from her mother. the colonel's sister raised her eyes and saw stuart. her tones were sharp with the ring of a commander giving orders: "our army is marching, lieutenant stuart! you here in civilian clothes?" the strong, young body stiffened. "i have resigned my commission in the united states army, mrs. marshall--" her finger rose in an imperious gesture. "you will live to regret it, sir!" lee frowned and laid his hand on his sister's arm in a gesture of appeal. "annie, dear, please." she regained her poise at the touch of his hand and turned to mrs. lee. stuart extended his hand briskly. "goodbye, sir. i hope to see you in richmond soon--" lee's answer was gravely spoken. "goodbye, my boy. i honor you in your quick decision, with the clear vision of youth. we, older men, must halt and pray, and feel our way." with a laugh in his blue eyes stuart paused at the door half embarrassed at mrs. marshall's presence. he waved his hat to the group. "well, goodbye, everybody! i'm off to join the cavalry!" outside as he hurried to his horse he waved again. "goodbye--!" there was a moment's painful silence. they listened to the beat of his horse's hoof on the white roadway toward washington. as the tall soldier listened he heard the roar of the hoofs of coming legions. and a warrior's soul leaped to the saddle. but the soul of the man, of the father and brother uttered a cry of mortal pain. he looked about the hall in a dazed way as if unconscious of the presence of the women of his home. mrs. lee saw his deep anxiety and whispered to mrs. marshall. "come to my room, annie, and rest before you say anything to robert--" she shook her head. "no--no, my dear. i can't. my heart's too full. i can't rest. it's no use trying." the wife took both her hands. "then remember, that his heart is even fuller than yours." "yes, i know." "and you cannot possibly be suffering as he is." "i'll not forget, dear." mrs. lee pressed her hands firmly. "and say nothing that you'll live to regret?" "i promise, mary." "please!" with a lingering look of sympathy for brother and sister, mrs. lee softly left the room. lee stood gazing through the window across the shining waters of the river whose mirror but a few months ago had reflected the distorted faces of john brown and his men at harper's ferry. it had come, the vision he had seen as he looked on the dark stains that fateful morning. he dreaded this interview with his sister. he knew the views of judge marshall, her husband. he knew her own love for the union. she was struggling for control of her emotions and her voice was strained. "you've--you've heard this awful news from richmond?" "yes," he answered quietly. "and i've long felt it coming. the first thunderbolt struck us at harper's ferry. the storm has broken now--" "what are you going to do?" she asked the question as if half afraid to pronounce the words. lee turned away in silence. she followed him and laid a hand on his arm. "you'll let me tell you all that's in my heart, my brother?" the soldier was a boy again. he took his sister's hand and stroked it as he had in the old days at stratford. "of course, my dear." "and remember that we _are_ brother and sister?" "always." she clung to his hand and made no effort now to keep back the tears. "and that i shall always believe in you and be proud of you--" a sob caught her voice and she could not go on. he pressed her hand. "it's sweet to hear you say this, annie, in the darkest hour of my life--" she interrupted him in quick, passionate appeal. "why should it be the darkest hour, robert? what have you or i, or our people, to do with the madmen who are driving the south over the brink of this precipice?" lee shook his head. "the people of the south are not being driven now, my dear--" he stopped. his eyes flashed as his words quickened. "they are rushing with a fierce shout as one man. the north thinks that only a small part of the southern people are in this revolution, misled by politicians. the truth is, the masses are sweeping their leaders before them, as leaves driven by a storm. the cotton states are unanimous. virginia has seceded. north carolina and tennessee will follow her to-morrow, and the south a unit, the union is divided." the sister drew herself up with pride, and squarely faced him. she spoke with deliberation. "our families, robert, from the beginning have stood for the glory of the union. it is unthinkable that you should leave it. such men as edmund ruffin--yes--the impulsive old firebrand has already volunteered as a private and gone to south carolina. he pulled the lanyard that fired the first shot against fort sumter. we have nothing in common with such men--" lee lifted his hand in protest. "yes, we have, my dear. we are both sons of virginia, our mother and the mother of this republic." "all the more reason why i'm begging to-day that you dedicate your genius, your soul and body to fight the men who would destroy the union!" lee raised his eyes as if in prayer and drew a deep breath. "there's but one thing for me to decide, annie--my duty." his sister clasped her hands nervously and glanced about the room. her eyes rested on the portraits of washington, and his wife and she turned quickly. "your wife is the grand-daughter of martha washington. can you look on that portrait of the father of this country, handed down to the mother of your children, and dare draw your sword to destroy his work?" "i've tried to put him in my place and ask what he would do--" he stopped suddenly. "what would washington do if he stood in my place to-day?" "my dear brother!" "remember now that you are appealing to me as my sister. did washington allow the ties of blood to swerve him from his duty? his own mother was a loyal subject of the king of great britain and died so--" "washington led an army of patriots in a sacred cause," she interrupted. "surely. but he won his first victories as a soldier fighting the french, under the british flag. he denounced that flag, joined with the french and forced cornwallis to surrender to the armies of france and the colonies of america. he was equally right when he fought under the british flag against the french, and when he fought with lafayette and rochambeau and won our independence. each time he fought for his rights under law. each time with mind and conscience clear, he answered the call of duty. the man who does that is always right, my sister, no matter what flag flies above him!" "oh, robert, there is but one flag--the flag of washington, and your father, henry lee--" the brother broke in quickly. "and yet, the first blood in this conflict was drawn by a man who cursed that flag, who again and again defied its authority, and gloried in the fact that he had trampled it beneath his feet. the north has proclaimed him a saint. their soldiers are now marching on the south singing a song of glory to john brown and all for which he stood. what would washington do if he were living, and these men were marching to invade virginia, put his home at mount vernon to the torch, and place pikes in the hands of his slaves--" lee searched his sister's eyes and drove his question home. "what would he do?" the woman was too downright in her honesty to quibble or fence. she couldn't answer. she flushed and hesitated. "i don't know--i don't know. i only know," she hastened to add, "that he couldn't be a traitor." "even so. who is the traitor, my dear? the man who defies the constitution and the laws of the union? or the man who defends the law and the rights of his fathers under it?" again she couldn't answer. she would not acknowledge defeat. she simply refused to face such a problem. it led the wrong way. with quick wit she changed her point of attack. she drew close and asked in passionate tenderness: "have you counted the cost? the frightful cost which you and yours must pay if you dare defend virginia?" lee nodded his head sorrowfully. "on my knees, i've tried to reckon it." he looked longingly over the wide lawn that rolled in green splendor toward the river. "i know that if i cast my lot with virginia, this home, handed down to us from washington, will be lost, and its fields trampled under the feet of hostile armies. that my wife and children may wander homeless, dependent on the charity or courtesy of friends. the thought of it tears my heart!" his voice sank to a whisper. and then he lifted his head firmly. "but i must not allow this to swerve me an inch from my duty--" the sound of horses' hoofs again echoed on the roadway, as ben entered from the dining room to announce breakfast. lee listened. "see who that is, ben." "yassah." as ben passed out the door, lee continued: "i will not say one word to influence my three sons. i will not even write to them. they must fight this battle out alone, as i am fighting it out to-day." his sister smiled wanly. "your sons will follow you, robert. and so will thousands of the best men in virginia. your responsibility is terrible." ben announced from the door. "mr. francis preston blair, ter see you, sir." lee waved the butler from the room. "i'll receive him, ben. you can go." "thank god!" mrs. marshall breathed. "he's the most influential man in washington. he is in close touch with the president, and he is a southerner--" she looked at her brother pleadingly. "you'll give him the most careful hearing, robert?" "i don't know the object of his visit, but i'll gladly see him." "he's a staunch union man. he can have but one object in coming!" she cried with elation. with courtesy lee met his distinguished visitor at the door and grasped his hand. "walk in, mr. blair. you know my sister, mrs. marshall of baltimore?" blair smiled. "i am happy to say that mrs. marshall and i are the best of friends. we have often met at the house of my son, montgomery blair, of mr. lincoln's cabinet." "let me take your hat, sir," lee said with an answering smile. "thank you." the colonel crossed the room to place it on a table. mrs. marshall took advantage of the moment to whisper to blair. "i've done my best. i'm afraid i haven't convinced him. may god give you the word to speak to my brother to-day!" blair rubbed his hands and a look of triumph overspread his rugged face. "he has, madame. i have a message for him!" "a message?" "from the highest authority!" "may i be present at your conference?" she pleaded eagerly. "by all means, madame. stay and hear my announcement. he cannot refuse me." lee sought at once to put blair at ease on his mission. "from my sister's remark a moment ago, i may guess the purpose of your coming, mr. blair?" his guest surveyed lee with an expression of deep pleasure in the unfolding of his message. "in part, yes, you may have guessed my purpose. but i have something to say that even your keen mind has not surmised--" "i am honored, sir, in your call and i shall be glad to hear you." blair drew himself erect as if on military duty. "colonel lee, i have come after a conference with president lincoln, to ask you to throw the power of your great name into this fight now to put an end to chaos--" "you have come from the president?" "unofficially--" "oh--" "but with his full knowledge and consent." "and what is his suggestion?" blair hesitated. "he cannot make it until he first knows that you will accept his offer." "his offer?" blair waited until the thought had been fully grasped and then uttered each word with solemn emphasis. "his offer, sir, of the supreme command of the armies of the union--" a cry of joy and pride came resistlessly from the sister's lips. "oh, robert--robert!" lee was surprised and deeply moved. he rose from his seat, walked to the window, looked out, flushed and slowly said: "you--you--cannot mean this--?" blair hastened to assure him. "i am straight from the white house. general scott has eagerly endorsed your name." "but i cannot realize this to me--from abraham lincoln?" "from abraham lincoln, whose simple common sense is the greatest asset to-day which the union possesses. his position is one of frank conciliation toward the south." "yet he said once that this republic cannot endure half slave and half free and the south interpreted that to mean--war--" "exactly. crowds do not reason. they refuse to think. they refuse, therefore, to hear his explanation of those words. he hates slavery as you hate slavery. he knows, as you know, that it is doomed by the process of time. to make this so clear that he who runs may read, he wrote in his inaugural address in so many words his solemn pledge to respect every right now possessed by the masters of the south under law. _"'i have no purpose to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.'"_ "his sole purpose now is to save the union, slavery or no slavery--" "surely, robert," his sister cried, "you can endorse that stand!" "mr. lincoln," blair went on eagerly, "is a leader whose common sense amounts to genius. no threats or bluster, inside his own party or outside of it, can swerve him from his high aim. he is going to save this union first and let all other questions bide their time." lee searched blair with his keen eyes. "but mr. lincoln, without the authority of congress, has practically declared war. he has called on virginia to furnish troops to fight a sister state. my state has decided that he had no power under the constitution to issue such a call. it is, therefore, illegal. the organic law of the republic makes no provision for raising troops to fight a sister state." blair lifted both hands in a persuasive gesture. "let us grant, colonel lee, that in law you are right. the states are sovereign. the constitution gives the general government no power to coerce a state. our fathers, as a matter of fact, never faced such a possibility. grant all that in law. even so, a mighty, united nation has grown through the years. it is now a living thing, immutable, indissoluble. it commands your obedience and mine." lee was silent and mrs. marshall cried: "surely this is true, robert!" "my dear mr. blair," lee slowly began, "your claim is the beginning of the end of law--the beginning of anarchy. if under the law, virginia is right, is it not my duty to defend her? obedience to law is the cornerstone on which all nations are built if they endure. reverence for law is to-day the force driving the south into revolution--" "a revolution doomed to certain failure," blair quickly interrupted. "the border slave states of maryland, kentucky and missouri, under mr. lincoln's conservative leadership, will never secede. without them the south must fail. you have served under the flag of the union for thirty years. you know the north. you know the south. and you know that such a revolution based on a division of the union without these border states is madness--" "it is madness, robert," mrs. marshall joined, "utter madness!" "right and duty, mr. blair, have nothing to do with success or failure," lee responded. "i know the fearful odds against the south. i know the indomitable will, the energy, the fertile resources, the pride of opinion of the north, once set in motion. i know that the south has no money, no army, no organized government, no standing in the court of nations. she will have a white population of barely five millions against twenty-two millions--and her ports will be closed by our navy--" blair interrupted and leaned close. "and let me add, that as our leader _you_ will not only command the greatest army ever assembled under the american flag, backed by a great navy--but that your victory will be but the beginning of a career. from your window you see the white house and the capitol. the man who leads the union armies will succeed mr. lincoln as president." lee's protest was emphatic. "i aspire to no office, mr. blair. i'm fifty-four years of age. i am on the hilltop of life. the way leads down a gentle slope, i trust, to a valley of peace, love and happiness. ambition does not lure me; i have lived. i have played my part as well as i know how. i am content. i love my country, north and south, east and west. i am a trained soldier--i know nothing else." "the highest honor of this nation, colonel lee, is something no man born under our flag dares to decline. few men in history have been so well equipped as you for such an honor, both by birth and culture. you must also remember that the president of the united states is commander in chief of the army and navy. you are proud of your profession. you would honor it in the highest office of the republic. you are held in the highest esteem by every soldier in the army. the president calls you. the nation calls you. all eyes are upon you." blair studied the effect of his appeal. he saw that lee was profoundly moved. yet his courteous manner gave no hint of the trend of his emotions. he did not reply for a moment and then spoke with tenderness. "my dear friend, you must not think that i am deaf to such calls. they move me to the depths. but no honor can reconcile me to this awful war. it is madness. it is absolutely unnecessary. but for john brown's insane act it could have been avoided. but it has come. its glory does not tempt me. i wish peace on earth and good will to all men. i am a soldier, but a christian soldier--" his voice broke. "i am one of the humblest followers of jesus christ. there is but a single question for me to decide--my duty--" a horseman dashed under the portico, threw his reins to sam and entered without announcement. "colonel lee?" he asked. "yes." he handed lee a folded paper bearing the great seal of the state. "a message, sir, from richmond." lee's hand trembled as he broke the seal. he stared at its words as in a dream. "you have important news?" blair asked. "most important. i am summoned to richmond by the governor in obedience to a resolution of the legislature." mrs. marshall advanced on the dusty, young messenger, her eyes aflame with anger. "how dare you enter this house unannounced, sir?" the boy did not answer. he turned away with a smile. she repented her words immediately. they had sounded undignified, if not positively rude. but she had been so sure that blair could not fail. this call from richmond, coming in the moment of crisis, drove her to desperation. she looked at blair helplessly and he rallied to the attack with renewed determination. "a nation is calling you. the union your fathers created is calling you, colonel lee!" lee's figure stiffened the least bit, though his words were uttered in the friendliest tones. "virginia is also calling me, mr. blair. your own state of maryland has not seceded. for that reason you cannot feel this tragedy as i feel it. put yourself in my place. i ask you the question, is not the command of a state that of a mother to a child? we are citizens of the state, not of the union. there is no such thing as citizenship in the union. we vote only as citizens of a state. we enlist as soldiers by states. i was sent to west point as a cadet by the state of virginia. even president lincoln's proclamation calling for volunteers to coerce a state, revolutionary as it is, is addressed, not to individual men, but to the states. he must call on each to furnish her quota of soldiers--" "yet the call is to every citizen of the nation!" lee's hand was raised in a gesture of imperious affirmation. "there is no such thing as citizenship of the nation! we don't pay taxes to the nation. we may yet become a nation. we are as yet a union of sovereign states. virginia has refused to furnish the troops called for by the president and has withdrawn from the union. she reserved in her vote to enter, the right to withdraw. i am a virginian. what is my duty?" "to fight for the union, robert--always!" mrs. marshall answered. "i love the union, my dear sister, my heart aches at the thought of its division--" he turned sharply to blair. "but is not the south to-day in taking her stand for the rights of the state asserting a principle as vital as the union itself? all the great minds of the north have recognized that these rights are fundamental to our life. bancroft declares that the state is the guardian of the security and happiness of the individual. hamilton declares that, if the states shall lose their powers, the people will be robbed of their liberties. george clinton says that the states are our _only_ security for the liberties of the people against a centralized tyranny. these rights once surrendered, and i solemnly warn you, my friend, that your children and mine may live to see in washington a centralized power that will dare to say what you shall eat, what you shall drink, and what you shall wear!" blair laughed incredulously. "surely it's a far cry to that, colonel--" "i'm not so sure, mr. blair. and the cry from virginia rings through my heart. i see her in mortal peril. my father was three times governor of the commonwealth. virginia gave america the immortal words of the declaration of independence. she gave us something greater. she gave us george washington, a southern slaveholder, whose iron will alone carried our despairing people through ten years of hopeless revolution and won at last our right to live. madison wrote the constitution. john marshall of virginia, as chief judge of the supreme court, established its power on the foundations of justice and law. jefferson doubled our area in the louisiana territory. scott and taylor extended it to the pacific ocean from oregon to the gulf of california. virginia in the generosity of her great heart gave the northwest to the union and forbade the extension of slavery within it--" blair leaped to make a point. "surely these proud recollections, of her gifts to the union should form bonds too strong to be broken!" "so say i, sir! surely they should place the people of all sections under obligations too deep to permit the invasion of her sacred soil! can i stand by as her loyal son and see this invasion begun? i regret that virginia has withdrawn. but the deed is done. her people through their governor and their legislature call me--command me to come to her defense. they may be wrong. they may be blinded by passion. they are still my people, my neighbors, my friends, my children--and i cannot--" he drew a deep breath and rose to his full height. "_i will not draw my sword against them!_" "glory to god!" the messenger exulted. blair spoke with despair. "this is your final decision?" "final." the messenger slipped close to lee and spoke hurriedly. "i came by special train, sir--an engine and coach. they wait you on a siding just outside of town. we're afraid the line may be cut. the northern troops are bivouacing on the capitol hill. they may stop us. we've no time to lose. i hope you can come at once." the messenger walked quickly through the door and seized his horse's reins. lee turned to blair. "troops are on the capitol hill?" "a regiment of pennsylvanians has just arrived, i believe." sam had edged through the door and stood smiling at his old master. the colonel had not seen him to this moment. "you here, sam?" he said with feeling. "yassah. i come home ter stan' by you, marse robert." "saddle my horse, you can go with me!" "yassah. thankee, sah!" "bring sid to fetch our horses back from the train." "yassah, glory hallelujah!" sam shouted as he darted for the stable. the anxious mother, praying in her room upstairs, heard sam's shout and hurried down with mary. the other children happily were on the pamunkey at the home of custis. the mother's heart was pounding. there was war in sam's shout. she felt its savage thrill. she gripped herself for the ordeal. there should be no vain regrets, no foolish words. her soul rose in the glory of sacrificial love. "what is it, my dear?" she asked softly. "i go to richmond immediately. northern troops are pouring into washington. send my things to me if you can." his eyes wandered about the room he loved. he would never see it again. he felt this in his inmost soul. it would be but the work of an hour for the troops to sweep across the bridge, sack its rooms and leave its beautiful lawn a sodden waste. the wife saw the anguish in his gaze and her words rang with exaltation. "then it is god's will. and i shall try to smile. you have reached this decision in deepest thought and prayer. and i know that you are right!" lee took her in his arms and held her in silence. those who saw, wept. at last he kissed her tenderly and turned to the others. his sister walked blindly toward him. "oh, robert, you have broken my heart--" "i know, annie, that you'll blame me," he answered, gently. she slipped her arms about his neck. "no, i shall not blame you. i understand now. i only grieve--" her voice broke. she struggled to control herself. "how handsome you are in this solemn hour, my glorious, soldier-brother--" again her voice failed. "the pity and horror of it all! my husband and my son will fight you--and--i--shall--pray--for--their--success--oh--how can god permit it!--goodbye, robert!" her arms tightened and his responded. his hand touched her hair and he said slowly: "if dark hours come to us, my sister, we are children again roaming the fields hand in hand. we'll just remember that." she kissed him tenderly. "and success or failure, dear annie," he continued, "shall be in god's hands--not ours. i go to lead a forlorn hope perhaps. but i must share the miseries of my people." he slipped from her arms and silently embraced his daughter, and again her mother. "say goodbye to the other children for me when you see them, dear." blair took his extended hand. "i know what you feel, colonel lee," he said solemnly. "i'm only sorry i could not hold you." "thank you, my friend. my people believe, and i believe that we have rights to defend. and we must do our best--even if we perish." he strode quickly to the door, and paused. a sudden pain caught his heart as he crossed its threshold for the last time. he looked back, lifted his head as in prayer and passed out. he mounted his horse and rode swiftly through the beautiful spring morning toward richmond--and immortality. the women stood weeping. the president's messenger watched in sorrow. chapter xxxviii when john brown cunningly surveyed the lines around those houses in kansas, observed the fastenings of their doors, marked the strength of the shutters, learned the names of their dogs, crept under the cover of darkness on his prey as a wild beast creeps through the jungle and hacked his innocent victims to pieces, we know that he was a criminal paranoiac pursuing a fixed idea under the delusion that god had sent him. yet on the eighteenth of july, 1861, colonel fletcher webster's regiment, the twelfth massachusetts, marched through the streets of boston singing a song of glory to john brown which one of its members composed. they were also marching southward to kill. the only difference was they had a commission. war had been declared. why did the war crowd on the streets and in the ranks burst into song as they marched to kill their fellow men? to find the answer we must go back to the dawn of human history and see man, as yet a savage beast, with but one impulse the dominant force in life, the archaic impulse to slay. all wars are not begun in this elemental fashion. there are wars of defense forced on innocent nations by brutal aggressors. but the joy that thrills the soul of the crowd on the declaration of war is always the simple thing. it is the roar of the lion as he springs on his prey. in this song to the soul of john brown there was no thought of freeing a slave. war was not declared on that ground. the president who called them had no such purpose. the men who marched had no such idea. they sang "glory, glory hallelujah! glory, glory hallelujah!" because they saw red. the restraints of law, religion and tradition had been lifted. the primitive beast that had been held in check by civilization, rose with a shout and leaped to its ancient task. the homicidal wish--fancy with which the human mind had toyed in times of peace in dreams and reveries--was now a living reality. not one in a thousand knew what the war was about. and this one in a thousand who thought he knew was mistaken. it had been made legal to kill. they were marching to kill. they shouted. they sang. they were marching to the most utterly senseless and unnecessary struggle in the history of our race. the north in the hours of sanity which preceded the outburst did not wish war. the south in her sane moments never believed it possible. yet the hell-lit tragedy of brothers marching to slay their brothers had come. nothing could dampen the enthusiasm of this first joyous mob. on the night of the twentieth of july the army of the north was encamped about seven miles from beaureguard's lines at bull run. the volunteers were singing, shouting, girding their loins for the fray. they had heard the firing on the first skirmish line. fifteen or twenty men had been killed it was reported. the red thought leaped! at two o'clock before day on sunday morning, the order came to advance against the foe. the deep thrill of the elemental man swept the crowd. they had come loaded down with baggage. they hurled it aside and got their guns. what many of them were afraid of was that the whole rebel army would escape before they could get into the thick of it. many had brought handcuffs and ropes along with which to manacle their prisoners and have sport with them after the fight, another ancient pastime of our half-ape ancestors. they threw down some of their blankets but held on to their handcuffs. when the first crash of battle came these raw recruits on both sides fought with desperate bravery for nine terrible hours. they fought from dawn until three o'clock in the afternoon under the broiling southern sun of july. charge and counter charge left their toll of the dead and then the tired archaic muscles began to wonder when it would end. why hadn't victory come? where were the prisoners they were to manacle? both sides were sick with hunger and weariness. the southerners were expecting reinforcements from manassas junction. the northerners were expecting reinforcements. their eyes were turned toward the same road which led from the shenandoah valley. a dust cloud suddenly rose over the hill. a fresh army was marching on the scene. north and south looked with straining eyes. they were not long in doubt. the first troops suddenly swung in on the right flank of the southern army and began to form their lines to charge the north. suddenly from this fresh southern line rose a new cry. from two thousand throats came the shrill, elemental, savage shout of the hunter in sight of his game--the fierce rebel yell. they charged the northern lines and then pandemonium--blind, unreasoning wolf-panic seized the army that had marched with songs and shouts to kill. they broke and fled. they cut the traces of their horses, left the guns, mounted and rode for life. the mob engulfed the buggies and carriages of congressmen and picnickers who had come out from washington to see the fun. a rebellion crushed at a blow! stuart at the head of his black horse cavalry, his saber flashing, cut his way through this mob again and again. when the smoke of battle lifted, the dazed, ill-organized ambulance corps searched the field for the first toll of the blood feud. they found only nine hundred boys slain and two thousand six hundred wounded. they lay weltering in their blood in the smothering heat and dust and dirt. the details of men were busy burying the dead, some of their bodies yet warm. the morning after dawned black and lowering and the rain began to pour in torrents. through the streets of washington the stragglers streamed. the plumes which waved as they sang were soaked and drooping. their gorgeous, new uniforms were wrinkled and mud-smeared. the president called for five hundred thousand men this time. the joy and glory of war had gone. but war remained. war grim, gaunt, stark, hideous--as remorseless as death. chapter xxxix in a foliage-embowered house on a hill near washington colonel jeb stuart, commander of the confederate cavalry, had made his headquarters. neighing horses were hitched to the swaying limbs. they pawed the ground, wheeled and whinnied their impatience at inaction. every man who sat in one of those saddles owned his mount. these boys were the flower of southern manhood. the confederate government was too poor to furnish horses for the cavalry. every man, volunteering for this branch of the service, must bring his own horse and equipment complete. the south only furnished a revolver and carbine. at the first battle of bull run they didn't have enough of them even for the regiments stuart commanded. whole companies were armed only with the pikes which john brown had made for the swarming of the black bees at harper's ferry. they used these pikes as lances. the thing that gave the confederate cavalry its impetuous dash, its fire and efficiency was the fact that every man on horseback had been born in the saddle and had known his horse from a colt. from the moment they swung into line they were veterans. the north had no such riders in the field as yet. brigadier-general phillip st. george cooke was organizing this branch of the service. it would take weary months to train new riders and break in strange horses. until these born riders, mounted on their favorites, could be killed or their horses shot from under them, there would be tough work ahead for the union cavalry. a farmer approached at sunset. he gazed on the array with pride. he lifted his gray head and shouted: "hurrah for our boys! old virginia'll show 'em before we're through with this!" a sentinel saluted the old man. "i've come for colonel stuart. his wife and babies are at my house. he'll understand. tell him." the farmer watched the spectacle. straight in front of the little portico on its tall staff fluttered the commander's new, blood-red battle flag with its blue st. andrew's cross and white stars rippling in the wind. spurs were clanking, sabers rattling. a courier dashed up, dismounted and entered the house. young officers in their new uniforms were laughing and chatting in groups before the door. an escort brought in a federal cavalry prisoner on his mount. the boys gathered around him and roared with laughter. he was a good-natured irishman who could take a joke. his horse was loaded down with a hundred pounds of extra equipment. the irishman had half of it strapped on his own back. a boy shouted: "for the lord's sake, did you take him with all that freight?" an escort roared: "that's why we took him. he couldn't run." the boy looked at the solemn face of the prisoner and chaffed: "and why have ye got that load on your own back, man?" without cracking a smile the irishman replied: "an' i thought me old horse had all he could carry!" the boys roared, pulled him down, took off his trappings and told him to make himself at home. inside the house could be heard the hum of conversation, with an occasional boom of laughter that could come from but one throat. work for the day completed, he came to the door to greet his visitor. the farmer's eyes flashed at the sight of his handsome figure. he was only twenty-eight years old, of medium height, with a long, silken, bronzed beard and curling mustache. he waved his hand and cried: "with you in a minute!" his voice was ringing music. he wore a new suit of confederate gray which his wife had just sent him. his gauntlets extended nine inches above the wrists. his cavalry boots were high above the knee. his broad-brimmed felt hat was caught up on one side with a black ostrich plume. his cavalry coat fitted tightly--a "fighting jacket." it was circled with a black belt from which hung his revolver and over which was tied a splendid yellow sash. his spurs were gold. a first glance would give the impression of a gay youngster over fond of dress. but the moment his blue eyes flashed there came the glint of steel. the man behind the uniform was seen, the bravest of the brave, the flower of southern chivalry. for all his gay dress he was from the crown of his head to the soles of his feet, every inch the soldier--the soldier with the big brain and generous, fun-loving heart. his forehead was extraordinary in height and breadth, bronzed by sun and wind. his nose was large and nostrils mobile. his eyes were clear, piercing, intense. his laughing mouth was completely covered by the curling mustache and long beard. he had darted around the house on waving to his visitor and in a minute reappeared, followed by three negroes. he was taking his minstrels with him on the trip to see his wife. the cavalcade mounted. he waved his aides aside. "no escort, boys. see you at sunrise." the farmer's house was only half a mile inside his lines. when the army of the north was hurled back into washington he had sent for his wife and babies and arranged for their board at the nearest farmhouse. the little mother's heart was fluttering with love and pride. richmond was already ringing with the praises of her soldier man. they were recruiting the first brigade of cavalry. he was slated for brigadier-general of the mounted forces. and he was only twenty-eight! stuart sprang from his horse and rushed to meet his wife. she was waiting in the glow of the sunset, her eyes misty with joyous tears. it was a long time as she nestled in his arms before she could speak. her voice was barely a whisper. "you've passed through your first baptism of blood safely, my own!" "baptism of blood--nothing!" he laughed. "it wasn't a fight at all. we had nothing to do till the blue birds flew. and then we flew after 'em. oh, honey girl, it was just a lark. i laughed till i cried--" she raised her eyes to his. "and you didn't see my dear old daddy anywhere?" "no. i wish i had! i'd have taken the loyal old rascal prisoner and made you keep him till the war's over." "it _is_ over, isn't it, dear?" "no." "why, you've driven the army back in a panic on washington. they'll ask for peace, won't they?" "they won't, honey. i know 'em too well. they'll more than likely ask for a million volunteers." "it's not over, then?" "no, dear little mother. i'll be honest with you. don't believe silly talk. we're in for a long, desperate fight--" "and i've been so happy thinking you'd come home--" "your home will be with me, won't it?" "always." "all right. this is the beginning of my scheme for the duration of the war. i'm going to get you a map of virginia, showing the roads. i'll get you a compass. there'll always be a little farmhouse somewhere behind my headquarters. our home will be in the field and saddle for a while." he kissed his babies and ate his supper laughing and joking like a boy of nineteen. the table cleared, he ordered a concert for their entertainment. bob, the leader of his minstrels, was a dandified mulatto who played the guitar, the second was a whistler and the third a master of the negro dance, the back step and the breakdown. bob tuned his guitar, picked his strings and gazed at the ceiling. he was apparently selecting the first piece. it, was always the same, his favorite, "listen to the mocking bird." he played with a plaintive, swaying melody that charmed his hearers. the whistler amazed them with his marvelous imitation of birds and bird calls. the room throbbed with every note of the garden, field and wood. the mother's face was wreathed in smiles. the boy shouted. the baby crooned. the first piece done, the audience burst into a round of applause. bob gave them "alabama" next, accompanied by the whistler and his bird chorus. stuart laughed and called for the breakdown. bob begins a jig on his guitar, the whistler claps and the sable dancer edges his way to the center of the floor in little spasmodic shuffles. he begins with his heel tap, then the toe, then in leaps and whirls. the guitar swelled to a steady roar. the whistler quickens his claps. and stuart's boyish laughter rang above the din. "go it, boy! go it!" the dancer's eyes roll. his step quickens. he cuts the wildest figures in a frenzy of abandoned joy. with a leap through the door he is gone. the guitar stops with a sudden twang and stuart's laughter roars. and then he gave an hour to play with his children before a mother's lullaby should put them to sleep. he got down on his all fours and little jeb mounted and rode round the room to the baby's scream of joy. he lay flat on the floor with the baby on his breast and let her pull his beard and mustache until her strength failed. the children were still sound asleep when they sat down and ate breakfast before day. at the first streak of dawn he was standing beside his horse ready for the dash back to his headquarters and the work of the day. the shadow had fallen across the woman's heart again. he saw and understood. he put his hand under her chin and lifted it. "no more tears now, my sweetheart." "i'll try." "we may be here for weeks." "there'll be another fight soon?" "i think not." "for a month?" "not for a long time." "thank god!" a far-off look stole into his eyes. "it will be a good one though when it comes, i reckon." "there can be no _good_ one--if my boy's in it." "well, i'll be in it!" "yes. i know." she kissed him and turned back into the house, with the old fear gripping her heart. chapter xl the early months of the war were but skirmishes. the real work of killing and maiming the flower of the race had not begun. the defeat had given the sad-eyed president unlimited power to draw on the resources of the nation for men and money. his call for half a million soldiers met with instant response. the fighting spirit of twenty-two million northern people had been roused. they felt the disgrace of bull run and determined to wipe it out in blood. three northern armies were hurled on the south in a well-planned, concerted movement to take richmond. mcdowell marched straight down to fredericksburg with forty thousand. fermont, with milroy, banks and shields, was sweeping through the shenandoah valley. mcclellan, with his grand army of one hundred and twenty thousand men, had moved up the peninsula in resistless force until he lay on the banks of the chickahominy within sight of the spires of richmond. to meet these three armies aggregating a quarter of a million men, the south could marshall barely seventy thousand. jackson was despatched with eighteen thousand to baffle the armies of mcdowell, fremont, milroy, shields and banks in the valley and prevent their union with mcclellan. the war really began on sunday, the second of june, 1862, when robert e. lee was sent to the front to take command of the combined army of seventy thousand men of the south. the new commander with consummate genius planned his attack and flung his gray lines on mcclellan with savage power. the two armies fought in dense thickets often less than fifty yards apart. their muskets flashed sheets of yellow flame. the sound of ripping canvas, the fire of small arms in volleys, could no longer be distinguished. the sullen roar was endless, deafening, appalling. over the tops of oak, pine, beech, ash and tangled undergrowth came the flaming thunder of two great armies equally fearless, the flower of american manhood in their front ranks, daring, scorning death, fighting hand to hand, man to man. the people in the churches of richmond as they prayed could hear the awful roar. they turned their startled faces toward the battle. it rang above the sob of organ and the chant of choir. the hosts in blue and gray charged again and again through the tangle of mud and muck and blood and smoke and death. bayonet rang on bayonet. they fought hand to hand, as naked savages once fought with bare hands. the roar died slowly with the shadows of the night, until only the crack of a rifle here and there broke the stillness. and then above the low moans of the wounded and dying came the distant notes of the church bells in richmond calling men and women again to the house of god. there was no shout of triumph--no cheering hosts--only the low moan of death and the sharp cry of a boy in pain. the men in blue could have moved in and bivouaced on the ground they had lost. the men in gray had no strength left. the dead and the dying were everywhere. the wounded were crawling through the mud and brush, like stricken animals; some with their legs broken; some with arms dangling by a thread; some with hideous holes torn in their faces. the front was lighted with the unclouded splendor of a full southern moon. down every dim aisle of the woods they lay in awful, dark heaps. in the fields they lay with faces buried in the dirt or eyes staring up at the stars, twisted, torn, mangled. the blue and the gray lay side by side in death, as they had fought in life. the pride and glory of a mighty race of freemen. the shadows of the details moved in the moonlight. they were opening the first of those long, deep trenches. they were careful in these early days of war. they turned each face downward as they packed them in. the grave diggers could not then throw the wet dirt into their eyes and mouths. aching hearts in far-off homes couldn't see; but these boys still had hearts within their breasts. the fog-rimmed lanterns flickered over the fields peering into the faces on the ground. the ambulance corps did its best at the new trade. it was utterly inadequate on either side. it's always so in war. the work of war is to maim, to murder--not to heal or save. the long line of creaking wagons began to move into richmond over the mud-cut roads. every hospital was filled. the empty wagons rolled back in haste over the cobble stones and out on the muddy roads to the front again. at the hospital doors the women stood in huddled groups--wives, sweethearts, mothers, sisters, praying, hoping, fearing, shivering. far away in the field hospitals, the young doctors with bare, bloody arms were busy with saw and knife. boys who had faced death in battle without a tremor stood waiting their turn trembling, crying, cursing. they could see the piles of legs and arms rising higher as the doctors hurled them from the quivering bodies. they stretched out their hands in the darkness to feel the touch of loved ones. they must face this horror alone, and then battle through life, maimed wrecks. they peered through the shadows under the trees where the dead were piled and envied them their sleep. the armies paused next day to gird their loins for the crucial test. jackson was still in the shenandoah valley holding three armies at bay, defeating them in detail. his swift marches had so paralyzed his enemies that mcdowell's forty thousand men lay at fredericksburg unable to move. lee summoned stuart. when the conference ended the young cavalry commander threw himself into the saddle and started northward with a song. determined to learn the strength of mcclellan's right wing and confuse his opponent, lee had sent stuart on the most daring adventure in the history of cavalry warfare. stuart had told him that he could ride around mcclellan's whole army, cut his communications and strike terror in his rear. with twelve hundred picked horsemen, fighting, singing, dare-devil riders, stuart slipped from lee's lines and started toward fredericksburg. on the second day he surprised and captured the federal pickets without a shot. he dreaded a meeting with the cavalry. his father-in-law, general cooke, was in command of a brigade of blue riders. he thought with a moment's pang of the little wife at home praying that they should never meet. let her pray. god would help her. he couldn't let such a thing happen. he suddenly confronted a squadron of federal cavalry. with a yell his troops charged and cleared the field. they must ride now with swifter hoofbeat than ever. the news would spread and avengers would be on their heels. they were now far in the rear of mcclellan's grand army. they had felt out his right wing and knew to a mile where its lines ended. they dashed toward the york river railroad which supplied the northern army, surprised the company holding tunstall's station, took them prisoners, cut the wires and tore up the tracks. on his turn toward richmond when he reached the chickahominy river, its waters were swollen and he couldn't cross. he built a bridge out of the timbers of a barn, took his last horse over and destroyed it, as the shout of a division of federal cavalry was heard in the distance. with twelve hundred men he had made a raid which added a new rule to cavalry tactics. he had ridden around a great army, covering ninety miles in fifty-six hours with the loss of but one man. he had established the position of the enemy, destroyed enormous quantities of war material, captured a hundred and sixty-five prisoners and two hundred horses. he had struck terror to the hearts of a sturdy foe, and thrilled the south with new courage. jackson's victorious little army joined lee at gaines' mill on the twenty-seventh of june, and on the following day mcclellan was in full retreat. on the first of july it ended at malvern hill on the banks of the james. of the one hundred and ten thousand men who marched in battle line on richmond, eighty-six thousand only reached the shelter of his gunboats. the first great battle of the war had raged from the first of june until the first of july. fifty thousand brave boys were killed or mangled on the red fields of death. washington was in gloom. the grand army of more than two hundred thousand had gone down in defeat. it was incredible. richmond had been saved. the glory of lee, jackson and stuart filled the south with a new radiance. but the celebration of victory was in minor key. every home was in mourning. six days later stuart once more clasped his wife to his heart. it had been a month since he had seen her. the thunder of guns she had heard without pause. she knew that both her father and her lover were somewhere in the roaring hell below the city. stuart never told her how close they had come to a charge and counter charge at the battle of gaines' mill. the old, tremulous question she couldn't keep back: "you didn't see my daddy, did you, dear?" stuart shouted in derision at the idea. "of course not, honey girl. it's not written in the book of life. forget the silly old fear." "and they didn't even scratch my soldier man?" "never a scratch!" she kissed him again. "you know i've a little woman praying for me every day. i lead a charmed life!" she gazed at his handsome, bronzed face. "i believe you do, dearest!" chapter xli mcclellan fell before the genius of lee, and pope was put in his place. they met at second manassas. the new general ended his brief campaign in a disaster so complete, so appalling that it struck terror to the heart of the nation. lee had crushed him with an ease so amazing that lincoln was compelled to recall mcclellan to supreme command. when the toll of the blood feud was again reckoned twenty-five thousand more of our brave boys lay dead or wounded beneath the blazing sun of the south. the confederate government now believed its army invincible, led by lee. in spite of poor equipment, with the men half clad and half barefooted, lee was ordered to invade maryland. it was a political move, undertaken without the approval of the commander. as the gray lines swept northward to cross the potomac into maryland, lincoln was jubilant. to hay, his young secretary, he whispered: "we've got them now, boy. we've got them! the war must speedily end. lee can never get into maryland with fifty thousand effective men. the river will be behind them. i'll have mcclellan on him with a hundred thousand well-shod, well-fed, well-armed soldiers and the finest equipment of artillery that ever thundered into battle. "mcclellan's on his mettle. his army will fight like tigers to show their faith in him. they were all against me when i removed him. now they'll show me something. mark my words." luck was with mcclellan. by an accident lee's plan of campaign had fallen into his hands. yet it was too late to forestall his first master stroke. in the face of a hostile army of twice his numbers lee divided his forces, threw jackson's corps on harper's ferry, captured the town, arsenal and rifle works, twelve thousand five hundred prisoners and vast stores of war material. among the booty taken were new blue uniforms with which jackson promptly clothed his men. lee met mcclellan at antietam and waited for jackson to arrive from harper's ferry. when mcclellan's artillery opened in the gray dawn, more than sixteen thousand of lee's footsore men had fallen along the line of march unable to reach the battlefield. the union commander was massing eighty-seven thousand men behind his flaming batteries. lee could count on but thirty-seven thousand. he gave mcclellan battle with his little army hemmed in on one side by antietam creek and on the other by the sweeping potomac. the president in washington received the news of the positions of the armies and their chances of success with exultation. as the sun rose a glowing dull red ball of fire breaking through the smoke of the artillery, hooker's division swept into action and drove the first line of lee's men into the woods. here they rallied and began to mow down the charging masses with deadly aim. for two hours the sullen fight raged in the woods without yielding an inch on either side. hooker fell wounded. he called for aid. mansfield answered and fell dead as he deployed his men. sedgwick's corps charged and were caught in a trap between two confederate brigades concealed and massed to meet them. sedgwick was wounded and his command barely saved from annihilation. while this struggle raged on the union right, the center saw a bloodier tragedy. french and richardson charged the confederate position. a sunken road crossed the field over which they marched. for four tragic hours the men in gray held this sunken road until it was piled with their bodies. when the final charge of massed blue took it, they found to their amazement that but three hundred living men had been holding it for an hour against the assaults of five thousand. so perfect was the faith of those gray soldiers in robert e. lee they died as if it were the order of the day. it was simply fate. their commander could make no mistake. burnsides swung his reinforced division around the woods and pushed up the heights against sharpsburg to cut lee's only line of retreat. he forced the thin, gray lines before him through the streets of the village. on its outer edge he suddenly confronted a mass of men clad in their own blue uniform. how had these men gotten here? he was not long in doubt. the blue line suddenly flashed a red wave squarely in their faces. it was jackson's corps from harper's ferry in their new uniforms. the shock threw the union men into confusion, a desperate charge drove them out of sharpsburg, and lee's army camped on the field with the dead. for fourteen hours five hundred guns and a hundred thousand muskets thundered and hissed their message of blood. when night fell more than twenty thousand of our noblest men lay dead and wounded on the field. lee skillfully withdrew his army across the potomac. safe in virginia he rallied his shattered forces while he sent stuart once more in a daring ride around mcclellan's army. again mcclellan fell before the genius of lee. burnsides was put in his place. they met at fredericksburg. burnsides, the courtly, polished gentleman, crossed the rappahannock river and charged the hills on which lee's grim, gray men had entrenched. his magnificent army marched into a death trap. lee's batteries had been trained to rake the field from three directions. five times the union hosts charged these crescent hills and five times they were rolled back in waves of blood. a fierce freezing wind sprang up from the north. the desperate union commander thought still to turn defeat into victory and ordered the sixth charge. the men in blue pulled down their caps and charged once more into the jaws of death. the lines as they advanced snatched up the frozen bodies of their comrades, carried them to the front, stacked the corpses into long piles for bulwarks, dropped low and fought behind them. in vain. the gray hills roared and blazed, roared and blazed with increasing fury. darkness came at last and drew a mantle of mercy over the scene. the men in blue planted the frozen bodies of their dead along the outer line as dummy sentinels and crept through the shadows across the river shattered, broken, crushed. they left their wounded. through the long hours of the freezing night the pitiful cries came to the boys in gray on the wings of the fierce north winds. they crawled out into the darkness here and there and held a canteen to the lips of a dying foe. at dawn they looked and saw the piles of the slain wrapped in white shrouds of snow. the shivering, ragged, gray figures, thinly clad, swept down the hill, stripped the dead and shook the frost from the warm clothes. burnsides fell before the genius of lee and hooker was put in his place. fighting joe hooker they called him. at chancellorsville a few months later he led his reorganized army across the same river and threw it on lee with supreme confidence in the results. he led an army of one hundred and thirty thousand men in seven grand divisions backed by four hundred and forty-eight great guns. lee, still on the hills behind fredericksburg, had sixty-two thousand men and one hundred and seventy guns. he had sent longstreet's corps into tennessee. hooker threw the flower of his army across the river seven miles above fredericksburg to flank lee and strike him from the rear while the remainder of his army crossed in front and between the two he would crush the confederate army as an eggshell. but the unexpected happened. lee was not only a stark fighter. he was a supreme master of the art of war. he understood hooker's move from the moment it began. his gray army had already slipped out of his trenches and were feeling their way through the tangled vines and underbrush with sure, ominous tread. in this wilderness hooker's four hundred guns would be as useless as his own hundred and seventy. it would be a hand-to-hand fight in the tangled brush. the gray veteran was a dead shot and he was creeping through his own native woods. on this beautiful may morning, lee, jackson, and stuart met in conference before the battle opened. the plan was chosen. lee would open the battle and hold hooker at close range. jackson would "retreat." out of sight, he would turn, march swiftly ten miles around their right wing and smash it before sundown. at five o'clock in the afternoon while lee held hooker's front, jackson's corps crept into position in hooker's rear. the shrill note of a bugle rang from the woods and the yelling gray lines of death swept down on their unsuspecting foe. without support the shattered right wing was crushed, crumpled and rolled back in confusion. at eight o'clock jackson, pressing forward in the twilight, was mortally wounded by his own men and stuart took his command. the gay, young cavalier placed himself at the head of jackson's corps and charged hooker's disorganized army. waving his black plumed hat above his handsome, bearded face, he chanted with boyish gaiety an improvised battle song: "old joe hooker, won't you come out o' the wilderness?" his men swept the field and as hooker's army retreated lee rode to the front to congratulate stuart. at sight of his magnificent figure wreathed in smoke his soldiers went wild. above the roar of battle rang their cheers: "lee! lee! lee!" from line to line, division to division, the word leaped until the wounded and the dying joined its chorus. the picket lines were so close that night in the woods they could talk to one another. the southerners were chaffing the yanks over their many defeats, when a yankee voice called through the night his defense of the war to date: "ah, johnnie, shut up--you make me tired. you're not such fighters as ye think ye are. swap generals with us and we'll come over and lick hell out of you!" there was silence for a while and then a confederate chuckled to his mate: "i'm damned if they mightn't, too!" the morning dawned at last after the battle and they began to bury the dead and care for the wounded. their agonies had been horrible. some had fallen on friday, thousands on saturday. it was now monday. through miles of dark, tangled woods in the pouring rain they still lay groaning and dying. and over all the wings of buzzards hovered. the keen eyes of the vultures had watched them fall, poised high as the battle raged. the woods had been swept again and again by fire. many of the bodies were black and charred. some of the wounded had been burned to death. their twisted bodies and distorted features told the story. the sickening odor of roasted human flesh yet filled the air. it was late at night on the day after, before the wounded had all been moved. the surgeons with sleeves rolled high, their arms red, their shirts soaked, bent over their task through every hour of the black night until legs and arms were piled in heaps ten feet high beside each operating table. thirty thousand magnificent men had been killed and mangled. the report from chancellorsville drifted slowly and ominously northward. the white house was still. the dead were walking beside the lonely, tall figure who paced the floor in dumb anguish, pausing now and then at the window to look toward the hills of virginia. lee's fame now filled the world and the north shivered at the sound of it. volunteering had ceased. but the cannon were still calling for fodder. the draft was applied. and when it was resisted in fierce riots, the soldiers trained their guns on their own people. the draft wheel was turned by bayonets and the ranks of the army filled with fresh young bodies to be mangled. hooker fell before lee's genius and meade took his place. the confederate government, flushed with its costly victories, once more sought a political sensation by the invasion of the north. lee marched his army of veterans into pennsylvania. at gettysburg he met meade. the first day the confederates won. they drove the blue army back through the streets of the village and their gallant general, john f. reynolds, was killed. the second day was one of frightful slaughter. the union army at its close had lost twenty thousand men, the confederate fifteen thousand. the moon rose and flooded the rocky field of blood and death with silent glory. from every shadow and from every open space through the hot breath of the night came the moans of thousands and high above their chorus rang the cries for water. no succor could be given. the confederates were massing their artillery on seminary ridge. the union legions were burrowing and planting new batteries. fifteen thousand helpless, wounded men lay on the field through the long hours of the night. at ten o'clock a wounded man began to sing one of the old hymns of zion whose words had come down the ages wet with tears and winged with human hopes. in five minutes ten thousand voices, from blue and gray, had joined. some of them quivered with agony. some of them trembled with a dying breath. for two hours the hills echoed with the unearthly music. at a council of war longstreet begged lee to withdraw from gettysburg and pick more favorable ground. reinforced by the arrival of pickett's division of fifteen thousand fresh men and stuart's cavalry, he decided to renew the battle at dawn. the guns opened at the crack of day. for seven hours the waves of blood ebbed and flowed. at noon there was a lull. at one o'clock a puff of white smoke flashed from seminary ridge. the signal of the men in gray had pealed its death call. along two miles on this crest they had planted a hundred and fifty guns. suddenly two miles of flame burst from the hills in a single fiery wreath. the federal guns answered until the heavens were a hell of bursting, screaming, roaring shells. at three o'clock the storm died away and the smoke lifted. pickett's men were deploying in the plain to charge the heights of cemetery ridge. fifteen thousand heroic men were forming their line to rush a hill on whose crest lay seventy-five thousand entrenched soldiers backed by four hundred guns. pickett's bands played as on parade. the gray ranks dressed on their colors. and then across the plain, with banners flying, they swept and climbed the hill. the ranks closed as men fell in wide gaps. not a man faltered. they fell and lay when they fell. those who stood moved on and on. a handful reached the union lines on the heights. armistead with a hundred men broke through, lifted his red battle flag and fell mortally wounded. the gray wave in sprays of blood ebbed down the hill, and the battle ended. meade had lost twenty-three thousand men and seventeen generals. lee had lost twenty thousand men and fourteen generals. the swollen potomac was behind lee and his defeated army. so sure was stanton of the end that he declared to the president: "if a single regiment of lee's army ever gets back into virginia in an organized condition it will prove that i am totally unfit to be secretary of war." the impossible happened. lee got back into virginia with every regiment marching to quick step and undaunted spirit. he crossed the swollen potomac, his army in fighting trim, every gun intact, carrying thousands of fat pennsylvania cattle and four thousand prisoners of war taken on the bloody hills of gettysburg. the rejoicing in washington was brief. meade fell before the genius of lee, and grant, the stark fighter of the west, took his place. the new commander was granted full authority over all the armies of the union. he placed sherman at chattanooga in command of a hundred thousand men and ordered him to invade georgia. he sent butler with an army of fifty thousand up the peninsula against richmond on the line of mcclellan's old march. he raised the army of the potomac to a hundred and forty thousand effective fighting soldiers, placed phil sheridan in command of his cavalry, put himself at the head of this magnificent army and faced lee on the banks of the rapidan. he was but a few miles from chancellorsville where hooker's men had baptized the earth in blood the year before. a new draft of five hundred thousand had given grant unlimited men for the coming whirlwind. his army was the flower of northern manhood. he commanded the best-equipped body of soldiers ever assembled under the flag of the union. his baggage train was sixty miles long and would have stretched the entire distance from his crossing at the rapidan to richmond. lee's army had been recruited to its normal strength of sixty-two thousand. again the wily southerner anticipated the march of his foe and crept into the tangled wilderness to meet him where his superiority would be of no avail. confident of his resistless power grant threw his army across the rapidan and plunged into the wilderness. from the dawn of the first day until far into the night the conflict raged. as darkness fell lee had pushed the blue lines back a hundred yards, captured four guns and a number of prisoners. at daylight they were at it again. as the confederate right wing crumpled and rolled back, long-street arrived on the scene and threw his corps into the breach. lee himself rode forward to lead the charge and restore his line. at sight of him, from thousands of parched throats rose the cries: "lee to the rear!" "go back, general lee!" "we'll settle this!" they refused to move until their leader had withdrawn. and then with a savage yell they charged and took the field. lee sent longstreet to turn grant's left as jackson had done at chancellorsville. the movement was executed with brilliant success. hancock's line was smashed and driven back on his second defenses. wardsworth at the head of his division was mortally wounded and fell into longstreet's hands. at the height of his triumph in a movement that must crumple grant's army back on the banks of the river, longstreet fell, shot by his own men. in the change of commanders the stratagem failed in its big purpose. in two days grant lost sixteen thousand six hundred men, a greater toll than hooker paid when he retreated in despair. grant merely chewed the end of his big cigar, turned to his lieutenant and said: "it's all right, wilson. we'll fight again." the two armies lay in their trenches watching each other in grim silence. chapter xlii in lee's simple tent on the battlefield amid the ghostly trees of the wilderness his adjutant-general, walter taylor, sat writing rapidly. sam, his ebony face shining, stood behind trying to look over his shoulder. he couldn't make it out and his curiosity got the better of him. "what dat yer writin' so hard, gin'l taylor?" without lifting his head the adjutant continued to write. "orders of promotion for gallantry in battle, sam." "is yer gwine ter write one fer my young marse robbie?" taylor paused and looked up. the light of admiration overspread his face. "general lee never promotes his sons or allows them on his staff, sam. general custis lee, general rooney lee, and captain robbie won their spurs without a word from him. they won by fighting." "yassah! dey sho's been some fightin' in dis here wilderness. hopes ter god we git outen here pretty quick. gitten too close tergedder ter suit me." the clatter of a horse's hoofs rang out in the little clearing in front of the tent. taylor looked up again. "see if that's stuart. general lee's expecting him." sam peered out the door of the tent. "dey ain't no plume in his hat an' dey ain't no banjo man wid him. nasah. tain't gin'l stuart." "all right. pull up a stool." "yassah!" sam unfolded a camp stool and placed it at the table. a sentinel approached and called: "senator william c. rives of the confederate congress to see general lee." taylor rose. "show him in." the senator entered with a quick, nervous excitement he could not conceal. "colonel taylor--" "senator." the men clasped hands and taylor continued to watch the nervous manner of his caller. "my coming from richmond is no doubt a surprise?" "naturally. we're in pretty close quarters with grant here to-night--" rives raised his hand in a gesture of despair. "no closer than our government in richmond is with the end at this moment, in my judgment. i couldn't wait. i had to come to-night. you have called an informal council as i requested?" "the moment i got your message an hour ago." taylor caught his excitement and bent close. "what is it, senator?" rives hesitated, glanced at the doors of the tent and answered rapidly. "the confederate congress has just held a secret session without the knowledge of president davis--" he drew from his pocket a letter and handed it to the adjutant. "you will see from this letter of the presiding officer my credentials. they have sent me as their agent on an important mission to general lee." he paused as taylor carefully read the letter. "how soon can i see him?" "i'm expecting him in a few minutes," taylor answered. "he's riding on the front lines trying to feel out grant's next move. he is very anxious over it." "this battle was desperate?" rives asked nervously. "terrific." "our losses in the two days?" "more than ten thousand." "merciful god--" "grant's losses were far greater," taylor added briskly. "no matter, taylor, no matter!" he cried in anguish, springing to his feet. he fought for control of his emotions and hurried on. "the maws of those cannon now are insatiate! we can't afford to lose ten thousand men from our thin ranks in two days. if your army suspected for one moment the real situation in richmond, they'd quit and we'd be lost." "they only ask for general lee's orders, senator. their faith in our leader is sublime." "and that's our only hope," rives hastened to add. "general lee may save us. and he is the only man who can do it." he stopped and studied taylor closely. he spoke with some diffidence. "the faith of his officers in him remains absolutely unshaken?" "they worship him." "my appeal will be solely to him. but i may need help." "i've asked alexander and gordon to come. general gordon did great work to-day. it was his command that broke hancock's lines and took prisoners. i've just slated him for further promotion. stuart is already on the way here to report the situation on the right where his cavalry is operating." the ring of two horses' hoofs echoed. "if stuart will only back me!" rives breathed. outside the cavalry commander was having trouble with sweeney, his minstrel follower, an expert banjo player. stuart laughed heartily at his fears. "come on, sweeney. don't be a fool." the minstrel man still held back and stuart continued to urge. "come on in, sweeney. don't be bashful. i promised you shall see general lee and you shall. come on!" taylor and rives stood in the door of the tent watching the conflict. "never be afraid of a great man, sweeney!" stuart went on. "the greater the man the easier it is to get along with him. general lee wears no scarlet in his coat, no plume in his hat, no gold braid on his uniform. he's as plain as a gray mouse--" stuart laughed and whispered: "he's too great to need anything to mark his rank. but he never frowns on my gay colors." "he knows," taylor rejoined, "that it's your way of telling the glory of the cause." "sure! he just laughs at my foolishness and gives me an order to lick a crowd that outnumbers me, three to one." he took hold of sweeney's arm. "don't be afraid, old boy. marse robert won't frown on your banjo. he'll just smile as he recalls what the cavalry did in our last battle. minstrel man, make yourself at home." sweeney timidly touched the strings, and stuart wheeled toward rives. "well, senator, how goes it in richmond?" rives answered with eager anxiety. his words were not spoken in despair but with an undertone of desperate appeal. "dark days have come, general stuart. and great events are pending. events of the utmost importance to the army, to the country, to general lee." "just say general lee and let it go at that," stuart laughed. "he _is_ the army _and_ the country." he turned to taylor. "where's marse robert?" "inspecting the lines. he fears a movement to turn our flank at spottsylvania court house." "my men are right there, watching like owls. they'll catch the first rustle of a leaf by sheridan's cavalry." "i hope so." "never fear. well, sweeney, while we wait for general lee, senator rives needs a little cheer. we've medicine in that box for every ill that man is heir to. things look black in richmond, he tells us. all right. give us the old familiar tune--_hard times and wuss er comin'!_--go it!" sweeney touched his strings sharply. "you don't mind, sir?" he asked taylor. "certainly not. i like it." sentinels, orderlies, aides and scouts gathered around the door as sweeney played and sang with stuart. the cavalryman's spirit was contagious. before the song had died away, they were all singing the chorus in subdued tones. sweeney ended with stuart's favorite--_rock of ages_. general john b. gordon joined the group, followed by general e.p. alexander. taylor called the generals together. "senator rives, gentlemen, is the bearer of an important message from the confederate congress to general lee. i have asked you informally to join him in this meeting." rives entered his appeal. "i am going to ask you to help me to-night in paying the highest tribute to general lee in our power." gordon responded promptly. "we shall honor ourselves in honoring him, sir." "always," alexander agreed. rives plunged into the heart of his mission. "gentlemen, so desperate is the situation of the south that our only hope lies in our great commander. the confederate congress has sent me to offer him the dictatorship--" "you don't mean it?" stuart exploded. "will you back me?" the cavalry leader grasped his hand. "yours to count on, sir!" "yes," gordon joined. "we'll back you!" alexander cried. rives' face brightened. "if he will only accept. the question is how to approach him?" "it must be done with the utmost care," alexander warned. "exactly." rives nodded. "shall i announce to him it once the vote of congress conferring on him the supreme power?" "not if you can approach him more carefully," alexander cautioned. "i can first propose that as commanding general he might accept the peace proposals which francis preston blair has brought from washington--" "what kind of peace proposals?" gorden asked sharply. "he proposes to end the war immediately by an armistice, and arrange for the joint invasion of mexico by the combined armies of the north and south under the command of general lee." alexander snapped at the suggestion. "by all means suggest the armistice first. general lee won his spurs in mexico. the plan might fire his imagination--as it would have fired the soul of caesar or napoleon. if he refuses to go over the head of davis, you can then announce the vote of congress giving him supreme power." the general suddenly paused at the familiar sound of traveler's hoofbeat. the officers stood and saluted as lee entered. he was dressed in his full field gray uniform of immaculate cut and without spot. he wore his sword, high boots and spurs and his field glasses were thrown across his broad shoulders. he glanced at the group in slight surprise and drew stuart aside. "i sent for you, general stuart, to say that i am expecting a courier at any moment who may report that general grant will move on spottsylvania court house." he paused in deep thought. "if so, sheridan will throw the full force of his cavalry on your lines, to turn our right and circle richmond." stuart's body stiffened. "i'm ready, sir. he may reach yellow tavern. he'll never go past it." in low, tense words lee said: "i'm depending on you, sir." stuart saluted in silence. lee turned back into the group and taylor explained: "i have called an informal meeting at the request of senator rives." lee smiled. "oh, i see. a council of both war and state." rives came forward and the commander grasped his hand. "always glad to see _you_, senator. what can we do for you?" "everything, sir. can we enter at once into our conference?" "the quicker the better. general grant may drop in on us at any moment without an invitation." rives smiled wanly. "general lee, we face the gravest crisis of the war." "no argument is needed to convince me of that, sir. grant's men have gripped us with a ferocity never known before." "and our boys," alexander added, "in all the struggle have never been such stark fighters as to-day." "i agree with you," lee nodded. "but grant is getting ready to fight again to-morrow morning--not next month. his policy is new, and it's clear. he plans to pound us to death in a series of quick, successive blows. his man power is exhaustless. we can't afford to lose many men. he can. an endless blue line is streaming to the front." "and that's why i'm here to-night, general," rives said gravely. "grant is now in supreme command of all the armies of the union. while he moves on richmond, butler is sweeping up the james and sherman is pressing on atlanta. we have lost ten thousand men in two-days' battle. in the next we'll lose ten thousand more. in the next ten thousand more--" "we must fight, sir. i have invaded the north twice. but i stand on the defense now. i have no choice." "that remains to be seen, general lee," rives said with a piercing look. "what do you mean?" "a few days ago, your old friend, francis preston blair, entered our lines and came to richmond on a mission of peace. he has now before mr. davis and his cabinet a plan to end the war. he proposes that we stop fighting, unite and invade mexico to defend the monroe doctrine. maximilian of austria has just been proclaimed emperor in a conspiracy backed by napoleon. the suggestion is that we join armies under your command, dethrone maximilian, push the soldiers of napoleon into the sea, and restore the rule of the people on the american continent." lee looked at him steadily. "mr. davis refuses to listen to this proposal?" "only on the basis of the continued division of our country. lincoln naturally demands that we come back into the union first, and march on mexico afterwards. mr. davis refuses to come back into the union first. and so we end where we began--unless we can get help from you, general lee--" "well?" "the confederate congress has sent me as their spokesman to make a proposition to you." he handed lee the letter from the congress. "will you issue as commanding general an order for an armistice to arrange the joint invasion of mexico?" "you mean take it on myself to go over the head of mr. davis, and issue this order without his knowledge?" "exactly. we could not take him into our confidence." "but mr. davis is my superior officer and he is faithfully executing the laws." "you will not proclaim an armistice, then?" lee spoke with irritation. "how can you ask me to go over the head of my chief with such an order?" alexander pressed forward. "but you might consider a proclamation looking to peace under this plan--if you were in a position of supreme power?" "i have no such power. i advised our people to make peace before i invaded pennsylvania. i have urged it more than once, but they cannot see it. and i must do the work given me from day to day." "we now propose to give to you the sole decision as to what that work shall be." "how, sir?" "i am here to-night, general, as the agent of our government, to confer on you this power. the congress has unanimously chosen you as dictator of the confederacy with supreme power over both the civil and military branches of the government." "and well done!" cried gordon. "we back them!" echoed alexander. "hurrah for the confederate congress," shouted stuart--"the first signs of brains they've shown in many a day--" he caught himself at a glance from rives. "excuse me, senator--i didn't mean quite that." lee fixed rives with his brilliant eyes. "the confederate congress has no authority to declare & dictatorship." "we have." "by what law?" "by the law of necessity, sir. the civil government in richmond has become a farce. i acknowledge it sorrowfully. your soldiers are ill clothed, half starved, and the power to recruit your ranks is gone. the people have lost faith in their civil leaders. disloyalty is rampant. in the name of ultra state sovereignty, treason is everywhere threatening. soldiers are taken from your army by state authorities on the eve of battle. men are deserting in droves and defy arrest. you have justly demanded the death penalty for desertion. it has been denied. bands of deserters now plunder, burn and rob as they please. you are our only hope. you are the idol of our people. at your call they will rally. men will pour into your ranks, and we can yet crush our enemies, or invade mexico as you may decide." "he's right, general," gordon agreed. "the south will stand by you to a man." alexander added with deep reverence: "the people believe in you, general lee, as they believe in god." a dreamy look overspread lee's face. "their faith is misplaced, sir! god alone decides the fate of nations. and god, not your commanding general, will decide the fate of the south. the thing that appalls me is that we have no luck. for in spite of numbers, resources, generalship--the unknown factor in war is luck. the north has had it all. at shiloh at the moment of a victory that would have ended grant's career, albert sydney johnson, our ablest general, was shot and grant escaped. at the battle of chancellorsville in these very woods, jackson at the moment of his triumph-jackson my right arm--was shot by his own men. to-day longstreet falls in the same way when he is about to repeat his immortal deed--" he paused. "the south has had no luck!" alexander eagerly protested. "i don't agree with you, sir. god has given the south lee as her commander. your genius is equal to a hundred thousand men. and in all our terrible battles, at the head of your men, again and again, as you were to-day, with bullets whistling around you, you've lived a charmed life. you're here to-night strong in body and mind, without a scratch. don't tell me, sir, that we haven't had luck!" stuart broke in. "you're the biggest piece of luck that ever befell an army." lee rose. "i appreciate your confidence and your love, gentlemen. but i've made many tragic mistakes, and tried to find an abler man to take my place." "there's no such man!" stuart boomed. "give the word to-night and every soldier in this army would follow you into the jaws of hell!" lee's eyes were lifted dreamily. "and you ask me to blot out the liberties of our people by a single act of usurpation?" alexander lifted his hand. "only for a moment, general, that we may restore them in greater glory. the truth is the confederate government is not fitted for revolution. let's win this war and fix it afterwards." "i do not believe either in military statesmen or political generals. the military should be subordinate always to the civil power--" "but congress," rives broke in, "speaking for the people, offers you supreme power. mr. davis has not proven himself strong enough for the great office he holds." lee flared at this assertion. "and if he has not, sir, who gave _me_ the right to sit in judgment upon my superior officer and condemn him without trial? mr. davis is the victim of this unhappy war. i say this, though, that he differs with me on vital issues. i urged the abolition of slavery. he opposed it. so did your congress. i urged the uncovering of richmond and the concentration of our forces into one great army for an offensive--" rives interrupted. "we ask you to take the supreme power and decide these questions." lee replied with a touch of anger. "but i may be wrong in my policies. mr. davis is a man of the highest character, devoted soul and body to the principles to which he has pledged his life. he is a statesman of the foremost rank. he is a trained soldier, a west point graduate. he is a man of noble spirit--courageous, frank, positive. a great soul throbs within his breast. he has done as well in his high office as any other man could have done--" he looked straight at rives. "we left the union, sir, because our rights had been invaded. our revolution is justified by this fact alone. you ask me to do the thing that caused us to revolt. to brush aside the laws which our people have ordained and set up a dictatorship with the power of life and death over every man, woman and child. for three years we have poured out our blood in a sacred cause. we are fighting for our liberties under law, or we are traitors, not revolutionists. we are fighting for order, justice, principles, or we are fighting for nothing--" a courier dashed to the door of the tent and handed lee a message which he read with a frown. "this discussion is closed, gentlemen. general grant is moving on spottsylvania court house. my business is to get there first. my work is not to jockey for place or power. it is to fight. move your forces at once!" chapter xliii lee hurried to spottsylvania court house and was entrenched before grant arrived. the two armies again flew at each other's throat. true to lee's prediction the union commander hurled sheridan's full force of ten thousand cavalry in a desperate effort to turn the right and strike richmond while the confederate infantry were held in a grip of death. from a hilltop stuart saw the coming blue legions of sheridan. they rode four abreast and made a column of flashing sabers and fluttering guidons thirteen miles long. the young cavalier waved his plumed hat and gave a shout. it was magnificent. he envied them the endless line of fine horses. he had but three small brigades to oppose them. but his spirits rose. he ordered his generals to harass the advancing host at every point of vantage, delay them as long as possible and draw up their forces at yellow tavern for the battle. he took time to dash across the country from beaver dam station to see his wife and babies. he had left them at the house of edmund fontaine. he feared that the federal cavalry might have raided the section. to his joy he found them well and happy, unconscious of the impending fight. for the first time in his joyous life of song and play and war he was worried. his wife was in high spirits. she cheered him. "don't worry about us, my soldier man! we're all right. no harm has ever befallen us. we've had three glorious years playing lovers' hide-and-seek. i've ceased to worry about you. your life is charmed. god has heard my prayers. you're coming home soon to play with me and the babies always!" she was too happy for stuart to describe the host of ten thousand riders which he had just seen. their lives were in god's hands. it was enough. he held her in his arms longer than was his wont at parting. and then with a laugh and a shout to the children he was gone. at jerrold's mill, wickham's brigade suddenly fell on sheridan's rear guard and captured a company. sheridan refused to stop to fight. at mitchell's shop, wickham again dashed on the rear guard and was forced back by a counter charge. as he retreated, fighting a desperate hand-to-hand saber engagement, fitzhugh lee and stuart rushed to his aid and the blue river rolled on again toward richmond. at hanover junction stuart allowed his men to sleep until one o'clock and then rode with desperate speed to yellow tavern. he reached his chosen battle ground at ten o'clock the following morning. he had won the race and at once deployed his forces to meet the coming avalanche. wickham he stationed on the right of the road, lomax on the left. he placed two guns in the road, one on the left to rake it at an angle. he dismounted his men and ordered them to fight as infantry. a reserve of mounted men were held in his rear. he sent his aide into richmond to inquire of its defenses and warn general bragg of the sweeping legions. the commandant at the confederate capital replied that he could hold his trenches. he would call on petersburg for reinforcements. he asked stuart to hold sheridan back as long as possible. on the morning of the eleventh of may, at 6:30, he wrote his dispatch to lee: "fighting against immense odds of sheridan. my men and horses are tired, hungry and jaded, _but all right!_" it was four o'clock before sheridan struck yellow tavern. with skill and dash he threw an entire brigade on stuart's left, broke his line, rolled it up and captured his two guns. stuart ordered at once a reserve squadron to charge the advancing federals. with desperate courage they drove them back in a hand-to-hand combat, saber ringing on saber to the shout and yell of savages. as the struggling, surging mass of blue riders rolled back in confusion, stuart rode into the scene cheering his men. a man in blue, whose horse had been shot from under him, fired his revolver pointblank at stuart. the shot entered his body just above the belt and the magnificent head with the waving plume drooped on his breast. captain dorsey hurried to his assistance. there were but a handful of his men between him and the federal line, the wounded commander was in danger of being captured by a sudden dash of reserves. he was lifted off his horse and he leaned against a tree. stuart raised his head. "go back now, dorsey, to your men." "not until you're safe, sir." as the ambulance passed through his broken ranks in the rear, he lifted himself on his elbow and rallied his men with a brave shout: "go back! go back to your duty, men! and our country will be safe. go back! go back! i'd rather die than be whipped." the men rallied and rushed to the firing line. they fought so well that sheridan lost the way to richmond and the capital of the confederacy was saved. the wounded commander was taken to the home of his brother-in-law, dr. charles brewer, in richmond. he had suffered agonies on the rough journey but bore his pain with grim cheerfulness. he had sent a swift messenger to his wife. he knew she would reach richmond the next day. the following morning major mcclellan, his aide, rode in from the battlefield to report to general bragg. having delivered his message he hurried to the bedside of his beloved chief. the doctor shook his head gravely. "inflammation has set in, major--" "my god, is there no hope?" "none." the singing, rollicking, daring young cavalier felt the hand of death on his shoulder. he was calm and cheerful. his bright words were broken by paroxysms of suffering. he would merely close his shining blue eyes and wait. he directed his aide to dispose of his official papers. he touched mcclellan's hand and the major's closed over it. "i wish you to have one of my horses and venable the other." mcclellan nodded. "which of you is the heavier?" "venable, sir." "all right, give him the gray. you take the bay." the pain choked him into silence again. at last he opened his eyes. "you'll find in my hat a small confederate flag which a lady in columbia, south carolina, sent me with the request that i wear it on my horse in a battle and return it to her. send it." again the agony stilled the musical voice. "my spurs," he went on, "which i have always worn in battle, i promised to mrs. lilly lee of shepherdstown, virginia--" he paused. "my sword--i leave--to--my--son." a cannon roared outside the city. with quick eagerness he asked: "what's that?" "gracey's brigade has moved out against sheridan's rear as he retreats. fitz lee is fighting them still at meadow bridge." he turned his blue eyes upward and prayed: "god grant they may win--" he moved his head aside and said: "i must prepare for another world." he listened to the roar of the guns for a moment and signaled to his aide: "major, fitz lee may need you." mcclellan pressed his hand and hurried to the front. as he passed out the tall figure of the president of the confederacy entered. jefferson davis sat by his side and held his hand. he loved his daring young cavalry commander. he had made him a major-general at thirty. he was dying now at thirty-one. the tragedy found the heart of the sorrowful leader of all the south. when the reverend dr. peterkin entered he said: "now i want you to sing for me the old song i love best- "'rock of ages cleft for me, let me hide myself in thee--'" with failing breath he joined in the song. a paroxysm of pain gripped him and he asked the doctor: "can i survive the night?" "no, general. the end is near." he was silent. and then slowly said: "i am resigned if it be god's will. but--i--would--like--to--see--my--wife--" the beautiful voice sank into eternal silence. so passed the greatest cavalry leader our country has produced. a man whose joyous life was a long wish of good will toward all of his fellow men. the little mother heard the news as she rode in hot haste over the rough roads to richmond. the hideous thing was beyond belief, but it had come. she had heard the roar of battle for three years and after each bloody day he had come with a smile on his lips and a stronger love in his brave heart. she had ceased to fear his death in battle. god had promised her in prayer to spare him. only once had a bullet cut his clothes. and now he was dead. but yesterday he dashed across the country from his line of march, and, even while the conflict raged, held her in his arms and crooned over her. the tears had flowed for two hours before she reached the house of death. she could weep no longer. a sister's arm encircled her waist and led her unseeing eyes into the room. there was no wild outburst of grief at the sight of his cold body. she stooped to kiss the loved lips, placed her hand on the high forehead and drew back at its chill. she stood in dumb anguish until her sister in alarm said: "come, dear, to my room." the set, blue eyes never moved from the face of her dead. "it's wrong. it's wrong. it's all wrong--this hideous murder of our loved ones! why must they send my husband to kill my father? why must they send my father to kill the father of my babies? why didn't they stop this a year ago? it must end some time. why did they ever begin it? why must brother kill his brother? my father, thank god, didn't kill him. but little phil sheridan, his schoolmate, did. and he never spoke an unkind word about him in his life! his heart was overflowing with joy and love. he sang when he rode into battle--" she paused and a tear stole down her cheeks at last. "poor boy, he loved its wild din and roar. it was play to his daring spirit." a sob caught her voice and then it rose in fierce rebellion: "where was god when he fell? he was thirty-one years old, in the glory of a beautiful life--" her sister spoke in gentle sympathy. "his fame fills the world, dear." "fame? fame? what is that to me, now? i stretch out my hand, and it's ashes. my arms are empty. my heart is broken. life isn't worth the living." her voice drifted into a dreamy silence as the tears streamed down her cheeks. she stood for half an hour staring through blurred eyes at the cold clay. she turned at last and seized her sister's hands both in hers, and gazed with a strange, set look that saw something beyond time and the things of sense. "my dear sister, god will yet give to the mothers of men the power to stop this murder. there's a better way. there's a better way," chapter xliv while sheridan rode against richmond, lee and grant were struggling in a pool of red at the "bloody angle" of spottsylvania. the musketry fire against the trees came in a low undertone, like the rattle of a hail storm on the roofs of houses. a company of blue soldiers were cut off by a wave of charging gray. the men were trying to surrender. their officers drew their revolvers and ordered them to break through. a sullen private shouted: "shoot your officers!" every commander dropped in his tracks. and the men were marched to the rear. hour after hour the flames of hell swirled in endless waves about this angle of the southern trenches. line after line of blue broke against it and eddied down its sides in slimy pools. color bearers waved their flags in each other's faces, clinched and fought, hand to hand, like devils. two soldiers on top of the trench, their ammunition spent, choked each other to death and rolled down the embankment among the mangled bodies that filled the ditch. in this mass of struggling maniacs men were fighting with guns, swords, handspikes, clubbed muskets, stones and fists. night brought no pause to save the wounded or bury the dead. for five days grant circled his blue hosts in a whirlpool of death trying in vain to break lee's trenches. he gave it up. the stolid, silent man of iron nerves watched the stream of wagons bearing the wounded, groaning and shrieking, from the field. lee's forces had been handled with such skill the impact of numbers had made but little impression. thirty thousand dead and mangled lay on the field. the stark fighter of the west was facing a new problem. the devotion of lee's men was a mania. he was unconquerable in a square hand-to-hand fight in the woods. a truce to bury the dead followed. they found them piled six layers deep in the trenches, blue and gray locked in the last embrace. black wings were flapping over them unafraid of the living. their red beaks were tearing at eyes and lips, while deep below yet groaned and moved the wounded. again grant sought to flank his wily foe. this time he beat lee to the spot. the two armies rushed for cold harbor in parallel columns flashing at each other deadly volleys as they marched. lee took second choice of ground and entrenched on a gently sloping line of hills. they swung in crescent as at fredericksburg. with consummate skill he placed his guns and infantry to catch both flanks and front of the coming foe. and then he waited for grant to charge. thousands of men in the blue ranks were busy now sewing their names in their underclothing. with the first streak of dawn, at 4:30, they charged. they walked into the mouth of a volcano flaming tons of steel and lead in their faces. the scene was sickening. nothing like it had, to this time, happened in the history of man. _ten thousand men in blue fell in twenty minutes._ meade ordered smith to renew the assault. daring a court martial, smith flatly refused. the story of the next seventy-two hours our historians have refused to record. through the smothering heat of summer for three days and nights the shrieks and groans of the wounded rose in endless waves of horror. no hand could be lifted to save. with their last breath they begged, wept, cried, prayed for water. no man dared move in the storm-swept space. here and there a heroic boy in blue caught the cry of a wounded comrade and crawled on his belly to try a rescue only to die in the embrace of his friend. when the truce was called to clear the shambles every man of the ten thousand who had fallen was dead--save two. the salvage corps walked in a muck of blood. they slipped and stumbled and fell in its festering pools. the flies and vultures were busy. dead horses, dead men, smashed guns, legs, arms, mangled bodies disemboweled, the earth torn into an ashen crater. in the thirty days since grant had met lee in the wilderness, the northern army had lost sixty thousand men, the bravest of our race. lee's losses were not so great but they were tragic. they were as great in proportion to the number he commanded. grant paused to change his plan of campaign. the procession of ambulances into washington had stunned the nation. every city, town, village, hamlet and country home was in mourning. a stream of protest against the new commander swept the north. lincoln refused to remove him. and on his head was heaped the blame for all the anguish of the bitter years of failure. his answer to his critics was remorseless. "we must fight to win. grant is the ablest general we have. his losses are appalling. but the struggle is now on to the bitter end. our resources of men and money are exhaustless. the south cannot replace her fallen sons. her losses, therefore, are fatal!" war had revealed to all at last that the abolition crusade had been built on a lie. the negro had proven a bulwark of strength to the south. had their theories been true, had the slaves been beaten and abused the black bees would surely have swarmed. a single southern village put to the torch by black hands would have done for lee's army what no opponent had been able to do. it would have been destroyed in a night. the confederacy would have gone down in hopeless ruin. not a black hand had been raised against a southern man or woman in all the raging hell. this fact is the south's vindication against the slanders of the abolitionists. the negroes stood by their old masters. they worked his fields; they guarded his women and children; they mourned over the graves of their fallen sons. and now in the supreme hour of gathering darkness came the last act of the tragedy--the arming of the northern blacks and the training of their hands to slay a superior race. in the first year of the war lincoln had firmly refused the prayer of thomas wentworth higginson that he be allowed to arm and drill the black legions of the north. later the pressure could not be resisted. the daily murder of the flower of the race had lowered its morale. it had lowered the value set on racial trait and character. the cavalier and puritan, with a thousand years of inspiring history throbbing in their veins, had become mere cannon fodder. the cry for men and still more men was endless. and this cry must be heard, or the war would end. men of the white breed were clasping hands at last across the lines under the friendly cover of the night. they spoke softly through their tears of home and loved ones. the tumult and the shout had passed. the jeer and taunt, blind passion and sordid hate lay buried in the long, deep graves of a hundred fields of blood. grant's new plan of campaign resulted in the deadlock of petersburg. the two armies now lay behind thirty-five miles of deep trenches with a stretch of volcano-torn, desolate earth between them. the black legions were massed for a dramatic ending of the war. grant, meade, and burnside had developed a plan. hundreds of sappers and miners burrowed under the shell-torn ground for months, digging a tunnel under lee's fortress immediately before petersburg. the tunnel was not complete before lee's ears had caught the sound. a counter tunnel was hastily begun but grant's men had reached the spot under the center of elliot's salient before the confederates could intercept them. grant skillfully threw a division of his army on the north side of the james and made a fierce frontal attack on richmond while he gathered the flower of his army, sixty-five thousand men with his black legions, before the tunnel that would open the way into petersburg. lee was not misled by the assault on richmond. but it was absolutely necessary to meet it, or the capital would have fallen. he was compelled, in the face of the threatened explosion and assault, to divide his forces and weaken his lines before the tunnel. his men were on the ground beyond the james to intercept the column moving toward richmond. when the assault failed, hancock and sheridan immediately recrossed the river to take part in the capture of petersburg and witness the end of the confederacy. the tons of powder were stored under the fort and the fuse set. the black battalions stood ready to lead the attack and enter petersburg first. at the final council of war, the plan was changed. a division of new englanders, the sons of puritan fathers and mothers, were set to this grim task and the negroes were ordered to follow. high words had been used at the council. the whole problem of race and racial values was put to the test of the science of anthropology and of mathematics. the fuse would be set before daylight. the charge must be made in darkness with hundreds of great guns flaming, shrieking, shaking the earth. the negro could not be trusted to lead in this work. he had followed white officers in the daylight and under their inspiration had fought bravely. but he was afraid of the dark. it was useless to mince matters. the council faced the issue. he could not stand the terrors of the night in such a charge. the decision was an ominous one for the future of america--ominous because merciless in its scientific logic. the same power which had given the white man his mastery of science and progress in the centuries of human history gave him the mastery of his brain and nerves in the dark. for a thousand years superstition had been trained out of his brain fiber. he could hold a firing line day or night. the darkness was his friend, not his enemy. the new englanders were pushed forward for the attack. the grim preparations were hurried. the pioneers were marshaled with axes and entrenching tools. a train pulled in from city point with crowds of extra surgeons, their amputating tables and bandages ready. the wagons were loaded with picks and shovels to bury the dead quickly in the scorching heat of july. the men waited in impatience for the explosion. it had been set for two o'clock. for two hours they stood listening. their hearts were beating high at first. the delay took the soul out of them. they were angry, weary, cursing, complaining. the fuse had gone out. another had to be trained and set. as the maine regiments gripped their muskets waiting for the explosion of the mine, a negro preacher in the second line behind them was haranguing the black battalions. his drooning, voodoo voice rang through the woods in weird echoes: "oh, my men! dis here's gwine ter be er great fight. de greatest fight in all de war. we gwine ter take ole petersburg dis day. de day er juberlee is come. yes, lawd! an' den we take richmon', 'stroy lee's army an' en' dis war. yas, lawd, an' 'member dat gen'l grant an' gen'l burnside, an' gen'l meade's is all right here a-watch-in' ye! an' member dat i'se er watchin' ye. i'se er sargint in dis here comp'ny. any you tries ter be a skulker, you'se gwine ter git a beyonet run clean froo ye--yas, lawd! you hear me!" he had scarcely finished his harangue when a smothering peal of thunder shook the world. the ground rocked beneath the feet of the men. some were thrown backwards. some staggered and caught a comrade's shoulder. a pillar of blinding flame shot to the stars. a cloud of smoke rolled upward and spread its pall over the trembling earth. a shower of human flesh and bones spattered the smoking ground. the men in front shivered as they brushed the pieces of red meat from their hands and clothes. the artillery opened. hundreds of guns were pouring shells from their flaming mouths. the people of petersburg leaped from their beds and pressed into the streets stunned by the appalling shock and the storm of artillery which followed. the ground in front of the tunnel had been cleared of the abatis. burnside's new england veterans rushed the crater. a huge hole had been torn in lee's fortifications one hundred yards long and sixty feet wide and twenty-five feet in depth. the hole proved a grave. the charging troops floundered in its spongy, blood-soaked sides. they stumbled and fell into its pit. the regiments in the rear, rushing through the smoke and stumbling over the mangled pieces of flesh of elliott's three hundred men who had been torn to pieces, were on top of the line in front before they could clear the crumbling walls. when the charging hosts at last reached the firm ground inside the confederate lines, the men in gray were rallying. their guns had been trained on the yawning chasm now a struggling, squirming, cursing mass of blue. slowly order came out of chaos and burnside's men swung to the right and to the left and swept lee's trenches for three hundred yards in each direction. the charging regiments poured into them and found the second confederate line. elliott's men who yet lived, driven from their outer line by the resistless rush of the attack, retreated to a deep ravine, rallied and held this third line. lee reached the field and took command. mahone's men came to the rescue marching with swift, steady tread. they took their position on the crest which commanded the open space toward the captured trenches. as wright's brigade moved into position, the black battalions were ordered to charge. they had been hurried through the crater and into the trenches on the right and left. at the signal they swarmed over the works, with a voodoo yell, and in serried black waves, charged the men in gray. in broad daylight the southerners saw for the first time the plan of the dramatic attack. the white men of the south shrieked an answer and gripped their muskets. the cry they gave came down the centuries from three thousand years of history. it came from the hearts of a conquering race of men. they had heard the call of the blood of the race that rules the world. without an order from their commanders, with a single impulse, the whole southern line leaped from their cover and dashed on the advancing black legions in a counter charge so swift, so terrible, there was but a single crash and the yell of white victory rang over the field. the blacks broke and piled pell mell into the trenches and on into the hell hole of the crater. fifty of lee's guns were now pouring a steady stream of shells into this pit of the damned. the charging gray lines rolled over the captured trenches. they ringed the edge of the crater with a circle of flaming muskets. the writhing mass of dead, dying, wounded and living, scrambling blacks and whites, was a thing for devil's joy. at the bottom of the pit the heap was ten feet deep in moving flesh. in vain the terror-stricken blacks scrambled up the slippery sides through clouds of smoke. they fell backward and rolled down the crumbling walls. young john doyle stood on the brink of this crater, his eyes aflame with revenge. his musket was so hot at last he threw it down, tore a cartridge belt from the body of a dead negro trooper, seized his rifle and went back to his task. sickened at last by the holocaust, the officers of the south ordered their men to cease firing. they had charged without orders. they refused to take orders. the officers began to strike them with their swords! "cease firing!" "damn you, stop it!" their orders rang around the flaming curve in vain. they seized the men by their collars and dragged them back. the gray soldiers tore away, rushed to the smoking rim and fired as long as they had a cartridge in their belts. it was the poor white man who got beyond control at the sight of these yelling black troops wearing the uniform of the republic. had their souls leaped the years and seen in a vision dark-skinned hosts charging the ranks of white civilization in a battle for supremacy of the world? chapter xlv when the smoke had lifted from the field of the black battalions, lee stood in richmond before a secret meeting of the leaders of the confederacy. jefferson davis presided. the meeting was called by request of the commander. he had an important announcement to make. facing the anxious group gathered around the cabinet table he spoke with unusual emphasis: "gentlemen, the end is in sight unless i can have more men. so long as i can burrow underground my half-clothed and half-starved soldiers will hold grant at bay. i may hold him until next spring. not longer. the north is using negro troops. they have enrolled nearly two hundred thousand. their man power counts. we can arm our negroes to meet them. they will fight under the leadership of their masters. i speak as a mathematician and a soldier. i do not discuss the sentimental side. i must have men and i must have them before spring or your cause is lost." robert toombs of georgia leaped to his feet. his words came slowly, throbbing with emotion. "any suggestion from general lee deserves the immediate attention of this government. he speaks to-night as an engineer and mathematician. he has told us the worst. it was his duty. i honor him for it. "but i differ with him. he can see but one angle of this question. he is a soldier in field. it is our duty to see both the soldier's and the statesman's point of view. and our cause is not so desperate as the science of engineering and mathematics would tell us. "the war of the revolution was won by washington in spite of mathematics. the odds were all against him. we have our chance. this war is now in its fourth year. the outlook seems dark in richmond. it is darker in washington. what have they accomplished in these years of blood and tears? nothing. not a slave has been freed. not a question at issue has found its solution. the millions of the north are in despair and they are crying for peace--peace at any price. the presidential election is but a few weeks off. they have nominated abraham lincoln again for president. they had to, although he is the most unpopular man who ever sat in the white house. all the mistakes, all the agony, all the horrors of this war, they have unjustly heaped on his drooping shoulders. "mcclellan is his opponent _on a peace platform_. "the republican party is split as ours was before the war. john c. fremont is running on the radical ticket against lincoln. unless a miracle happens general george b. mcclellan will be elected the next president. if he is, the war ends in a draw. "it's a fair chance. we can take it. "but our chance of success is not the real question before us. it is a bigger one. the question before you is bigger than the south. it is bigger than the republic. it is bigger than the continent. it may involve the future of civilization. "the employment of these negro troops, clothed in the uniform of the union, marks the lowest tide mud to which its citizenship has ever sunk. the profoundest word in history is _race_. the ancestral soul of a people rules its destiny. what is the ancestral soul of the negro? the measurement of the skull of the egyptian is exactly the shape and size of six thousand years ago. has the negro moved upward? this republic was born of the soul of a race of pioneer white freemen who settled our continent and built an altar within its forest cathedral to liberty and progress. in the record of man has a negro ever dreamed this dream? "the roman republic fell and rome became a degenerate empire. why? because of the lowering of her racial stock by slaves. the decline of the roman spirit was due to a mixture of races. the flower of her manhood died on her far-flung battle lines. slaves and degenerates at home bred her future citizens. "have we also placed our feet on the path of oblivion? history is littered with the wrecks of civilization. and always the secret is found in racial degeneracy--the lowering of the standard of racial values. civilization is a name--an effect. race is the cause. if a race maintains its soul, it must remain itself and it must breed its best. race is the result of thousands of years of this selection. one drop of negro blood makes a negro. the inferior can always blot out the superior if granted equality. "this uniform is the first step toward racial oblivion for the white man in america. it is the first step toward equality. a people of half breeds have no soul. they are always ungovernable. the negro is the lowest species of man. through slavery he has been disciplined into the family of humanity. we cannot yet grant him equality. abraham lincoln who has consented to arm these blacks against us has himself said: _"'there is a physical difference between the white and black races which will forever forbid them living together on terms of political or social equality.'_ "how can he prevent social and political equality once these black men are clothed with the dignity of the uniform of a nation? he has declared his intention of colonizing the negro race. general lee also holds this as the solution. if slavery falls, it _is_ the _only_ solution. "in the meantime we hold fast to the faith within us. dare to arm a negro, drill and teach him to kill white men, and we are traitors to country, traitors to humanity, traitors to civilization. robert e. lee himself is the supreme contradiction of the sentimental mush involved in the dogma of equality. his genius and character is a racial product. "the man in gray stands for two things, reverence for law and the racial supremacy of the white man. "if we must clothe negroes in gray to save the confederacy, let it go down in blood and ashes. we'll stand for this. and hand our ideal down to our children. if defeat shall come, we may yet live to save the republic. we hold a message for humanity." there was no further discussion. the south chose death before racial treason. chapter xlvi the miracle which toombs feared came to pass. in the blackest hour of the lincoln administration, his own party despaired of his election. the national republican committee came to washington and demanded that he withdraw from the ticket and allow them to name a candidate who might have a chance against general mcclellan and his peace platform. and then it happened. sherman suddenly took atlanta and swung his legions toward the sea. a black pall of smoke marked his trail. the north leaped once more with the elemental impulse. a wave of war enthusiasm swept lincoln back into the white house. and a new line of blue soldiers streamed to grant's front. the ragged men in gray were living on parched corn. grant edged his blue legions farther and farther southward until he saw the end of the mortal trenches lee's genius had built. the lion sprang on his exposed flank and petersburg was doomed. the southern commander sent his fated message to richmond that he must uncover the capital of the confederacy, and staggered out of his trenches to attempt a union of forces with johnston's army in north carolina. grant's host were on his heels, his guns thundering, his cavalry destroying. a negro regiment entered richmond as the flames of the burning city licked the skies. lee paused at appomattox to await the coming of his provision train. his headquarters were fixed beneath an apple tree in full bloom. he bent anxiously over a field map with his adjutant. his face was clouded with deep anxiety. "why doesn't gordon report?" he cried. "we've sent three couriers. they haven't returned. grant has not only closed the road to lynchburg, he has pushed a wedge into our lines and cut gordon off. if he has, we're in a trap--" "it couldn't have happened in an hour!" taylor protested. "order fitzhugh lee to concentrate every horse for gordon's support and call in alexander for a conference." taylor hastened to execute the command and lee sat down under the flower-draped tree. sam approached bearing a tray. "de coffee's all ready, marse robert--'ceptin' dey ain't no coffee in it. does ye want a cup? hit's good, hot black water, sah!" lee's eyes were not lifted. "no, sam, thank you." the faithful negro shook his head and walked back to his sorry kitchen. taylor handed his order to a dust-covered courier. "take this to fitz lee." the courier scratched his head. "i don't know general fitz lee, sir." "the devil you don't. what division are you from?" "dunno, sir. been cut to pieces so many times and changed commanders so much i dunno who the hell i belong to--" "how'd you get here?" "detailed for the day." "you know general john b. gordon?" the dusty figure stiffened. "i'm from georgia." "take this to him." taylor handed the man his order as the thunder of a line of artillery opened on the left. "which way is general gordon?" the courier asked. "that's what i want to know. get to him. follow the line of that firing. you'll find him where it's hottest. get back here quick if you have to kill your horse." sam came back with his tray. "i got yo' breakfus' an' dinner both now, marse robert." lee looked up with a smile. "too tired now. eat it for me, sam--" sam turned quickly. "yassah. i do de bes' i kin fur ye." as sam went back to the kitchen he motioned to a ragged soldier who stood with his wife and little girl gazing at the general. "dar he is. go right up an' tell him." sweeney approached lee timidly. the wife and girl hung back. he tried to bow and salute at the same time. "excuse me for coming, general lee, but my company's halted there in the woods. you've stopped in a few yards of my house, sir. won't you come in and make it your headquarters?" "no, my good friend. i won't disturb your home." the wife edged near. "it's no trouble at all, sir. we'd be so proud to have you." "thank you. i always use my tent, madame. i'll not be here long." "please come, sir!" the man urged. lee studied his face. "haven't i seen you before, my friend?" "yes, sir. i'm the man who brought the news that general stuart had fallen at yellow tavern." lee grasped his hand. "oh, i remember. you're sweeney--sweeney whose banjo he loved so well. and this is your wife and little girl?" "yes, sir," mrs. sweeney answered. the commander pressed her hand cordially. "i'm glad to know you, mrs. sweeney. your husband's music was a great joy to general stuart." the little girl handed him a bunch of violets. he stooped, kissed her and took her in his arms. "you'd like your papa to come back home from the war and stay with you always, wouldn't you, dear?" "yes, sir," she breathed. "maybe he will, soon." "you see, general," sweeney said, "when my chief fell, i threw my banjo away and got a musket." "if i only had stuart here to-day!" lee sighed. "he'd cut his way through, sir, with a shout and a laugh," sweeney boasted. a courier handed lee a dispatch and sweeney edged away. the commander read the message with a frown and crumpled the paper in his hand. the wagons at appomattox had been cut to pieces. his army had nothing to eat. they had been hungry for two days and nights. "it's more than flesh can bear, taylor--and yet listen to those guns! they're still fighting this morning. fighting like tigers. grant's closing in with a hundred thousand men. unless gordon breaks through within an hour--he's got us--" lee gazed toward the sound of the guns on the left. his face was calm but his carriage was no longer quite erect. the agony of sleepless nights had plowed furrows in his forehead. his eyes were red. his cheeks were sunken and haggard. his face was colorless. and yet he was calmly deliberate in every movement. an old man, flushed with excitement, staggered up to him. lee started. "ruffin--you here?" "general lee," he began, "will you hear me for just one moment?" "certainly." lee sprang to his feet. "but how did you get into my lines--i thought i was surrounded?" "i came out of richmond with general alexander's rear guard, sir, six days ago." "oh, i see." "ten years ago, general lee, in your house, i predicted this war. last week i saw the city in flames and i hope to god every house was in ashes before that regiment of negro cavalry galloped through its streets." "i trust not, ruffin. i left my wife and children there." "i hope they're safe, sir." "they're in god's hands." a courier handed lee a dispatch which he read aloud. "president davis has been forced to flee from danville and all communication with him has been cut." "general lee," ruffin cried excitedly, "this country is now in your hands." "what would you have me do?" "fight until the last city is in ashes and the last man falls in his tracks. fools at your headquarters have been talking for two days of surrender. it can't be done. it can't be done. if you surrender do you know what will happen?" "i've tried to think." "i'll tell you, sir. thaddeus stevens, the radical leader of congress, has already prepared the bill to take the ballot from the southern white man and give it to the negro. the property of the whites he proposed to confiscate and give to their slaves. he will clothe the negro with all power and set him to rule over his former masters." lee answered roughly. "nonsense, ruffin. i am better informed. senator washburn, mr. lincoln's spokesman, entered richmond with the federal army. he says that the president will remove the negro troops from the united states as soon as peace is declared. he has a bill in congress to colonize the negro race." "stevens is the master of congress." "if the north wins, lincoln will be the master of congress. we need fear no scheme of insane vengeance." lee took from taylor two despatches. "general mahone has taken a thousand prisoners--" "glory to god!" ruffin shouted. "such men don't know how to surrender!" "and our cavalry has captured. general gregg and a squadron of his men--" "surrender!" the old man roared. "they'll never surrender, sir, unless you say so. our wives, our daughters, our children, our homes, our cause, our lives, are in your hands. for god's sake, don't listen to fools. don't give up, general lee--don't--" general alexander sprang from his horse and approached his commander. lee spoke in low, strained tones. "i'm afraid we're caught." he turned to the old man. "excuse me, ruffin, i must confer with general alexander." ruffin's reply came feebly. "with your permission i will--stay--at--your headquarters for a little while." "certainly." taylor led the old man toward his baggage wagon. "come with me, sir. i'll find you a cot." "thank you. thank you." his eyes were dim and he walked stumblingly. "surrender, taylor! surrender? why, there's no such word--there's no such word--" lee and alexander moved down to the little field table. "we must decide," the commander began, "what to do in case gordon can't break through. how many guns in your command?" "more than forty, sir. we've just captured a section of federal artillery in perfect order." "forty guns! and grant is circling us with five hundred--" "we have fought big odds before. we have ammunition. the artillery has done little on this retreat. they're eager for a fight, if you wish to give battle." "i can rally but eight thousand men for a final charge. they are tired and hungry. what have we got to do?" "this means but one thing, then--" "well, sir?" "order the army to scatter--each man for himself. they can slip through the brush to-night like quail, and reach johnston's army." "you think this best?" "it's the only thing to do, sir. surrender--never. scatter. and when grant closes in to-morrow his hands will be empty. he'll find a few broken guns and wagons. our men will be safe beyond his lines and ready to fight again." "that's the plan!" taylor joined. "we can beat grant that way, general. the confederacy may win by delay. at least by delay we can give the state governments time to make their own terms as states. if you surrender, it's all over." "i do not think the north will acknowledge the sovereignty of the states at this late day." "it is reported that lincoln has offered to accept the surrender of states and make terms--" "this would, of course," lee slowly answered, "prolong the war as long as one held out--" "and don't forget, sir," alexander urged stoutly, "that the single state of texas is three times larger than france. she has countless head of cattle and horses on her plains. she can equip armies. her warlike sons, with you to lead them, would laugh at conquest for the next ten years. the territory of the south is too vast to be held except at a cost the north cannot afford to pay--" "armies may march across it," taylor interrupted, "a million soldiers could not hold it _unless you surrender!_" "guerrilla warfare is a desperate resort," lee answered sadly. "there are things worse," alexander cried passionately. "this army is ready to die to a man before we will submit to unconditional surrender. the men who have fought under you for these three tragic years have the right to demand that you spare us this shame!" "general grant will not ask unconditional surrender. i have been in correspondence with him for two days. he has already put his terms in writing. they are generous. all officers may retain their swords and every horse go home for the spring plowing. he merely requires our parole not to take up arms again." "he would offer no such terms," alexander argued, "unless he knew you yet had a chance to win--" lee waved his hand. "our only chance is to continue the struggle by a fierce guerrilla war--" "for god's sake, let's do it, sir!" "can we," the calm voice went on, "as christian soldiers, choose such a course? we've fought bravely for what we believed to be right. if i enter a guerrilla struggle, what will be the result? years of bloody savagery. our own men, demoralized by war, would supply their wants by violence and plunder. i could not control them. and so raid and counter-raid. houses pillaged and burned by friend and foe. crops destroyed. all industry paralyzed. women violated. we might force the federal government at last to make some sort of compromise. but at what a cost--what a cost!" "you can control our men," alexander maintained. "your name is magic. the south will obey you." lee gazed earnestly into the face of his gallant young commander of artillery and said: "if i wield such power over our people, is it not a sacred trust? is it not my duty now to use it for their healing, and not their ruin?" general john b. gordon suddenly rode up and sprang from his horse. lee eagerly turned. "general gordon--you have cut through?" "i have secured a temporary truce to report to you in person, i have fought my corps to a frazzle. the road is still blocked and i cannot move." "what is your advice?" lee asked. "your decision settles it, sir." a courier plunged toward the group on a foaming horse. "fitzhugh lee's cavalry's broken through!" he shouted. "the way's opened. the whole army can pass!" "i don't believe it," gordon growled. "it's too good to be true," taylor said. "it's true!" alexander exclaimed, "of course it's true!" "you come from longstreet?" lee inquired. "yes, sir. he asks instructions." "tell him to use his discretion. he's on the spot." the courier wheeled and rode back as the crash of a musket rang out beside the baggage wagon. "what's that?" taylor asked sharply. "it can't be an attack," gordon wondered. "a truce is in force." sam rushed to lee. "hit's marse ruffin, sah," he whispered. "he put de muzzle er de gun in his mouf an' done blow his own head clean off!" "see to him, taylor," lee ordered. "the old ones will quit, i'm afraid." a courier rode up and handed him another dispatch. he read it slowly. "fitzhugh lee says the message was a mistake, the road is still blocked. only a company of raiders broke through." "it's too bad," gordon said. "it's hell," alexander groaned. "let's scatter, sir! it's the only way. issue the order at once--" a sentinel saluted. "colonel babcock, aide to general u.s. grant, has come for your answer, sir." all eyes were fixed on lee. "tell babcock i'll see him in a moment." an ominous silence fell. lee lifted his head and spoke firmly. "we've played our parts, gentlemen, in a hopeless tragedy, pitiful, terrible. at least eight hundred thousand of our noblest sons are dead and mangled. a million more will die of poverty and disease. every issue could have been settled and better settled without the loss of a drop of blood. the slaves are freed by an accident. an accident of war's necessity--not on principle. the manner of their sudden emancipation, unless they are removed, will bring a calamity more appalling than the war itself. it must create a race problem destined to grow each day more threatening and insoluble. yet if i had to live it all over again i could only do exactly what i have done--" he paused. "and now i'll go at once to general grant." he took two steps to cross the stile over the fence, and turned as a cry of pain burst from alexander's lips. he sank to a seat, bowed his face in his hands and groaned: "oh, my god, i can't believe it! i can't believe it. after all these years of blood. i can't believe it--my god--to think that this is the end!" "i know, general alexander," lee spoke gently, "that my surrender means the end. it has come and we must face it. we must accept the results in good faith and turn our faces toward the east. yesterday is dead. to-morrow is ours--" his voice softened. "i don't mind telling you now, that i had rather die a thousand deaths than go to general grant. dying is the easiest thing that i could do at this moment. i could ride out front along the lines for five minutes and it would be all over. but the men who know how to die must do harder things. i call you, sir, to this battle grimmer than death--to this nobler task--we've got to live now!" alexander slowly rose with gordon and both men saluted. within an hour he was returning from the meeting with his brave and generous conqueror. a loud cheer rang over the confederate lines. "it's lee returning along the road crowded with his men," gordon explained. another cheer echoed through the forests. gordon smiled. "alexander the great, when he conquered a world, never got the tribute which lee is receiving from those men. there's not one in their ranks who wouldn't die for him." louder and louder rolled the cheers mingled now with the pet name his soldiers loved. "marse robert! marse robert!" alexander's eyes flashed. "the hour of his surrender, the supreme triumph of his life." lee rode slowly into view on traveler's gray back. the men were crowding close. they cried softly. they touched his saddle, his horse and tried to reach his hands. he lifted his right arm over their heads and they were still. "my heart's too full for speech, my men. i have done for you all that was in my power. you have done your duty. we leave the rest to god. go quietly to your homes now and work to build up our ruined country. obey the laws and be as good citizens as you have been soldiers. i'm going to try to do this. will you help me?" "that we will!" "yes." "yes." "goodbye." "goodbye, marse robert!" grizzled veterans were sobbing like children. the war had ended--the most futile and ferocious of human follies. when it shall cease on earth at last, then, and not until then, will the soul of man leap to its final triumph, for the energy of the universe will flow through the fingers of workmen, artists, authors, inventors and healers. on this issue the saving of a world awaits the word of the mothers of men. the end john brown soldier of fortune a critique [illustration: john brown] john brown soldier of fortune _a critique_ by hill peebles wilson [illustration] _mr. vallandigham_: mr. brown, who sent you here? _john brown_: no man sent me here; it was my own prompting and that of my maker, or that of the devil, whichever you please to ascribe it to. i acknowledge no master in human form. _post, 313_ the cornhill company boston copyright, 1913 hill peebles wilson copyright, 1918 the cornhill company to the memory of mrs. sara t. d. robinson of kansas preface the writer of this book is not an iconoclast, neither has he prejudged john brown. in 1859 the character was impressed upon his attention in a personal way. an older brother, joseph e. wilson, was a member of the company of marines that made the assault on the engine-house at harper's ferry, on the morning of october 18th; and from him he heard the story of the fight, and about brown. in 1889 the topeka (kansas) _daily capital_ took a poll of the members of the kansas legislature on the question: "who was the most distinguished kansan?" or something to that effect. at that time the writer held the opinion that the public services rendered by john brown in kansas territory, were of paramount importance in the settlement of the free-state contention; and since the course which the nation was at that time pursuing had been arrested by the result of that contention, and diverted into the path which led to the marvelous achievements of the succeeding years; he, therefore, over his signature cast his vote in favor of john brown; saying, among other things, in his little panegyric, that brown is the only kansan whose fame was immortal. in 1898 he reformed his opinions concerning brown's character and conduct, and the importance of his public services in kansas. the change came about through an effort on his part to write a sketch of his life for a work entitled "eminent men of kansas." in good faith, and with much of the confidence and enthusiasm characteristic of brown's eulogists, he began an investigation of the available historical data relating to the subject; when he found to his surprise, and disgust, that the history of brown's career contained nothing to justify the public estimate of him. reporting to his associate that he would not write the sketch, he said that he "could find but little in the record of his life which gave him creditable distinction, and that he did not wish to write the discreditable things about him which it contained." later he gathered up the threads of brown's life and has woven them, conscientiously, into the web of history. the story reveals little which is creditable to brown or worthy of emulation and much that is abhorrent. but he indulges the hope that he has made it clear that his conceptions of the character have not been inspired by "prejudice," "blind" or otherwise, for he has examined the records in the case; an examination which has led him through all the existing testimony concerning brown; except, that he has not explored the writings which have been put forth by those who have sought, viciously, to attack brown's character. the opinions therefore which he has set forth are convictions resulting from serious investigation and thought. in conclusion, the author takes great pleasure in acknowledging the deep sense of his obligation to the late mrs. sara t. d. robinson, wife of charles robinson of kansas, whose generosity, and deep interest in the history of our country, made the publication of this book possible. also, he desires to express his gratitude to dr. william watson davis, of the university of kansas, for the cordial encouragement which he received from him while preparing the work, and for his kindly assistance in molding the text into its present form. also, to dr. william savage johnson, and to professor william asbury whitaker, jr., both of the university of kansas, he wishes to return his thanks for many valuable suggestions. lawrence, kansas, april 15, 1913. contents i the subject matter 15 ii the man 26 iii kansas--a crisis in our national history 55 iv his public services 72 v robbery and murder on the pottawatomie 95 vi black jack 135 vii osawatomie 154 viii hypocrisy 181 ix a soldier of fortune 223 x the provisional government 243 xi the shubel morgan plunder company 259 xii mobilizing the provisional army 283 xiii the fiasco 296 xiv a perversion of history 323 xv his great adventure 341 xvi a soldier of the cross 364 xvii "yet shall he live" 395 appendices i correspondence with the late d. w. wilder concerning john brown 411 ii recollections of john brown at harper's ferry by alexander boteler, a virginian who witnessed the fight 414 iii constitution and ordinance for the people of the united states 417 iv john brown's autobiography 431 illustrations john brown frontispiece steel engraving made from a photograph compared with a photogravure. the photograph was taken about 1859. original in the kansas state historical society. the photogravure is from mr. oswald garrison villard's book: john brown--a biography fifty years after. john brown facing page 98 steel engraving, made as above. the photograph was copied from a daguerreotype taken in 1856. original in the kansas state historical society. chapter i the subject matter _truth, crushed to earth shall rise again;_ --bryant the object of the writer, in publishing this book, is to correct a perversion of truth, whereby john brown has acquired fame, as an altruist and a martyr, which should not be attributed to him. the book is a review of the historical data that have been collected and published by his principal biographers: mr. james redpath, mr. frank b. sanborn and mr. oswald garrison villard. it is also a criticism of these writers, who have sought to suppress, and have suppressed, important truths relating to the subject of which they wrote, and who have misinformed and misled the public concerning the true character of this figure in our national history; and have established in its stead a fictitious character, which is wholly illogical and inconsistent with the facts and circumstances of brown's life. mr. redpath, his first and most lurid biographer, was a newspaper correspondent of the type now generally called "yellow." he was a "disunionist," and seems to have been a malcontent, who went to kansas territory to oppose the policy which the free-state men had adopted for a safe and sane solution of the free-state problem; and who sought to thwart their efforts to create a free state by peaceable means. he said:[1] i believed that a civil war between the north and south would ultimate in insurrection and that the kansas troubles would probably create a military conflict of the sections. hence, i left the south, and went to kansas; and endeavored personally, and by my pen, to precipitate a revolution. after brown's spectacular fiasco in virginia, and tragical death, his cultured partisans, in most conspicuous eloquence proclaimed him to have been a philanthropist--an altruistic hero; and placed a martyr's crown upon his brow. mr. redpath's purpose, in putting forth his work, was to make brown over to fit the part; to make his life appear to conform with the extravagant attributes of his improvised estate. in pursuance thereof he sought to conceal the facts concerning the actions and purposes of his life, rather than to develop them; and to blind the trails leading to the facts with masses of sentimental rubbish; and to divert public attention away from them. upon the publication of his book, _the public life of captain john brown_, mr. charles eliot norton, in a review of the work, expressed his disapproval of it in vigorous language. he said:[2] it would be well had this book never been written. mr. redpath has understood neither the opportunities opened to him, nor the responsibilities laid upon him, in being permitted to write the "authorized" life of john brown. his book, in whatever light it is viewed--whether as the biography of a remarkable man, as an historic narrative of a series of important events, or simply as a mere piece of literary job-work--is equally unsatisfactory.... there never was more need for a good life of any man than there was for one of john brown.... those who thought best of him, and those who thought the worst, were alike desirous to know more of him than the newspapers had furnished, and to become acquainted with the course of his life, and the training which had prepared him for kansas and brought him to harper's ferry. whatever view be taken of his character, he was a man so remarkable as to be well worthy of study.... in seasons of excitement, and amid the struggles of political contention, the men who use the most extravagant and the most violent words have, for a time, the advantage; but, in the long run, they damage whatever cause they may adopt; and the truth, which their declamations have obscured or their falsehoods have violated, finally asserts itself.... extravagance in condemnation has been answered by extravagance in praise of his life and deeds. twenty-five years later, when mr. sanborn published his book, _life and letters of john brown, liberator of kansas, and martyr of virginia_, mr. john f. morse, jr., voiced the disappointment felt by discriminating persons, in an article published in february, 1886.[3] he said: so grand a subject cannot fail to inspire a writer able to do justice to the theme; and when such an one draws brown, he will produce one of the most attractive books in the language. but meantime the ill-starred "martyr" suffers a prolongation of martyrdom, standing like another st. sebastian to be riddled with the odious arrows of fulsome panegyrists. with other unfortunate men of like stamp, he has attracted a horde of writers, who, with rills of versicles and oceans of prose, have overwhelmed his simple noble memory beneath torrents of wild extravagant admiration, foolish thoughts expressed in appropriately silly language, absurd adulation inducing only protest and a dangerous contradictory emotion. amid this throng of ill advised worshippers, mr. sanborn, by virtue of his lately published biographical volume, has assumed the most prominent place. referring to the opinions expressed by these writers, mr. villard, in the preface to his book, _john brown, a biography fifty years after_, says: "since 1886 there have appeared five other lives of brown,[4] the most important being that of richard j. hinton, who, in his preface gloried in holding a brief for brown and his men." concerning his book he says: the present volume is inspired by no such purpose, but is due to a belief that fifty years after the harper's ferry tragedy, the time is ripe for a study of john brown, free from bias, from the errors of taste and fact of the mere panegyrist, and from the blind prejudice of those who can see in john brown nothing but a criminal. the pages that follow were written to detract from or champion no man or set of men, but to put forth the essential truths of history as far as ascertainable, and to judge brown, his followers and associates, in the light thereof. how successful this attempt has been is for the reader to judge. that this volume in no wise approaches the attractiveness which mr. morse looked for, the author fully understands. on the other hand no stone has been left unturned to make accurate the smallest detail; the original documents, contemporary letters and living witnesses, have been examined in every quarter of the united states. materials never before utilized have been drawn upon, and others discovered whose existence has heretofore been unknown.... under this broad pledge of personal fidelity to the subject, this historian introduced his volume, and has asked the public to give him its full confidence and to accept his work as a faithful and complete record of the ascertainable truths of history relating to the subject. for the ardor which he has exhibited, and for the great labor which he has expended in his compilation, and for much material of minor importance, which he has uncovered, the student of history will not fail to acknowledge to mr. villard the sense of his obligation. in these respects, and in the scholarly features characteristic of the writings, it is an interesting and dramatic contribution to this literature. but, he will not be stampeded by protestations of zeal, and by professions of integrity, to accept it as a presentation of the ascertainable truth. the work is more conspicuous for the absence from its pages of important historical truths, and for the contradiction of others which have been authenticated, than it is for the great volume of trivial facts which it presents. a line of derelictions conspicuously prevailing throughout the pages of the book, amply justify the charge that it was not written, primarily, for an historical purpose--"to put forth the truths of history as far as ascertainable, and to judge brown and his followers in the light thereof." the true purpose seems to be ulterior to that which is effusively proclaimed in the prefatory declarations. he has written into the history of our country a concept of the character of john brown which is incongruous with the actions and circumstances of brown's life. he has created a semi-supernatural person--"a complex character"--embodying the virtues of the "hebrew prophets" and "cromwellian roundheads" with the depraved instincts and practices of thieves and murderers. he presents a man who, for righteous purposes, "violated the statute and moral laws"; whose conduct was vile, but whose aims were pure; whose actions were brutal and criminal, but whose motives were unselfish. if this author had redeemed the pledge which he solemnly gave to the public, to put forth the truths of history as far as ascertainable, and, judging brown and his followers in the light of them, had justified his "terrible violation of the statute and moral laws," the nature of this criticism would be different; it would be directed against his discrimination or, perhaps, against his intelligence. but that is not the case. the author referred to has sifted the truths of this history, and from the fragments has framed an hypothetical case; and has judged brown and his followers in the light of that creation. "how may the killings on the pottawatomie, this terrible violation of the statute and the moral law be justified? this is the question that has confronted every student of john brown's life since it was definitely established that brown was, if not actually a principal in the crime, an accessory and an instigator,"[5] is not the language of an impartial historian; but it is consistently the language of an advocate who writes for a specious, for an ulterior purpose. why should an historian seek to justify a crime? why should this author, if he intended to write impartially, seek for evidence to justify this horror? it was the desire to justify the crime that impelled the author to seek for pretexts for justification of it among the surviving criminals, and to garble the historical facts concerning it. the crime was the theft of a large number of horses; to accomplish it, and to safeguard the loot, it was necessary to kill the owners thereof. it was a premeditation. the plans for it were laid several weeks before it was executed, and during a time of profound peace. the principals were john brown; his unmarried sons; henry thompson, his son-in-law; theodore weiner, and four confederates: jacob benjamin, b. l. cochrane, john e. cook and charles lenhart, whose names are herein associated with this crime for the first time in history. these confederates received from brown's party the horses which belonged to the men whom they murdered, and ran them out of the country; leaving with brown a number of horses, "fast running horses," which they had stolen in the northern part of the territory. that is the crime which this author seeks to justify; he has concealed these truths, and has suppressed the evidence concerning them. pretending to put forth the "exact facts as to the happenings on the pottawatomie," he has suppressed the evidence concerning the most important of the happenings, and has added no material fact concerning them which james townsley had not, years before, put forth in his confession. the public should know that as early as april 16, 1856, john brown and his unmarried sons planned to abandon kansas and the free-state cause and had disbanded the free-state company to which they belonged, the "liberty guards," of which john brown was captain; also, that the "pottawatomie rifles" had been organized in its stead, with john brown, jr., as captain; and that neither john brown nor his unmarried sons belonged to it. they were "a little company" by themselves.[6] the public should also know that prior to that date, as early as april 7th, brown and the members of his little company had decided to abandon their claims and leave the country; and further, that they desired a recrudescence of pro-slavery atrocities. concerning brown's character and his life in kansas, as well as his relation to territorial affairs, and a correct understanding of the pottawatomie affair, no more important letter was written by him than his letter of april 7th disclosing these facts, a letter which mr. villard, in furtherance of his purpose, has seen fit to sift from history and suppress. the public has a right to know what henry thompson meant when he wrote in may that "upon brown's plans would depend his own 'until school is out.'" this biographer, who said that he had left no stone unturned to make accurate the smallest detail,[7] interviewed henry thompson, and could have obtained from him a statement concerning the plans to which he intended to subordinate his conduct, which involved matters of so much importance as leaving the country. salmon brown and henry thompson could have told this historian why the "liberty guards" were disbanded and the "pottawatomie rifles" organized; and when, and for what purpose the "little company of six," which intended to leave the neighborhood, was formed; and he could have included the information in his statement of the "exact facts." mr. villard says it was organized may 23d; but that is not an "exact" statement; it is a contradiction of a statement which john brown made over his signature concerning it.[8] these men could have told mr. villard specifically why they abandoned their claims, whither they intended to go, and what they intended to do. and further, they could have told him where they were, and what they were doing, during the fifty days their "whereabouts" are by this biographer reported as being "unknown," and their actions unaccounted for.[9] these matters are not trifling details in this history. in view of the author's fine panegyrics concerning brown's devotion to the free-state cause, his intention to abandon it, and quit the territory as early as march, 1856, is of more striking consequence than his coming into it; and the disbanding of the "liberty guards" in march, 1856, was an act of greater significance than was the organization of the company in december, 1855. mr. villard's treatment of the pottawatomie incident, "without a clear appreciation of which a true understanding of brown, the man, cannot be reached,"[10] must stand as an indictment, either of his discrimination or of the integrity of his purpose, concerning it. not being a dull man, he could not have been imposed upon by the participants in this riot of robbery and blood whom he interviewed, and whose evasions he has certified to the world as the exact facts. it was not the happenings on the night of may 24, 1856, that determine "the degree of criminality, if any," [mark the language, _if any_] "that should attach to brown, for his part in the proceedings,"[11] for they were but the execution of the plans which had theretofore been laid for the adventure. whatever the circumstances of the author's dereliction may have been, the fact remains, that the truths concerning this historical episode have been sifted, and such documents and concurrent evidence as tend to establish the fact that the motive for these murders was robbery, have been consistently suppressed from his exposition of it. brown made no attempt to justify his conduct in the affair. he would have acknowledged his responsibility and would have pleaded justification for his acts, if there had been even a shadow of a pretext for any justification; for he was shifty and crafty as well as vain; and was sensitive concerning his reputation.[12] not having the murdered men's horses in his possession, he denied his complicity with the murders, denied that he was concerned in the crime. if he had "killed his men" (and stolen their horses) "in the conscientious belief that he was a faithful servant of kansas and of the lord," as this author asserts, he would not have denied his relationship with the lord in the matter, and offended deity by persistently denying his participation in it with him; neither would he have abandoned kansas and the free-state cause within the ensuing sixty days. cowardly midnight robbery is impossible of justification upon any ordinary circumstantial hypothesis; and is preã«minently so when the crime is aggravated by brutal assassinations, such as were incidental to this wholesale theft of horses. the derelictions concerning the history of the pottawatomie are characteristic of mr. villard's treatment of the more vital episode of brown's career: his attempt to incite a revolution in the southern states and to establish over them the authority of a "provisional government." this brown planned to precipitate and accomplish by an insurrection of the slaves, and a resulting indiscriminate assassination of the slave-holding population: such as the people of that generation, north and south, believed to be impending, if not imminent. this central truth mr. villard denies, and seeks to substitute for brown's intentions, the invention that his movement was merely a transitory raid, the forerunner of a series of similar raids to be undertaken by "small bands hidden in the mountain fastnesses." this conception is gratituitous and illogical; a contradiction of history and inconsistent with the bold, intrepid, daring, courageous characteristics which he has, except in this sole instance, consistently ascribed to brown's character. brown's purposes, at harper's ferry, are logically foreshadowed by every act of his life, beginning with march, 1857; and are written in letters of living light in the "constitution and ordinances for the people of the united states," and in "general order, no. 1," dated: "headquarters war department, provisional army. "harper's ferry, october 10, 1859." as in the pottawatomie incident, and consistent with a purpose to pervert this history, and fasten an imposition upon the public, these two "public documents," uttered, _ex cathedra_, by john brown, find no place in mr. villard's book; they are not put forth as essential truths of history. the general order providing for the formation of the provisional army is not even remotely referred to; while the constitution and ordinances are treated contemptuously, and passed over slightingly with a few commonplace and irrelevant criticisms; and dismissed from consideration with manifest impatience and irritation as being so inconsistent--_not_ with brown's purposes, but with the author's theory of them--as to "forbid discussion."[13] as a study of john brown, mr. villard's book is misleading, and, in places, worthless. it is a jargon of facts and fancies; a juggling with the truths of history; a recital of the long list of brown's minor peculations, and the bloody deeds which accent his career, interlarded with half-hearted denunciations of his moral obliquity and conspicuously fulsome panegyrics upon his character, and extravagantly illogical attributes concerning the nobility of his aims. the book seems to have been put forth not with reference to the truth, but to ennoble an ignoble character; to shroud the character in a mantle of mystery; to create in the twentieth century, a "complex" character: a mystic with a propensity to do wrong; wherein there is a compromise of virtue with vice. to the accomplishment of this end, this author has not only bent his energies in subordinating the truth, but, as a furtherance of his purpose, he has deemed it necessary to pass beyond the boundaries of historical research, and seek to strengthen his cause by inviting discredit upon the opinions of any who may venture to dissent from his inventions. it may not be held to be a suspicious circumstance, but it certainly is not good form for an historian to presuppose that his statements of fact will be disbelieved, and that the logic of his conclusions concerning them will be challenged by any one. nor should he seek to discredit hypothetical opinions by the cheap, or vulgar, assertion that such opinions have their origin in prejudice--"blind prejudice"; for jurors, and even judges, sometimes disagree; and it is possible for persons, who are conscientious, to receive divergent impressions in relation to the same subject. he would have preserved a better decorum if he had relied upon candor, and the supreme truthfulness of his narrative, and the clearness of his reasoning, whereby to supplant disbelief with faith, and to dispel prejudice by enlightening it. the tree is better known by its fruits, than by any tag which the owner may attach to the trunk. an historian who conscientiously writes the truths of history, is not solicitous concerning the criticisms of any who may read his lines. chapter ii the man _not every one that saith unto me lord, lord, shall enter unto the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my father which is in heaven._ --matthew, 7:21 the picturesque figure which has been presented to the public as john brown is an historical myth--a fiction. the character, as it has been exploited, is a contradiction of the laws that govern in human nature. the material for it was furnished by partisans, who were unscrupulous writers of the times of strenuous political excitement and national unrest, in which brown, by his deeds of violence, attracted public attention. following the practice of partisans, these writers wrote with reckless disregard for the truth of their statements. later, in the ultimate crisis that occurred in his fortunes, he was eulogized in surpassing eloquence by sincere people of high ideals, who were unaware of the real character of the object of their adoration. they were not informed concerning the criminal life which he had led, or of the shockingly brutal crimes which he had committed; neither did they understand that in his final undertaking he sought to involve a section of our fair land in a carnival of rapine and bloodshed exceeding in extent the horrors of san domingo.[14] they were misled and were moved, in their orations, solely by sentiment and misplaced sympathy. instead of a grim and unscrupulous soldier of fortune, leading a band of desperate men in an effort to unloose in the slave states the demon of insurrection, they could see in him only a religious devotee, whom their imaginations had created; whose life they believed had been a devotion to deeds of charity and benevolence; who for years had been the especial champion of the slave; and whose work in kansas had been, as in the existing crisis, an heroic and consistent consecration to duty. this man now awaited execution for his immutability to a great cause. he appeared to them to be a reincarnation of the virtuous primitive christian--an altruistic hero--who, willing to die for his convictions, had "dared the unequal"; and, after battling heroically, though vainly, for humanity, had offered himself a sacrifice, making "the gallows glorious like the cross." these original laudations attracted, as mr. morse has stated, a "horde of writers, who, with rills of versicles and oceans of prose have overwhelmed his memory beneath torrents of wild extravagant admiration." many persons therefore believe brown to have been an exceptional person, a man of deep religious fervor, of unimpeachable veracity and of the strictest integrity. but a careful study of his life, as revealed by himself, and as it has been written by his personal friends and his friendly biographers, may well result in a different interpretation of the man's character and actions. john brown was born at torrington, connecticut, may 9, 1800; but he was not, as he claimed to be, "the sixth descendant of peter browne of the mayflower." the peter brown to whom john brown's ancestry has been traced, was born in windsor, connecticut, in 1632, as mr. villard shows in very scholarly fashion.[15] the peter browne of the mayflower left no male issue; nor does john brown's name appear upon the rolls of the "massachusetts society of mayflower descendants."[16] his grandfather was a captain in the eighteenth connecticut infantry, in the revolutionary army. the father of john brown--owen brown--was a faithful, industrious citizen who for a livelihood followed the occupation of shoemaker, tanner, and farmer. john learned the tannery trade and began work when he was fifteen, and for the greater part of the ensuing five years was employed as a foreman in his father's factory at hudson, ohio. on june 21, 1820, he was married to miss dianthe lusk, the daughter of his housekeeper. she became the mother of seven children; one of whom--frederick--was killed at osawatomie. her death occurred august 10, 1832; three days after the birth of a son; mother and son being buried together. a second marriage was contracted on july 11, 1833, his bride being miss mary anne day, daughter of charles day of whitehall, new york. thirteen children were born of this union; seven of whom died in early childhood; two--watson and oliver--were killed at harper's ferry. as a tanner, at hudson, brown was successful, but he gave up his business there and moved to richmond, pennsylvania, in may, 1825, where he established a tannery. he was appointed postmaster at richmond in 1828, and held the office until he moved to franklin mills, ohio, in 1835. he left richmond "because of financial distress."[17] at franklin mills, he secured a contract for building the ohio and pennsylvania canal from there to akron. the next year, he undertook some speculations in real estate, and in company with a mr. thompson, borrowed $7,000 with which to buy a tract of one hundred acres, for an "addition to franklin." during the same year, he, with others, organized the franklin land company, and purchased the water power, mills, lands, etc., in both the "upper" and "lower" franklin villages, combining the two water powers at a central town-site, which he and his associates laid out.[18] in these, and other schemes, brown became so deeply involved that he failed during the bad times of 1837; lost nearly all his property by assignment to his creditors, and was then not able to pay all his debts, some of which were never liquidated. his father also lost heavily through him.[19] his failure in business should not of itself count against him, but some of the methods which he employed to extricate himself from his financial embarrassment, were of a most fraudulent and criminal character. july 11, 1836, he applied to heman oviatt and others, to become security for him on a note for $6,000 to the western reserve bank. the note was not paid, and the bank got judgment against the makers in may, 1837. august 2d, the judgment debtors gave a joint judgment bond for the amount of the judgment against them, payable in sixty days. the bond not being paid, the bank sued again, and oviatt had to pay the bank in full. the nature of the wrong done to mr. oviatt by brown is described by mr. villard on pages 37 and 38. he relates that at the time of this transaction, brown had a "penal bond of conveyance," but not the title, for a piece of property known as "westlands," which he assigned to oviatt, as collateral for oviatt's having endorsed the judgment bond to the bank. when the deed to the westlands property was duly given to brown, he recorded it, without notifying oviatt of this action. later, he mortgaged the property to two men, again without the knowledge of heman oviatt. meanwhile, daniel g. gaylord had recovered a judgment against brown in another transaction, and to satisfy it caused the sale of westlands by the sheriff. by collusion with brown, the property was bought in at the sale, by his friend, a former business associate, amos p. chamberlain. oviatt "brought suit to have the sale of westlands to chamberlain set aside as fraudulent, but the supreme court of ohio held that chamberlain had a rightful title, and dismissed the suit. john brown himself was not directly sued by oviatt, being, to use a lawyer's term, 'legally safe' throughout the entire transaction.... even after this lapse of years his action in secretly recording the transfer of the land, and then mortgaging it, bears an unpleasant aspect."[20] meanwhile, the parties to the fraud upon oviatt quarreled. brown refused to give up occupation of the land to chamberlain; assuming that chamberlain had not treated him fairly in the matter; and held possession of the property, in "a shanty on the place, by force of arms, until compelled to desist by the sheriff...." finally, the sheriff arrested brown and two sons, john and owen, who were thereupon placed in the akron jail. chamberlain, having destroyed the shanty which brown had occupied, and obtained possession of the land, allowed the case to drop, and brown and his sons were released.[21] mr. sanborn, on page 55, disposes of the matter in this way: the affair is explained by his son john as follows: "the farm father lost by endorsing a note for a friend. it was attached and sold by the sheriff at the county seat. the only bidder against my father was an old neighbor, hitherto regarded as a friend, who became the purchaser. father's lawyer advised him to hold the fort for a time at least, and endeavor to secure terms from the purchaser. there was, as i remember, an old shot gun in the house, but it was not loaded nor pointed at any one. no sheriff came on the premises; no officer or posse was resisted; no threat of violence offered." brown was not so staid and prosaic in his daily walk and conversation as to be indifferent to the sports and amusements of life. he seems to have been simply an active man of the world, getting as much worldly enjoyment for himself out of his environment as possible. he was a horseman with a fancy for horse racing; and while at franklin, indulged in the very interesting and sportsmanlike business, or diversion, of breeding "fast running horses for racing purposes." he bred from a well known horse of that time called "count piper"; and the name of another favorite sire was "john mcdonald." he is said to have dismissed criticism of his conduct from a moral point of view, by the argument that "if he did not breed them some one else would."[22] from 1837 to 1841 brown lived alternately at franklin, and at hudson, ohio. in 1838 he became a "drover," and drove cattle from ohio to connecticut. in this business he had trouble with his associates, tertius wadsworth and joseph wells, who furnished the capital; and was sued by them for an accounting.[23] in december, 1838, "he negotiated for the agency of a new york steel scythes house." and in january, 1839, he made his first venture in sheep, at west hartford, connecticut. he brought the sheep to albany by boat, and drove them from there to ohio. in june of that year he made his final drive to the east with cattle, and, while at new hartford, committed a crime of unusual enormity. it appears that he proposed to the new england woolen company, of rockville, connecticut, to act as its agent in buying wool, and induced it to intrust to him $2,800 with which to begin purchasing the wool. the negotiations for this money were a deception throughout, in pursuance of theft. brown did not intend to buy any wool with the money which he sought to have intrusted to his keeping for that purpose; but did intend to convert it to his own use--to make "a much brighter day" in his affairs. he also deceived his wife, whom he caused to believe that he was trying to secure a loan. nor did he hesitate to have the crime, which he was committing, called to the attention of the god whom he pretended to serve, but asked her to ask "god's blessing" upon him in his pursuit of this purpose. greater hypocrisy and depravity hath no man than this. the letter which he wrote to his wife in relation to the transaction is as follows:[24] new hartford, 12th june, 1839. my dear wife and children: i write to let you know that i am in comfortable health, and that i expect to be on my way home in the course of a week should nothing befall me. if i am longer detained i will write you again. the cattle business has succeeded about as i expected, but i am now somewhat in fear that i shall fail in getting the money i expected on the loan. should that be the will of providence i know of no other way but we must consider ourselves very poor for our debts must be paid, if paid at a sacrifice. should that happen (though it may not) i hope god who is rich in mercy, will grant us all grace to conform to our circumstances with cheerfulness and resignation. i want to see each of my dear family very much but must wait god's time. try all of you to do the best you can, and do not one of you be discouraged--tomorrow may be a much brighter day. cease not to ask god's blessing on yourselves and me. keep this letter wholly to yourselves, excepting that i expect to start home soon, and that i did not write confidently about my success should any one enquire. edmond is well and owen mills. you may show this to father but to no one else. i am not without great hopes of getting relief, i would not have you understand, but things have looked more unfavorable for a few days. i think i shall write you again before i start. earnestly commending every one of you to god, and to his mercy, which endureth forever, i remain your affectionate husband and father, john brown. this beautiful letter, written to his wife in relation to the prosecution of a criminal design, stands as a _study_ of john brown which the student may well contemplate with profit. it is written in the attractive style, and in the spiritual language characteristic of brown's correspondence. it is strikingly similar to the letters that he gave out from the charlestown jail, which, in their apparently devotional simplicity, and humble sincerity and trust in the mercy of god, won for him there his "victory over death." this letter was a dissimulation, the proof of which lies in the consummation of the negotiations for the money; and in the appropriation of it to his own use, at a time when he was hopelessly involved. it is a real key to the history of his life; it discloses his true character, and shatters to fragments every hypothesis that brown was either sincere, devout, or honest. "three days after the receipt of this letter," mr. villard relates, "brown received from the new england woolen company at rockville, conn., twenty-eight hundred dollars, through its agent george kellogg, for the purchase of wool, which money, regretfully enough, he pledged for his own benefit and was then unable to redeem. fortunately for him the company exercised leniency toward him."[25] later it permitted him to go through bankruptcy, upon the condition that he would endeavor to repay the money. brown's letter in acknowledgment of the "great kindness" to him therein, is as follows:[26] richfield, octo. 17, 1842. whereas i, john brown, on or about the 15th day of june 1839, received from the new england company (through their agent george kellogg, esq.) the sum of twenty-eight hundred dollars for the purchase of wool for said company, and imprudently pledged the same for my own benefit, and could not redeem it; and whereas i have been legally discharged from my obligations by the laws of the united states--i hereby agree in consideration of the great kindness and tenderness of said company toward me in my calamity, and more particularly of the moral obligation i am under to render them their due, to pay the same and interest thereon, from time to time, as divine providence shall enable me to do. witness my hand and seal. john brown. to mr. kellogg, agent for the woolen company, he wrote: richfield, summit county, ohio, octo. 17, 1842. george kellogg, esq. dear sir--i have just received information of my final discharge as a bankrupt in the district court, and i ought to be grateful that no one of my creditors has made any opposition to such discharge being given. i shall now if my life is continued, have an opportunity of proving the sincerity of my past professions, when legally free to act as i choose. i am sorry to say that in consequence of the unforeseen expense of getting the discharge, the loss of an ox, and the destitute condition in which a new surrender of my effects has placed me, with my numerous family, i fear this year must pass without my effecting in the way of payment what i have encouraged you to expect (notwithstanding i have been generally prosperous in my business for the season). respectfully your unworthy friend, john brown. to mr. villard the public owes its obligation for the quite complete history of this transaction. mr. sanborn, in his record of it, saw fit to suppress the letter of june 12, 1839. he, evidently, garbled the correspondence relating to this criminal incident in brown's life, with the intention of practicing a deception upon the public. commenting upon the two letters of october 17, 1842, he said:[27] these papers show the real integrity of brown, in a transaction in which he might have escaped the obligation which he thus assumed. that brown promised restitution of the money herein, as a means to forestall criminal proceedings against him; and gave the above acknowledgment of the debt, and renewed promise to pay, as a condition precedent to being permitted to go into the court of bankruptcy, is evident from the two preceding letters. it is also apparent from his letter to mr. kellogg, that he did not intend to fulfill the promises he had made. at his death, "this debt, like many others, was still unpaid," notwithstanding the fact that two years after his proceedings in bankruptcy he became prosperous, "with the most trying financial periods of his life behind him."[28] with money in his pocket wherewith to commence life anew, brown conceived the idea of leaving that part of the country and settling in virginia, upon land[29] belonging to oberlin college. he probably obtained information concerning the land from his father, who was a trustee of the college. on april 1, 1840, he appeared before a committee of the trustees, and opened negotiations with it for an agreement to survey the virginia land, and to purchase some of it. two days later he submitted a proposal "to visit, survey and make the necessary investigation respecting the boundaries, etc. of these lands, for one dollar per day, and a modest allowance for necessary expenses." he also stated that this was to be a preliminary step towards locating thereon, with his family, "should the opening prove a favorable one," and in the event of his so locating, he was to receive one thousand acres of the land. the trustees promptly accepted his offer, and the treasurer was ordered to furnish him with "a commission and needful outfit,"[30] which was done the same day. he immediately proceeded to virginia and entered upon his duties. april 27th he wrote to his wife from ripley, virginia: i have seen the spot where, if it be the will of providence, i hope one day to live with my family. july 14, 1840, he filed his report, and on august 11th he was notified that the prudential committee of the trustees had been authorized by the board to "perfect negotiations, and convey to brother john brown, of hudson, ohio, one thousand acres of our virginia land, on conditions suggested in the correspondence between him and the committee." replying to the letter january 2, 1841, he wrote: ... i feel prepared to say definitely that i expect, providence willing, to accept the proposal of your board.... i shall expect to receive a thousand acres of land in a body, that will include a living spring of water discharging itself at a height sufficient to accommodate a tannery as i shall expect to pursue that business on a small scale if i go.... the trustees meanwhile, for reasons which have not been made public, changed their minds on the subject, and brown's letter to their mr. burnell of february 5, 1841, reaffirming his intention to accept the land, as proposed, was never answered.[31] failing in his effort to establish himself in virginia, he engaged in the sheep raising industry, in the spring of 1841, in company with captain oviatt, at richfield, ohio. he was successful and "gradually became known as a winner of prizes for sheep, and cattle at the annual fairs, in summit county." by 1844 he had gained the reputation of a successful wool grower, and in that year formed "a partner-ship with simon perkins, jr. of akron, ohio, with a view to carry on the sheep business extensively."[32] he moved to akron april 10th of that year. concerning his home at akron, mr. villard says: they occupied a cottage on what is still known as perkins hill, near simon perkins own home, with an extensive and charming view over hill and dale--an ideal sheep country, and a location which must have attracted any one save a predisposed wanderer. two years later it was decided to establish a headquarters at springfield, massachusetts. there brown went "to reside as one of the firm of perkins and brown, agents of the sheep-farmers and wool merchants in northern ohio, pennsylvania, new york and virginia, whose interests then required an agency to stand between them and the wool manufacturers of new england, to whom they sold their fleeces."[33] of this arrangement mr. villard says on page 35: "john brown was within bounds in thus exulting; even though the perkins partner-ship resulted eventually in severe losses and dissolution. at least it was a connection with a high minded and prosperous man, and it lasted ten years. when it was over, the partners were still friends, but mr. perkins did not retain a high opinion of john brown's ability or sagacity as a business man." mr. sanborn states on page 57, that when mr. perkins was questioned by him, in 1878, about brown's wool growing and wool dealing, he replied: "the less you can say about them the better." as to the business, there seems to have been trouble from the commencement of it. mr. villard says on page 60: "moreover some customers had just grievances, for the letter book contains far too many apologies for failure to acknowledge letters and shipments, and to make out accurate accounts, for so young a firm." in august, 1849, brown made his historic trip to london to superintend, personally, the sale of wool, which he had shipped to that market, because he could not obtain prices that were satisfactory to him from the manufacturers of woolens in his home market. the amount of wool so consigned was about two hundred thousand pounds. the northampton woolen mills company of northampton, massachusetts, had bid sixty cents a pound for this wool at springfield. in london, september 17th, a lot of one hundred and fifty bales of it was sold for twenty-six to twenty-nine cents per pound. the buyer was the "northampton woolen mills co., of mass., u. s. a."[34] brown returned home in october "bringing back with him the portion of the wool which he had been unable to sell. the loss on this venture was probably as high as $40,000."[35] the firm of perkins and brown then began proceedings in liquidation, which had been under consideration for some time before brown made the trip to europe. the losses sustained by the company were upon a large scale. suits against them were brought for more than one hundred thousand dollars.[36] in 1850 brown contemplated engaging in the manufacture of wine upon a large scale; and on december 4th, wrote to his sons to send him some samples of the wines they had made. he said: "i want jason to obtain from mr. perkins, or anywhere he can get them, two good junk bottles, have them thoroughly cleaned, and filled with cherry wine, being very careful not to roil it up before filling the bottles,--providing good corks, and filling them perfectly full. these i want him to pack safely in a very small strong box, which he can make, direct them to perkins & brown, springfield, mass., and send them by express. we can affect something to purpose by producing unadulterated domestic wines. they will command great prices."[37] in 1846, gerrit smith, a wealthy philanthropist of peterboro, new york, set aside one hundred and twenty thousand acres of his large estate in northern new york, to be divided up into farms, and given, without charge, to worthy colored people who would settle upon them and improve them for their permanent homes. brown heard of this proposition in course of time, and made a proposal to mr. smith to settle among the negroes on these lands, and aid them by precept and example in their efforts at home building. in consideration of this, it is probable that brown secured title to some land on equal terms with the negroes, and possibly secured options on other tracts, at satisfactory prices and terms of payment. his experience with the oberlin college people in relation to the virginia lands, heretofore referred to, was probably of service to him in this transaction with smith. the tracts which he selected were at timbuctoo, or north elba, and in the spring of 1849 he located his family upon the land; but in march, 1851, moved back to akron. brown himself did not go to north elba to live. his time was taken up in liquidating the tangled affairs of perkins and brown, and with the extensive litigation involved in the settlement of them. litigation seems to have been a constant and conspicuous feature of brown's commercial life. mr. villard says[38] that "on the records of the portage county court of common pleas are no less than twenty-one lawsuits in which john brown figured as defendant during the years 1820 to 1845. of these, thirteen were actions brought to recover money loaned on promissory notes either to brown singly or in company with others. the remaining suits were mostly claims for wages, or payments due, or for nonfulfillment of contracts.... in ten other cases he was successfully sued and judgments were obtained against him individually or jointly with others. in three cases those who sued him were non-suited as being without real cause for action, and two other cases were settled out of court. four cases brown won, among them being a suit for damages for false arrest and assault and battery, brought by an alleged horse thief, because brown, and other citizens, had aided a constable in arresting him. a number of these suits grew out of brown's failure in his real estate speculations. a serious litigation was an action brought by the bank of wooster to recover on a bill of exchange, drawn by brown and others, on the leather manufacturers bank of new york, and repudiated by that institution on the ground that brown and his associates had no money in the bank. during the suit the amount claimed was rapidly reduced, and when the judgment was rendered against him it was for $917.65.... in 1845 daniel c. gaylord, who several times had sued brown, succeeded in compelling him and his associates to convey to him certain franklin lands, which they had contracted to sell, but the title for which they refused to convey. the court upheld gaylord's claim. the only case in which brown figured as plaintiff was settled out of court." this is consistently a bad record. the year 1854 brought the settlement of kansas to the front and the wrecked and practically penniless browns decided to emigrate to the new territory. not with the "ax and gun" went they, as will be seen, but with the ax, and with the hope of bettering their condition. the necessity for the gun was developed later--in 1855--and by the free-state men who had preceded the browns into the territory. it seems the family planned to establish a little colony or group of farms--"brownsville"--and that while the sons were to be engaged in opening up the farms, the father would try to earn some money in surveying, which would be a very grateful and necessary assistance to them while struggling with the many discouraging incidents which usually befell the impecunious preã«mptor. that such were their conclusions appears from a letter which brown wrote february 13, 1855, to mr. john w. cook, of wolcottville, connecticut. he said:[39] "since i saw you i have undertaken to direct the operations of a surveying & exploring party, to be employed in kansas for a considerable time perhaps for some two or three years; & i lack for time to make all my arrangements, and get on the ground in season." in pursuance of his intention to move to kansas, he relocated with his family on the north elba farm. this review of brown's career discloses a life spent, thus far, in a series of strenuous struggles with various problems, covering a wide range in the field of commercial activity. all his efforts had ended in disappointment and failure. the removal to north elba marks his retirement, in defeat, from the world of trade, and finds him, as the result of his failures, living with his dependent family upon a small tract of mountain land, of little value, that had been given to him as a condition of his settlement thereon. they had "moved into an unplastered four-room house, the rudest kind of a pioneer home, built for him by his son-in-law, henry thompson, who had married his daughter ruth."[40] what brown's religious belief was is problematical. he was a student of the bible, and, as he said, "possessed a most unusual memory of its entire contents." the book, as a whole, was his creed, and upon its teachings he placed his personal interpretations. he spoke and wrote, when he so desired, in its phraseology; and by this distinction, in contradiction of the character of his actions, he gained a reputation for being a christian. he may have been a presbyterian, as has been said; or he may have been a methodist, as has also been stated; and there is equal authority for the statement that he belonged to the congregational church; but, it would seem that if he had been a consistent member of _any_ of these churches, his historic name would have been proudly borne upon the rolls of membership, in the congregations to which he belonged; and the fact of his membership therein clearly established. it would further seem that he would have stated the fact of such membership in connection with what he did say, in 1857, in relation to his religious experience. it appears however, that while assuming to believe firmly in the divine authenticity of the bible, he had become only to "some extent a convert to christianity." there is no evidence that he ever attended public worship in kansas, or at any place during the latter years of his life, or that he engaged in prayer. also, it would seem, that if he had been "a student at morris academy" in either 1816 or 1819, as a preparation for college--amherst--with an ultimate purpose so creditable as "entering the ministry," he would have referred to the fact, incidentally at least, in his _autobiography_, which treats specifically of his education.[41] the rev. h. d. king of kinsman, ohio, met brown frequently at tabor, iowa, during august and september, 1857. he probably regarded him as an infidel, but did not wish to say so. "he was rather skeptical, i think," he said; "not an infidel, but not bound by creeds. he was somewhat cranky on the subject of the bible as he was on that of killing people."[42] in the last letter which brown wrote to his family, november 30, 1859, two days before his execution, he said:[43] i must yet insert the reason for my firm belief in the bible, notwithstanding i am, perhaps, naturally skeptical--certainly not credulous.... it is the purity of heart, filling our minds as well as work and actions, which is everywhere insisted on, that distinguishes it from all other teachings, that commends it to my conscience.... the late mr. george b. gill of kansas, who was a member of brown's cabinet--secretary of the treasury--said of him: "he was very human. the angel wing's were so dim and shadowy as to be almost unseen." brown's younger sons were infidels. they had "discovered the bible to be all fiction."[44] to the sabbath day and its sanctity, he was indifferent. in violation of the stricter conventions, which prevailed at that time, concerning the observance of it as "holy unto the lord," he committed the principal crimes incident to his career, wholly or in part, on the sabbath. a part of the murders and thefts on the pottawatomie were committed on sunday morning, may 25, 1856. returning to kansas from nebraska city (august 9th and 10th) half the journey was made on sunday, august 10th. "on august 24," 1856 (sunday), "the brown and cline companies set out for the south, marching eight miles and camping on sugar creek."[45] sunday night, october 16, 1859, was the time fixed for the insurrection of the slaves to occur, and on that night, in pursuance of his plans, he occupied harper's ferry. brown was averse to military operations, and military affairs. he refused to drill with the local militia, paying the fines instead, which were imposed by law for such delinquencies. in political matters he affiliated with the abolitionists, or with those of the party who were "non-resistants."[46] the statements which have been put forth in support of the assumption that brown's life was a devotion to the anti-slavery cause--a series of abnormal activities in opposition to slavery--are not confirmed, nor can they be justified by any contemporaneous evidence. for notwithstanding the persistent, if not offensive, insistence of his biographers to the contrary; and the pages without number which have been written in support of such insistence, the record of his life is practically barren in relation to the subject. there is not a scrap of concurrent evidence which, even remotely, suggests that prior to 1855 he might have taken more than a most ordinary interest in securing freedom for the slaves. even in his letter of that year to mr. john w. cook (_note_ 40), informing him of his intention to go to kansas, and of his motive for going thereto, he made no reference to the subject whatever. a statement of everything which brown did, or that he attempted to do up to that year, in opposition to slavery, may be republished in this book without encumbering its pages. it will therefore be given. in 1857, after brown had ceased to be a non-resistant, and was in the east professionally advocating war in kansas; he wrote that during the late war with england an incident "occurred that made him a most determined abolitionist: & led him to declare or _swear_: _eternal war_ with slavery." but mr. villard, having the infant pardigles prodigy in mind, makes the point that "the oaths of a lad of such tender years do not often become the guiding force of maturity." a mr. blakesley, with whom brown, before his marriage, kept bachelor's hall, relates that one evening a runaway slave came to their door, and asked for food, which was given him freely. john brown, jr., relates the same, or a similar, incident as occurring eight years later. the dramatic settings in each case are practically similar: night! sound of horses' feet approaching! flight of fugitive, or fugitives, into the adjacent timber! false alarm! subsequent search for, and locating of the fugitive "by the sound of the beating of his heart!" finale: "brown swears eternal enmity to slavery!"[47] both of the tales are of the legendary type common to brown literature. mr. blakesley's story is probably in part true, but whether either of them, or both of them, be true is without significance. it would indeed have been difficult to find a person living in the north at that time, who would have refused a poor fugitive slave the measure of assistance asked for in this case. on another occasion brown is represented as taking the members of his family into his confidence, and enlisting them for life in the "eternal war" which he is said to have been personally waging; taking the precaution to swear them to secrecy. jason brown states that they were "merely sworn to do all in their power to abolish slavery," and does not use the word "force."[48] but as related by john brown, jr., the occasion was much more dramatic and far reaching. he says:[49] it is, of course, impossible for me to say when such idea and plan first entered his (john brown's) mind and became a purpose; but i can say with certainty that he first informed his family that he entertained such purpose while we were yet living in franklin, o. (now called kent), and before he went to virginia, in 1840, to survey the lands which had been donated by arthur tappan to oberlin college; and this was certainly as early as 1839. the place and the circumstances where he first informed us of that purpose are as perfectly in my memory as any other event in my life. father, mother, jason, owen and i were, late in the evening, seated around the fire in the open fire-place of the kitchen, in the old haymaker house where we then lived; and there he first informed us of his determination to make war on slavery--not such war as mr. garrison informs us "was equally the purpose of the non-resistant abolitionists," but war by force and arms. he said that he had long entertained such a purpose--that he believed it his duty to devote his life, if need be, to this object, which he made us fully to understand. after spending considerable time in setting forth in most impressive language the hopeless condition of the slave, he asked who of us were willing to make common cause with him in doing all in our power to "break the jaws of the wicked and pluck the spoil out of his teeth," naming each of us in succession. are you, mary, john, jason, and owen? receiving an affirmative answer from each, he kneeled in prayer, and all did the same. this posture in prayer impressed me greatly as it was the first time i had ever known him to assume it. after prayer he asked us to raise our right hands, and he then administered to us an oath, the exact terms of which i cannot recall, but in substance it bound us to secrecy and devotion to the purpose of fighting slavery by force and arms to the extent of our ability. referring to this incident mr. villard says:[50] "it must be noted here that in this letter john brown, jr., gives the date of the oath as 1839; in his lengthy affidavit in the case of gerrit smith against the chicago _tribune_, he gave the date as 1836, three years earlier, and in an account given in mr. sanborn's book he placed it at 1837; three distinct times for the same event. it can, therefore, best be stated as occurring before 1840." in the opinion of the writer, it could, perhaps, "best be stated" as not having occurred at all. as has been heretofore stated, brown was at that time a non-resistant, and there is no concurrent evidence that he treasured a thought of using force against slavery until after robinson suggested it by arming the free-state men in kansas in the spring of 1855. the incident may therefore be considered as apocryphal. it is a part of the mass of legendary literature that has overwhelmed brown's "simple, noble memory." the improvisation of these two incidents, shows the strait in which john brown, jr., was placed, when called upon, by mr. sanborn, to narrate some of the incidents occurring in the course of his father's anti-slavery activities. there being none, nothing whatever to tell, he filched the blakesley incident and related it as one occurring under his personal observation, and put it forth along with the fiction concerning the dramatic function just related, to relieve himself from an embarrassing situation. in a letter written nearly twenty years after the blakesley incident is said to have occurred, brown disclosed the character of the "eternal war" which he really proposed to wage, if any, against slavery. it was to "get at least one negro boy or youth and bring him up as we do our own,--give him a good english education, learn him what we can about the history of the world, about business, about general subjects, and, above all, try to teach him the fear of god." in the same letter he seeks to interest his brother--frederick--in a school for blacks which he wanted to open at randolph. he thought "if the young blacks of our country could once become enlightened, it would most assuredly operate on slavery like firing powder confined in a rock." incidentally, he intended to own the school, and thought it would pay.[51] while the suggestion to attack slavery in the manner outlined in this letter is the first recorded movement, or act of aggression, in the much talked of eternal war; and while it may be regarded as a sort of opening gun; though not a loud one, the proposal contained therein may be considered merely as being a commercial venture, for pecuniary profit, that he desired to engage in, rather than as a scheme in negro philanthropy. he thought the venture would be profitable, and offered to divide the profits arising from it with his brother upon terms that "shall be fair." also it may be stated that at the time he made this proposal he was in the toils of insolvency. six months later he left randolph in straitened circumstances. it is therefore probable that he was moved to suggest the opening of a school for blacks by personal considerations, and that but for such reasons the letter containing the proposal would not have been written. in 1848, while a resident of springfield, massachusetts, brown wrote some articles reflecting upon the negro character; criticising negroes because of their vanity and shiftlessness. they were written under the caption: "sambo's mistakes," and were published in the _ram's horn_, a newspaper conducted by negroes, in new york. they do not relate to slavery.[52] in 1850 he made the first, and, it may be said, the only noticeable effort in behalf of the anti-slavery cause, that is recorded of him prior to 1854. the fugitive slave law, enacted by the thirty-first congress, provided for the use of all the forces of the department of justice, to effect the arrest of fugitives from slavery, and the restoration of them to their masters. brown conceived the idea of uniting the free negroes and fugitive slaves in an organization to resist the enforcement of the provisions of this law. the society was to be called "the united states league of gileadites." the plan failed; the enrollment so far as known was confined to the springfield, massachusetts, branch, which numbered fifty-three members.[53] but the activities therein undertaken were strictly defensive in their character; they were not directed against slavery, but for the personal protection of fugitive slaves and free negroes living in the northern states. his letter of advice to the gileadites is, in part, as follows:[54] words of advice "union is strength" nothing so charms the american people as personal bravery. witness the case of cinques, of everlasting memory, on board the "amistad." the trial for life of one bold and to some extent successful man, for defending his rights in good earnest, would arouse more sympathy throughout the nation than the accumulated wrongs and sufferings of more than three millions of our submissive colored population. we need not mention the greeks struggling against the oppressive turks, the poles against russia, nor the hungarians against austria and russia combined, to prove this. _no jury can be found in the northern states that would convict a man for defending his rights to the last extremity. this is well understood by southern congressmen, who insisted that the right of trial by jury should not be granted to the fugitive._ colored people have ten times the number of fast friends among the whites than they suppose, and would have ten times the number they now have were they but half as much in earnest to secure their dearest rights as they are to ape the follies and extravagances of their luxury. just think of the money expended by individuals in your behalf in the past twenty years! think of the number who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your account! have any of you seen the branded hand? do you remember the names of lovejoy and torrey? should one of your number be arrested, you must collect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber your adversaries who are taking an active part against you. let no able-bodied man appear on the ground unequipped, or with his weapons exposed to view; let that be understood beforehand. your plans must be known only to yourself, and with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever caught and proven to be guilty. "whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and depart early from mount gilead" (judges, vii. 3; deut. xx. 8). give all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. _do not delay one moment after you are ready; you will lose all your resolution if you do. let the first blow be the signal for all to engage; and when engaged do not do your work by halves, but make clean work with your enemies, and be sure you meddle not with any others._ by going about your business quietly, you will get the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would bring together can collect; and you will have the advantage of those who come out against you, for they will be wholly unprepared with either equipments or matured plans; all with them will be confusion and terror. your enemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up the work nicely; and if they should, they will have to encounter your white friends as well as you; for you may safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable parley. be firm, determined, and cool; but let it be understood that you are not to be driven to desperation without making it an awful dear job to others as well as to you.... a lasso might possibly be applied to a slave-catcher for once with good effect. hold on to your weapons, and never be persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have them far away from you. _stand by one another and by your friends, while a drop of blood remains; and be hanged, if you must, but tell no tales out of school. make no confession._ in a letter to his wife, january 17, 1851, relating to the same subject, he said:[55] dear wife ... since the sending off to slavery of long from new york, i have improved my leisure hours quite busily with colored people here, in advising them how to act, and in giving them all the encouragement in my power. they very much need encouragement and advice; and some of them are so alarmed that they tell me they cannot sleep on account of either themselves or their wives and children. i can only say i think i have been enabled to do something to revive their broken spirits. i want all my family to imagine themselves in the same dreadful condition. my only spare time being taken up (often until late hours at night) in the way i speak of, have prevented me from the gloomy homesick feelings which had before so much oppressed me: not that i forget my family at all. the assumption that brown, "the peaceful tanner and shepherd," had at this time been transformed "into a man burning to use arms upon an institution which refused to yield to peaceful agitation,"[56] is not justified by anything that he had theretofore said or done relating to slavery; neither is it justified by what he wrote to the "gileadites," nor by the letter which he wrote to his wife concerning the condition of the free negroes. these papers contain no hint, to say nothing of evidence, that the action taken therein by him was the result of any preconceived intention to attack slavery; or that it was related to any general plan or purpose to oppose slavery; or that it foreshadowed any disposition on his part, burning or otherwise, to engage in the matter any further than by counsel and advice. the letter to his wife reflects the general sense of compassion that was felt for the negroes, by all humane people throughout the north, because of the distressful condition in which they were placed by the terms of the fugitive slave law. the foregoing is a recital of all that is contained in the record of brown's life concerning his anti-slavery activities up to the year 1852. in the working of that great engine for emancipation, the underground railway, he took no part. of the more than seventy-five thousand slaves who were carried from bondage to freedom by the self-sacrificing agencies of the system, brown, it is said, gave shelter and a meal to but one of them. the late colonel thomas wentworth higginson, militant clergyman and abolitionist, in a eulogy upon brown, said:[57] ... it had been my privilege to live in the best society all my life--namely that of abolitionists and fugitive slaves. i had seen the most eminent persons of the age: several on whose heads tens of thousands of dollars had been set; a black woman, who, after escaping from slavery herself, had gone back secretly eight times into the jaws of death to bring out persons whom she had never seen; and a white man, who after assisting away fugitives by the thousand, had twice been stripped of every dollar of his property in fines, and when taunted by the court, had mildly said, "friend if thee knows any poor fugitive in need of a breakfast, send him to thomas garrett's door." i had known these, and such as these; but i had not known the browns.... this well informed man; this practical and intellectual leader of the anti-slavery movement had been brown's neighbor for years. why was it that he had never heard of him? there is but one answer: brown had not been a worker in mr. higginson's vineyard. he had not done anything to attract the attention of any one seriously interested in the anti-slavery cause. he was neither an ardent nor a conspicuous laborer in behalf of the slave. however, what has been stated herein is the credit side of brown's account with slavery; there is also a debit side in this history which exhibits strong presumptive evidence that his "horror" of slavery was neither so "passionate" nor so violent but that it could be controlled and modified to accommodate itself to the advantages of the system. when john brown, the man of affairs, decided to become a resident of the state of virginia, and engage in business there upon a one thousand acre estate, he knew that he would have to employ some slave labor. he knew also that the "good will" and the patronage of the people living in the section of the country in which he intended to locate, were necessary for the success of his undertaking; these he knew he could not secure unless he conformed to the commercial and social customs prevailing in virginia, and to the sentiment of virginians in relation to slavery. these conditions this aggressive speculator and sportsman, did consider and did accept. the letter which he wrote to his wife from ripley, virginia, suggests, as a matter of fact, that he had declared a truce in his opposition to slavery, whatever the degree of such opposition may have been; and that he had changed his attitude toward the system to meet the requirements of his prospective environment. the letter, abridged by mr. sanborn, is as follows:[58] ripley, va., april 27, 1840. ... i like the country as well as i expected and its inhabitants rather better; and i have seen the spot where, if it be the will of providence, i hope one day to live with my family.... were the inhabitants as resolute and industrious as the northern people, and did they understand how to manage as well, they would become rich; but they are not generally so. they seem to have no idea of improvement in their cattle, sheep, or hogs, nor to know the use of enclosed pasture-field for their stock, but spend a large portion of their time in hunting for their cattle, sheep, and horses; and the same habit continues from father to son.... by comparing them with people of other parts of the country, i can see new and abundant proof that knowledge is power. i think we may be very useful to them on many accounts, were we disposed. may god in mercy keep us all, and enable us to get wisdom; and with all our getting and losing, to get understanding. it would be very much more satisfactory if mr. sanborn had published the full text of that part of this letter which treats of the habits of the people, and of the labor conditions existing there. the question of labor was of paramount importance in brown's virginia venture. he was an optimist, and in his optimistic forecast saw that the care and cultivation of a thousand acres, and the operation and development of a tanning business would, in time, require a large establishment, necessitating, probably, the labor of a number of slaves. this question then arises: did john brown intend or expect to own, ultimately, the necessary slaves to operate this property, or did he intend to hire them from others. his letters consistently abound in minute detail. it is therefore improbable, in the opinion of the writer, that he discussed the manners and customs of the white people of that section with his wife, and wrote of minor conditions existing there, without making some reference to the black people of the country; and to the more important questions of slavery and labor--matters in which he would have a deep personal and pecuniary interest. mr. villard did not fail to comment, with surprise, upon the omission of the subject from brown's letter. he said:[59] but his letter to his family from ripley, virginia, april 27, 1840, already cited, is peaceable enough and his hope of settling his family there is hardly consistent with his anti-slavery policy of later years. indeed, while recording his pleasure that the residents of the vicinity were more attractive people than he thought, he had nothing to say about the institution of slavery which he then, for the first time, really beheld at close range. no one inspired with an enthusiasm upon the subject of slavery, such as has been attributed to brown, could have failed, under these circumstances, to dwell upon the theme. a dilemma is, therefore, herein presented to his biographers and eulogists which they cannot disregard: either he discussed the questions of labor, and what their relations to slavery would be in their prospective estate, in this letter to his wife; or else, he considered slavery of so little importance in the premises, and was so indifferent at heart upon the subject, that his first sight of real slaves, in actual slavery, failed to elicit from him any expression whatever in regard to it. it is the opinion of the writer that john brown, the man of iron will, the reckless speculator, optimist and sportsman, was well pleased with the prospect of owning a plantation of a thousand broad acres in virginia; and with having it well stocked with fine horses, fine cattle, fine sheep, and _fine slaves_. this opinion of the man is consistent with his reckless speculative career, and with his indifference as to the means for the accomplishment of his ends. and after all, it is by a man's actions, and not by any explanation of his motives, furnished by himself or by others, that we must, in the final analysis, estimate his character. chapter iii kansas--a crisis in our national history _there are no greater heroes in the history of our country than eli thayer of massachusetts, and charles robinson of kansas._--william h. taft in its relation to government, our country has completed two periods of its existence. the colonial period ended at yorktown. the period of state sovereignty had its ending at appomattox. kansas was the herald of appomattox; the climax in the series of political incidents which led to secession and the war between the states. by the ordinance of 1787, the last continental congress excluded slavery from all that part of the public domain lying north of the ohio river. in 1803 our territorial limits were expanded by the purchase of louisiana, and a serious clash between the free and the slave sections of the country came upon the division, in relation to slavery, of this newly acquired domain. it was precipitated upon congress by the application of missouri, in 1818, to be admitted into the union. its constitution provided for slavery. the northern part of the new state extended from the mississippi to the missouri; the north boundary being 40â° 30' north latitude; and this line, taken in connection with the platte river from the missouri to the rocky mountains, suggested what the south intended should be the dividing line between the sections in the new territory. after two years of acrimonious debate a compromise measure was adopted admitting missouri, as prayed for, but excluding slavery forever from all the remaining territory, acquired from france, lying north of 36â° 30' north latitude. the debate upon the measure developed the existence, in the north, of a growing hostile sentiment toward slavery, which confirmed in the minds of southern statesmen the necessity of keeping the number of slave states equal, at least, with the number of free states; for only by thus maintaining a balance of power in the senate, could legislation adverse to slavery be prevented. also, the limitations of the compromise agreement emphasized a further necessity; the acquisition of additional territory south of 36â° 30' from which slave states could be created in the future, to balance the admission into the union of prospective free states. this resulted in a propaganda for territorial expansion southward. in pursuance of such policy, the revolt against mexico, by texas, was probably encouraged.[60] in discussing the recognition of the republic of texas, in january, 1836, mr. calhoun said, "it prepared the way for the speedy admission of texas into the union, which would be a necessity to the proper balance of power in the union between the slave-holding and non-slave-holding commonwealths, upon which the preservation of the union and the perpetuation of its institutions rested.[61] the state of vermont "apprehended that the political strength which the annexation of texas would give to the slave-holding interests, would soon lead to a dissolution of the union, or to the political degradation of the free states"; and, in pursuance of that apprehension the "legislature of vermont adopted a set of resolutions protesting against the annexation of texas or the admission of any slave state into the union," which was presented in congress.[62] having respect for northern sentiment, congress kept florida waiting six years: until iowa was ready to come into the union.[63] the south consented readily to the settlement of the "oregon boundary question" at 49â° north latitude instead of 54â° 40'. in fact, at the time the democratic national convention of 1844 declared our title to the whole of oregon as far as 54â° 40' to be "clear and unquestionable," mr. calhoun, secretary of state, had proposed to her majesty's representative to settle the controversy by adopting the 49th parallel as the boundary.[64] texas was admitted into the union; the articles of annexation providing that it might be subdivided into five states, at any time it chose to make such division. also, after a war of conquest with mexico, upper california and new mexico were added to the public domain. the mutual congratulations indulged in by the southern managers over the accomplishment of the pro-slavery program for territorial expansion, were interrupted by intelligence of the most startling character. before the treaty of guadalupe hidalgo had been signed, gold was discovered in the sierras, and the occupation of california by emigrants, principally from the northern states, was an immediate result. thus, the conquest of mexico--the prize trophy in the triumphal procession of pro-slavery events--carried with it, by the irony of fate, the nemesis of her despoiled people. within two years a free state had been carved out of the territory which the south had won for slavery. the contests which were had over the admission of missouri into the union, and the annexation of texas, were trivial in comparison with the storm that burst upon the thirty-first congress over the admission of california. the already strained relations between the north and the south reached the limits of tension; and but for the tabling of the "wilmot proviso," and the adoption of the "compromise" measures, the cords that bound the union would have snapped then and there. "the first weeks of the session were more than enough to show in its full breadth and depth, even to the duller eyes, the abyss that yawned between the north and the south."[65] "all the union men, north and south, whigs and democrats, for the period of six months were assembled in caucuses every day, with clay in the chair, cass upon his right hand, webster upon his left hand, and the whigs and democrats on either side."[66] it was during this debate that mr. seward announced the doctrine of the "_higher law_": the constitution regulates our stewardship; the constitution devotes the domain (the territories not formed into states) to union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty. but there is a _higher law than the constitution_, which regulates our authority over the domain and devotes it to the same noble purposes. webster thus began his great speech: i wish to speak today, not as a massachusetts man, nor as a northern man, but as an american.... the imprisoned winds are let loose. the east, the north, and the stormy south combine to throw the whole sea into commotion, to toss its billows to the skies, and disclose its profoundest depths.... i speak today for the preservation of the union. hear me for my cause.[67] said toombs of georgia: i do not then hesitate to avow before this house and the country, and in the presence of the living god, that if by your legislation you seek to drive us from the territories of california and new mexico, purchased by the common blood and treasure of the whole people, and to abolish slavery in this district, thereby attempting to fix a national degradation upon half of the states of this confederacy _i am for disunion_, and if my physical courage be equal to the maintenance of my convictions of duty, i will devote all i am, and all i have on earth to its consummation.[68] this speech was repeatedly interrupted by storms of applause. and stephens, too, was greeted with loud acclamations when he announced his concurrence in every word of his colleague, and declared the union dissolved from the moment an attack upon a section became an accomplished fact. colcock of south carolina then announced that he would bring in a formal motion for the dissolution of the union, as soon as the abolition of slavery in the district of columbia should have been resolved upon, or the wilmot proviso passed.[69] the compromise agreement was effected by the fine patriotism, the sagacity, and the personal sacrifice of two great figures of that generation: clay and webster. in promoting this measure, they exhausted their political resources, and forfeited their political fortunes. neither of them could have been reã«lected to the senate. nothing was settled by the compromise of 1850; both sides accepting it in a tentative way. "the present crisis may pass," wrote mr. stephens in 1850,[70] "the present adjustment may be made, but the great question of permanence of slavery in the southern states will be far from being settled thereby. and, in my opinion, the crisis of that question is not far ahead." this review, altogether too brief, is made herein to show the extreme tension of the sectional feeling which existed in the country on account of the extension of slavery; and the national significance of the struggle that was soon to develop over the question in kansas. it also foreshadows the action the southern states would surely take, if the kansas decision declared against them. by the admission of california into the union as a free state, the south lost the "balance of power"; but the general situation at the time was far from being hopeless. further territorial expansion was necessary--imperatively so--but the prospect was still full of promising possibilities. there was cuba, that buchanan had offered a hundred millions for in 1848; out of which two, or, if necessary, three states could be made. and, looming up in the more remote horizon, were nicaragua and the remainder of mexico. and, last but not least, "squatter sovereignty," or, in more modern parlance: "let the people rule." the "pearl of the antilles" was the prize trophy in the new crusade for territorial acquisition, and "free cuba" the slogan. the efforts to get control of the island, for purposes of annexation, were persistent, and the history of them is intensely interesting. first came filibustering operations. three expeditions were sent out in 1849-1851. the command of the last of these was offered--first to jefferson davis, and then to robert e. lee.[71] it sailed august 3, 1851, under lopez. in the first scrimmage with the spaniards, colonel crittenden (son of senator crittenden of kentucky) and fifty of his men were captured, taken to havana, and shot, august 24th. the remainder of the army of invasion was defeated; lopez was taken and garroted; and his followers who had been taken prisoners, were sent to spain. general quitman's expedition, organized in 1853-1854, would have been more formidable than any theretofore undertaken. he had commanded a brigade in general scott's army, in mexico, and had been governor of mississippi. his demonstrations, however, may have been merely in support of mr. marcy's efforts, at the time, to open negotiations with spain for purchasing the island. meanwhile the black warrior incident offered the most promising opportunity of all. the provocation in that case could have been held to be sufficient to justify a declaration of war; and that surely would have been the result, had it not been for the tornado of anti-slavery sentiment which was let loose at the time by the promulgation, in the kansas-nebraska bill, then pending in congress, of the new doctrine of "squatter sovereignty"; and by mr. dixon's amendment thereto, expressly repealing the restriction of the time honored missouri compromise. "it may be affirmed with confidence," says mr. rhodes,[72] "that northern public opinion, excited by the kansas-nebraska act, alone prevented this unjust war." the new york _courier and inquirer_ said june 1st: does any sane man live who believes that if cuba was tendered to us tomorrow, with the full sanction of england and france, that this people would consent to receive and annex her?... there was a time when the north would have consented to annex cuba, but the nebraska wrong has forever rendered annexation impossible. a revolution in spain gave an opportunity for negotiations to purchase the island; but the suggestion that a few millions of money should be placed at the disposal of the executive, during the recess of congress, to be used in the spanish-cuban business, met no response;[73] while the "ostend manifesto" received no consideration whatever. the trouble was that the south had been moving with too much energy and too arrogantly. her statesmen had undertaken to do everything at once. had they been less aggressive, or more conciliatory and diplomatic, and concentrated their efforts on the acquisition of cuba, they surely could have succeeded;[74] and would then have been in position to await the psychological moment to move the kansas question. the missouri compromise was a "solemn covenant entered into by two opposing parties for the preservation of amicable relations." it was not sustained by any constitutional authority. kansas territory, therefore, might have been peacefully occupied by emigrants from missouri and the southern states, as missouri had been, leaving, with confidence, the constitutionality of the restrictions against slavery, for future settlement by the courts. the creation of the state of kansas was a political proposition pure and simple. the amendment to the nebraska bill creating kansas territory provided for a "complete territorial government; including a legislature with two houses and thirty-nine members; although, at the time, there was not one white man in the territory, except those intermarried with indians and the few who were there under authority of federal law.... the project fell upon congress as suddenly and apparently as uncaused as a meteor from the political sky."[75] the settlement of the territory was promoted by the leaders of the pro-slavery and anti-slavery sections of the country. the south was spurred to activity by the extremity of its political and commercial necessities; while the north was impelled by a great moral sentiment, that had developed with time and changes which had occurred in public thought and in economic conditions. but the fact should not be lost sight of, that the ethical emotions which nourished this sentiment had their origin, or beginnings, in the unprofitable and unsatisfactory character of slave labor in that section. the southern statesmen staked the entire stock of their political assets on the result in kansas. the north already had a majority of one state, with the territories, minnesota and oregon, waiting at the threshold of the union for admission into the family of states. if the south lost kansas, its political power and prestige would be destroyed; slavery would thereafter be dependent, in the union, upon the mercy or charity of the aggressively hostile anti-slavery sentiment which it had too arrogantly aroused. the plans of the southerners for the creation of the new state, were well matured, and seemed in every way feasible. the geographical situation was ideal. the close proximity of the friendly state of missouri, with a large percentage of its population on its western border, backed by the mutuality of every southern state, seemed to be sufficient guaranty that the necessary voting population could, and would, be promptly furnished. they had good cause to believe that they could get their people into the territory in sufficient numbers to control the necessary elections. in the senate mr. seward said, may 25, 1854: the sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unsettled portions of the american continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the united states. tomorrow's sun will rise in deep eclipse over these. how long that obscuration shall last, is known only to the power that directs all human events. for myself i know this: that no human power can prevent its coming on, and that its passage off will be hastened and secured by others than those now belonging to this generation.[76] authorities by the score might be cited to show the gloom and despondency of the north at this time. the people had reason to believe that kansas and nebraska would become slave states, and that the preponderance of southern influence in governmental affairs would be perpetuated indefinitely. may 30, 1854, the kansas-nebraska bill was signed and the doctrine of squatter sovereignty thereby crystallized into law. immediately the historic contest for the occupation and political control of kansas territory was on: a contest that marks an epoch in the history of our country. the great events of the succeeding decade: the acts of secession, the war between the states, with its tragedies; and the emancipation proclamation, were all involved in the result. it cannot be said that the contest was of local concern, carried on between factions in kansas over the question whether the state should be a free state or a slave state; for at that time there were no settlers in the territory to comprise such factions. the interest in the impending struggle was nation wide. congress had merely cleared the ground for action; "pitched the ring," for what was to be the first political battle in the "fight to a finish" between the slave-holding and the non-slave-holding sections of our country: the beginning of the final struggle between freedom and slavery. the question of slavery in the territory was to be decided by the votes of the people who would emigrate to and occupy it. the south had chosen to place its reliance upon votes in a contest where oratory, tact, and statesmanship had theretofore failed. its slogan was "squatter sovereignty." the answer given back by the north was "organized emigration:" "a power unknown before in the world's history." the rapid settlement of california had shown that any country will draw emigration thereto, if it offers an attractive lure. mr. eli thayer, of massachusetts, had made a note of that fact and believed that what the discovery of gold had done to promote emigration to that state, the advantages of soil and climate for successful home building, would do for kansas, if properly advertised. the formation of the massachusetts emigrant aid company, with an authorized capital of $5,000,000, was a result of his conclusions upon the subject. it proved to be "a stronger defiance to slavocracy than anything ever uttered in the hall of congress." this commercial novelty put its capital in the advance instead of in the rear of the column of occupation. it assisted emigrants to reach their destination, and helped them to develop their farms. for this purpose it installed saw mills and flour mills, where needed; furnished machinery and implements; built churches, school houses, and hotels. also, it proposed to earn dividends for its stockholders by these and other investments. as mr. thayer expressed it: "when a man can do a magnanimous act; when he can do a decidedly good thing, and at the same time make money by it, all his faculties are in harmony." an incident of the period of the occupation of kansas is thus related by mr. thayer on page 187 of the _crusade_: "one day, in 1855, senator atchison, with some others, was at the wharf in kansas city, when a river boat approached with one of our engines on deck. atchison turned to those on the right and asked: 'what is that on the deck of the steamboat?' his companion answered: 'senator, that is a steam engine and a steam boiler.' turning to the others he repeated his question. they repeated the answer before given. he replied: 'you are a pack of ---fools. that is a yankee city going to kansas; and by ----! in six months it will cast a hundred abolition votes.'" the affairs of the company in kansas were placed under the direction of dr. charles robinson, also of massachusetts. he came to the territory early in july, 1854; located the town of lawrence, and established there the headquarters of the bureau of northern immigration. naturally the first immigrants to arrive came from missouri. in sentiment they were quite unanimously pro-slavery; but that was not discouraging, for the publicity bureau, organized by mr. thayer and ably backed by mr. greeley through the columns of the new york _tribune_, had proclaimed the advantages and possibilities of the new territory far and wide; and the public interest thus awakened gave ample promise of satisfactory results in the near future. july 31st, the first consignment of emigrants from the north, twenty-nine in number, arrived at lawrence; and september 2d the second installment of one hundred and fourteen arrived and joined the initial company. within a few months "organized emigration" was in successful operation; and by the close of the year 1856, it had fulfilled the kansas prophecy. as mr. thayer states it:[77] we had triumphed in the great conflict. we had in kansas four free-state men to every one of our opponents; our numbers were rapidly increasing while theirs were diminishing. buford had returned to alabama. atchinson and stringfellow had given up the fight. concerning the kansas conflict dr. burgess says: the record of this struggle is certainly one of the most remarkable chapters in the history of the united states. there is much to admire in it, much to be ashamed of, and much to be repudiated as foul and devilish. the prudence, moderation, tact, and bravery of dr. robinson and his friends have rarely been excelled by the statesmen and diplomatists of the new world or of the old. they were placed in a most trying situation both by their foes and by those who, professing to be their friends, endangered the cause more by violent and brutal deeds than did their open enemies. their triumph over all these difficulties is a marvel of shrewd, honest, and conservative management, which may well serve as one of the best object-lessons of our history for succeeding generations.[78] it is not within the purview of this sketch to recite in detail the various incidents, accidents, and extremities which befell the northern emigrants in working out the problems of state building. they began to acquire experience promptly with the arrival of the first colony; and the authorities all agree, that, during the ensuing three years an area of low political barometer was general throughout the territory, with a continuous storm center, of great energy, at lawrence. "by the sharp logic of the revolver and bowie knife, the people of missouri became the people of kansas." residents of missouri furnished liberal pro-slavery majorities at the elections, and their personal services were available at all times, for the preservation of peace and order in the territory; as well as to enforce, by force, a proper respect for the dignity of the territorial officers, and for the authority of the legislature itself. a revolt against these superimposed attentions, organized and led by charles robinson, became the thorn that rankled in the pro-slavery flesh, and led to the discomfiture and defeat of the slave-state propaganda. robinson had the temerity to challenge the subtile logic of the revolver and bowie-knife in determining the qualifications of territorial electors. his dissent, at first, took the mild form of a petition to governor reeder, after the election of november 29, 1854. asking that "the entire vote of the districts receiving the votes of citizens of missouri, be set aside; or that the entire election be set aside." after a brutal usurpation of the polls, at the election for members of the territorial legislature, march 30, 1855, a legislature which, under the organic act could determine whether the state should be free or slave, robinson again protested and sought redress of the spoilation of the squatters' rights: and, failing to obtain justice, united the free-state men in a revolt against the authority of the territorial legislature, and in a determination to repudiate the laws it intended lawlessly to enact. also, what had still greater significance, he organized his followers into military companies to resist, by force of arms, any further infringement upon their rights. answering his call to duty, the free-state men of lawrence and vicinity led the nation in this crisis in public affairs, making its history, and directing its destiny. it was the hour of destiny. sending for a second consignment of sharp's rifles, robinson wrote these impressive and heroic words: we are in the midst of a revolution, as you will see by the papers. how we shall come out of the furnace, god only knows. that we have got to enter it, some of us, there is no doubt; but we are ready to be offered. in haste very respectfully, yours, for freedom for a world, c. robinson. the organization of a military force by the free-state men, gave to the free-state party a solidarity and prestige it had not theretofore enjoyed. it at once became a popular party; and encouraged by daily accessions to its ranks by immigration, combined with a prospective certainty of becoming the majority party, it became bravely aggressive, and boldly launched its campaign for free-state supremacy. in furtherance of their plan of campaign, the free-state men adopted a constitution for a free state, and organized and put into effect a full fledged state government in opposition to the existing territorial government; and under it, with charles robinson as governor, sought admission into the union. only a wise and courageous leadership combined with a high order of executive ability, could successfully handle the delicate problems involved in this complicated program. the leadership required the necessary tact to unite and reconcile divergent convictions and opinions, within the party, upon questions of principle as well as of policy; it also required prudence to restrain the impetuous, and to avoid complications which, at any time, might make shipwreck of the cause. the results accomplished by the free-state settlers during the first two years of their occupation of the territory, amply justified the generous congratulations in which they indulged. they had, wisely, withdrawn from under the fire of an arrogant, domineering majority, and, in their segregation, were surely creating a state to their own liking, in their own way. they matched their wits against the management of their political opponents, and were more than satisfied with the dilemma in which the situation placed them. it became plainly evident that unless the free-state organizations, civil and military, were utterly destroyed and further immigration from the north retarded, the free-state cause would certainly succeed. the situation, therefore, demanded the adoption of more strenuous methods in dealing with it than could be approved by the national administration. what they had failed to accomplish by "peaceful" methods, the pro-slavery junta now sought to gain by the execution of more radical measures. they accordingly organized an "army of invasion," and the wakarusa war of 1855 became an historical incident. they indicted the free-state governor, robinson, and the more prominent free-state men, for "constructive" treason; arrested them, and put them in prison. in may, 1856, under cover of judicial authority, the town of lawrence was looted and burned. the free-state legislature that had been elected, assembled at topeka, only to be dispersed, july 4th, by the armed forces of the united states. a blockade of the missouri river was declared against free-state immigrants, and made effective. they also attempted, without success, to cut off communications between kansas and the northern states, which the free-state men had opened up, via iowa and nebraska. they murdered dow, and barber, and brown, and stewart, and jones, and hoyt. a third, and the final invasion, closed this chapter of heroic undertakings and lamentable failures. september 14, 1856, their army, 2800 strong, occupied franklin. during the night, lieutenant colonel joseph e. johnston, u. s. army, with a battalion of cavalry and a section of artillery, arrived at lawrence. placing his battery in position on mount oread, the muzzles of his guns pointing toward franklin, and deploying his cavalry in the valley in front of the town, he awaited the crisis developing in the pro-slavery situation. on the morning of the 15th, the newly appointed territorial governor, john w. geary, accompanied by lieutenant colonel philip st. george cooke, u. s. army, arrived upon the scene from lecompton. after a short conversation with governor robinson, they rode out to interview the invaders. it was the hour of fate. a brief conference with general atchison was held in front of atchison's lines; and then, it was all over; the federal government had intervened. the campaign of violence had failed, and with it expired the last substantial hope of the pro-slavery managers that the balance of power between the warring sections of the country could be restored. upon receiving governor geary's ultimatum: that he must retire with his forces from the territory, immediately, atchison turned the head of his column toward missouri. arriving at westport, he disbanded his army and gave up the struggle. buford returned to alabama and jackson to georgia. that kansas would be a _free state_ was practically assured from that hour. involved in the corollary of the free-state victory were the startling incidents in history that followed in quick succession, culminating in the stupendous tragedies of war. mr. f. b. sanborn said:[79] had kansas in the death struggle of 1856 fallen a prey to the slave holders, slave-holding would today be the law of our imperial democracy. the sanctions of the union and the constitution would now be on the side of human slavery, as they were from 1840 to 1860. the question of slavery domination must and will be fought out on the plains of kansas.[80] kansas must be a slave state or the union will be dissolved.... if kansas is not made a slave state, it requires no sage to foretell that there will never be another slave state.[81] slavery in south carolina is dependent upon its establishment in kansas.[82] the touch-stone of our political existence is kansas.[83] georgia, mississippi, and alabama stand pledged to secede from the union, should kansas applying for admission as a slave state be refused admission.[84] the question is one of life or death to the south upon the simple alternative of the admission or rejection of kansas with her slave constitution.[85] that american is little to be envied who can speak lightly of the decisive contest in kansas between the two antagonistic civilizations of this continent. either he does not love his country, or he is incapable of understanding her history.[86] chapter iv his public services _peace rules the day, where reason rules the mind._ --collins it was in the fall of 1855 that john brown came to kansas to try another venture with fortune, in a new field of opportunity. during the spring of 1854 his son john was seeking a new location, and had written to his father in relation thereto; who replied to him in a letter dated april 3, 1854, "i do not know of a good opening for you this way."[87] but during the fall of that year five of brown's sons--john, jason, owen, frederick, and salmon--decided to settle in kansas. having completed their arrangements they moved to the territory in the spring of 1855, arriving, about may 1st, in the vicinity of osawatomie. they were attracted to the territory, as thousands of others were, by the glowing accounts published by emigration societies north and south. these prospectuses described the beauty of the prairies, the fertility of the soil, the delightful and health-giving climate; and set forth the prospective rewards in wealth, health, and happiness which were awaiting all who took advantage of the great opportunities the country offered. that they were not disappointed upon their arrival, appears from their letters expressing eminent satisfaction with everything pertaining to the settlement, and their desire to have their father locate in kansas with them. may 24th john brown, jr., wrote to his father: "salmon, frederick, and owen say that they never was in a country that begun to please them as well, and i will say that the present prospect for health, wealth, and usefulness much exceeds even my most sanguine anticipations. i know of no country where a poor man, endowed with a share of common sense and with health, can get a start as easy. if we can succeed in making this a free state, a great work will be accomplished for mankind."[88] long before the coming of the browns, the free state leaders in the territory had determined to repudiate the laws enacted by the territorial legislature; also, to defend themselves by force of arms against the aggressions of their over-zealous pro-slavery neighbors in missouri. they had during april, 1855, secured from boston a hundred sharp's rifles to arm the companies organized at lawrence, and were negotiating for further consignments of arms. after their arrival in the territory, the browns realized the importance of this movement, and since they had not brought any serviceable arms with them--having come with axes instead of rifles--they wrote to their father to try to get some for them, and bring them with him when he came. the letter which john brown, jr., wrote to his father on the subject is as follows:[89] and now i come to the matter, that more than all else i intended should be the principal subject of this letter. i tell you the truth when i say, that while the interests of despotism has secured to its cause hundreds and thousands of the meanest and most desperate of men, armed to the teeth with revolvers, bowie knives, rifles and cannon--while they are not only thoroughly organized, but under pay from slaveholders--the friends of freedom are not one fourth of them half armed, and as to military organization among them it no where exists in this territory unless they have recently done something in lawrence. the result of this is that the people here exhibit the most abject and cowardly spirit, whenever their dearest rights are invaded and trampled down by the lawless bands of miscreants which missouri has ready at a moment's call to pour in upon them. this is the general effect upon the people here so far as i have noticed, there are a few, and but a few exceptions. of course these foreign scoundrels know what kind of "allies" they have to meet. they boast that they can obtain possession of the polls in any of our election precincts without having to fire a gun. i enclose a piece which i cut from a st. louis paper named the st. louis _republican_; it shows the spirit which moves them. now missouri is not alone in the undertaking to make this a slave state. every slaveholding state from virginia to texas is furnishing men and money to fasten slavery upon this glorious land, by means no matter how foul. now the remedy we propose is, that the anti slavery portion of the inhabitants should immediately, thoroughly arm and organize themselves in military companies. in order to effect this, some persons must begin and lead in the matter. here are 5 men of us who are not only anxious to fully prepare, but are thoroughly determined to fight. we can see no other way to meet the case. as in the language of the memorial lately signed by the people here and sent to congress petitioning help, "it is no longer a question of negro slavery, but it is the enslavement of ourselves." the general government may be petitioned until the people here are grey, and no redress will be had so long as it makes slavery its paramount interest.... we have among us 5, 1 revolver, 1 bowie knife, 1 middling good rifle, 1 poor rifle, 1 small pocket pistol and 2 slung shot. what we need in order to be thoroughly armed for each man, is 1 colts large sized revolver, 1 allen & thurber' rifle--they are manufactured somewhere in mass or connecticut (mr. paine of springfield would probably know) and 1 heavy bowie knife--i think the minnie rifles are made so that a sword bayonet may be attached. with this we could compete with men who even possessed cannon. the real minnie rifle has a killing range almost equal to cannon and of course is more easily handled, perhaps enough so to make up the difference. now we want you to get for us these arms. we need them more than we do bread. would not gerrit smith or someone, furnish the money and loan it to us for one, two or three years, for the purpose until we can raise enough to refund it from the free soil of kansas?... in so far as the brown family is concerned, this letter contains the first recorded evidence of an intention, or of a desire of any of them to actively oppose slavery in kansas or elsewhere. it treats the subject as an original proposition; as though it had never been theretofore so much as mentioned in their family councils. the letter has historical significance: it secured john brown's introduction to the public. it opened the way that enabled him to go to kansas; where he began a career which led, ultimately, to harper's ferry and to charlestown. following the suggestion of his son he took up with gerrit smith the matter of securing a loan wherewith to purchase the arms desired. the latter, instead of making an arrangement with them for the necessary amount, personally presented the case before a convention of abolitionists that was held at syracuse, new york, june 28th, with the result that a collection was taken up which yielded brown sixty dollars in cash, twenty dollars of which was given by smith. the success brown met with in collecting funds "for the cause of kansas" at the syracuse convention, opened before his commercial vision that easy field for profitable enterprise, which he afterward occupied and worked, in a professional manner, until the end of his career. after the syracuse meeting he began a system of personal solicitations for money, arms, and clothing. at akron, ohio, he held open meetings in one of the public halls of the village. mr. villard says of these meetings:[90] because of their interest in the kansas crisis, and in the browns, their former neighbors, the people were quickly roused by brown's graphic words, and liberally contributed arms of all sorts, ammunition and clothing. committees of aid were appointed and ex-sheriff lane was deputed to accompany brown in a canvass of the village shops and offices for contributions. at cleveland, also, he solicited aid with very satisfactory results. he obtained there guns, revolvers, swords, powder, caps, and money. he was so successful "that he thought it best to detain a day or two longer on that account." mr. villard says, "he had raised nearly two hundred dollars in that way in the two previous days, principally in arms and ammunition." brown, with his son oliver and his son-in-law, henry thompson, left chicago august 23d, on their journey to kansas. brown states that before leaving he purchased "a nice young horse for $120 but have so much load that we shall have to walk, a good deal." the journey was accomplished without either accident or incident worthy of the note, the party arriving at osawatomie, october 6, 1855. brown himself, being very tired, did not cover the last mile or two until the next day. they arrived in all but destitute condition, with but sixty cents between them, to find the little family settlement in great distress, not only because of the sickness already noted, but because of the absence of any shelter save tents.[91] at the time brown arrived, the free-state cause in the territory was well advanced and was progressing satisfactorily. out of all the meetings and conventions of the nine months after the stolen march 30th election, there had come then, great gains to the free state movement. the liberty party had been organized, leaders had been developed, and a regular policy of resistance by legal and constitutional measures adopted. if counsels of compromise were still entirely too apparent, and too potent, the train of events which resulted in kansas's admission as a free state was well under way.[92] as a result of the measures that had been adopted, an election was pending for the selection of a free-state territorial delegate to congress; and delegates to a free-state constitutional convention. this election had been called by the free-state men to be held october 9th. the regular territorial election had been held october 1st, the free-state men not taking any part therein. brown and his sons attended the second, or free-state election, october 9th. an election is a political incident. a reference to an election by any one invites an expression of his opinions upon the questions involved in the election, if he have any special interest therein. since brown's presence at this election was his introduction into the political affairs of the territory, we may reasonably conclude that his comments on it cover the range of his general interest in the election and in the issues involved therein. his letters to his family in the east announcing his arrival at his destination, and describing the condition of affairs, domestic as well as political, are herewith republished. osawatomie, k. t. oct. 13, 1855. saturday eve. dear wife and children, every one--we reached the place where the boys are located one week ago, late at night; at least henry and oliver did. i, being tired, stayed behind in our tent, a mile or two back. as the mail goes from here early monday morning, we could get nothing here in time for that mail. we found all more or less sick or feeble but wealthy and johnny. all at brownsville appear now to be mending, but all sick or feeble here at mr. adair's. fever and ague and chill-fever seem to be very general. oliver has had a turn of the ague since he got here, but has got it broken. henry has had no return since first breaking it. we met with no difficulty in passing through missouri, but from the sickness of our horse and our heavy load. the horse has entirely recovered. we had, between us all, sixty cents in cash when we arrived. we found our folks in a most uncomfortable situation, with no houses to shelter one of them, no hay or corn fodder of any account secured, shivering over their little fires, all exposed to the dreadful cutting winds, morning and evening and stormy days. we have been trying to help them all in our power, and hope to get them more comfortable soon. i think much of their ill health is owing to most unreasonable exposure. mr. adair's folks would be quite comfortable if they were well. one letter from wife and anne to salmon, of august 10, and one from ruth to john, of 19th september, is all i have seen from any of you since getting here. henry found one from ruth which he has not shown me. need i write that i shall be glad to hear from you? i did not write while in missouri, because i had no confidence in your getting my letters. we took up little austin and brought him on here, which appears to be a great comfort to jason and ellen. we were all out a good part of the last night, helping to keep prairie fire from destroying everything; so that i am almost blind today, or i would write you more. sabbath eve, october 14. i notice in your letter to salmon your trouble about the means of having the house made more comfortable for winter, and i fondly hope you have been relieved on that score before now, by funds from mr. hurlbut, of winchester, conn., from the sale of the cattle there. write me all about your situation; for, if disappointed from that source, i shall make every effort to relieve you in some other way. last tuesday was an election day with free state men in kansas, and hearing that there was a prospect of difficulty we all turned out most thoroughly armed (except jason, who was too feeble); but no enemy appeared, nor have i heard of any disturbance in any part of the territory. indeed, i believe missouri is fast becoming discouraged about making kansas a slave state, and i think the prospect of its becoming free is brightening every day. try to be cheerful, and always "hope in god," who will not leave nor forsake them that trust in him. try to comfort and encourage each other all you can. you are all very dear to me, and i humbly trust we may be kept and spared to meet again on earth; but if not, let us all endeavor earnestly to secure admission to that eternal home, where will be no more bitter separations, "where the wicked shall cease from troubling and the weary be at rest." we shall probably spend a few days more in helping the boys to provide some kind of shelter for winter, and mean to write you often. may god in infinite mercy bless, comfort, and save you all, for christ's sake! your affectionate husband and father, john brown. in simple language and at considerable length. brown thus announced his arrival at his destination, and described the conditions prevailing in kansas and in the brown colony. a half dozen lines in this letter sufficed to relate the incident of the important election of october 9th, and to give his opinions of the vital questions involved in the political situation as it then appeared to him. these lines are void of any hostile word or phrase; also they are void of any sentiment that can be made to suggest that brown was different from the ordinary immigrant that came from the north to found a home and help to make a free state. no settler from the north ever wrote a letter less war-like or more peaceful and domestic in its character than this letter written by john brown. the clause, "i think the prospect of its becoming free is brightening every day," is a truer index to the state of brown's mind, and is better evidence of the peaceful character of his quest in kansas, than the combined reckless assertions of his biographers to the contrary. in violence of contemporary evidence, all of his biographers and some of the historians have sought to educate the public to believe that brown came to kansas on a hostile mission. the public has been led to accept the fictitious john brown, the picturesque character of history, instead of the real man under consideration. to this character constructing propaganda mr. redpath was an ardent contributor. one of his many effective flights has reference to the letter, heretofore published, which his son john wrote may 24th. he said concerning it: he undoubtedly regarded it as a call from the almighty to gird up his loins and go forth to do battle "as the warrior of the lord" as "the warrior of the lord against the mighty" in behalf of his despised poor and his downtrodden people. the moment long waited for had at length arrived; the sign he had patiently expected had been given; and the brave old soldier of the god of battles prepared at once, to obey the summons.... john brown did _not_ go to kansas to settle there. he did not dare to remain tending sheep at north elba when the american goliath and his hosts were in the field, defying the little armies of the living lord.[93] while mr. redpath did very well, his panegyric is not comparable with some of the latest and more scholarly studies of brown. here is one of mr. villard's efforts: thenceforth john brown could give free rein to his _wanderlust_; the shackles of business life dropped from him. he was now bowed and rapidly turning gray; to everyone's lips the adjective "old" leaped as they saw him. but this was not the age of senility, nor of weariness with life; nor were the lines of care due solely to family and business anxieties or to the hard labor of the fields. they were rather the marks of the fires consuming within; of the indomitable purpose that was the main spring of every action; of a life devoted, a spirit inspired. emancipation from the counter and the harrow came joyfully to him at the time of life when most men begin to long for rest and the repose of a quiet, well ordered home. thenceforth he was free to move where he pleased, to devote every thought to his battle with the slave-power he staggered, which then, knew nothing of his existence. the metamorphosis was now complete. the staid, sombre merchant and patriarchal family-head was ready to become captain john brown of osawatomie, at the mere mention of whose name border ruffians and swashbuckling adherents to the institution of slavery trembled and often fled. kansas gave john brown the opportunity to test himself as a guerrilla leader for which he had longed; for no other purpose did he proceed to the territory; to become a settler there as he had hoped to in virginia in 1840 was furthest from his thoughts.[94] at the time the chrysalis of the osawatomie guerilla is said to have emancipated himself bodily from the harrow and was burning to take up arms against the "swashbucklers," he wrote a letter to his son salmon concerning his intentions to join the colony and asked him some questions relating to their condition, and to their requirements. strange as it may seem this letter contained nothing that called for a war-like, or even a moderately ferocious reply from salmon. his answer to it is scarcely dramatic; in fact it seems to relate more to the harrow, and to such disinteresting sublunary topics as the condition of his simple but more or less dilapidated wardrobe, than it does to "indomitable purposes" or to armies of a lord who mr. redpath represents as being still alive. he wrote, june 22d:[95] in answer to your questions about what you will need for your company, i would say that i have an acre of corn that looks very well, and some beans and squashes and turnips. you will want to get some pork and meal, and beans enough to last till the crop comes in, and then i think we will have enough grain to last through the winter. i will have a house up by the time you get here. my boots are very near worn out, and i shall need some summer pants and a hat. i bought an ax and that you will not have to get. in a series of thirty-eight letters, published in mr. sanborn's _life and letters of john brown_, commencing with the date, january 18, 1841; and ending with the letter herein, of october 14, 1855, there is not an expression relating to slavery that has not been heretofore quoted or referred to in this work. that mr. sanborn was a partisan writer, and that he sifted brown's correspondence in a search for letters which could be quoted in support of the assumptions of these and other panegyrists, concerning his alleged hostility to slavery, will not be denied. their assumptions are therefore, wholly fanciful; there is not a sentence contained in any of these letters, that can be quoted in justification of them. the attributes put forth in these eulogies are not only gratuitous, but they are illogical and inconsistent with brown's circumstances, and incompatible with his environment. mrs. anne brown adams in a few plain words told why john brown went to kansas. she said: father said his object in going to kansas was to see if something would not turn up to his advantage.[96] the often repeated statement that brown came to kansas "to fight," and not "to settle" after the manner of other immigrants, is further discredited in this history. before the mason committee, in january, 1860, mr. wm. f. arny, who knew brown to have been a non-resistant, testified that he had conversed with him in kansas, in 1858; and that he, on that occasion, asked him "how he reconciled his opinions then, with the peace principles which he held when he knew him in virginia twenty years before. to this brown replied, that the 'aggressions of slavery, the murders and robbery perpetrated upon himself and members of his family, the lawlessness by atchison and others in 1855 and from that time down to the marais-des-cygnes, convinced him that peace was but an empty word.'"[97] before the same committee mr. augustus wattles testified:[98] captain brown told me that he had no idea of fighting until he heard the missourians, during the winter he was there, make arrangements to come over into the territory to vote. he said to me that he had not come to kansas to settle himself, having left his family at north elba, but that he had come to assist his sons in their settlement and to defend them, if necessary, in a peaceable exercise of their political rights. writing to his wife february 1, 1856, brown said: the idea of again visiting those of my dear family at north elba is so calculated to unman me, that i seldom allow my thoughts to dwell upon it. this language bears the interpretation that he had located with the other members of his family in kansas, and that a return to north elba would be in the nature of a visit. brown told mr. arney that it was his intention, originally, to settle in kansas. in his testimony before the mason committee, he said: "he (brown) then referred to the fact that he had sent his sons into the territory of kansas in 1853 or 1854 with a lot of blooded cattle and other stock with the intention of settling."[99] there is presumptive evidence too, that he did "settle" in kansas and that he did take a claim; also that it was "jumped." in a letter to brown dated june 24. 1857, the late wm. a. phillips wrote as follows:[100] "your old claim i believe, has been jumped. if you do not desire to contest it, let me suggest that you make a new settlement at some good point of which you will be the head. lay off a town and take claims around it." among the real conditions of poverty described by brown in his letters of october 13th and 14th, and with but "sixty cents" in his pocket, it is irrational to assume that he was free to move "where he pleased" or that he was "free to devote every thought," or any of his thoughts, for that matter, to this "battling" business. he was not "emancipated from the counter and the harrow," and from his natural obligation to continue to provide for the dependent wife and children, who were suffering the acute privations of poverty in a miserable home. the letters quoted are evidence of the domestic character of the thoughts which occupied his mind, and of his deep solicitude for the wants of his family. they are earnest letters, written about the pressing affairs of his domestic life, by a man of more than ordinary experience. he dismisses any reference to the subject of the "driving force of a mighty and unselfish purpose," with the moderate and sensible opinion, that the "prospect of kansas becoming a free state is brightening every day." november 2, 1855, brown wrote a long and interesting letter to his wife about affairs in their kansas home, concluding with this very conservative and peaceful statement: "i feel more and more confident that slavery will soon die out here,--and to god be the praise."[101] the letter is as follows: brownsville, k. t., nov. 2, 1855. dear wife and children, every one- i feel grateful to learn that you were all then well, and i think i fully sympathize with you in all the hardships and discouragements you have to meet; but you may be assured you are not alone in having trials. i believe i wrote you that we found everyone here more or less unwell but wealthy and johnny, without any sort of a place where a stout man even could protect himself from the cutting, cold winds and storms, which prevail here, much more than in any place where we have ever lived; and no crops of hay or anything raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting by cattle and horses, without fences; and, i may add without any meat; and jason's folks without sugar, or any kind of bread stuffs but corn ground with great labor in a hand-mill about two miles off. since i wrote you before, wealthy, johnny, elen and myself have escaped being sick. some have had the ague, but lightly; but jason and oliver have had a hard time of it and are yet feeble. under existing circumstances, we have made but little progress; but we have made a little. we have got a shanty three logs high, chinked and mudded and roofed with our tent; and a chimney so far advanced that we can keep a fire in it for jason. john has his shanty a little better fixed than it was, but miserable enough now; and we have got their little crop of beans secured, which, together with johnny cake, mush and milk, pumpkins and squashes, constitute our fare. potatoes they have none of any account; milk, beans, pumpkins and squashes, a very moderate supply just for the present use. we have also got a few house logs cut for jason. i do not send you this account to render you more unhappy but merely to let you know that those here are not altogether in paradise, while you have to stay in that miserable frosty region.... i feel more and more confident that slavery will soon die out here.--and to god be the praise!... november 23d, he wrote: since watson wrote, i have felt a great deal troubled about your prospects for a cold house to winter in, and since i wrote last, i have thought of a cheap, ready way to help it much. take any common straight-edged boards, and run them from the ground up to the eaves, barn fashion, not driving the nails in so far but that they may easily be drawn, covering all but doors and windows, as close as may be in that way, and breaking joints if need be. this can be done by any one and in any weather not very severe, and the boards may afterwards mostly be saved for other uses. i think much too, of your widowed state, and i sometimes allow myself to dream a little of again sometime enjoying the comforts of a home; but i do not dare to dream much.... there were no disturbances in the territory until the latter part of november, when the "wakurusa war" became imminent. on the 27th the following dispatch was sent from westport: hon. e. c. mclaren, jefferson city--governor shannon has ordered out the militia against lawrence. they are now in open rebellion against the laws. jones is in danger. december 6th, notice was sent out to all free-state men to come to lawrence. john brown, with others from the vicinity of osawatomie, answered the call, and upon their arrival at lawrence he was appointed a captain in the fifth regiment, kansas volunteers. the men from brown's neighborhood were assigned to his company which was named the "liberty guards." there has been much controversy concerning brown's actions during this brief but very interesting campaign; due, in some instances, perhaps, to political contention, but principally to the efforts of his biographers and eulogists to make him appear as a conspicuous figure in the proceedings, the hero of the occasion. however, brown's plain sensible letter, written to his wife at the time, giving her a full and interesting account of what occurred, will be accepted by all sane persons, as evidence of what did occur, as well as evidence of his personal opinions of all matters pertaining thereto, so far as they came under his observation. his letter is as follows:[102] osawatomie, k. t., dec. 16, 1855. sabbath evening. dear wife and children, every one--i improve the first mail since my return from the camp of volunteers, who lately turned out for the defense of the town of lawrence in this territory, and notwithstanding, i suppose you have learned the result before this, (possibly), i will give a brief account of the invasion in my own way. about three or four weeks ago news came that a free-state man by the name of dow had been murdered by a pro-slavery man by the name of coleman, who had gone and given himself up for trial to the pro-slavery governor shannon. this was soon followed by further news that a free state man, who was the only reliable witness against the murderer had been seized by a missourian (appointed sheriff by the bogus legislature of kansas) upon false pretexts, examined, and held to bail under such heavy bonds, to answer to those false charges, as he could not give; that while on his way to trial, in charge of the bogus sheriff, he was rescued by some men belonging to a company near lawrence; and that in consequence of the rescue. governor shannon had ordered out all the pro-slavery force he could muster in the territory, and called on missouri for further help; that about two thousand had collected, demanding a surrender of the rescued witness and of the rescuers, the destruction of several buildings and printing-presses and a giving up of the sharpe's rifles by the free-state men,--threatening to destroy the town with cannon, with which they were provided, etc.; that about an equal number of free-state men had turned out to resist them, and that a battle was hourly expected or supposed to have been already fought. these reports appeared to be well authenticated, but we could get no further account of matters; and i left this for the place where the boys are settled, at evening, intending to go to lawrence to learn the facts the next day. john was, however, started on horseback, but before he had gone many rods, word came that our help was immediately wanted. on getting this last news, it was at once agreed to break up at john's camp, and take wealthy and johnny to jason's camp (some two miles off), and that all the men but henry, jason, and oliver should at once set off for lawrence under arms; those three being wholly unfit for duty. we then set about providing a little corn-bread and meat, blankets, and cooking utensils, running bullets and loading all our guns, pistols, etc. the five set off in the afternoon and after a short rest in the night (which was quite dark), continued our march until after daylight next morning, when we got our breakfast, started again, and reached lawrence in the forenoon, all of us more or less lamed by our tramp. on reaching the place, we found that negotiations had commenced between governor shannon (having a force of some fifteen or sixteen hundred men) and the principal leaders of the free-state men, they having a force of some five hundred men at that time. these were busy, night and day, fortifying the town with embankments and circular earthworks, up to the time of the treaty with the governor, as an attack was constantly looked for, notwithstanding the negotiations then pending. this state of things continued from friday until sunday evening. on the evening we left osawatomie, a company of the invaders, of from fifteen to twenty-five attacked some three or four free-state men, mostly unarmed, killing a mr. barber from ohio, wholly unarmed. his body was afterward brought in and lay for some days in the room afterwards occupied by a part of the company to which we belong (it being organized after we reached lawrence). the building was a large unfinished stone hotel, in which a great part of the volunteers were quartered, who witnessed the scene of bringing in the wife and other friends of the murdered man. i will only say of this scene that it was heart-rending, and calculated to exasperate the men exceedingly, and one of the sure results of civil war. after frequently calling on the leaders of the free-state men to come and have an interview with him, by governor shannon, and after as often getting for an answer that if he had any business to transact with any one in lawrence, to come and attend to it, he signified his wish to come into the town, and an escort was sent to the invaders' camp to conduct him in. when there, the leading free-state men, finding out his weakness, frailty, and consciousness of the awkward circumstances into which he had really got himself, took advantage of his cowardice and folly and by means of that and the free use of whiskey and some trickery succeeded in getting a written arrangement with him much to their own liking. he stipulated with them to order the pro-slavery men of kansas home, and to proclaim to the missouri invaders that they must quit the territory without delay, and also to give up general pomeroy (a prisoner in their camp),--which was all done; he also recognizing the volunteers as the militia of kansas, and empowering their officers to call them out whenever in their discretion the safety of lawrence or other portions of the territory might require it to be done. he (governor shannon) gave up all pretension of further attempt to enforce the enactment of the bogus legislature, and retired, subject to the derision and scoffs of the free-state men (into whose hands he had committed the welfare and protection of kansas), and to the pity of some, and the curses of others of the invading force. so ended this last kansas invasion--the missourians returning with _flying colors_, after incurring heavy expenses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and privations, not having fought any battles, burned or destroyed any infant towns or abolition presses; leaving the free-state men organized and armed, and in full possession of the territory; not having fulfilled any of all their dreadful threatenings, except to murder one _unarmed_ man, and to commit some robberies and waste of property upon defenseless families, unfortunately within their power. we learn by their papers that they boast of a great victory over the abolitionists; and well they may. free-state men have only hereafter to retain the footing they have gained, and _kansas is free_. yesterday the people passed upon the free-state constitution. the result, though not yet known, no one doubts.... we have received fifty dollars from father, and learned from him that he has sent you the same amount,--for which we ought to be grateful, as we are much relieved, both as respects ourselves and you.... this letter will always stand in its completeness as an official expression by john brown of his entire satisfaction with everything that was done by the free-state men on this occasion. the stipulations contained in the peace treaty not only covered every point for which the free-state men were contending, but gave them official recognition, in territorial affairs, with authority therein far greater than they could have hoped to obtain. brown's entire approval of the agreement, without any reservation whatever, is clearly and fully expressed in the sentence: free-state men have only hereafter to retain the footing they have gained and _kansas is free_. no language could make his approval of what had been done more complete or specific; and yet, notwithstanding this unequivocal record, by brown himself, of his approval of what had been done, his biographers insist that he was not only dissatisfied with the proceedings that were had, but that "the peace treaty itself produced in him only anger when he first heard of it." john brown, boiling over with anger, mounted the shaky platform and addressed the audience when robinson had finished. he declared that lawrence had been betrayed, and told his hearers that they should make a night attack upon the pro-slavery forces and drive them from the territory. "i am an abolitionist," he said, "dyed in the wool," and then he offered to be one of ten men to make a night attack upon the border ruffian camp. armed, and with lanterns, his plan was to string his men along the camp far apart. at a given signal in the early morning hours, they were to shout and fire on the slumbering enemy.[103] that this speech will stand for all time, as a classic in the existing melodramatic literature of john brown, will be conceded. the novel plan of a night attack by ten men, furnished with lanterns, as targets, "strung far apart," against a force of fifteen hundred men, will, of itself, commend it to such recognition. a summary of the speeches, recently referred to as "harangues," made by governor shannon, and by general lane, and by charles robinson, on this occasion, was duly reported at the time and published throughout the country, for this was a notable incident in our national history. but not a word was reported about brown's speech. it ought to have been the climax--the fire-works--of the whole performance for he was the only one of the speakers who is said to have been "boiling over" with anything. it may be assumed however that if john brown had made a violent speech _from this platform_ on this occasion, the fact would have been reported by the reporter for the _herald of freedom_, who was present, and who felt very kindly toward him. it may be true that brown did some grumbling in camp, or some loud talking somewhere, about the treaty which he may not have understood at the time. a very extended report of the incidents occurring in the "wakurusa war" is contained in the lawrence _herald of freedom_ of december 15, 1855,[104] from which the following are extracts: sunday the negotiations were resumed with governor shannon and finally completed, the substance of which was communicated to the people by the governor. the settlement was received with satisfaction and yet the terms were not coincided in so fully as many supposed it would be. it was apparent that the governor was in bad odor, as several attempts to get up cheers in his favor proved a failure, though no insult was shown him. colonel lane followed and was loudly cheered. he assured the public there had been no concession of honor and that the people of lawrence and kansas, would cheerfully acquiesce in the terms of the settlement as soon as they could learn the particulars.... general robinson was also loudly cheered and congratulated by the people on account of the settlement.... the day closed by governor shannon giving general robinson and colonel lane each a commission, and clothing them with full power to preserve the peace in the vicinity and to use the volunteer force at their command for that purpose. tuesday was full of animation. the soldiers were reviewed and finally formed in a square and addressed by the commanding officers. general lane spoke as follows:... at the close of general lane's speech, he was vociferously cheered. general robinson, as commander in chief, delivered the following speech which was loudly applauded. he said: "...the moral strength of our position is such that even the 'gates of hell' could not prevail against us, much less a foreign mob and we gained a bloodless victory."... as general robinson closed, six cheers were given to him. even a reporter and journalist so enterprising as james redpath failed to know of brown's much advertised speech. he said:[105] i had no personal knowledge of his opposition to the treaty of peace.... the first time i heard of old brown was in connection with a caucus at the town of osawatomie. it was not redpath's fault that he did not then know john brown or that he had not even heard of him. it was simply because brown was an ordinary person, and had not done anything yet to attract public attention to his personality. opportunity did not happen to knock at his door on that occasion; if it had, brown, doubtless, would have acquitted himself creditably, and mr. redpath would have heard of him. as soon as brown did even a little thing, redpath heard of it promptly. april 16, 1856, a meeting or caucus was held at osawatomie to consider the question of paying the taxes that had been levied by authority of the territorial legislature, and other public measures. to pay the taxes would be a recognition of the "bogus legislature" that had enacted the laws relating to taxation. richard mendenhall was chairman of the meeting and oscar v. dayton was secretary. brown, among others, spoke in opposition to paying the taxes. there was nothing sensational in this incident, but redpath heard of the meeting and located brown in his mind, because of it. referring to the incident mr. redpath made this authoritative statement:[106] "this was john brown's first and last appearance in a public meeting in kansas." therefore, it appears that mr. villard has been imposed upon. of brown himself, the _herald_ published the following sane and _restful_ paragraph: about noon mr. john brown, an aged gentleman from essex county, new york, who has been a resident of the territory for several months, arrived with four of his sons,--leaving several others at home sick, bringing a quantity of arms with him which were placed in his hands by eastern friends for the defense of the cause of freedom. having more than he could well use to advantage, a portion of them were placed in the hands of those who were more destitute. a company was organized and the command given to mr. brown for the zeal he had exhibited in the cause of freedom, both before and after his arrival in the territory.[107] brown, with his sons, returned to their homes december 14th, and under that date, in a letter to orson day, he expressed, further, his satisfaction with what had been accomplished at lawrence by the free-state managers. he said: "the territory is now entirely in the power of the free-state men," and stated hopefully his opinion that "the missourians will give up all further hope of making kansas a slave state."[108] january 1, 1856, he wrote from west point, missouri: "in this part of the state there seems to be but little feeling on the slave question."[109] january 5th, a free-state county convention was held at osawatomie to nominate candidates for members of the free-state legislature. the browns took a prominent part in the proceedings. john brown was chairman of the meeting. frederick brown received the nomination for member of the house of representatives, but at the request of his father, he declined the nomination, and it was given to john brown, jr. with his participation in this convention, john brown closed his public services. later--probably during march--he abandoned his honorable commission as captain of the "liberty guards," disbanded the company, and with his sons, owen, salmon, frederick, oliver, and his son-in-law, henry thompson, planned and decided to abandon the free-state cause, enter upon a career of crime, and leave the neighborhood. the course was agreed upon with john brown, jr., as accessory thereto; but not with the knowledge of jason brown. these men comprised john brown's "little company of six" who, with others, committed the robbery on the pottawatomie on the night of may 24th--a robbery that included in the plans for its execution, the murder of seven persons, five of whom fell beneath the blows of the assassins. chapter v robbery and murder on the pottawatomie _a blush as of roses_ _where rose never grew!_ _great drops on the bunch-grass_ _but not of the dew!_ _a taint in the sweet air_ _for wild bees to shun!_ _a stain that will never_ _bleach out in the sun!_ _back, steed of the prairies!_ _sweet song bird, fly back!_ _wheel hither, bald vulture!_ _gray wolf, call thy pack!_ _the foul human vultures_ _have feasted and fled;_ _the wolves of the border_ _have crept from the dead._ --from le marais du cygne. whittier. from a rude home in the bleak mountains of northern new york, john brown went to kansas; not for the purpose of fighting, but inspired by the hope of bettering his shattered fortunes; a hope that withered in the budding, and gave place to feelings of deep disappointment and discouragement. he wrote february 1st: it is now nearly six weeks that the snow has almost constantly been driven, like dry sand, by the fierce winds of kansas. by means of the sale of our horse and wagon, our present wants are tolerably well met; so that, if health is continued to us, we shall not probably suffer much.... thermometer on sunday and monday at twenty-eight to twenty-nine below zero. ice in the river, in the timber, and under the snow, eighteen inches thick this week.... jason down again with the ague, but he was some better yesterday. oliver was also laid up by freezing his toes,--one great toe so badly frozen that the nail has come off. he will be crippled for some days yet. owen has one foot frozen. we have middling tough times (as some would call them) but have enough to eat, and abundant reason for the most unfeigned gratitude....[110] these were hard conditions. it would be difficult to imagine circumstances of greater discomfort and hopelessness. but what about the future--the future for himself and for the wife and the daughters depending upon him for the necessaries of life, for whose benefit he had come to kansas? did brown think of them? present inconvenience and privation may be borne with fortitude if the future holds out a promise of betterment. in his case we may reasonably assume that the problems of the future, rather than the present conditions and discouragements, engrossed his thoughts. it is altogether unreasonable to suppose that this unscrupulous man of affairs--this restless, aggressive speculator--sat listlessly, amid his environment of discomfort and poverty, and permitted the dreary months to pass without thinking of his precarious financial condition, and of the incessantly urgent family responsibilities impending; and of the possibilities of bettering his fortunes in the immediate future. his biographers have wisely avoided discussion of the practical side of brown's condition at this time, preferring to wander in more intangible fields, and to speculate upon the emotional and metaphysical phenomena they seek to involve in the situation. the record of his life at this time, however, reveals the fact that brown did think of the future and of its responsibilities; and that he did mature a plan to better his financial condition. also, that his plan was in harmony with his latest and best biographer's estimate of his character: "it was not only that he was visionary as a business man,"[111] says mr. villard, "but that he developed the fatal tendency to speculate; doubtless the outgrowth of his restlessness, and the usual desire of the bankrupt for a sudden coup to restore his fortune," to his wife he wrote as follows: brown's station, k. t., april 7, 1856. dear wife and children, every one,--i wrote you last week,... we do not want you to borrow trouble about us, but trust us to the care of "him who feeds the young ravens when they cry." i have, as usual, but little to write. we are doing off a house for orson day, which we hope to get through with soon; after which we shall probably soon leave this neighborhood, but will advise you further when we leave. it may be that watson can manage to get a little money for shearing sheep if you do not get any from connecticut. i still hope you will get help from that source. we have no wars as yet, but we still have abundance of "rumors." we still have frosty nights, but the grass starts a little. there are none of us complaining much just now, all being able to do something. john has just returned from topeka, not having met with any difficulty; but we hear that preparations are making in the united states court for numerous arrests of free state men. for one, i have no desire (all things considered) to have the slave power cease from its acts of aggression. "their foot shall slide in due time." may god bless and keep you all. your affectionate husband and father, john brown. this letter foreshadows the turning point in john brown's career. it discloses the fact that he and his sons intended to engage in an enterprise that was related to danger, against which he sought to quiet his wife's apprehensions. the letter also foreshadows the fact that as a result of what they intended to do, they would probably leave the neighborhood; but as to either the nature of the undertaking which they had in view, or the time at which the venture would be executed, she would not be informed until they left the country. it discloses further the significant fact, that his attitude toward the free-state cause had undergone a change. that instead of treasuring in his heart a patriotic desire to win freedom for kansas by peaceable means, he had assumed a hostile attitude. he now desired, not peace, but war. three important facts appear at this point in brown's history: that he had decided to do something of a dangerous character and leave the neighborhood; that he desired a revival of pro-slavery aggressions; and that he had disbanded the "liberty guards." on the 16th of april, 1856, john brown, jr., was in command of the "pottawatomie rifles."[112] he said: "during the winter of 1856, i raised a company of riflemen, from the free-state settlers who had their homes in the vicinity of osawatomie and pottawatomie creek."[113] james townsley, in his "confession," made december 6, 1879, said: "i joined the pottawatomie rifle company at its reorganization in may, 1856, at which time john brown, jr., was elected captain." why brown should desire a revival of pro-slavery aggressions, if he intended to leave the neighborhood; and what he intended to do, are important questions in this analysis which his versatile biographers have failed to attempt to explain. brown could not have desired a provocation from the pro-slavery people because he wanted an opportunity to fight--to march against them at the head of the "liberty guards," and "stagger the slave-power by the driving force of his iron will;"--for he intended to leave the neighborhood; he intended to go away from the scene of the prospective aggressions. he was no longer "captain of the liberty guards," but a private citizen; therefore, he must have desired an outbreak of pro-slavery hostility for personal reasons; for reasons relating to operations which he intended to engage in with henry thompson as an associate; who wrote, equivocally, to his wife in may, 1856, that "upon brown's plans would depend his own, until school is out." [illustration: john brown] the operations that brown and his four unmarried sons and henry thompson engaged in immediately after the letter containing this extract was written, show that the "plans" therein referred to related to the capital tragedy in the history of kansas territory. these plans provided for the theft of a large number of horses on pottawatomie creek. the horses were duly stolen by brown and his band. to make the theft possible, and personally safe, they planned to quietly assassinate the owners of the horses. to avoid identification, and to dispose of the horses which they intended to steal, they planned to deliver them to confederates, who would run them out of the neighborhood; and, at the same time, they were to receive from such confederates horses of a more desirable character--fast running horses--which were to be brought from the northern part of the territory to a designated rendezvous. it was the original intention to steal four lots of horses and murder seven men. the persons murdered in pursuance of their plans were john doyle and two of his sons, hon. allen wilkinson, and william sherman. those who escaped death were henry sherman, a brother of william, and another person whose name has been withheld from publication.[114] the _silent_ weapons used in these murders were some of the short swords, ground to a keen edge, that brown had brought with him when he came to the territory. the unfortunate victims, in holding up their arms in vain attempts to shield their heads from impending blows, were struck upon their forearms and hands; these in some instances were almost severed from their bodies. the heads of the murdered men, except in the case of doyle, were split open and their bodies otherwise mutilated. in the case of doyle, he was shot in the head; and in addition thereto, a sword was run through his breast. he was the first victim of the tragedies. the shot which struck him was the only shot that was fired in these murders, and the firing of it stands charged to john brown himself. of this mr. villard says:[115] "salmon brown will not positively state that his father fired it but admits that no one else pulled a trigger." an account in detail of these murders is found in the testimony of the widows of doyle and wilkinson, and of james harris, and others, taken before hon. m. n. oliver, of missouri, minority member of a congressional committee of which hon. w. a. howard was chairman. the committee was appointed in 1855 to investigate and report to congress upon the troubles in kansas. the character of the evidence brought out in this investigation incriminated the browns; but for more than twenty years thereafter the surviving members of the family stoutly denied having any participation in the crime. even at harper's ferry, when standing within the shadow of the gallows, john brown denied having had anything to do with it. to judge russell "the prisoner reiterated his assertion often made in those prison days that he was not personally concerned in the pottawatomie murders."[116] but after the confession of james townsley, his biographers and friends were forced to acknowledge brown's directing hand in the crime. since that time, they have continuously sought, by various pretexts--defensive, patriotic and altruistic--to justify him in the killing of these men; and to distract attention away from the real motive that prompted it; with the result that they have thus far succeeded in so agitating discussion upon the merits of the _murders_, as to concentrate public attention upon that feature of the crime--the murders--and to eliminate or silence any allusion whatever to the fundamental feature of it--_robbery_. as a consequence of their propaganda, writers of history have not made any reference to the robberies to which the murders were subordinate and incidental. after the manner of sheep, they have followed the lead of brown's eulogists into the interesting field of metaphysics; and have there engaged in profitless speculation upon brown's mental processes, and the probable psychical impulses which may have controlled his actions.[117] the confession of james townsley is as follows: i joined the potawatomie rifle company at its reorganization in may, 1856, at which time john brown, jr., was elected captain. on the 21st of the same month information was received that the georgians were marching on lawrence, threatening its destruction. the company was immediately called together, and about four o'clock p. m. we started on a forced march to aid in its defense. about two miles south of middle creek, we were joined by the osawatomie company under captain dayton, and proceeded to mount vernon, where we waited about two hours, until the moon rose. we then marched all night, camping the next morning, the 22nd, for breakfast, near ottawa jones's. before we arrived at this point, news had been received that lawrence had been destroyed, and a question was raised whether we should return or go on. during the forenoon, however, we proceeded up ottawa creek to within about five miles of palmyra, and went into camp near the residence of captain shore. here we remained, undecided, over night. about noon the next day, the 23rd, old john brown came to me and said he had just received information that trouble was expected on the potawatomie, and wanted to know if i would take my team and take him and his boys back, so they could keep watch on what was going on. i told him i would do so. the party, consisting of old john brown, watson brown, oliver brown, henry thompson, (john brown's son-in-law), and mr. winer, were soon ready for the trip and we started, as near as i can remember, about two o'clock p. m. all of the party except winer, who rode a pony, rode with me in my wagon. when within two or three miles of potawatomie creek, we turned off the main road to the right, drove down to the edge of the timber between two deep ravines, and camped about one mile above dutch henry's crossing.... we remained in camp that night and all the next day. some time after dark we were ordered to march. we started, the whole company, in a northerly direction, crossing mosquito creek, above the residence of the doyles. soon after crossing the creek, some one of the party knocked at the door of a cabin, but received no reply--i have forgotten whose cabin it was, if i knew at the time. the next place we came to was the residence of the doyles. john brown, three of his sons, and son-in-law, went to the door, leaving frederick brown, winer, and myself, a short distance from the house. about this time a large dog attacked us. frederick brown struck the dog a blow with his short two edged sword, after which i dealt him a blow with my sabre, and heard no more of him. the old man doyle and two sons were called out and marched some distance from the house toward dutch henry's, in the road, where a halt was made. old john brown drew a revolver and shot the old man doyle in the forehead and brown's two youngest sons immediately fell upon the younger doyles with their short two-edged swords. one of the young doyles was stricken down in an instant, but the other attempted to escape, and was pursued a short distance by his assailant and cut down. the company then proceeded down mosquito creek to the house of allen wilkinson. here the old man brown, three of his sons, and son-in-law as at the doyle residence, went to the door and ordered wilkinson to come out, leaving frederick brown, winer, and myself standing in the road east of the house. wilkinson was taken and marched some distance south of his house and slain in the road, with a short sword, by one of the younger browns. after he was killed, his body was dragged out to one side and left. we then crossed the potawatomie and came to the house of henry sherman, generally known as dutch henry. here john brown and the party, excepting frederick brown, winer, and myself, who were left outside a short distance from the door, went into the house and brought out one or two persons, talked with them some, and then took them in again. they afterwards brought out william sherman, dutch henry's brother, marched him down into the potawatomie creek, where he was slain with swords, by brown's two youngest sons, and left lying in the creek.... james townsley. lane, kansas, december 6, 1879. from this statement it appears that john brown set the example for his sons to follow by killing doyle. "old john brown drew his revolver and shot old man doyle in the forehead, and brown's two younger sons immediately fell upon the younger doyles with their short, two edged swords." mrs. doyle, in her testimony said: ... my son john was spared because i asked them in tears to spare him.... the son testified: i found my father and one brother, william, lying dead in the road about two hundred yards from the house. i saw my other brother lying dead on the ground about one hundred and fifty yards from the house, in the grass, near a ravine, his fingers were cut off, and his arms were cut off; his head was cut open; there was a hole in his breast. william's head was cut open, and a hole was in his jaw, as though it was made by a knife, and a hole was in his side. my father was shot in the forehead and stabbed in the breast.[118] allen wilkinson was the postmaster for the community, and was a member of the territorial legislature. like doyle, he was married, and had a family of small children. mrs. wilkinson states that the persons who murdered her husband, came to their home after midnight, and after knocking at the door, inquired "the way to dutch henry's." wilkinson began to tell them, but they told him to "come out and show them." her testimony is in part as follows: ... one of them said, "you are our prisoner. do you surrender?" he said, "gentlemen, i do." they said, "open the door." mr. wilkinson told them to wait till he made a light and they replied, "if you don't open it, we will open it for you." he opened the door against my wishes, and four men came in and my husband was told to put on his clothes, and they asked him if there were not more men about. they searched for arms, and took a gun and powder flask, all the weapon that was about the house.... they then took my husband away. one of them came back and took two saddles. i asked him what they were going to do with him and he said, "take him a prisoner to the camp." ... after they were gone, i thought i heard my husband's voice, in complaint, but do not know; went to the door and all was still. next morning mr. wilkinson was found about one hundred and fifty yards from the house dead, in some bushes. a lady who saw my husband's body said, that there was a gash in his head and in his side; others said he was cut in the throat twice.[119] james harris, at whose house william sherman was staying on the night of may 24th, states in his testimony, what came under his observation. harris was a day laborer. he testified in part as follows: on last sunday morning about two o'clock (the 25th of last may) whilst my wife and child and myself were in bed in the house where we lived, we were aroused by a company of men who said they belonged to the northern army, and who were each armed with a sabre and two revolvers, two of whom i recognized, namely, a mr. brown, whose name i do not remember, commonly known by the appellation of "old man brown" and his son owen brown.... when they came up to the bed, some had drawn sabres in their hands, and some revolvers. they then took possession of two rifles and a bowie knife which i had with me in the room--there was but one room in my house--and afterward ransacked the whole establishment after ammunition.... they asked me where henry sherman was. henry sherman was a brother to william sherman. i told them that he was out on the plains in search of some cattle that he had lost. they asked me if there were any bridles or saddles about the premises. i told them there was one saddle which they took, and they also took possession of henry sherman's horse which i had at my place, and made me saddle him. they then said if i would answer no, to all questions which they asked me, they would let [me] loose. old mr. brown and his son then went into the house with me.... old man brown asked mr. sherman to go out with him, and mr. sherman then went out with old man brown, and another man came into the house in brown's place. i heard nothing more for about fifteen minutes. two of the northern army, as they styled themselves, stayed on with us until we heard a cap burst and then these two men left. that morning about ten o'clock i found william sherman dead in the creek near my house. i was looking for mr. sherman; as he had not come back, i thought he had been murdered. i took mr. william sherman out of the creek and examined him. mr. whiteman was with me. sherman's skull was split open in two places, and some of his brains was washed out by the water. a large hole was cut in his breast, and his left hand was cut off except a little piece of skin on one side. we buried him.[120] it should be remembered that prior to the date of these murders and robberies, the zone of conflict in the territory had been confined within the limits of douglas, leavenworth, and atchison counties. also, that the settlers living south of douglas county had, up to this time, enjoyed the repose and benefits of a condition of profound peace; and that during all of the time that brown was formulating his plans to rob and murder his unsuspecting neighbors, the "shannon treaty" was in full force and effect, and a season of peace prevailing throughout the whole territory. mr. villard says of this period:[121] not a single person had been killed in the region around osawatomie either by the lawless characters, or by armed representatives of the pro-slavery cause. the instances of brutality or murder narrated in the preceding chapters, all took place miles to the north in the vicinity of lawrence or leavenworth. and john brown himself, in his speech before a committee of the massachusetts legislature, february 18, 1857, said:[122] things do not look one iota more encouraging now than they did last year at this time. you may remember that from the shannon treaty, (december 9th, 1855) which ended the wakarusa war, till early in may, 1856, there was general quiet in kansas. no violence was offered to our citizens when they went to missouri. i frequently went there myself to buy corn and other supplies. i was known there, yet they treated me well. some of buford's men had been in the neighborhood but they were not brutal toward the free-state settlers. there was a potent restraining influence controlling their conduct. they were at the time on the pay roll of the general government as deputy united states marshals, and the respectability and responsibility of their official positions demanded reasonably proper behavior on their part.[123] the most important evidence upon the important subject under consideration, appears in brown's letter to his wife, written after his fight at black jack; and in a personal statement made by john brown, jr., to f. b. sanborn. the letter is, in part, as follows:[124] near brown's station, k. t., june, 1856. dear wife and children, every one,--it is now about five weeks since i have seen a line from north elba, or had any chance of writing you. during that period we have passed through an almost constant series of very trying events. we were called to go to the relief of lawrence, may 22, and every man (eight in all), except orson turned out; he staying with the women and children and to take care of the cattle. john was captain of a company to which jason belonged; _the other six were a little company by ourselves_.[125] on our way to lawrence we learned that it had been already destroyed, and we encamped with john's company over night. next day our little company left and during the day we stopped and searched three men.... on the second day and evening after we left john's men, we encountered quite a number of pro-slavery men and took quite a number of prisoners. our prisoners we let go, but we kept some four or five horses. we were immediately after this, accused of murdering five men at pottawatomie and great efforts have since been made by the missourians and their ruffian allies to capture us. john's company soon afterward disbanded, and also the osawatomie men.[126] since then, we have, like david of old, had our dwelling with the serpents of the rocks and wild beasts of the wilderness; being obliged to hide away from our enemies. we are not disheartened, though nearly destitute of food, clothing and money. god, who has not given us over to the will of our enemies, but has moreover delivered them into our hand, will we humbly trust, still keep and deliver us. we feel assured that he who sees not as men see, does not lay the guilt of innocent blood to our charge. if, under god, this letter reaches you so that it can be read, i wish it at once carefully copied, and a copy of it sent to gerrit smith. i know of no other way to get these facts and our situation before the world, nor when i can write again.... the statement that john brown, jr., made to mr. sanborn is, in part, as follows:[127] we got back to osawatomie from our five days' campaign, toward evening on the 26th of may.... i took my rifle and horse and went into the ravine on mr. adair's land, remaining there through that day (may 27) and the following night. about four o'clock p. m. i was joined by my brother owen, who had been informed at mr. adair's of my whereabouts. he brought with him into the brush a valuable running horse, mate of the one i had with me. these horses had been taken by free-state men near the nebraska line and exchanged for horses obtained in the way of reprisals further south; and while on foot a few miles south of ottawa jones's place, may 26, i had been offered one of these to ride the remaining distance to osawatomie. owen's horse was wet with sweat; and he told me of the narrow escape he had just had from a number of armed pro-slavery men who had their headquarters at tooley's,--a house at the foot of the hill, about a mile and a half west of mr. adair's. their guards, seeing him in the road coming down the hill, gave a signal and at once the whole gang were in hot chase. the superior fleetness of the horse owen rode alone saved him. he exchanged horses with me, and that night forded the marais des cygnes, and going by stanton, (or standiford as it was sometimes called), recrossed the river to father's camp about a mile north of the house of mr. day. until owen told me that night, i did not know where father could be found.... referring to a horse whose mane and tail had been shaved--"dutch henry's gray pony"--mr. sanborn states:[128] "this horse was soon taken to northern kansas by some free state men who gave in exchange for that and other horses captured on the pottawatomie, some fast kentucky horses, on one of which owen brown afterward escaped from his pursuers." but john brown, jr., received his fast running horse on the morning of may 26th and "upon a mate to it" owen brown escaped from his pursuers on the same day near osawatomie. therefore, the exchange of the horses "taken as reprisals" on the pottawatomie, for the fast running horses, was not made in northern kansas some time afterward, as mr. sanborn states, but was made immediately after the robbery--may 25th or 26th--at the appointed time and place; probably on middle creek. these statements, made by john brown, and by his son, complete the recorded evidence of brown's plan to retrieve his shattered fortunes by a plunge in horse stealing. it shows that he was in partnership with others in the transaction, and that his confederates brought the northern horses, eight at least, to the appointed rendezvous and delivered them to him. it shows also, that john brown, jr., was in his father's confidence, and that he knew enough about his father's plans and of what had been done on the night of the 24th, to enable him to walk to a point "a few miles south of ottawa jones's place" where he was "offered one of the northern horses," and accepted it as his own. who brown's confederates were in this transaction, except as to weiner, is as yet unknown. salmon brown still guards the sacred secret. but it is probable that the "mysterious courier," who came to the camp of the pottawatomie rifles on the morning of the 23d, was one of them, and that he delivered a message to john brown. there has been much debate concerning this messenger and his identity.[129] b. l. cochrane may have been the important person, or it may have been jacob benjamin that bore the important message, or charles lenhart, or mr. john e. cook. none of these men have heretofore been charged with having taken any part in the pottawatomie episode, but there are incidents in this history which connect them with it as confederates. weiner owned the store at "dutch henry's crossing," and benjamin was in his employ. weiner disposed of his stock of merchandise and gave up the business to engage in this speculation in horses. he was from texas and to texas he returned. it is also probable that he was a pro-slavery man. benjamin was subsequently "imprisoned" for some act that he committed while in brown's service; as appears from a reference which the latter made, during july, concerning him.[130] the name of benjamin cochrane also appears in the same reference, as having been with brown at the pottawatomie and at the black jack. on page 101, mr. redpath states that charles lenhart and john e. cook left lawrence on the 21st to "commence reprisals." there is also evidence that they went southward. they were horse thieves, and at cleveland in may, 1858, cook stated that he had killed five men in kansas.[131] it is therefore probable that these men were accomplices with the browns in this deal; and participated, directly or indirectly, in the murders. cook was a guest in their camp june 4th, two days after the fight at black jack, when they had pate's horses and mules in their possession. thereafter he continued to be brown's faithful lieutenant, and followed his fortunes to the gallows at charlestown. charles lenhart, too, appeared at charlestown, engaged in an effort to effect cook's escape from the jail. the terms of the agreement which the browns made with these confederates, and the details for the execution of the pottawatomie transaction, would make history of absorbing interest. how many horses did brown turn over to them? did they trade one bunch of horses for the other, and let it go at that? or, did his confederates charge him with the value of the horses which they turned over to him; and then, after offsetting their services in selling brown's horses, against his services in stealing them, did they divide the net profits, or the difference in value between the two lots of horses? then as to the time when brown was to make his delivery; it would be interesting to know about that. were the parties to wait until the border ruffians started something, and raised some friendly dust that would distract public attention from their operations? probably so, for brown was prepared to kill his neighbors and take their horses at any time. his letter of april 7th shows that he intended to do this whether the slave-power renewed its acts of aggression or not. he simply preferred to commit his robbery under cover of some pro-slavery provocation. otherwise, after the grass had well started, he intended to execute it in cold blood and leave the country. in that event, he probably intended to "go to louisiana," and "head an uprising of the slaves there."[132] for reasons obvious, mr. villard could not obtain the exact facts as to all these incriminating matters from his friends, salmon brown and henry thompson; but the former is still living,[133] and can yet supply them if he desires to do so. he can, if he be so disposed, give out the "exact facts" as to _all_ the principal happenings on the pottawatomie. for instance: he can give the name of the man whose horses they intended to steal, but failed to get, and the number of them. townsley referred to this incident, but salmon brown gave further details and spoke very interestingly upon the subject. he said:[134] soon after crossing the creek, some one of the party knocked at the door of a cabin. there was no reply, but from within came the sound of a gun rammed through the chinks of the cabin walls. it saved the owner's life, for at that we all scattered. we did not disturb that man. with some candle wicking soaked in coal oil to light and throw inside, so that we could see within while he could not see outside, we would have managed it, but we had none. it was a method much used later. from the expression "it was a method much used later" we derive a confession that the browns continued in the horse stealing business. upon the number of horses that brown expected to get as a result of the murder of seven men, depends this interesting problem in his psychology: his estimate of the value of a human life in terms of horses. in the case of the doyles, he took three lives and got, probably, eight or ten horses; but the whole number of horses taken will never be known unless salmon brown, or some one who has his confidence, should decide to reveal it. "the shermans," bondi says, "had amassed considerable property by robbing cattle droves and emigrant trains."[135] they lived at a "crossing" of the pottawatomie, and were buyers and traders in horses, oxen, and cattle passing over the trail. "crossings" are usually camping places for emigrants and drovers; and at such locations lame, footsore, or otherwise unserviceable stock, can be, frequently, bought or traded for at a very profitable margin in favor of the trader. travelers must either sell or abandon their lame stuff, and replace it with serviceable animals, or lie over and wait until such animals get in condition to travel. the trader not being compelled to trade, names the price he will pay, or the terms upon which he will exchange good stuff for bad. when the stock which he buys is recuperated, he sells it for a good profit to other travelers, or to immigrants who locate in his neighborhood. in this way the shermans, william and henry, had accumulated wealth in horses and cattle; and since there was then much travel on the trail, they may have had on hand at that time, from twenty-five to forty or fifty horses.[136] the importance of exchanging the pottawatomie horses immediately, and getting them out of the country was a high card in brown's play. if he and his gang had been caught with their murdered neighbors' horses in their possession the next morning, there would not have been any sophistical discussion fifty years after about how the "killings on the pottawatomie" could be "justified"; or about brown's "sudden impulses"; or of his altruistic convictions that it was necessary to "_remove_" anybody. the men of that outraged neighborhood, regardless of party affiliation, would have promptly hanged the outlaws. but the robbers were too deep for them. the neighbors lost the trail of the robbers and murderers; also, they lost the trail of the browns. the horror of these murders, aggravated by the brutal mutilation of the bodies of the victims, seems to have shocked that community into a condition of semi-insensibility. in a lot of resolutions adopted at a public meeting of citizens at osawatomie, on the 27th, "denouncing the murders"; the motive prompting the crime, _the theft of the horses owned by the victims_, is not referred to. it is probable that the osawatomie people, who drew the resolutions, did not then know that any horses had been stolen. at any rate, these resolutions came to be regarded as the public or official announcement of what had occurred; and since they contained no reference to any robbery, in connection with the murders, the public was thus, unintentionally, led to believe that the assassinations were acts of partisan warfare; a killing of obnoxious pro-slavery men by unknown, but over zealous free-state men. the resolutions are as follows:[137] _whereas_, an outrage of the darkest and foulest nature has been committed in our midst by some midnight assassins unknown, who have taken five of our citizens at the hour of midnight, from their homes and families, and murdered and mangled them in the most awful manner; to prevent a repetition of these deeds, we deem it necessary to adopt some measures for our mutual protection and to aid and assist in bringing these desperadoes to justice. under these circumstances we propose to act up to the following resolutions: _resolved_, that we will repudiate and discountenance all organized bands of men who leave their homes for the avowed purpose of exciting others to acts of violence, believing it to be the duty of all good disposed citizens to stay at home during these exciting times and protect and if possible restore the peace and harmony of the neighborhood; furthermore we will discountenance all armed bodies of men who may come amongst us from any other part of the territory or from the states unless said parties come under the authority of the united states. _resolved_, that we pledge ourselves, individually and collectively, to prevent a recurrence of a similar tragedy and to ferret out and hand over to the criminal authorities the perpetrators for punishment. c. h. price, president} r. golding, chairman } r. gilpatrick } w. c. mcdow } committee s. v. vandaman } a. castele } john blunt } h. h. williams, secretary the pillage and burning of lawrence put the killings upon a war basis. they were supposed to have been a war measure, instead of a case of horse stealing; and, instead of the browns _et al._ being hanged for their crimes, as they would have been, by common consent, as undesirable citizens, partisan spirit and sectional sentiment soon rallied in their behalf and not only condoned their horrible crimes, but, in time, approved of the murders, and recognized brown as among the foremost defenders of the free-state cause. at a meeting of the anti-slavery society in lawrence december 19, 1859, governor robinson said: it made no difference whether he (brown) raised his hand or otherwise (at pottawatomie); he was present aiding and advising to it and did not attempt to stop the bloodshed, and is, of course, responsible, though justifiable, according to his understanding of affairs. robinson also stated at this meeting that he himself thought the murders justifiable at the time. the anti-slavery society, after the discussion, voted that the murders were not unjustifiable, and that they were performed from the sad necessity ... to defend the lives and liberty of the settlers of that region.[138] governor robinson further said on february 5, 1878: i never had much doubt that captain brown was the author of the blow at pottawatomie, for the reason that he was the only man who comprehended the situation, and saw the absolute necessity of some such blow and had the nerve to strike it. the character of charles robinson is evidence that if he had known, at this time, that the murders on the pottawatomie had been committed in the promotion of robbery, instead of resulting from a supposed spasm of patriotic resentment, provoked by the sack and burning of lawrence, he would not have declared them justifiable. in the light of these occurrences, the student of history may readily solve the enigmas involved in brown's letter of april 7th and in henry thompson's reference to his relation with brown's plans: _until school is out_. he finds in them a logical reason for the disbanding of the "liberty guards"; for the organization of the pottawatomie rifles; and for brown's desire that the slave-power should not "cease from its acts of aggression." these preliminary acts are in harmony with, and form a part of his general plan for a "sudden coup" on the pottawatomie. the evidence is complete that the theft of the horses was the part to be performed by brown in this comprehensive scheme. his crime cannot be excused or justified upon any pretext of supposed conditions or of supposed circumstances. a condition of profound peace was prevailing throughout the entire territory when he laid his plans for this assault upon his neighbors. the settlers in the region south of douglas county were living in a state of amity and neighborly interdependence; so much so that jason brown and the members of the pottawatomie rifles, who started to go to lawrence, and who expected to be absent for an indefinite period of time, deemed it safe to leave their families and their property in the care of, or at the mercy of these same pro-slavery neighbors. neither can the crime be justified upon the ground that the robbery and the attendant murders were acts of partisan or guerrilla warfare. such warfare is conducted in the open, with the knowledge and approval of the side to which the guerrillas belong; there is no secrecy concerning their operations. but brown robbed and murdered in the night for his personal gain; and sought by secretly exchanging the loot to hide his identity therewith from the world, and denied his participation in the crime to shield himself from the wrath of his outraged friends and neighbors. neither can brown's crime be compared to the execution of undesirable persons by vigilance committees, as some have attempted to do. the swift vengeance of such committees falls upon criminals--persons whose existence in a community is a menace to public order and safety; it is exercised by reputable persons whose social and commercial interests are involved; and in a public or semi-public manner, and after notice has been served upon the offensive persons. it is simply monstrous to conceive of a vigilance committee secretly murdering well-to-do citizens--heads of families, engaged in legitimate occupations; and then stealing their property and dividing it up among themselves. yet such is the logic of that comparison. also, it is gratuitous to assert that the persons who were killed were disreputable. wilkinson was the local postmaster, and was, when assassinated, a member of the territorial legislature; the sherman brothers were successful horse dealers and stock men. concerning the doyles, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made to defame them, they seem to have been decent, respectable, well-to-do settlers. of them mr. eli moore of lawrence, kansas, says: william doyle and his sons were good and desirable citizens. in 1854-55 the elder doyle and his oldest son were contractors for building the mission houses at miami, missouri. i never knew more quiet and industrious men. i was with them almost daily for a year and never heard either of them utter a word of politics.[139] they were not "poor whites" as has been recently said.[140] if they had been poor; if they had not owned a lot of good horses, they would not have been murdered. the desperado always appeared upon the fringe of our advancing settlements; but he was neither a settler nor a home builder. the men who were murdered and robbed had taken claims, had built homes, and were living peaceably and honorably in them. they did not in their lives exhibit the characteristics of the desperado, but their assassins measure up to the part. they had no homes; they were not cultivating the fertile soil of eastern kansas; they had abandoned their claims and were living upon their wits; they were floaters who intended to leave the neighborhood. these men wore the brands which distinguish the desperado; they carried "slung-shots";[141] they were swearing, swaggering bullies[142]--"rough-necks"--who infested that border and preyed upon the home builders. in the preface to his great book, mr. villard states that "to salmon brown and henry thompson is due his ability to record for the first time the exact facts as to the happenings on the pottawatomie." it is evident that he was imposed upon by these principals in the "happenings"; for it is unfair to suppose that he would withhold the facts from his publication if he had correct information in his possession concerning them. he has written voluminously, and in a scholarly manner about this episode, and has shown the inconsistency of a part of the brood of fallacies which were conjured, and put forth as motives justifying brown's conduct therein; but he has not added any valuable fact to the narrative that was given out by mr. townsley concerning it. mr. townsley withheld the facts relating to the robbery and the exchanging of the horses through confederates, for the personal reason that he did not desire to incriminate himself as a horse thief. salmon brown and henry thompson had greater reasons for withholding from mr. villard, and from the public, the damning evidence of the brutal selfishness of this crime. it was theirs rather to guard, _jealously guard_ their father's fame and to defend his memory; and not to betray it by giving up facts that would disclose the secret of his and of their own dishonor. statements made by criminals, concerning their criminality, are not usually true. it is well enough to get such statements, but it is the safer way not to attach much importance to them. these men were not credible witnesses. john brown, himself, was a very unreliable witness upon any question wherein his personal interests were involved; and was especially so in relation to this incident; and these two men, as witnesses in their own behalf, continually denied having any knowledge of the facts herein, until townsley gave out the secret of their complicity with the murders. salmon brown wrote december 27, 1859:[143] dear sir: your letter to my mother was received to-night. you wish me to give you the facts in regard to the pottawatomie execution, or murder, and to know whether my father was a participant in the act. i was one of the company at the time of the homicide, and never away from him one hour at a time after we took up arms in kansas; therefore, i say positively, that he was not a participator in the deed,--although i should think none the less of him if he had have been there; for it was the grandest thing that was ever done in kansas. it was all that saved the territory from being overrun with drunken land-pirates from the southern states. that was the first act in the history of kansas which proved to the demon of slavery that there was as much room to give blows as to take them. it was done to save life and to strike terror through their wicked ranks. yours respectfully, salmon brown. criminals who are tried and judged upon testimony furnished by themselves are usually acquitted. in this important case it is unfortunate that the distinguished author accepted the statements which these men made to him, as being the whole truth, and that he certified them to the public and wrote them into history as the exact facts therein. salmon brown and henry thompson could not fructify the desert, but they held the secrets of the pottawatomie, and if they had revealed them to mr. villard instead of practicing a deception upon him, he would have written the history of the tragedy differently. but mr. villard was zealous in a quest for evidence that would sustain the conception of the character of john brown which he desired to establish for him in history: a "complex character," which only those can understand who hold a chart upon the mysteries of the soul. he said:[144] how may the killings on the pottawatomie, this terrible violation of the statute and the moral laws, be justified? this is the question that has confronted every student of john brown's life since it was definitely established that brown was, if not actually a principal in the crime, an accessory and an instigator. it thus appears that it was not historical facts that he sought, but evidence that would counteract the force of the historical facts already existing. it was a partisan zeal that led him to seek the testimony of partisans. to obtain a true understanding of john brown, the man, the student of his life must take up the threads of history that lead to the character making incident of may 24th. mr. villard concedes this[145] but he made no effort to gather them up. in a chapter of more than thirty pages, under the title, "the captain of the liberty guards," he refers only to the organization of the company, and to brown's two days' service with it at lawrence--december 7th and 8th, 1855. the disorganization and abandonment of this company by brown in the spring of 1856, is of far greater significance in this history than the organization of it. in honor, as "captain of the liberty guards in the fifth regiment kansas volunteers," john brown first received the historic title of "captain," and _in dishonor he abandoned_ his commission three months later. back of every human action there is that which incites the action, that which determines the choice or moves the will. there was that back of the actions of john brown, and of his sons and confederates, that moved them to do what they did on the night of the 24th of may, 1856; this inciting force was _motive_. john brown had a motive for disbanding the _liberty guards_. what was it? he had a motive for quitting the free-state army secretly. why secretly? he had "no desire all things considered, that the slave-power should cease from its acts of aggression." why should he not desire peace? he had a purpose in view when he organized the pottawatomie rifles under the command of his son, and a motive for organizing five of his sons into a separate company: "a little company by ourselves." what were the purposes? he wrote to his wife that he contemplated leaving the neighborhood, but did not tell her when he would leave, or why he expected to leave, or where he intended to go. what motive prompted him to conceal from her the facts in relation to a subject in which she was so intimately concerned? the matters referred to here are "stones" that have lain in the path of this history for more than fifty years which have not heretofore been turned over. salmon brown and henry thompson could have answered all these questions correctly if they had been asked so to do. also, they could have cleared the atmosphere of the pottawatomie of the mockeries relating thereto, and of its glamour, which have been foisted upon the public as history; and could have given to mr. villard and to the public the exact facts concerning the robberies, and brutal tragedies. it was the duty of brown's historians to take up these matters and to make clear interpretations of them. but, because of his personal pledge of fidelity to the subject, it was especially incumbent upon the author of _fifty years after_, to make known the facts that these "stones" were in the record, and to turn them over; and with an analysis characteristic of his distinguished ability, make clear the essential truths which they covered; for without a clear appreciation of them "a true understanding of brown, the man, cannot be reached." this he has not done; but has elected to conceal these motive interpreting incidents from further historical research. he has excluded from history the facts relating to this period of brown's life. it may be said of this biographer, that having determined to issue a certificate of altruism for john brown, he did not wish to take up these threads of history and follow them to their logical sequence; because they lead, unerringly, to the robberies and the murders which the browns intended to commit; and expose, in the character of his hero, the extremity of selfishness. none of brown's biographers has found it convenient to explain or to comment upon his letters of april 7th and june 16th, although the first contains a personal statement that he intended to do something of a dangerous nature, and the latter a similar statement concerning dangerous things which he had done. in their treatment of the pottawatomie incident they have written without regard to the restrictions and limitations contained in these authenticated papers relating to the subject. mr. redpath chose to proceed along the lines of the least resistance. he suppressed both of these letters; denied that brown had anything to do with the incident; and upon the "authority of two witnesses" stated that "he was on middle creek twenty-five miles distant, at the time." mr. sanborn published both letters; made no comment upon the letter of april 7th, and, concerning the letter of june 26th said:[146] this is all that brown says in his letter about the events of that night in may when the doyles were executed. doubtless his text the next morning was from the book of judges: "then gideon took ten men of his servants, and did as the lord had said unto him; and so it was that he did it by night. and when the men of the city arose early in the morning, behold the altar of baal was cast down. and they said one to another, who hath done this thing? and when they inquired and asked, they said, gideon, the son of joash, hath done this thing." by this expedient he placed the responsibility for the murders and the robbery upon the broad shoulders of the almighty, and presented the incident to the public as an interesting exhibit in theological, metaphysical, and psychological phenomena. he called the murders executions and said that the victims "were first tried and found guilty; given time to pray; and were then executed." following the example of james redpath, mr. villard suppressed the letter of april 7th; and in view of his disregard for the statements which brown made in the letter of june 26th, he might as well have suppressed that letter also. in it brown reveals the fact that the band that executed the pottawatomie horror was already organized when the alarm bells rang out from lawrence. he says that he and his sons "were a little company by ourselves. on our way to lawrence we learned that it had been already destroyed, and we camped with john's company over night. next day our little company left and we stopped and searched three men." this language certifies that brown's party moved independently of the pottawatomie rifles, and that the camping "over night" with "john's company" was but an incident of their march; it certifies also that they were highwaymen--robbers. when men who have banded together during a time of peace, subsequently commit acts of robbery, persons naturally suppose that they united for the purpose of committing such acts, and that the motives prompting them were selfish. so in this case. if mr. villard had admitted that brown organized his little company as early as april, 1856, persons would think that the men composing the company united to do the things which they afterward did do; and that the motives prompting brown and his sons to hold up and search men, on the 23d, and to steal these horses, were selfish. therefore, he decided to rewrite this bit of history, and change the time of the organization of brown's company, and make it appear that it was formed on may 23d, under the popular excitement and indignation existing on that day, that had been aroused by the lawrence outrage; and that the criminal acts included the murders only, and that they were committed the next day, before the excitement had cooled; thus making it possible for him to assume that the motives prompting these murders were unselfish. contradicting what brown said in his letter of june 26th, relating to the time when his band was organized, mr. villard makes the following remarkable statement:[147] about noon, may 23, john brown selected for his party henry thompson, theodore weiner, and four sons, owen, frederick, salmon and oliver. the author herein could not otherwise than have known that this statement was a contradiction of the truth, a falsification of the record, and a perversion of history. it is a clear contradiction of a vital point in the authenticated record concerning the history of the organization of this historic company. it is a direct assault upon an established historical fact. following this statement the author proceeds to repeat the fictions, theretofore put forth, concerning the grinding of the sabres for the party, and of the publicity given to the preparations for leaving the camp, and of the departure of the expedition "with the shouts of their comrades ringing in their ears." and, in support of this perversion of history he publishes an illogical, and scurrilous statement prepared for the purpose by salmon brown.[148] secrecy was characteristic of all brown's planning. to the gileadites he had written: "let no man appear upon the ground unequipped or with his weapons exposed to view. your plans must be known only to yourself." brown's expedition herein had for its object the accomplishment of an atrocity, conspicuous for its cowardice and selfish brutality; a crime that involved the honor, as well as the lives, of every person who was connected with it. the grinding of sabres usually signifies an intention to cut somebody to death. the men of this party intended to murder their victims quietly with swords; and had planned, long before the date of this supposed occasion, how to conceal their connection with the cutting, and therefore did not thus advertise their undertaking. there was no "enthusiasm" in the camp of the pottawatomie rifles two days later, when a messenger "came tearing into it,--his horse panting and lathered with foam,--and without dismounting yelled out: 'five men have been killed on pottawatomie creek, butchered and most brutally mangled, and old john brown has done it.'"[149] no "cheering," such as "you never heard," greeted this announcement. there was excitement, but not the "wild excitement" and enthusiasm of victory. there were no cheers for john brown and his "avengers." there was, however, the deeper excitement of indignation and resentment against the tribe of browns. instead of adopting resolutions and presenting them to captain john brown, jr., congratulating him upon the prompt and splendid achievements of his father's expedition, a drum-head court martial was convened in the camp of the pottawatomie rifles, which stripped him of his command and dismissed him in disgrace from the company; first lieutenant h. h. williams being elected captain to succeed him. jason brown said: this information caused great excitement and fear among the men of our company and a feeling arose against john and myself that led the men all to desert us.[150] if jason brown, "whose hatred of blood-letting had deprived him of his fathers confidence," when violent deeds were under way,[151] "had devoted" himself to sharpening the cutlasses in john's camp may 23d, as stated by mr. villard,[152] he would have known that "blood-letting" was to ensue; and the news that blood had been shed, would not have come to him as a shock--"'the worst shock' that ever came to him in his life."[153] nor would he have "tremblingly" _demanded_ of his father on the night of the 25th: "did you have anything to do with the killing of those men on the pottawatomie?" for he would not only have known that there were to be killings, and who were to be killed, but he would have been a party to them, and to the robbery. he would have known all about what was to happen. but to his eternal credit let it be said that his father and brothers had not taken him into their confidence in this matter. townsley, in his confession, said nothing about the calling for volunteers, and the grinding of sabres, although it is probable that his connection with brown's scheme began on may 23d, as he stated. there were suspicious circumstances which tended to incriminate the brown party; but the facts that the horses which were stolen had been run out of the country, while the browns remained in the neighborhood, and did not have the murdered men's horses in their possession, were potent in allaying these suspicions, and gave them an opportunity to deny their guilt. but if the sensational scenes of calling for volunteers for a hostile purpose, and the sharpening of their sabres had actually occurred, they would have had no possible defense. this evidence would have connected them directly with the crime, and it would have been published immediately upon the return of the resentful pottawatomie rifles to their homes at osawatomie and on the pottawatomie. whereas the resolutions adopted at the mass-meeting of citizens at osawatomie may 27th, refer to "midnight assassins unknown;" and on may 31st, mr. james h. carruth wrote to the watertown (new york) _reformer_: ... it was murder nevertheless and the free-state men here co-operate with the pro-slavery men in endeavoring to arrest the murderers. in his statement of the facts as to the happenings on the pottawatomie, mr. villard makes one sole reference to the robberies that happened. it is, that when owen brown had been denounced by his uncle, the rev. mr. adair of osawatomie, on the 26th, as a "vile murderer," and was refused admission to his home, that "he rode away on one of the murdered men's horses." except for this and another incidental reference to theft, the reader of _fifty years after_ would not be informed that any robbery had been committed; and even this statement is artfully written. it is incorrect and misleading. it conceals a thread in this history which would, if exposed, unmask the selfishness that prompted this crime: owen brown rode away on one of the "fast kentucky horses" which john brown received _in exchange_ for the "murdered men's horses." mr. villard assumes that brown's motives for committing the murders herein, and stealing these horses, were unselfish; a grace that should logically apply to the swaggering, swearing infidels whom he directed. in a summary of his conclusions he says:[154] fired with indignation at the wrongs he witnessed on every hand, impelled by the covenanter's spirit that made him so strange a figure in the nineteenth century, and believing fully that there should be an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, he killed his men in the conscientious belief that he was a faithful servant of kansas and of the lord. he killed not to kill, but to free; not to make wives widows and children fatherless, but to attack on its own ground the hideous institution of human slavery, against which his whole life was a protest. he pictured himself a modern crusader as much empowered to remove the unbeliever as any armoured searcher after the grail. it was to his mind a righteous and necessary act; if he concealed his part in it and always took refuge in half-truth that his own hands were not stained, that was as near to a compromise for the sake of policy as this rigid, self-denying roundhead ever came. naturally a tender-hearted man, he directed a particularly shocking crime without remorse, because the men killed typified to him the slave-drivers who counted their victims by the hundreds. it was to him a necessary carrying into africa of the war in which he firmly desired himself engaged. and always it must not be forgotten that his motives were wholly unselfish, and that his aims were none other than the freeing of a race. with his ardent, masterful temperament, he needed no counsel from a lane or a robinson to make him ready to strike a blow, or to tell him that the time for it had come. the smoke of burning lawrence was more than sufficient. from the point of view of ethics, john brown's crime on the pottawatomie cannot be successfully palliated or excused. it must ever remain a complete indictment of his judgment and wisdom; a dark blot upon his memory; a proof that, however self-controlled, he had neither true respect for the laws nor for human life, nor a knowledge that two wrongs never make a right. call him a cromwellian trooper with the old testament view of the way of treating one's enemies, as did james freeman clarke, if you please; it is nevertheless true that brown lived in the nineteenth century and was properly called upon to conform to its standard of morals and right living. for john brown no pleas can be made that will enable him to escape coming before the bar of historical judgment. there his wealth of self-sacrifice, and the nobility of his aims, do not avail to prevent a complete condemnation of his bloody crime at pottawatomie, or a just penalty for his taking human life without warrant or authority. if he deserves to live in history, it is not because of his cruel, gruesome, reprehensible acts on the pottawatomie, but despite them. conceptions of the distinguishing traits in brown's character are widely divergent; a divergence not attributable to a "blind prejudice." those who knew him best did not have the exalted opinions of the nobility of his aims, or of the sublimity of his humanity, that inspired his eulogists and biographers. prominent among the dissenters was john brown himself. as late as march 31, 1857, he did not personally understand that what he had been doing in kansas was either sentimental, patriotic, or romantic. it had not occurred to him that he had been impelled by the covenanters spirit, or that he was a crusader, either ancient or modern. on that date, replying to a letter that he had received from his wife, in which she informed him that "his sons were now inclined to give up war and remain at north elba," he said:[155] i have only to say as regards the resolution of the boys to "learn and practice war no more," that it was not at my solicitation that they engaged in it at first; and that while i may perhaps feel no more love of the business than they do, still i think there may be in their day what is more to be dreaded if such things do not now exist. judged in the light of what has been already shown concerning brown's activities, this letter is fatal to any theory that he was instigated by other than sordid motives when he engaged in his course of crime. so judged it is an acknowledgment by himself that what he and his sons had been engaged in, in kansas, was "_business_," simply business. also, that it was disreputable; and he sought to absolve himself from any responsibility for their participation therein, by denying that it was at his solicitation "that they engaged in it at first." by the declaration that what he had been doing was repulsive to him, john brown discredits every altruistic theory which has been put forth in extenuation of his crimes, or in justification of his actions. it is evidence that it was his hands, and not his heart, that were enlisted in his operations. a man inspired by the righteousness of a cause is not moved to make apology for having invited others to engage in it with him. if he had believed that in these murders and robberies he had been acting as a faithful servant of kansas, and of the lord, he would have proudly asserted his conviction, and would have defended his conduct upon the high grounds of duty, loyalty, and humanity. mr. geo. b. gill was one who knew brown better than any of his panegyrists knew him--mr. sanborn not excepted. upon him he practiced no hypocritical pretensions. he was honored by brown with a place in his cabinet, as secretary of the treasury, under the "provisional government of the united states," which he organized in canada in 1858; and was one of the generals, in embryo, who was to command the army of the invasion. in a letter (not heretofore published)[156] written from milan, kansas, july 7, 1893, to colonel robert j. hinton, author of _john brown and his men_, mr. gill expressed, confidentially, his opinion of brown's personality. he said: my dear friend: it seems that all great men have their foibles or what we in our differences from them call their weaknesses. "a man is never a hero to his valet" and i am about to give you an expression of truthfulness which i have never given to any one yet.... i admit that i am sadly deficient as a god or hero worshipper.... and the man who may do his fellows the most good may be far from the goody-goody, but may be personally absolutely offensive. my intimate acquaintance with brown demonstrated to me that he was very human; the angel wings were so dim and shadowy as to be almost unseen. very superstitious, very selfish and very intolerant, with great self esteem.... he could not brook a rival. at first he was very fond of montgomery, but when he found that montgomery had thoughts of his own, and could not be dictated to, why, he loved him no longer. montgomery, lane and all others went down before his imperial self. he was intolerant in little things and in little ways, for instance, his drink was tea, others wanted coffee. he would wrangle and compel them to drink tea or nothing, as he was cook and would not make coffee for them. i had it from owen in a quiet way and from other sources in quite a loud way that in his family his methods were of the most arbitrary kind.... i have known stevens to sometimes raise merry hell when the old man would get too dictatorial. he was iron and had neither sympathy or feeling for the timid or weak of will. notwithstanding claims to the contrary, he was essentially vindictive in his nature. just before we left kansas, during a trip that brown and myself were some days away from the rest, the boys arrested a man. (i think by the name of jackson.) montgomery gave him a trial and he was released by general consent as not meriting punishment. when we returned brown was furious because the man had not been shot.... it seems hard and cruel in me to tell you of brown's individuality as i have told you, yet it seemed to me that you, perhaps the last writer on the theme, should know all, whether it be any use to you or not.... yours truly, george b. gill. there is nothing in mr. gill's pen picture of john brown that suggests to the mind a "misplaced crusader," or a "self-denying roundhead," a "cromwellian trooper" or an "armored searcher for the grail;" but there is that in it which does suggest a man of low instincts, trifling and contentious about little things; of a vindictive and quarrelsome disposition; inordinately selfish, inhuman and intolerant. it is for the reader to determine which of the two estimates of the man is entitled to credit. in view of the facts presented herein, this much debated event in brown's life cannot be considered, abstractedly, as a study in altruism; but as a premeditation in robbery, to which the murders were incidental. the movement to execute the pottawatomie robbery began when brown and his sons left their homes on the evening of may 21st, ostensibly to engage in the defense of lawrence. they did not belong to the pottawatomie rifles. that was, says john brown, the company of which "john was captain" and to which jason belonged. the six were "a little company by themselves." this party did not intend to go to lawrence. they had matters of a personal nature to attend to. after camping "with john's company over night" they left his camp and retracing their steps, proceeded to a secluded spot, about a mile from the scene of their prospective operations; where they remained thirty hours, awaiting, doubtless, the arrival of their confederates with the northern horses. the owners of the horses that were to be stolen stood in the pathway of the thieves and they thrust them aside in death. if brown and his band "killed these men in the conscientious belief that they were faithful servants of the lord and of kansas," then they stole these horses in the same exalted inspiration. the theft of the horses cannot be put in harmony with any theory of either patriotism or humanity. the _murders_ have been defended, quite successfully, from a spiritual point of view; but there is nothing spiritual in horse-trading, nor is there anything in horse-stealing which appeals to the tender susceptibilities of our nature, or to the refinements of life. it is impossible, by any contortions of the imagination, to conceive of anything ã¦sthetic, altruistic, or spiritual being connected with a horse trade wherein all the horses involved in the trade have been stolen, and the trade is being made between the thieves, even though some of the thieves be murderers. the event herein was a plain case of murder and robbery, deliberately planned and executed under most revolting circumstances. "murder is murder" and robbery is robbery, therefore this combining incident cannot be accepted as an exhibit in metaphysics. the victims of these men were not murdered and their horses taken in behalf of kansas and of the lord, but for the exclusive benefit of the browns and their associates in the crime; they were not moved to "murder these men and boys" by any "sudden overpowering impulse" excited by the spectacle of burning lawrence; but by a brutal desire to get possession of their horses. brown was impatient of the cruel fortune that kept him, as he tersely stated it, "like a toad under a harrow," and he determined to break asunder the chains that bound him within his environment of poverty, and to seek relief from their fetters in a life of crime; a decision due to "an outgrowth of his restlessness and the usual desire of the bankrupt for a sudden coup to restore his fortune." if the robbery on the pottawatomie were undertaken and executed in behalf of the free-state cause, then all the horses which the browns stole during the time they remained in kansas, were stolen from motives of patriotism and humanity. the term "attacking slavery" was a joke in the vocabulary of these bandits. the theft of a horse was spoken of, wittily, as an "attack upon slavery" or as "fighting for freedom." on page 122 mr. villard stoutly says: "where john brown was, he led." did he lead in these midnight murders? were his methods and conduct throughout this bloody affair those of a hero inspired by a devotion to humanity and by the nobility of his aims; or were they characteristic of the assassin and thief, who kills and robs under cover of the night and hides his identity by flight? in view of his actions as set forth herein, it is violently illogical to suppose that in planning to murder these settlers and steal their horses, brown's motives were unselfish; and that he was moved by the higher impulses of altruism. yet such are the assumptions of his biographers. a public sentiment in sympathy with "the men in bondage," and excited by the fierce storm of sectional animosity prevailing during the later fifties, created, of john brown, an altruistic hero; and his biographers have been diligent and successful in perpetuating the fiction. when these murders were committed, had the public known that they were executed in promoting the robbery of these settlers; and that brown and his sons were a band of thieves, working jointly with another party of thieves; and that they intended to continue their thieving operations while they remained in the territory; the metamorphosis of john brown, the criminal into john brown, the hero, would have been impossible. history would have dealt differently with him. chapter vi black jack _there is a tide in the affairs of men which taken at the flood leads on to fortune._ --julius caesar, act iv the tide in free-state sentiment was soon to flow strongly in brown's favor. he had wisely deferred the execution of his "sudden coup" on the pottawatomie, until a time when public attention would be distracted from a close observance and inquiry into his actions. in the flames of burning lawrence he saw the fruition of his hopes. the storm of passion awakened by the outrages there, swept by the malignant winds of revenge, spread and lighted the fires of partisan spirit and partisan hate in the hearts of the free-state men, to the borders of the remotest prairie. they were aroused and united in their common cause, as never before, and were prepared not only to condone any outrages that might be committed upon pro-slavery men, but to approve of them. in this spirit they received the news of the "murder on the pottawatomie" and congratulated the murderers. but when brown won his victory over captain pate at black jack and humiliated that boasting aggravation of border ruffianism, they went wild in their enthusiasm for him and his name was upon every tongue. the criminal of the age became the hero of the hour. had brown sought to serve the cause of freedom, and to engage the forces of slavery at "close quarters," he would have been carried to leadership upon the crest of the wave of free-state enthusiasm which then swept over the territory. but such was neither his intention nor his ambition. it was sordid gain which he sought--that, and that only. free booty, and not free kansas, was the slogan in the brown camp. may 26th brown received some reã«nforcements. august bondi and a. o. carpenter joined the band. bondi was a member of the pottawatomie rifles; also, he was an associate with benjamin. carpenter, it is said, knew of a safe hiding place. the retreat to which he invited the party was in a secluded ravine, opening into ottawa creek bottom, in the vicinity of palmyra, some twenty miles northward. the flight of the browns, during the night of the 26th, from their concealment on middle creek, to the more secure hiding place on ottawa creek, is thus described by mr. bondi. he says:[157] there were ten of us--captain brown, owen, frederick, salmon and oliver brown; henry thompson, theodore weiner, james townsley, carpenter and myself.... the three youngest men, salman brown, oliver and i--rode without saddles. by order of captain brown, fred brown rode first, owen and carpenter next; ten paces behind them, old brown; and the rest of us behind him two and two.... it will be observed that the little company of six which was on foot on the 24th, was now mounted; and the fact that bondi rode without a saddle, indicates that his mount was not his own property, but that it had been furnished by the browns. it thus appears that they had seven horses in their possession, exclusive of the fast running horse in the hands of john brown, jr. another incident therein related reflects some historical light upon the state of brown's mind at the time. generally, the leader of such a party rides at the head of it. on this occasion brown assigned to himself a position of safety in the line of march not consistent with the reputation he earned later as a fighter; or with the biographical axiom: "where john brown was, he led." danger was imminent on the route of this column. but brown did not lead. his conduct can only be accounted for upon the hypothesis that a man cannot be a thief and a hero at the same time. the subject of personal safety, by _flight_, was uppermost in brown's mind. his study was how to escape from the country with his booty. he was fleeing, under cover of the night, from the wrath of his fellow citizens, and from the officers of the law whom he suspected might be upon his trail. he was in the rã´le of a thief, pure and simple, and he acted the part. june 1st, under very much altered circumstances, his conduct was different. having been encouraged to fight, he had made an honorable alliance with captain shore, and had started from his hiding place to join him in a contemplated attack upon a party of missourians, then in the vicinity, to effect the arrest of the browns. this march is also described by bondi:[158] still in the best of spirits, and with our appetites still better, just whetted by a scant breakfast, we followed captain brown,--he alone remaining serious, and riding silent at our front. continuing his narrative of the all-night ride, bondi says that about 4 o'clock on the morning of may 27th, they reached the secluded spot, on ottawa creek, which carpenter had indicated as a safe place for camping; in the midst of a primeval wood, perhaps half a mile deep to the edge of the creek. whether by premeditation or otherwise, the party lost no time from the pursuit of the purposes of their organization. during the afternoon of that day they went to the store of mr. j. m. bernard, at st. bernard, or centropolis, and helped themselves to such goods as pleased their fancy; principally blankets and clothing, and, returning next day they carried away, practically, the remainder of the stock. the value of the goods taken amounted to probably $3,000.[159] june 19, 1856, mr. john miller testified concerning the robbery of mr. bernard's store, as follows: i was at st. bernard on tuesday, may 27th, 1856. i was in the store (j. m. bernard's) with mr. davis. whilst there a party of 13 men came to the store on horseback, armed with sharp's rifles, revolvers and bowie knives. they inquired for mr. bernard. i told them he had gone to westport. one of them said to me, "you are telling a god damn lie," and drew up his gun at me. they called for such goods as they wanted and made mr. davis and me hand them out and said if we didn't hurry they would shoot us--they had their guns ready. after they had got the goods they wanted--principally, blankets and clothing--they packed them upon their horses and went away.... on the next evening, a party of 14 men came to the store on horseback. thirteen of the party i recognized as the same that came to the store the day before and the other man i knew--william s. ewitt is his name--and who i know is a free-state man. they had a wagon along with them. they came into the store each having his gun ready. some carried goods and some put the goods in the wagon.... they also took away with them mr. bernard's two large horses and three saddles and two bridles and nearly all the provisions that were there--bacon and flour and other provisions. they asked mr. davis for all the money he had in the store. there were but 4 dollars in the drawer which he handed to them. when they first came they looked up at the sign and said they would like to shoot at the name.[160] an incident of vast importance to john brown occurred in his secure retreat. what he then needed above all other earthly things, was a friend who could and would create a diversion in his behalf and present his case in a favorable light to the world. here he met james redpath, a correspondent for the new york _tribune_, and other newspapers. redpath had come to interview brown, and to get a story for the press. just how redpath happened to know that brown was due to arrive at that time, at that particular point on ottawa creek, is not publicly known; but he knew of it, and was there awaiting his arrival.[161] the location of brown's hiding place was so well concealed that captain pate, in pursuit of the browns northward, passed by without discovering it; and redpath, notwithstanding he had explicit directions, lost his way and had difficulty in finding the place. his description of the camp is as follows: i shall not soon forget the scene that here opened to my view. near the edge of the creek a dozen horses were tied, all ready saddled for a ride for life, or a hunt after southern invaders. a dozen rifles and sabres were stacked against the trees. in an open space, amid the shady and lofty woods, there was a great blazing fire with a pot on it; a woman, bareheaded, with an honest, sun-burnt face, was picking blackberries from the bushes; three or four armed men were lying on red and blue blankets on the grass; and two fine looking youths were standing, leaning on their arms, on guard near by. one of them was the youngest son of old brown, and the other was "charley," the brave hungarian, who was subsequently murdered at osawatomie. old brown himself stood near the fire, with his shirt sleeves rolled up, and a large piece of pork in his hand. he was cooking a pig. he was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots. the old man received me with great cordiality, and the little band gathered about me. but it was for a moment only, for the captain ordered them to renew their work. he respectfully but firmly forbade conversation on the pottawatomie affair, and said, that, if i desired any information from the company in relation to their conduct or intention, he, as their captain, would answer for them whatever it was proper to communicate.[162] redpath remained for an hour in brown's camp, an hour of importance to brown, the most fortunate hour of his life. redpath not only pledged to him his professional support, but assured him that the free-state men would defend him, and promised to have the formidable "stubbs" rifle company, armed with sharp's rifles, march immediately to his relief. at the close of the interview he returned to lawrence and began his vivid exploitation of brown in the territorial and northern press. he succeeded in stemming the current of condemnation of the pottawatomie murders which came sweeping up from osawatomie, and turned the tide of free-state opinion to brown's advantage. he was thereafter brown's foremost representative, and became his first and most lurid biographer. while the incidents herein related were occurring in brown's camp, the murderers of the pro-slavery men were being diligently sought for by voluntary pro-slavery partisans, as well as by the territorial authorities. the flight of the browns caused the finger of suspicion to point to them as the guilty persons; and when captain pate at the head of a party of missourians came into the osawatomie district, and found out what had happened there, he proceeded to carry off or burn all the available property of the browns and their allies--weiner and bondi. he then followed the trail of the browns and arrived in the vicinity of their camp on ottawa creek, may 31st. brown, in the meantime, encouraged by the arrangements he had made with redpath, and the prospect of substantial assistance, abandoned the idea of further flight and determined to fight, and if possible, capture his pursuers. with pate's company of twenty-five men, there were as many horses, and probably a dozen mules, besides arms, provisions, and other plunder; all of which looked good to the plunder band. the free-state men in that neighborhood had organized a military company, the "prairie city rifles." it was under the command of captain s. t. shore, and numbered eighteen men. shore agreed to "mobilize" his company, and unite his force with brown's party of ten, and to attack pate, by surprise, in his camp. an attack of this character upon undisciplined men, was practically certain of success. the command was given to brown, and at daylight on the morning of june 2d, the combined forces opened fire upon the front and right flank of the astonished "invaders." the attack was creditable, especially to brown, who planned it, and who preserved his poise, and displayed all the skill and courage necessary in such an engagement. he was fighting for his existence, and for spoils, and won the battle without loss of life on either side. after an hour or two of desultory firing, pate surrendered unconditionally. the total casualties were four men wounded, two in pate's command, and one each in brown's and shore's companies. brown took possession of all pate's horses and other property, and held his men as prisoners until june 5th, when colonel e. v. sumner, first united states cavalry, arrived upon the scene and separated the belligerents. he restored to pate his horses, and such other property belonging to him as he could find, and ordered all of the "companies" to disband and return to their homes. in view of the losses sustained by the parties engaged in the battle, it seems as though the fighting was conducted along conservative lines. brown's account of it to his wife reads as follows: near brown's station k. t. june 1856. dear wife and children, everyone: ... the cowardly mean conduct of osawatomie and vicinity did not save them; for the ruffians came on them, made numerous prisoners, fired their buildings, and robbed them. after this a picked party of the bogus men went to brown's station, burned john's and jason's houses, and their contents to ashes; in which burning we have all suffered more or less. orson and boy have been prisoners, but were soon set at liberty. they are well, and have not been seriously injured. owen and i have just come here for the first time, to look at the ruins. all looks desolate and forsaken--the grass and weeds fast covering up the signs that these places were lately the abodes of quiet families. after burning the houses, this selfsame party of picked men, some forty in number, set out as they supposed, and as was the fact, on the track of my little company, boasting, with awful profanity, that they would have our scalps. they however, passed the place where we were hid, and robbed a little town some four or five miles beyond our camp in the timber. i had omitted to say that some murders had been committed at the time lawrence was sacked. on learning that this party was in pursuit of us, my little company, now increased to ten in all, started after them in company of a captain shore, with eighteen men, he included (june 1). we were all mounted as we traveled. we did not meet them on that day, but took five prisoners, four of whom were their scouts, and well armed. we were out all night, but could find nothing of them until about six o'clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at once, on foot, leaving frederick and one of captain shore's men to guard the horses. as i was much older than captain shore, the principal direction of the fight devolved on me. we got to within about a mile of their camp before being discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a brisk pace, captain shore and men forming our left, and my company the right. when within about sixty rods of the enemy, captain shore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation and continued to fire, both his men and the enemy being armed with sharpe's rifles. my company had no long shooters. we (my company) did not fire a gun until we gained the rear of a bank about fifteen or twenty rods to the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and soon compelled them to hide in a ravine. captain shore after getting one man wounded and exhausted his ammunition, came with part of his men to the right of my position, much discouraged. the balance of his men, including the one wounded, had left the ground. five of captain shore's men came boldly down and joined my company, and all but one man, wounded, helped to maintain the fight until it was over. i was obliged to give my consent that he should go after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of whom i persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there busied one of them in shooting the horses and mules of the enemy, which served for a show of fight. after the firing had continued for some two or three hours, captain pate with twenty-three men, two badly wounded, laid down their arms to nine men, myself included,--four to captain shore's men and four to my own. one of my men (henry thompson) was badly wounded, and after continuing his fire for an hour longer was obliged to quit the ground. three others of my company (but not of my family) had gone off. salmon was dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight; but both he and henry are fast recovering....[163] i ought to have said that captain shore and his men stood their ground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken position during the early part of the fight. i ought to say further that a captain abbott, being some miles distant with a company, came onward promptly to sustain us, but could not reach us till the fight was over. after the fight numerous free-state men who could not be got out before were on hand, and some of them i am ashamed to add, were very busy not only with the plunder of our enemies, but with our private effects, leaving us, while guarding our prisoners and providing in regard to them, much poorer than before the battle.... your affectionate husband and father, john brown. "articles of surrender" signed by captains brown, shore, and pate, and his lieutenant, w. b. brockett, provided for an exchange of prisoners, stipulating that brown's sons--john and jason--then prisoners, were to be exchanged for pate and brockett respectively. it also provided that the side arms of each person exchanged were to be returned, also the horses, "so far as practicable." an important incident at black jack was the failure of the deputy united states marshal, wm. j. preston, to arrest the browns. he had warrants for their arrest for the murders on the pottawatomie, and came with sumner to accomplish it. the colonel notified brown that they would be served in his presence, but when ordered by sumner to proceed, the marshal said: "i do not recognize any one for whom i have warrants," to which the colonel replied: "then what are you here for?"[164] a man of brown's years and experience and courage is a dangerous animal when thus situated. that a tragedy was impending is more than probable. at any rate, preston quailed under the hostile look which brown fixed upon him. what would have happened if the marshal had attempted to make the arrests, none can say, but preston decided not to mix up in a tragedy. another incident in the affair of historical importance was the presence of john e. cook, as a guest in brown's camp. none of brown's biographers has referred to this incident, but the fact appears in cook's confession heretofore quoted from. it will be difficult for anyone to account for cook's presence there, at that psychological moment, upon any hypothesis other than that he was there by virtue of an invitation from brown, or other notice or understanding with him. it follows, presumptively, that this was not the first time they had met, and that they were mutually interested in the problem which brown had under consideration: how to get away, safely, with the horses and mules which he had taken from pate. the final clause of the last sentence in the "articles of surrender," foreshadows the possibility, or probability, that some of the horses might be missing later on, and gives credit to the suspicion, or assumption, that cook had come to the camp to run the stock off north and turn it into money, as had been done with the pottawatomie horses. that the horses and mules herein were not run off immediately, and disposed of, was doubtless due to the negotiations that were pending for the liberation of brown's sons. he probably thought that a theft of the horses would be construed as a violation of the terms of the surrender, and might prevent the exchange of prisoners that he hoped to effect. but whatever his hopes and his plans may have been, they were all dissipated and broken up by a fly that unexpectedly dropped into the ointment of his calculations: the arrival upon the scene of sumner, with his cavalry. he spoiled everything. first he made brown give back to pate's men all the property he had taken from them, or as much of it as was visible, and then peremptorily ordered all the combatants to disband and return to their homes. sumner's orders bore lightly upon captain shore. it was a simple proposition for his men to "disband and return to their regular vocations." the presence of pate and his band in the neighborhood was a menace to their peace and security; they had left their work, in response to a call from their captain, to unite in an effort to drive out the intruders; also they had behaved creditably, and were ready to return to their homes and to the congratulations which they were sure to receive from their free-state neighbors on account of their victory. but with the browns it was different. they were engaged in a different kind of business: the horse and general robbery business. they too had won a victory--a far greater victory than shore's men. it was their personal fight which they had won. with shore's assistance they had beaten and captured the posse that had come to arrest them for murder and robbery. they had fought for their lives--also for pate's horses and mules. but they had no homes to which to go. they belonged to a different class of citizens--the undesirable class. they were outlaws against whom their neighbors and relatives had closed their doors. mr. villard states[165] that on the evening of may 26th, john brown, jr., and jason brown were refused admittance into the house of their uncle, the rev. mr. adair, near osawatomie. he said to them, "can't keep you here. our lives are threatened. every moment we expect to have our house burned over our heads." however, after assuring mrs. adair that they "did not have anything to do with the murders on the pottawatomie" they were permitted to come in. but later that night, when owen brown sought admittance to his uncle's home, mr. adair refused even to parley with him, saying: "get away, get away as quickly as you can! you endanger our lives. you are a vile murderer, a marked man!" bondi states that within an hour after sumner ordered the companies to disband. camp brown had ceased to exist. the wounded salmon (thompson) was taken to carpenter's cabin, nearby, and nursed by bondi; the others, with weiner, camped in a thicket about half a mile from the abandoned camp.[166] june 10th settlement was made with weiner, and he left the country. it is probable that, at this date, the horses which were taken on the pottawatomie had been sold; and that final settlement was then made between the browns and weiner, and their unknown confederates. mr. villard states that "on thursday june 10, at a council held that day, it was agreed to separate. weiner had business in louisiana. henry thompson [salmon brown] was also taken to carpenter's cabin, and bondi accompanied weiner as far as leavenworth." this was the end of the first john brown organization. the period of its active operations covered eighteen days, may 24th to june 10th. during this time they murdered five men; stole a lot of horses; made a big horse trade, exchanging the whole, or a part of the stolen horses; robbed a store; made an alliance with captain shore, and captured pate's posse at black jack: a record of strenuous activity, characteristic of the aggressive speculator who directed the movements. the chapter of robbery and murder on the pottawatomie, of which brown's success over pate at black jack was an incident, closes with the settlement herein stated and the dissolution of brown's band june 10th. it further appears that john brown and his unmarried sons quit the territory late in july, en route to the east. inquiry then, very properly turns to what brown did during the fifty days intervening between these dates. in the case of an altruistic hero, a "leader of the free-state cause," such as the heralds proclaim brown to have been, the public supposes, naturally, that he did something during these days of opportunity that was worthy of the great distinction with which he is credited. but to the question: what _did he do_? history gives back no answer. the historical record of john brown, except as to three days, july 2d to 4th, is a total blank. even his "whereabouts" during these fifty days is, to the public, unknown. the history of those days of strenuous endeavor, shows clearly where robinson was, and what he was doing. he was the free-state governor of the "state of kansas," and was in jail, or in confinement, under indictment in the territorial court for "constructive treason." history shows where lane was, and where walker was, and where sam, woods, and deitzler, and g. w. brown and the others were, but not where john brown was. his latest biographer dismisses the question as immaterial, with the following generalization:[167] "not until the beginning of july," he says, "did john brown terminate this life in the bush and again become active. on july 2 he boldly entered lawrence, and called upon the _tribune_ correspondent, william a. phillips." brown's object, in calling upon phillips, was not to make a report of the public services which he had rendered during the thirty days preceding; but for the purpose of having him publish a letter which he had written in reply to captain pate's report of the black jack affair--a personal matter between himself and pate. it may be said that if brown had done anything creditable during "this life in the bush" he would not have failed to report the fact to phillips for publication, for he was vain. he did, however, the next best thing; he told phillips what he _intended_ to do: "that he was on his way to topeka with his followers, to be on hand at whatever crisis might arise at the opening of the legislature." continuing his remarks mr. villard says: how long john brown remained at the willets farm, near topeka, to which he now proceeded, and where he spent the next two or three weeks, is not known. he neither entered topeka, on the fateful july 4th, nor immediately thereafter. it is probable that he returned promptly to the neighborhood of his sick sons, more than ever disgusted with the free-state leaders and their inability to adopt his view that the way to fight was "to press to close quarters."[168] since brown is herein creditably reported to have "terminated this life in the bush and again become active," it is fair to inquire into the nature of the public service which he rendered during the period of activity thus auspiciously announced. mr. phillips gave out what brown said he intended to do. but mr. villard states that he did not do that; and that there is no record of what he did do, or of where he went. it appears, then, that "the termination of the life in the bush" was not a termination of it at all; and that the period of his public activities "terminated" at the end of a night ride, on stolen horses, from lawrence to the vicinity of topeka. it may be worthy of note, that the above example of brown's activity in public affairs is probably the shortest period of public activity by a hero, that has ever been dignified by historical record. further: history does not sustain the statement that brown "recruited his band" after the disbanding of it, june 10th. there is no reason apparent why he should have enlarged it. he and his sons could operate more profitably than a larger party could, and with less risk of detection. brown was not a loafer: and he was not in idleness during the fifty days of his obscuration; neither was he fighting, "pressing to close quarters," for no fighting was being done during this time. investigation, however, of the record and of the various admissions and statements subsequently made by his sons, discloses the facts that the activities in which they were engaged were merely akin, or similar to a state of warfare; that there was continuous "fighting," of a certain kind, where they were, and "trouble"; so much so that the sons, at least, had a surfeit of it, and were "tired" of the "business," and were anxious to quit it and leave the territory. salmon brown stated to mr. villard, that they left "because lucius mills insisted on the invalids being moved, and because they were a drag on the fighting men": and henry thompson affirmed that "he, oliver, owen and salmon had had enough of kansas. they did not wish to fight any more. they felt they had suffered enough; that the service which they had been called upon to perform at pottawatomie squared them with duty. they were, they thought, entitled to leave further work to other hands. they were sick of the fighting and trouble."[169] these statements show that there were violent actions somewhere, about something long after black jack; and that the invalids impeded the movements of the "fighting" men. but where this fighting took place, or what it was about, history is silent. salmon brown could tell all about the occurrences of these fifty days if he were disposed to do so. there is ample evidence, however, of the fact that the browns led a stormy life during the days they are reported "unaccounted for."[170] the friendly mantle which the night spread over their actions, at the time, has not been lifted, but the actors therein have told enough to show that what they did do, was done at the peril of their lives; and was of such a character that at least one of the party, lucius mills, refused to take any part in it. for this, mills lost caste with brown "because he had no desire to fight, but played nurse and doctor while the others did the fighting."[171] but since there was no fighting anywhere in kansas, we must conclude that they used the term "fighting" as a convenience, or as a witticism, and that it really means stealing horses; and that the browns, while in hiding from the world at large, were still carrying on the business they commenced in the bloody tragedy on the pottawatomie. further evidence that they were horse thieves, appears in an incident which occurred when they were en route home, as related by salmon brown. he says:[172] "we other four bought a double buggy and harness from the oberlin people, on credit at tabor, drove to iowa city, sold the horses, sent back the money to pay for the wagon, and all four went home. the horses for the double buggy we came by thus: we heard on the way through nebraska, that some pro-slavery men were after us. oliver, who was always a dare-devil, and william thompson ambushed these men, deliberately turning aside for that purpose. the men, ordered off their horses, took it for a regular hold-up in force, and surrendered their animals. oliver and william immediately jumped on and lit out for tabor. it was these horses that took us across iowa." the need of converting pro-slavery animals into good anti-slavery stock, was thus urgent with the brown sons in peaceful placid nebraska as it had been in bleeding kansas. this incident bears all the characteristics of the daring professional at work. it is not probable that two lone kansas pro-slavery men followed john brown, who had become the terror of the territory, up into free-state nebraska. it is much more probable that the browns held up two unsuspecting, unarmed, citizens of nebraska, and took their horses. and, having taken them in this manner, it follows, more than logically, that they also stole the buggy and harness, to complete the outfit; for it would be quite impossible that two irresponsible young strangers, traveling through a country, could thus buy a "double buggy and harness on credit." the browns profited by their operations in kansas. they did not grow rich during the short period of their outlawry, but they became prosperous in comparison with what their circumstances were before they became robbers. it will be remembered that salmon brown, when he was a homebuilder, was very poor. mr. villard has been quoted as saying that brown and his sons "arrived in kansas in all but destitute condition, with but sixty cents between them, to find the settlement in great distress." and redpath said of brown, when he met him in his camp may 30, 1856, "he was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots." in contrast with these commercial ratings we have a report on brown, as he appeared in nebraska about august 1, 1856:[173] the captain was riding a splendid horse and was in plain white summer clothing. he wore a large straw hat and was closely shaven. everything about him was scrupulously clean. he made a great impression on several of the company, who, without knowing him, at once declared that he must be a distinguished man in disguise. as a result of their "fighting," and of their "pressing to close quarters," the browns were quite independent when they left the territory. "_school was out._" also, the "_toad_" had got out from under the harrow. they could now go wherever they wished, and they concluded to give up "their struggle to make kansas a free-state" and to return to their home in new york. at nebraska city, when brown changed his mind about going east and decided to return to kansas, he bought horses for himself and frederick, who was to accompany him, and sent the remainder of the party on their way to the states.[174] when he arrived at osawatomie, about august 20th, he had, as stated by bondi, "a spick and span four mule team, the wagon loaded with provisions; besides he was well supplied with money."[175] in poverty and on foot, the browns entered the valley of the pottawatomie may 23, 1856; seventy days thereafter, they left the territory, in independent circumstances. during the latter part of july and the first days of august. 1856, some incidents occurred in kansas which are interrelated. the pro-slavery men living in the vicinity of "new georgia," near osawatomie, built a "block-house" for the protection of pro-slavery settlers from free-state aggressions. following this, john brown and his band of free-state aggressors suddenly left the territory. august 5th, captain cracklin, with the stubbs rifles, routed the georgians at new georgia and burned their block-house; also, upon receipt of this intelligence, at nebraska city, brown changed his mind about going east, and returned to kansas to raid the osawatomie district. the first of these incidents, the building of the block-house, was a pro-slavery demonstration in brown's territory. it was notice to him that further stealing from pro-slavery settlers would be unsafe in that neighborhood; it was also a challenge to john brown to fight, if he chose to accept it as such. that the leaving of the browns was not a premeditation, but the result of a "sudden impulse," appears from a statement made by mr. adair to mr. t. h. hand in a letter dated july 17, 1856: "bro. j. b. and unmarried sons expect to leave the territory immediately."[176] also, from the further fact that at the time they left, william thompson, brother of henry thompson, was due to arrive in kansas to join the brown colony. they met him near the nebraska line and took him back east with them.[177] the abrupt leaving of the browns, under these circumstances, is inconsistent with the theory that they were "fighting men;" or that they were anxious to fight. if john brown had actually desired to "engage the slave-power at close quarters" as has been insisted upon, boastfully, for more than fifty years, he would have joined his force with captain shore, or others, and would have attacked the georgians at new georgia, and driven them out, as captain cracklin did august 5th, while they--brown and his sons--were running away from the job. chapter vii osawatomie _do men gather grapes of thorn or figs of thistles?_ --matthew 6:16 at nebraska city brown met some distinguished persons: general lane, colonel samuel walker, and aaron d. stevens. these men were commanders in the free-state army; they received him into their confidence, and related to him their plans concerning the pending military operations; the object of which was to destroy the pro-slavery forces that had occupied strategic positions near lawrence and osawatomie, or drive them from the territory. he knew that the execution of these undertakings would result in important events and decided to return to kansas. it was evident there was to be real fighting; fighting at close quarters; in fact the fighting had already begun. august 5th, captain cracklin had opened the campaign, prosperously, by a successful attack upon the pro-slavery post at new georgia, as has been heretofore stated. mr. sanborn[178] claims that brown had some share in cracklin's victory, but of course, he could not be simultaneously at both of these places. news of this victory was received at nebraska city in a message that came to walker; whereupon the party, except brown, "proceeded to lawrence as fast as humanly possible." they all left nebraska city august 9th: thirty hours later, lane arrived at lawrence, walker arriving shortly afterward. but brown stopped at topeka on the 10th, where no fighting was in contemplation; and his "whereabouts," from that date until the 17th, is reported as being "unknown."[179] august 12th, captain bickerton defeated major buford's company of georgians, at franklin; stormed and burned the block-house; captured some arms and provisions, and recaptured the six-pounder brass cannon, that buford had taken possession of at lawrence, may 21st. buford wrote: "our money, books, papers, clothing, surveying instruments, and many precious memorials of kindness and friends far away, were all consumed by the incendiary villains who hold sway.... we are now destitute of everything except our muskets, and an unflinching determination to be avenged..." bickerton lost one man killed and six wounded. buford's loss was four men wounded--one mortally.[180] but brown was not present when bickerton pressed to close quarters at franklin; lane was there, and sanborn says that brown was there:[181] "returning about the 10th of august," he says, "with general lane, he proceeded with him to lawrence and to franklin where there was some skirmishing." "on the 15th the free-state men assailed fort saunders, a strong log house on washington creek, about twelve miles southwest of lawrence. after the customary fusillade, the pro-slavery men retreated without blood shed on either side."[182] still, no brown. the following appeal, by general lane, was sent to him, from topeka, on august 12th: mr. brown:--general joe cook (lane) wants you to come to lawrence this night, for we expect to have a fight on washington creek. come to topeka as soon as possible and i will pilot you to the place. yours in haste, h. stratton.[183] it seems from this that brown was somewhere near topeka, on the 12th, and not at franklin. on the 16th the attack was made on fort titus. of this mr. villard says: there was real fighting at fort titus, which captain samuel walker, captain joel grover, and a captain samuel shombre attacked, at sunrise august 16, with fifty determined men. captain shombre was killed, and nine out of ten men with him wounded, in a rush on the block-house. in a short time eighteen out of the forty remaining attackers were wounded, including captain walker. after several hours of fighting, free-state reinforcements appeared, including captain bickerton, with the six pounder, and its slugs of molten type. it was run to within three hundred yards of the fort and fired nine or ten times.... as titus still showed no white flag, a load of hay was again resorted to with the same success as at franklin. as the wagon was backed up to the log fort, and before the match was applied, the party surrendered.... walker captured thirteen horses, four hundred guns, a large number of knives and six pistols, a fair stock of provisions and thirty-four prisoners, six of whom were badly wounded. one dead man was found in the block-house before it was burned. again this question comes up: where was brown when this fighting was taking place? was he in this very creditable engagement? continuing his narrative, mr. villard says, on page 232: the testimony as to whether john brown was at saunders and titus is conflicting. he himself left no statement bearing upon it, and luke parsons, james blood, o. e. learnard and others, are positive that he was not at either place. the weight of evidence would seem to be on that side. but john brown did leave a statement bearing directly upon the question as to whether, or not, he was present at any of these engagements. in the interview which he gave out after his capture at harper's ferry, in answer to the question: "did you know sherrod in kansas? i understand you killed him?" brown replied: "i killed no man except in fair fight. i fought at black jack, and at osawatomie, and if i killed anybody it was at one of these places."[184] brown, therefore, was not present at any of these battles. he was at lawrence, however, on august 17th, _after_ the fighting was over. mr. villard says on page 233: "that brown was at lawrence, when walker arrived with his prisoners, admits of no doubt. again his voice was raised for the extreme penalty; again he asked a sacrifice of blood." it appears, therefore, that brown "terminated" a seven days "life in the bush" on the 17th, and became active in public affairs, for twenty-four hours. referring to a concurrent incident colonel walker says: at a little way out of lawrence i met a delegation, sent by the committee of safety, with an order for the immediate delivery of titus into their hands. knowing the character of the men, i refused to give him up. our arrival at lawrence created intense excitement. the citizens swarmed around us, clamoring for the blood of our prisoner. the committee of safety held a meeting and decided that titus should be hanged, john brown, and other distinguished men urging the measure strongly. at four o'clock in the evening i went before the committee, and said that titus had surrendered to me; that i had promised him his life, and that i would defend it with my own. i then left the room. babcock followed me out and asked me if i was fully determined. being assured that i was, he went back, and the committee, by a new vote, decided to postpone the hanging indefinitely. i was sure of the support of some 300 good men, and among them captain tucker, captain harvey, and captain stulz. getting this determined band into line, i approached the house where titus was confined and entered. just as i opened the door i heard pistol shots in titus's room and rushed in and found a desperado named "buckskin" firing over the guard's shoulders at the wounded man as he lay on his cot. it took but one blow from my heavy dragoon pistol to send the villain heels-over-head to the bottom of the stairs. captain brown and doctor avery were outside haranguing the mob to hang titus despite my objections. they said i had resisted the committee of safety, and was myself, therefore, a public enemy. the crowd was terribly excited, but the sight of my 300 solid bayonets held them in check. this is a part of the record of these heroic days--days of strenuous effort and of heroic achievement. the free-state men were engaged in a supreme effort to drive from the territory the armed pro-slavery bands that had been organized in the south to intimidate and subdue them. they had fought a splendidly aggressive campaign, dislodging their foes from all their positions, burning their forts, and capturing their supplies. there was, as has been said, real fighting, fighting at close quarters, and plenty of it. and now, in view of it, what is to be said about brown, the hypothetical kansas hero, the "fighting leader of the free-state cause?" lane was in evidence; and colonel walker, and bickerton, and grover, and the gallant shombre, were in the thick of it; but what part did brown perform in these undertakings? what contribution did he make to the winning of these victories? nothing! absolutely nothing. he came out of the "brush" after the fighting was over, and endeavored to incite a mob to hang a prisoner who was severely wounded. this disreputable action is evidence that brown was not in harmony with the best thought of the occasion; that he mingled with the lawless element--with the "buckskin" class, that "fired over the guard's shoulders, at the wounded man, as he lay on his cot." brown was not interested in these important public matters; he was not coã¶perating with the free-state men; his motives for returning to the territory did not relate to territorial affairs. his plans had to do with something else. they were of a personal character; and his presence at lawrence on the 17th, was simply an incident of his trip from nebraska city to osawatomie, where he arrived, according to bondi, "about the 20th, well supplied with money," and with a "spick and span four mule team, the wagon loaded with provisions,"[185] to make a coup in horses and cattle. brown had outfitted this four mule team at or near topeka, and the presence of it at osawatomie on the 20th, with its stock of provisions, is the best evidence of what he had been thinking about, and of what he was doing, while the free-state men were fighting the battles around lawrence. leaving nebraska city on the 9th, brown stopped at topeka on the 10th. later developments show that he had planned a scheme of robbery upon a larger scale than anything he had theretofore undertaken. as to the free-state campaign, the battles "at close quarters," the victories, the rejoicings, the planning for future operations, he was indifferent, except as they served his personal purposes. brown's arrival at osawatomie was his first appearance there after the pottawatomie murders. by the 24th he had "enlisted" nine men: wm. partridge, john salathiel, s. b. brown, john godell, l. t. parsons, n. b. phelps, wm. b. harris, jason brown, and j. benjamin.[186] he had also stolen enough horses to mount them. of this mr. villard says:[187] naturally, as a good general, john brown's first concern was for the mounts of his men. bondi avers that some of brown's men received prompt orders to capture all of "dutch henry" sherman's horses. he himself obtained, when these orders were executed, "a four year old fine bay horse for my mount" and "old john brown rode a fine blooded bay." the example set by the browns, during may, june, and july, brought forth many imitators. robbery became an industry. a new richmond was in the osawatomie field--a captain cline, with a company of mounted men, every one of whose horses had been stolen. this seems to have been sufficient recommendation, for brown joined forces with cline, and the two commands set out, august 24th, for the south, marching eight miles, and camping on sugar creek, linn county.[188] on the 26th another merger of the special interests was accomplished. captain j. h. holmes also had a company which was consolidated with brown's party. captain shore was in the vicinity, with the prairie city rifles, but it seems that he was not stealing anything. the brown combination probably represented all the plants, or commercial units, then doing "business" in that district. in promptly effecting the merger of these interests, brown showed his capacity for affairs, and is entitled to receive for the second time the "historic title of captain,"--captain of industry. the men who belonged to holmes's company were, cyrus tator, r. reynolds, noah fraze (first lieutenant), william miller, john p. glenn, wm. quick, m. d. lane, amos alderman, august bondi, charles kaiser, freeman austin, samuel hauser, and john w. fay,[189] and, probably, frederick brown. thus organized and equipped, the forces put into effect the purposes of their organization without delay. mr. villard says:[190] john brown then rode off to raid the pro-slavery settlements, on sugar creek.... they visited the home of captain john e. brown, taking, as his toll, fifty pro-slavery cattle and all the men's clothes the house contained.... other houses were similarly searched, and their cattle taken, on the ground that they had originally been free-state before being purloined by the pro-slavery settlers. that they moved promptly, worked industriously, and obtained satisfactory results without hindrance from any quarter, appears from the further statement by mr. villard:[191] on thursday evening, august 28th, brown reached osawatomie, traveling slowly because of the one hundred and fifty cattle he drove before him. both his company and cline's bivouacked in the town that night. the next morning, (august 29) early, they divided their plunder and cattle, and brown moved his camp to the high ground north of osawatomie, where now stands the state insane asylum. an ordinary commander would have allowed all his men to rest. but not john brown. he was in the saddle all day, riding with james h. holmes, and others of his men, along pottawatomie creek, whence he crossed to sugar creek, returning to osawatomie with more captured cattle, by way of the fort scott trail. this last lot of cattle was probably the drove that the quaker, richard mendenhall, referred to, as quoted by sanborn on page 326: i next met john brown again on the evening before the battle of osawatomie. he with a number of others, was driving a herd of cattle, which they had taken from pro-slavery men. it is not probable that it will ever be known what brown intended to do with these cattle. those who know what his intentions were in the premises, have not revealed them. he was going east, later on, to work out a scheme which he then had in his mind, to raise money. he also had a fancy for fine animals and for the stock business. it is therefore probable that he intended to establish a stock ranch at some point in kansas, further west, and put his son frederick in charge of it; and that the cattle which he was then collecting, and the four mule team that he had bought, and the load of provisions, were to be used in starting the enterprise. mr. villard quotes holmes's estimate of brown as follows:[192] to holmes, john brown appeared on that afternoon more than ever the natural leader. he rode a tall strong chestnut horse; his spare form was more impressive when he was mounted than when he was afoot. alert and clear sighted, he closely watched the landscape for evidence of the enemy. the enemy were the settlers who were being robbed. this short narrative of brown's operations in stealing horses and cattle, at osawatomie, discloses the secret motive that prompted his return to kansas from nebraska. it gives reasonable grounds for the assumption, that when his "whereabouts were unknown," from august 10th to the 16th, inclusive, he was working out the details of the new venture; financing it; purchasing the necessary outfit; and making plans for handling the loot after it would be rounded up. it furnishes a reason why he refused to join general lane and his associates, in the attack on fort saunders, and on fort titus; he had business engagements and appointments elsewhere, that required his personal attention. but what is of more historical importance, perhaps, than anything else, is, that it reveals the general channel in which his mind ran; the things upon which his thoughts and energies were concentrated; the occupation he was following. also, the magnitude of the hazardous performance undertaken in this instance, and successfully executed, shows clearly, that brown was not a novice in the business. only a strong, bold man, of large experience, could enter such a district, and within four days collect, equip and mount, upon stolen horses, a company of ten men, himself included. then, within two days more effect a consolidation, under his leadership, of two other similar companies; and within three more days gather up by force, two hundred and fifty head of cattle, besides horses and other plunder, and assemble the whole at the general rendezvous in osawatomie. only an expert in horse stealing, and in the general plunder business, could accomplish so much in so short a time. to counteract the effect of the free-state victories, heretofore referred to, and to restore pro-slavery supremacy, a pro-slavery army numbering more than a thousand men, led by major general david r. atchison, invaded the territory. this formidable force left westport august 23d, and on the 29th arrived at bull creek, thirty miles from lawrence. to oppose it, the free-state army was being mobilized under the command of general lane; who sent an urgent message to brown, and others at osawatomie, asking them to report to him at lawrence at once, and take part in the impending battle. the message was delivered to brown by alexander g. hawse, on the evening of august 29th, as he approached osawatomie, "in a cloud of dust and driving the motley herd" of stolen cattle "before him." captain shore received a similar request, and promptly responded to the urgent call. he started for lawrence about three o'clock in the afternoon. brown did not go. he could not be expected to abandon the horses, and the cattle, and the plunder which he had on hand; and the robber combine of which he was the head, and which was operating so successfully, and which had before it a future so promising. he was too busy. besides, the troubles about lawrence would be "water upon his wheel." he was doing business under cover of the distracting conditions then existing. mr. villard says, "after consultation, it was decided that the call should be heeded on the next day." at the time brown received this message, general atchison had already detached two hundred and fifty mounted men, with one field piece, to march against osawatomie and burn the place. the command of the expedition was given to brigadier general john w. reid, who had served in the war with mexico. reid made a night march from bull creek. arriving at osawatomie, he immediately began his attack. his official report of the fight is as follows:[193] camp bull creek, aug. 31st gentlemen:--i moved with 250 men on the abolition fort and town of osawatomie--the headquarters of old brown--on night before last; marched forty miles and attacked the town without dismounting the men, about sunrise on yesterday. we had a brisk fight for an hour or more and had five men wounded--none dangerously--capt. boice, william gordon and three others. we killed about thirty of them, among the number, _certain_, a son of old brown and almost certain brown himself; destroying all their ammunition and provisions, and the boys would burn the town to the ground. _i could not help it_.... your friend, reid. hon. william higgins of bartlesville, oklahoma, then fourteen years of age, drove one of the three teams that comprised reid's means of transportation. concerning reid's losses in the battle, he says: "the total was three men wounded. two of these were conveyed back to missouri in one of the wagons, while the other wounded man was able to ride his horse. no one was killed."[194] on the free-state side the battle seems to have been opened by dr. updegraff, of osawatomie, and holmes. the latter was "saddling up," presumably to join brown in another day's ride after cattle, when the presence of the enemy was announced, and rode up toward the adairs until he sighted reid's troopers, upon whom he fired three times from his sharp's rifle.[195] from lawrence, september 7th, brown wrote to his wife as follows:[196] dear wife and children every one: i have one moment to write to you, to say that i am yet alive, that jason and family were well yesterday--john and family, i hear, are well (he being yet a prisoner). on the morning of the 30th of august an attack was made by the ruffians on osawatomie, numbering some four hundred, by whose scouts our dear frederick was shot dead, without warning--he supposed them to be free-state men, as near as we can learn. one other man, a cousin of mr. adair was murdered by them about the same time that frederick was killed, and one badly wounded at the same time. at this time i was about three miles off, where i had some fourteen or fifteen men over night that i had just enlisted to serve under me as regulars. these i collected as well as i could, with some twelve or fifteen more--and in about three quarters of an hour i attacked them from a wood with thick undergrowth. with this force we threw them into confusion for fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time we killed or wounded from seventy to eighty of the enemy--as they say--and then we escaped as well as we could, with one killed while escaping, two or three wounded and as many more were missing. four or five free-state men were butchered during the day in all. jason fought bravely by my side during the fight, and escaped with me, he being unhurt. i was struck by a partly spent grape canister, or rifle shot, which bruised me some, but did not injure me seriously. "hitherto the lord has helped me," notwithstanding my afflictions, etc., etc. john brown. on the same day he gave out the following statement for publication:[197] the fight of osawatomie early in the morning of the 30th of august the enemy's scouts approached to within one mile and a half of the western boundary of the town of osawatomie. at this place my son frederick (who was not attached to my force) had lodged with some four other young men from lawrence, and a young man named garrison, from middle creek. the scouts, led by a pro-slavery preacher named white, shot my son dead in the road while he--as i have since ascertained--supposed them to be friendly. at the same time they butchered mr. garrison, and badly mangled one of the young men from lawrence, who came with my son, leaving him for dead. this was not far from sunrise. i had stopped during the night about two and one half miles from them, and nearly one mile from osawatomie. i had no organized force, but only some twelve or fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their preparations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon as this news was brought to me. as i had no means of learning correctly the force of the enemy, i placed twelve of the recruits in a log-house, hoping we might be able to defend the town. i then gathered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with guns--and we started in the direction of the enemy. after going a few rods we could see them approaching the town in line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west of the village. i then gave up all idea of doing more than to annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were all retreated, and which was filled with a thick growth of underbrush--but i had no time to recall the twelve men in the log house, and so lost their assistance in the fight. at this point above named i met with captain cline, a very active young man, who had with him some twelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to go with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the osage, or marais des cygnes, a little to the north west from the village. here the men, numbered not more than thirty in all, were directed to scatter and secrete themselves as well as they could, and await the approach of the enemy. this was done in full view of them (who must have seen the whole movement), and had to be done in the utmost haste. i believe captain cline and some of his men were not even dismounted during the fight, but cannot assert positively. when the left wing of the enemy had approached to within common rifle shot, we commenced firing, and very soon threw the northern branch of the enemy's line into disorder. this continued for some fifteen or twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon opportunity to annoy them. captain cline and his men soon got out of ammunition, and retired across the river. after the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until, by the leaving of one and another, we had but six or seven left. we then retired across the river. we had one man killed--a mr. powers, from captain cline's company--in the fight. one of my men, a mr. partridge, was shot in crossing the river. two or three of the party who took part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or taken prisoners. two were wounded--namely. dr. updegraff and mr. collis. i cannot speak in too high terms of them, and of many others i have not now time to mention. one of my best men, together with myself, was struck by a partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commencement of the fight, but we were only bruised. the loss i refer to is one of my missing men. the loss of the enemy, as we learn by the different statements of our own as well as their people, was some thirty one or two killed, and from forty to fifty wounded. after burning the town to ashes and killing a mr. williams, they had taken, whom neither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying their dead and wounded with them. they did not attempt to cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since returned to look over their work. i give this in great haste, in the midst of constant interruption. my second son was with me in the fight, and escaped unharmed. this i mention for the benefit of his friends. old preacher white, i hear, boasts of having killed my son. of course he is a lion. john brown. lawrence, kansas, sept. 7, 1856. in a third statement[198] brown says: "in the battle of osawatomie, capt. (or dr.) updegraff--and two others whose names i have lost, were severely (one of them shockingly) wounded before the fight began, august 30, 1856." the arrival of reid's forces at osawatomie, was a complete surprise. brown knew nothing of their coming until after the battle was on. mr. villard states[199] that john brown and his party, with the exception of holmes, who spent the night in town, crossed the marias des cygnes to their camp on the crane claim (about two miles from the town), taking their cattle with them. captain cline and about fifteen men remained in the town. two of brown's men, bondi and benjamin, were on guard (over the cattle) on the morning of the 30th, until the firing began. brown was preparing breakfast at the cattle camp, where a messenger is said to have arrived with the news that frederick brown had been killed; whereupon brown is said to have "seized his arms" and "cried, 'men come on!' and with luke f. parsons hurried down the hill to the crossing nearest the town." but the men, it seems, finished their breakfast before responding to this request and still had time to overtake their leader. mr. villard says that "after finishing their coffee, most of them overtook their leader before he reached the town"; and that parsons, upon following brown into the timber where the fighting was going on, "met captain cline and his company of fifteen well-mounted men retiring through the town, abandoning their cattle and their other plunder. one of his (cline's) men, theodore parker powers, was killed in the few minutes they were at the front." from the data at hand it appears that the battle was opened by holmes, who fired upon reid's advance immediately upon the latter's arrival; that dr. updegraff, and other citizens of osawatomie, turned out, and with captain cline defended the town for "an hour or more" during which time powers, of cline's company, was killed and dr. updegraff and two others were severely wounded. these were all the casualties that befell the free-state men in the actual fighting; and brown states that they occurred "before the fight began": by which he meant, before he arrived upon the scene, which was at the time parsons met cline retiring in disorder from the field. none of brown's men was hit while fighting. one of them, geo. w. partridge, was killed in the retreat while crossing the river. it seems therefore, that brown arrived late in the engagement and that he, very wisely, attempted nothing "more than to annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were all retreated." comment or criticism, favorable or unfavorable, as to what john brown did or did not do in this fight is equally unimportant. brown's men were not a military company organized for the defense of osawatomie. they were a gang of "rustlers," as cattle thieves are sometimes called. such organizations are not under obligations to fight anybody; and they do not fight, except as their personal interests or advantage may seem to require at the time. in this case the prospects for defeating reid's command of two hundred and fifty men, getting his horses, and saving their own plunder, were so unfavorable, that brown and his men were justified in getting away from the trouble as best they could; and that is what they did, leaving the town to be pillaged and burned by reid's army. that "they stood not upon the order of their going" is evident from the fact that brown lost his hat while making good his escape from the trouble. of this incident sarah brown says: on the day that my brother frederick was killed near osawatomie, my father lost his hat in fighting.[200] general reid's estimate of the battle as quoted by mr. villard,[201] is perhaps more nearly the truth: "merely the driving out of a flock of quail." and it may be truthfully said that some of the birds flew as far as lawrence, before alighting; "indeed, bondi, benjamin and hawes set off at once for lawrence and so by himself did holmes."[202] as for brown, he went deep into the friendly brush and hid. to a legislative committee, february 18, 1857, he read, from a prepared address, that about the first of september he was "obliged to lie on the ground, without shelter, for a considerable time; and at times almost in a state of starvation, and dependent on the charity of a christian indian." brown's son frederick was killed by the rev. martin white, who was with the patrol that was scouting the head of reid's column as it approached osawatomie. frederick had come from lawrence the day before with hawes. the two stopped over night at the carr cabin, adjoining his uncle adair's place, where they had left their horses. frederick arose early to feed them, and noticing two or three mounted men approaching, walked out to see who they were. the parson knew him, and recognized him as being one of a party that had raided his home, and his stables, on the night of august 13th, whereupon he shot him through the heart as he stood in the road. mr. villard treats this incident facetiously. he says:[203] thus on august 13th, the home of the rev. martin white was raided by free-state men, among them james h. holmes, and ten pro-slavery horses were weaned from their allegiance to a wicked and failing cause. white, a prejudiced witness, asserted that the horses were laden with plunder, but upon this point the memories of holmes and bondi, both participants, failed them. continuing he says:[204] white pretended to recognize the boots on brown as a pair stolen from his son in the raid upon white; but there is no evidence to show that frederick brown was at that time elsewhere than in lawrence. it may be said with equal irrelevancy, that there is no evidence to show that frederick was elsewhere than in the raid. the author knows, or ought to know, the exact facts concerning that feature of this deplorable incident. he could have obtained the information from holmes, one of the principals, or from others whom he met, who had knowledge of the facts. however, it is probable that frederick was a party to this robbery. he returned to kansas with his father from nebraska city. "frederick felt," according to the testimony of henry thompson, "that pottawatomie bound him to kansas. he did not wish to leave. he felt that a great crime had been committed and that he should go back to kansas and live it out."[205] august 10th, father and son arrived at topeka and disappeared. but since osawatomie was the field of their prospective operations, and robbery the purpose for which they intended to enter it, frederick probably went direct from topeka to osawatomie, and participated, with holmes and bondi, in an outrage for which he paid the forfeit of his life. his presence in the robbery is not the only probability in the case. the stolen stuff had to be sold somewhere, and, because of his experience in the business, and his knowledge of how to do such things, it is quite probable that after raiding the parson's and other homes, he went north with the horses that had been stolen, and disposed of them, and had just returned with the proceeds, august 29th, for another consignment of horses; or, possibly, to drive the cattle, which his father was to steal during his absence, to their destination. the death of frederick was the beginning of the utter collapse and failure of brown's "get-rich-quick" expedition. his camp was raided a few hours later, and his property--the cattle and other loot of the recent foray, and probably the four mule team and provisions--was all taken by the enemy. "the horses and cattle, at hand, were gathered up and carried off, including cline's booty from south middle creek."[206] the statement put forth, that after the battle brown "encamped" several days on the houser farm, about two and one-half miles from osawatomie, and attempted to fortify it,[207] is merely trifling with history. aside from his personal statement that he was hiding, and starving, during this time, it follows, logically, that if brown were human, and could have obtained facilities for so doing, he would not have refrained, until september 7th, from writing to his wife at north elba, the sad news concerning the death of their son. and further, if john brown had believed that his relation to this battle was honorable, and that the part which he had performed in it was in any sense heroic or creditable, he would not have concealed himself and the facts concerning his heroism from the public for eight days. it appears that brown arrived bareheaded at the adair home on the evening of the 30th, saw the dead body of his son, took his cap, and disappeared, leaving the burial of the body to be attended to by others.[208] the truth seems to be that he was ashamed because of his disgraceful conduct; and terror stricken because of the calamities which he had brought upon the people of the ill-fated town: and that he slunk out of sight and hid to avoid arrest, and the public condemnation that was his due. but when at lawrence, bondi, benjamin, and holmes gave out their exaggerations concerning the battle, but nothing about the robberies; and told of their personal prowess in the engagement, and of their leader's heroism (?) therein; and when brown discovered that his band of thieves had come to be recognized as a military organization; and that he, the loki of osawatomie, had become the "hero of osawatomie"; then, and not till then, came he out of hiding, and affirmed what had been put forth by his men concerning him, and accepted the honors which were accordingly thrust upon him. with these september days came the climax of the aggressive free-state campaign. also, came the collapse of the pro-slavery effort to fasten slavery upon kansas by force of arms. lawrence was the headquarters for the free-state men, and their activities gave to the place an atmosphere of war. lane led an expedition against atchison's army which he encountered at bull creek. september 7th, the day brown arrived from osawatomie, an expedition was launched against leavenworth, under the command of colonel james a. harvey, but it was ordered back to lawrence, by general lane, before it arrived at its destination. on september 9th, general john w. geary arrived in the territory. he had been appointed territorial governor to succeed governor shannon. "almost simultaneously with harvey's movements, aaron d. stevens, alias charles whipple, raided osawkie, a pro-slavery settlement, taking eighty horses and nearly as many arms."[209] falling back from the front of atchison's army at bull creek, lane personally led an attack upon hickory point, and finding the pro-slavery men too strong, sent to lawrence for assistance. "whipple and fifty men responded; but on their arrival lane wanted bickerton's cannon, and sent to lawrence for it." colonel harvey, who had just got back from the leavenworth campaign, also went to his assistance, arriving on the 14th. lane in the meantime had abandoned the siege, but harvey attacked them at once, and after a spirited fight captured the force. his loss was five men wounded. the pro-slavery loss was one man killed and four wounded. there was no robbery involved in this battle.[210] later, captain wood, united states army, met and captured one hundred of harvey's men including their arms, and the cannon. the withdrawal of lane from lawrence, with a large portion of the organized free-state forces, left the town quite unprepared to resist the advance against it by general atchison's army, which arrived at franklin on the 13th. this was the most formidable force that had ever invaded the territory. it comprised, at this time, twenty-seven hundred men, including a battery of artillery. the principal subordinate commanders were generals john w. reid, b. f. stringfellow, w. a. haskell, and j. w. whitfield. on the afternoon of the 14th, atchison made a reconnoissance, his advance guard drawing the fire of the free-state pickets in front of lawrence. his attack upon the town on the morning of the 15th, was prevented by the armed intervention of the federal government. during the night of the 14th, detachments of united states cavalry and artillery arrived at lawrence, and took up positions to defend the town. the territorial governor, geary, appeared upon the scene on the morning of the 15th, and, proceeding to atchison's camp, notified him that he could proceed no farther. this forceful intervention was fatal to the pro-slavery propaganda. upon receiving the governor's ultimatum, the pro-slavery leaders disbanded their army and gave up the struggle. geary's interference was not wholly unexpected. the "hand writing" had heretofore been seen "upon the wall." before atchison's advance upon lawrence, a south carolinian, connected with the invading army, stated the situation in this way: "and why should we remain? we cannot fight, and of course, cannot prevent our enemy from voting. the object of our mission will then, of course, be defeated and we had as well return."[211] brown was well received by the free-state leaders, on his arrival at lawrence. he was fresh from the "bloody field of osawatomie." he gave his story to the press, and posed as the hero of a splendidly fought battle against odds of nearly ten to one; and, although defeated, had inflicted _heavy losses_ upon the enemy. after his arrival, the sunday morning council reassembled, and decided on the movement against leavenworth. most of the men thereupon offered the command to john brown, a responsibility he declined, out of deference to other leaders, and it was then entrusted to colonel james a. harvey.[212] referring to the defense of lawrence, mr. villard says, with reference to september 14th: but the day before lieutenant colonel johnston's arrival, these amateur fortifications were filled with very earnest free-soil men, ready to defend lawrence at any cost. in the absence of lane, the command was as much in the hands of major j. b. abbott and captain joseph cracklin of the "stubbs" as of any one else. some partisans of john brown have attempted to prove that he was in command, but the evidence is conclusive that he declined major abbott's offer of the command of a company, and then, at his request, went from one of the "forts" to another, encouraging the men, urging them to fire low, and giving them such military information as was his, everywhere, according to major abbott, with excellent results.[213] of the invaders, mr. villard says:[214] they had with them no less than twenty-seven hundred men, some of them completely uniformed and well equipped. besides infantry and cavalry, there was a six-pounder battery; in all a remarkably strong force. its advance guard had come in sight of the men on guard at lawrence on the afternoon of the 14th, and after an hour's shooting at long range, the missourians had retired upon franklin. naturally the people of lawrence were in great alarm; few were able to sleep that night, remembering as they did, atchison's last visit to their town. there was, therefore, general rejoicing when, on the next morning, lieut. col. johnston's troops were found to be encamped on mount oread, the hill overlooking lawrence, where they had arrived during the night. the people of lawrence might well be in a state of alarm during the night of the 14th, believing that with the dawn of the 15th, atchison's guns would open upon the town. but brown was not there on the morning of the 15th to help meet the shock of the impending battle. true to the mercenary character of his conduct, he declined all offers of command on the 14th, and left the town to its fate, going to the home, in the country, of augustus wattles.[215] upon assuming control of affairs as territorial governor, general geary released the free-state leaders who had been arrested and held as prisoners at lecompton during the later months of governor shannon's administration, an act that caused great rejoicing at lawrence. on the 13th, charles robinson addressed the following letter to brown: lawrence, september 13, 1856. captain john brown: dear sir: governor geary has been here and _talks very well_. he promises to protect us, etc. there will be no attempt to arrest anyone for a few days, and i think no attempt to arrest you is contemplated by him. he talks of letting the past be forgotten, so far as may be, and of commencing anew. if convenient, can you not come to town and see us? i will then tell you all that the governor said, and talk of some other matters. very respectfully, c. robinson in response to this letter. brown called upon the governor on the 14th; told him the story of his "defense" of osawatomie, and obtained from him the following beautiful letter:[216] lawrence, sept. 14, 1856. captain john brown. my dear sir: i take this opportunity to express to you my sincere gratification that the late report, that you were killed, at the battle of osawatomie, is incorrect. your course, so far as i have been informed, has been such as to merit the highest praise from every patriot, and i cheerfully accord to you my heartfelt thanks for your prompt, efficient, and timely action against the invaders of our rights and the murderers of our citizens. history will give your name a proud place in her pages and posterity will pay homage to your heroism in the cause of god and humanity. trusting that you will conclude to remain in kansas, and serve during the war, the cause you have done so much to sustain, and with earnest prayers for your health, and protection from the shafts of death that so thickly beset your path. i subscribe myself, very respectfully, your obedient servant, c. robinson. but brown was seeking neither honors nor honorable mention for honorable purposes; he sought only for something of commercial value. he wanted "assistance"; something upon which he could work the public for money. robinson, therefore, addressed to him a second letter, a letter of credit, as follows: _to the settlers of kansas_-if possible please render captain john brown all the assistance he may require in defending kansas from invaders and outlaws, and you will confer a favor upon your co-laborer and fellow citizen. c. robinson. brown obtained these letters by dissimulation. he took advantage of the governor's confidence in his statements and deeply imposed upon him. he concealed from him the plans which he had formed for working a colossal graft upon the free-state sentiment in the east; and the fact that he intended to use these letters in pursuance of them. he was equivocal, too, as to his plans for leaving the territory. if he had given charles robinson even a hint that he had been robbing the settlers in the osawatomie district of their horses, cattle, and clothing; and had thus provoked reid's descent upon the town, and the burning of it, as a retaliatory measure, and that he intended to use the letters he asked for in grafting operations, they would not have been written. brown's latest biographer regards the foregoing letters of special interest, because of governor robinson's subsequent criticism of brown's actions--assuming that the spirit of these letters in inconsistent with his later estimate of the rectitude of brown's conduct.[217] the point is not well taken. the governor's endorsement is, plainly, dependent upon the information which he had received relating to it. he said: your course, _so far as i have been informed_, has been such as to merit the highest praise from every patriot, and he then proceeds to state what the heartfelt thanks are for: "for your prompt, efficient, and timely action against the _invaders_ of our right and the _murderers_ of our citizens." this plain language cannot be distorted into an approval, by the governor, of brown's crimes in murdering and plundering pro-slavery settlers; who came into the territory to build homes for their families, as brown and his sons originally came to do; and whose rights, as settlers, were equal to those of their free-state neighbors. equality of settlers' rights, was the basic principle of the free-state contention. robinson wrote it into the platform of the party and unalterably maintained it, to a victorious finish. the war that was being carried on by the free-state men, was directed against the invasion of the free-state settlers' rights by pro-slavery men who were non-residents of the territory. john brown remained at the wattles farm until the 22d. meanwhile plans were matured for his sons, john and jason, and their families, to quit the territory. during the first days of october they left kansas for the east. brown's farewell is recorded by mr. villard, as follows:[218] on departing from the territory, brown left the remainder of his osawatomie volunteer-regular company under the command of james h. holmes, with instructions to "carry the war into africa." this holmes did by raiding into missouri and appropriating some horses and arms and other property, for which he was promptly and properly indicted and long pursued by the kansas and missouri authorities. the foregoing is the record, to date, of john brown's "activities" in kansas. the peace and tranquility of the osawatomie district to which he came in october, 1855, had not theretofore been disturbed by any distracting contentions. the settlers were pursuing the even tenor of their way. they were comfortable, prosperous, and contented; living in the security vouchsafed, by the usages of our civilization and the laws of our country, to all of its citizens. they so continued to live, during a period of eight months thereafter, wholly unsuspicious of the designs their neighbor, brown, was maturing against their peace, their property, and their lives. from 1854 to 1860, the great political contest in the country was over the question of the extension of slavery into the public domain. it was the paramount issue in national politics. new alignments were then formed throughout the country in relation to it, as men were differently moved by their sympathies or interests. in kansas, the division in public sentiment was more pronounced than elsewhere, for reasons that have been stated. naturally, the settlers in the osawatomie neighborhood were divided upon this political question; but certainly not with very much greater intensity of feeling than this same neighborhood was divided afterward, upon the great moral question of prohibition, or upon the equally great economic question of free-coinage of silver. the differences of opinion there did not promote or arouse personal animosities, or bitterness of feeling, among the settlers. ample authority for this conclusion of fact is found in the letters written, at the time, by john brown and others of his family, and in the statement which he voluntarily made in 1857, before a committee of the massachusetts legislature, heretofore quoted. a large majority of the settlers in that district belonged to the free-state party which made the security and peace of the free-state settlers complete, beyond debate. these conditions of peace and tranquility continued undisturbed, until the night of may 24, 1856, when john brown opened his "school" of plunder, and cast the baleful shadow of his presence upon the settlement. the pottawatomie horror inaugurated a season of assassination and robbery unprecedented in kansas history: a period of public disorder and crime, that ended only when the territory was finally rid of john brown and his marauders. chapter viii hypocrisy _he was a man who stole the livery of the court of heaven to serve the devil in._ --pollock, course of time john brown "struck the trail" of "easy money" june 28, 1855, when gerrit smith presented his case to the syracuse convention and collected sixty dollars to assist him in migrating to kansas. he had followed it up with profit, while en route thereto, at springfield, hudson, akron, and cleveland. now he was returning to the east to work the field again. it was the same graft which he had theretofore worked, but upon greatly improved plans and along broader lines. he had two schemes in view. robinson's letter of september 14th addressed "to the settlers of kansas," showed that brown was their accredited defender "from invaders and outlaws." under the pretext of enlisting, arming, equipping, and maintaining in kansas, a company of fifty mounted men to protect the settlers from "invaders and outlaws," he intended to try to secure $30,000, in cash, to finance the pretense. the other scheme was to have the legislatures of massachusetts and new york appropriate large sums of money--$100,000 each--to reimburse persons who had emigrated to kansas from these states, for losses which they were supposed to have "suffered in advancing the free-state cause." naturally, brown and all the members of his family were "sufferers," and would be eligible as beneficiaries of this legislation. "the national kansas committee" was a company formed to promote emigration to kansas territory. it was also a sort of clearing-house for the various committees which had been organized in the northern states for a similar purpose. it had offices in new york, chicago, and other places. mr. e. b. whitman was the resident agent of the company in kansas, a fact which the browns had not overlooked. that brown had this scheme for raising money in view as early as july, 1856, appears from the fact that before leaving kansas with his sons, in that month, he called upon mr. whitman, at lawrence, and filed with him a paper which was intended to serve as the foundation of a claim for reimbursement for such losses. it reads as follows:[219] for mr. whitman names of sufferers and persons who have made sacrifices in endeavoring to maintain and advance the free-state cause in kansas, within my personal knowledge. 1. two german refugees (thoroughly free-state), robbed at pottawatomie, named benjamin and bondy (or bundy). one has served under me as a volunteer; namely, bondy. benjamin was prisoner for some time; suffered by men under coffee and pate. 2. henry thompson. devoted several months to the free-state cause, traveling nearly two thousand miles at his own expense for the purpose, leaving family and business for about one year. served under me as a volunteer; was dangerously wounded at palmyra, or black jack; had a bullet lodged beside his backbone; has had a severe turn of fever, and is still very feeble. suffered a little in the burning of the houses of john brown, jr., and jason brown. 3. john jr. and jason brown. both burned out; both prisoners for some time, one a prisoner still: both losing the use of valuable, partially improved claims. both served repeatedly as volunteers for defense of lawrence and other places, suffering great hardships and some cruelty. 4. owen and frederick brown. both served at different periods as volunteers, under me. were both in the battle of palmyra; both suffered by the burning of their brothers' houses; both have had sickness (owen a severe one), and are yet feeble. both lost the use of partially improved claims and their spring and summer work. 5. salmon brown (minor). twice served under me as a volunteer; was dangerously wounded (if not permanently crippled) by accident near palmyra; had a severe sickness and is still feeble. 6. oliver brown (minor). served under me as a volunteer for some months; was in the battle of palmyra, and had some sickness. 7. (b. l.) cochrane (at pottawatomie). twice served under me as a volunteer; was in the battle of palmyra. 8. dr. lucius mills devoted some months to the free-state cause, collecting and giving information, prescribing for and nursing the sick and wounded at his own cost. is a worthy free-state man. 9. john brown has devoted the service of himself and two minor sons to the free-state cause for more than a year; suffered by the fire before named and by robbery; has gone at his own cost for that period, except that he and his company together have received forty dollars in cash, two sacks of flour, thirty five pounds of bacon, thirty five do. of sugar, and twenty pounds of rice. i propose to serve hereafter in the free-state cause (provided my needful expenses can be met) should they be desired; and to raise a small regular force to serve on the same condition. my own means are so far exhausted that i can no longer continue in the service at present without the means of defraying my expenses are furnished me. i can give the names of some five or six more volunteers of special merit i would be glad to have particularly noticed in some way. j. brown when one considers the life brown had been leading and the nature of the atrocities which he had committed, this proposal to ask for compensation therefor is a piece of effrontery: a good exhibit of sublime gall. also, his ultimatum therein is deserving of consideration. in it he demands, as a condition precedent to the rendering of any further service in the free-state cause, that he have an assurance that he and his sons would be paid for such services. this demand further discloses the fact that the energies which brown was putting forth were not a devotion to the cause of the men in bondage, but that he sought to work a personal and family graft upon free-state sentiment of the country. during february, 1857, brown had a bill prepared and introduced in the massachusetts legislature to appropriate $100,000, as a contingent fund, to relieve the distress of settlers in kansas. and on the 18th of that month he and mr. whitman appeared before the committee, having charge of the bill, to urge its passage. brown arrived at tabor, iowa, en route to the east, october 10th. on the 23d he was at chicago, where he was well received by the national kansas committee. at this time it was moving a lot of supplies--two hundred sharp's rifles, a brass cannon, ammunition, clothing, etc.--across iowa to kansas, under the direction of dr. j. p. root. the committee asked brown to return and accompany the train to its destination. he, however, advised the management to stop the train, and not attempt to enter kansas with it; saying that "the immediate introduction of the supplies is not of much consequence compared to the danger of losing them." his remark had reference to the efficient measures which governor geary had adopted to put an end to the lawlessness which was prevailing in the territory at the time he assumed his official duties. brown went with root as far as tabor, iowa, where the supplies were stored, to await further developments. leaving tabor, he passed through chicago about the first of december. in ohio, upon presenting his letters from governor robinson to governor chase, he received from him an additional letter of commendation, for use in ohio, and twenty-five dollars in cash. thus encouraged, he pushed on, stopping at various places on the way, soliciting money, and arriving in boston about january 1, 1857. there the congratulatory letters which he had in his possession were of inestimable value to him. it was through them that he succeeded in establishing relations with men of ample means and of high character, who, by their generous contributions of money, and by their moral support, enabled him to work out his schemes to their logical conclusions. in boston, brown met mr. frank b. sanborn, a young man but a year and a half out of harvard, who was then secretary of the massachusetts state kansas committee. "he was on fire for the anti-slavery cause, and ready to worship any of its militant leaders."[220] brown, being a militant leader, made a deep impression upon this susceptible young enthusiast, who reported his find to mr. thomas wentworth higginson, "the fighting young unitarian parson of worcester," in a letter, as follows:[221] "old brown" of kansas is now in boston, with one of his sons, working for an object in which you will heartily sympathize--raising and arming a company of men for the future protection of kansas. he wishes to raise $30,000 to arm a company, such as he thinks he can raise this present winter, but will, as i understand him, take what money he can raise and use it as far as it will go. can you not come to boston tomorrow or next day and see capt. brown? if not, please indicate when you will be in worcester, so he can see you. i like the man from what i have seen--and his deeds ought to bear witness for him. it will be observed that this was to be a cash transaction: he will "take what money he can raise and use it as far as it will go." most persons will scan this proposal with grave suspicion, it bears so prominently the brand of the faker; but it will create no surprise in the minds of those who are familiar with brown's criminal conduct while in commercial life, and with his career of murder and robbery and association with thieves in kansas. in his enthusiasm for his kansas hero, mr. sanborn led brown, as the psalmist had been led, "into green pastures and beside the still waters." through him he met dr. samuel g. howe, patrick tracy jackson, george l. stearns, dr. samuel cabot, judge thomas russell, wendell phillips, william lloyd garrison, henry d. thoreau, ralph waldo emerson, and other notable persons, all of whom were intensely interested in the paramount political question of the day, and especially in the contest going on in kansas to make it a free state. his eastern campaign opened auspiciously. as the popular leader of a popular cause, he struck the popular fancy. he presented himself to the public, "modestly," as being the leader of the "fighting" forces of the territory; and as having come from the "front" to organize a more effective force, in order that he might render still more efficient services. january 7th, armed with his congratulatory letter from governor robinson, he called upon mr. amos a. lawrence, who wrote of him, admiringly, as follows: captain brown, the old partisan hero of kansas warfare, came to see me. i had a long talk with him. he is a calm, temperate, and pious man, but when roused he is a dreadful foe. he appears about sixty years old. his severe simplicity of habits, his determined energy, his heroic courage in time of trial, all based on a deep religious faith, make him a true representative of the puritanic warrior. i knew him before he went to kansas, and have known more of him since, and should esteem the loss of his service, from poverty, or any other cause, almost irreparable. mr. stearns, too, was deeply impressed with his "sagacity, courage, and strong integrity," he had him dine with him at his home on sunday, january 11th. brown sought, on this occasion, to advance his personal fortunes by discrediting charles robinson and other free-state leaders. measured by his standard they were a collection of incompetents. he exalted martin f. conway as the best of them, but characterized him as "lacking in force." naturally, if the best of them lacked force, there was an emergency to get brown back to the territory as speedily as possible. it became clear to mr. stearns's mind that it was the general incompetency and inefficiency of the men in control of affairs in kansas, their cowardice and consequent inability to "protect" the settlers, that impelled brown to come east and raise money to equip a force to protect them. he therefore determined "to do everything in his power to get him the arms and money he desired." mr. william lloyd garrison, also, was very much taken with him. "they discussed peace and non-resistance together, brown quoting the old testament against garrison's citations of the new, and parker, from time to time, injecting a bit of lexington into the controversy, which attracted a small group of interested listeners."[222] the first result of his newly formed relations was a contribution to him of two hundred sharp's rifles, four thousand ball cartridges, and thirty thousand percussion caps, made by the "massachusetts state kansas committee." these were the arms which brown had stored at tabor. the committee also voted him a credit of $500 for expenses. the massachusetts kansas committee originally purchased the arms, and had turned them over to the national kansas committee, under whose control they then were. before the latter committee, at its offices in the astor house, new york, brown appeared, january 24th, and presented his case. he asked for the arms, and for the moderate sum of $5,000, cash. but this committee had taken pains to inform itself, through its general agent, mr. arny, with reference to conditions existing in kansas. the directors, therefore, were not nearly so susceptible as were the more impulsive people of the massachusetts committee. they wanted to know something about the nature of the project which they were being asked to finance, and hoped that brown would make a more specific and definite declaration. they wanted to know what the cost of the equipment, for the defenders he talked about, would amount to, and called for a list of the articles which he needed, with an estimate of the cost of each; and wanted to know what he intended to do with the company after it was organized. and then they asked another very relevant question: what he intended to do with the five thousand dollars he wanted them to give him. brown's scheme was a personal matter, and to have answered these questions, and others that would have, logically, followed, would have caused him some embarrassment. he therefore denied their right to inquire into the privacy of his affairs. he wanted five thousand dollars flat; with no questions asked; and rising to the height of the occasion, put on a bold front, and refused to be interrogated. he said:[223] i am no adventurer. you all know me. you know what i have done in kansas. i do not expose my plans. no one knows them but myself, except perhaps one. i will not be interrogated; if you wish to give me anything, i want you to give it freely. i have no other purpose but to serve the cause of liberty. the debate being thus closed, the national committee then settled the question of the arms by transferring them back to the massachusetts committee; and with admirable tact, voted the five thousand dollars conditionally--for "necessary defensive purposes in aid of captain john brown in any defensive measures that may become necessary." the irony of the resolution was concealed by an order authorizing him to draw upon the committee for five hundred dollars at any time. but he received no part of it, until he showed, by his actions, that he intended to return to kansas. the committee penetrated the veneer that disguised brown's hypocrisy, and refused to put any money whatever into his hands. after the adjournment, he made up a list of the articles that he thought he would need, which he handed to mr. horace white, assistant secretary. it reads as follows: memorandum of articles wanted as an outfit for fifty volunteers to serve under my direction during the kansas war: or for such specified time as they may each enlist for: together with estimated cost of same delivered in lawrence or topeka.[224] 2 substantial (but not heavy) baggage waggons with good covers $200.00 4 good serviceable waggon horses 400.00 2 sets strong plain harness 50.00 100 good heavy blankets say at 2. or 2.50 200.00 8 substantial large sized tents 100.00 8 large camp kettles 12.00 50 tin basins 5.00 4 plain strong saddles & bridles 80.00 4 picket ropes and pins 3.00 8 wooden pails 4.00 8 axes and helves 12.00 8 frying pans (large size) 8.00 8 large sized coffee pots 10.00 8 do do spiders or bake ovens 10.00 8 do do tin pans 6.00 12 spades & shovels 18.00 6 mattocks 6.00 2 weeks provisions for men & horses 150.00 fund for horse hire & feed, loss & damage of same 500.00 -------- $1,774.00 there was a very handsome margin for profits between $30,000, his original estimate of what he would require to "arm and equip a company such as he thought he could raise this present winter" and his final estimate--$1,774. but that is not material; brown was simply working the field for all the money he could get; as mr. sanborn truly said "he will take all he can raise and use it as far as it will go." the national committee voted $1,774 to fill this requisition, but it declined to give brown the money wherewith to make the purchases. he had a right to expect that the committee would give him this money, and trust him to expend it honestly; but it ordered otherwise. february 18th mr. white wrote that the articles brown had requisitioned would be shipped the following week; and on march 21st he notified him that he would "shortly go to kansas and work there to fit him out with all the supplies he was entitled to under the new york resolution."[225] brown was keenly disappointed and deeply humiliated by the actions of the national committee; and in a letter to mr. william barnes, of albany, april 3d, gave expression to his resentment. he said: i am prepared to expect nothing but bad faith from the kansas national committee at chicago, as i will show you hereafter. this, for the present, is confidential.[226] it was money and not supplies that brown was eager for at this period in his operations. his plans did not contemplate any defense of kansas. the "arming and equipping" of the fifty men was a deception. it was but his stock in trade--a pretext upon which he solicited funds. he, and the kind of men he would have enlisted, if he enlisted any, had all the arms they would need, and stealing requires but little ammunition. in his largest successful venture--the pottawatomie--but one shot was fired, and that one, as stated by salmon brown, was "wholly unnecessary." february 18, 1857, was an important day in brown's calendar. mr. sanborn had prepared his bill to appropriate $100,000 to relieve the distress of kansas settlers. it had been introduced in the massachusetts legislature, and referred to the joint committee on federal relations, before which it was to be taken up, on that day, for consideration. mr. sanborn stood sponsor for the measure; and brown and mr. whitman appeared before the committee, as advocates, in support of it. introducing these two distinguished persons mr. sanborn said in part:[227] as one of the petitioners for state aid to the settlers of kansas, i appear before you to state briefly the purpose of the petition. no labored argument seems necessary; for if the events of the last two years in kansas, and the prospect there for the future, are not of themselves enough to excite massachusetts to action, certainly no words could do so. we have not provided ourselves with advocates, therefore, but with witnesses; and we expect that the statements of captain brown and mr. whitman will show conclusively that the rights and interests of massachusetts have suffered gross outrage in kansas--an outrage which is likely to be repeated unless measures are taken by you to prevent so shameful an abuse. your petitioners desire that a contingent appropriation be made by the legislature, to be placed in the hands of a commission of responsible and conservative men, and used only in case of necessity to relieve the distress of the settlers of kansas--especially such as have gone from our own state.... we have invited captain brown and mr. whitman to appear in our behalf, because these gentlemen are eminently qualified either to represent massachusetts in kansas, or kansas in massachusetts. the best blood of the "mayflower" runs in the veins of both, and each had an ancestor in the army of the revolution. mr. whitman, seventh in descent from miles standish, laid the foundation of the first church and the first school-house in kansas; john brown, the sixth descendant of peter browne, of the "mayflower," has been in kansas what standish was to the plymouth colony. these witnesses have seen the things of which they testify, and have felt the oppression we ask you to check. ask this gray haired man, gentleman--if you have the heart to do it--where lies the body of his murdered son--where are the homes of his four other sons, who a year ago were quiet farmers in kansas. i am ashamed, in presence of this modest veteran, to express the admiration which his heroism excites in me. yet he, so venerable for his years, his integrity, and his courage--a man whom all massachusetts rises up to honor--is today an outlaw in kansas. to these witnesses, whose unsworn testimony deserves and will receive from you all, the authority which an oath confers, i will now yield place. mr. redpath states that brown then came forward and read his speech, "in a clear ringing tone," as follows:[228] "i saw, while in missouri, in the fall of 1855, large numbers of men going to kansas to vote, and also returning after they had so done; as they said. "later in the year, i, with four of my sons, was called out and traveled, mostly on foot and during the night, to help defend lawrence, a distance of thirty-five miles; where we were detained, with some five hundred others, or thereabouts, from five to ten days--say an average of ten days--at a cost of not less than a dollar and a half per day, as wages, to say nothing of the actual loss and suffering occasioned to many of them, leaving their families sick, their crops not secured, their houses unprepared for winter, and many without houses at all. this was the case with myself and sons who could not get houses built after returning. wages alone would amount to seven thousand five hundred dollars; loss and suffering cannot be estimated. "i saw, at that time, the body of the murdered barber, and was present to witness his wife and other friends brought in to see him with his clothes on, just as he was when killed. "i, with six sons and a son-in-law, was called out, and travelled, most of the way on foot, to try and save lawrence, may 20 and 21, and much of the way in the night. from that date, neither i nor my sons, nor my son-in-law, could do any work about our homes, but lost our whole time until we left, in october; except one of my sons, who had a few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his brother's family, who were then without a home. "from about the 20th of may, hundreds of men, like ourselves, lost their whole time, and entirely failed of securing any kind of a crop whatever. i believe it safe to say, that five hundred free state men lost each one hundred and twenty days, which, at one dollar and a half per day, would be--to say nothing of attendant losses--ninety thousand dollars. "on or about the 30th of may, two of my sons, with several others, were imprisoned without other crime than opposition to bogus legislation, and most barbarously treated for a time, one being held about one month, and the other about four months. both had their families on the ground. after this, both of them had their houses burned, and all their goods consumed by the missourians. in this burning all the eight suffered. one had his oxen stolen, in addition." the captain, laying aside his paper, here said that he had now at his hotel, and would exhibit to the committee, if they so desired, the chains which one of his sons had worn, when he was driven beneath the burning sun, by federal troops, to a distant prison, on a charge of treason. the cruelties he there endured, added to the anxieties and sufferings incident to his position, had rendered him, the old man said, as his eye flashed and his voice grew sterner, "a maniac--yes, a maniac." he paused a few seconds, wiped a tear from his eye, and continued his narration.... "i saw while it was standing, and afterwards saw the ruins, of a most valuable house, the property of a highly civilized, intelligent, and exemplary christian indian, which was burned to the ground by the ruffians, because its owner was suspected of favoring the free state men. he is known as ottawa jones, or john t. jones. "in september last, i visited a beautiful little free state town called staunton, on the north side of the osage, (or marais-des-cygnes, as it is sometimes called,) from which every inhabitant had fled for fear of their lives, even after having built a strong log house, or wooden fort, at a heavy expense, for their protection. many of them had left their effects liable to be destroyed or carried off, not being able to remove them. this was to me a most gloomy scene, and like a visit to a sepulchre. "about the first of september, i, and five sick and wounded sons, and a son-in-law, were obliged to lie on the ground, without shelter, for a considerable time, and at times almost in a state of starvation, and dependent on the charity of the christian indian i have named before, and his wife." he concluded his remarks by denouncing the traitors to freedom, who, when a question of this kind was raised, cried out, "save the people's money--the dear people's money." he had a detailed estimate of how much the national government had expended in endeavoring to fasten slavery on kansas; and asked why these politicians had never cried out, "save the people's money!" when it was expended to trample under the foot of the "peculiar" crime of the south, the rights, lives, and property of the northern squatters. they were silent then. (applause.) the chairman then asked who commanded the free-state men at lawrence. his answer was characteristic of the man, whose courage was only equalled by his modesty and worth. he explained how bravely our boys acted--gave every one the credit but himself. when again asked who commanded them, he said,--no one; that he was asked to take the command, but refused, and only acted as their adviser! the captain spoke in conclusion, about the emigrants needed for kansas. "we want," he said, "good men, industrious men, men who respect themselves; who act only from the dictates of conscience; men who fear god too much to fear any thing human." when asked by the chairman:--"what is your opinion as to the probability of a renewal of hostilities in kansas--of another invasion; and what do you think would be the effect, on the free state men, of an appropriation by massachusetts?"--replied:--"whenever we heard, out in kansas that the north was doing any thing for us, we were encouraged and strengthened to struggle on. as to the probability of another invasion, i do not know. we ought to be prepared for the worst. things do not look one iota more encouraging now, than they did last year at this time. you ought to remember that, from the date of the shannon treaty till may last, there was perfect quiet in kansas; no fear of a renewal of hostilities; no violence offered to our citizens in missouri. i frequently went there myself; was known there; yet treated with the greatest kindness." the massachusetts kansas committee, of which mr. sanborn was secretary, was composed of the kind of men described in the resolution, "responsible and conservative men." it seems, therefore, that the scheme was to have the state appropriate this money, and place it with the massachusetts committee, for disbursement among kansas settlers who had suffered, as the browns and "four or five others" had suffered. of his biographers james redpath, alone, seems to have been favorably impressed with the speech; and it is unfortunate for brown's fame that he gave it publicity; for, had the report of the speech been suppressed and the manuscript destroyed, his biographers could have made much of the occasion; much more than was made of his mythical effort at lawrence, december 8, 1855. the speech was, in truth, a maudlin plea for compensation for the time which he and his sons had spent in secretly murdering and plundering kansas settlers. it also included a weak attempt to criticise the free-state leadership; a line of criticism then becoming popular, and still existing within the zone infected by the pernicious influence of the disunionists of that period. brown did not dare to even hint at the truth concerning what he had seen, and what he had personally done in kansas. yet he did not hesitate to seek to impose this measure for compensation upon the legislature, and to misinform it in relation to his conduct, and to misdirect its official actions. imagine if possible the dismay, horror, and disgust that would have taken possession of the members of this committee, if a correct view of brown's life, in kansas, had been portrayed to them. the arrangement of the function was audacious and clever; an illustration of his daring hypocrisy, reckless insolence, and consistent variance with right doing. the legislative committee penetrated brown's armor, as the kansas national committee had done, and refused to recommend that his bill be passed. three months later, mr. stearns was led to make an effort to have the new york legislature take up a similar measure. writing on may 18th, to a new york committee, he made the following remarkable statements:[229] since the close of the last year we have confined our operations to aiding those persons in kansas who were, or intended to become, citizens of that territory,--believing that sufficient inducements to immigrate existed in the prosperous state of affairs there; and we now believe that should quiet and prosperity continue there for another year, the large influx of northern and eastern men will secure the state for freedom. to insure the present prosperity we propose- 1. to have our legislature make a grant of one hundred thousand dollars, to be placed in the hands of discreet persons, who shall use it for relief of those in kansas who are, or may become, destitute through border-ruffian outrage. we think it will be done. 2. to organize a secret force, well armed, and under control of the famous john brown, to repel border-ruffian outrage and defend the free-state men from all alleged impositions. this organization is strictly to be a defensive one. 3. to aid by timely donations of money those parties of settlers in the territory who from misfortune are unable to provide for their present wants. i am personally acquainted with captain brown, and have great confidence in his courage, prudence, and good judgment. he has control of the whole affair, including contributions of arms, clothing, etc., to the amount of thirteen thousand dollars. his presence in the territory will, we think, give the free-state men confidence in their cause, and also check the disposition of the border ruffians to impose on them. this i believe to be the most important work to be done in kansas at the present time. many of the free-state leaders being engaged in speculations are willing to accept peace on any terms. brown and his friends hold to the original principle of making kansas free, without regard to private interests. if you agree with me, i should like to have your money appropriated for the use of captain john brown. if not that, the other proposition, to aid parties of settlers now in the territory will be the next best. it appears from the closing sentences of this letter, that brown had succeeded in discrediting the men, who were steadfastly working out the free-state problem, in order to ingratiate himself with the people whom he then sought to delude. his turpitude should not provoke surprise. the crime of ingratitude cannot further degrade the character of this mendacious mendicant. having assassinated his unoffending neighbors in the west, and robbed them, he now assassinated the fame of honorable men, and robbed them of the measure of confidence and esteem to which they were justly entitled because of their public services. disappointed in his scheme to have money legislated into his pocket, and in his effort to raise the thirty thousand dollars in large sums, he proceeded to canvass the east personally, for money, and to draw upon every possible source of supply--sailing under false colors and doing business under false pretenses. referring to this, mr. villard says:[230] it must not be forgotten in this connection that very little was known in boston at this time, about the pottawatomie murders, and still less about brown's connection with them. frank preston stearns, the biographer of his father, states that the latter never knew of john brown's connection with the crime, and it may be well that theodore parker and others passed off the scene without a full realization of the connection between the harper's ferry leader and the tragedy of may 24, 1856. brown was proficient in the art of dissimulation. mr. thoreau was thus impressed with what, to him, seemed to be the sanctity of a christian character. he said:[231] he was never able to find more than a score or so of recruits whom he would accept, and only about a dozen (among them his own sons) in whom he had perfect faith. when he was here, he showed me a little manuscript book,--his "orderly book" i think he called it,--containing the names of his company in kansas, and the rules by which they bound themselves and he stated that several of them had already sealed the contract with their blood. when some one remarked that with the addition of a chaplain, it would have been a perfect cromwellian troop, he observed that he would have been glad to add a chaplain to the list, if he could have found one man who could fill the place worthily. i believe he had prayers in his camp morning and evening, nevertheless. he is a man of spartan habits, and at sixty was scrupulous about his diet at your table, excusing himself by saying that he must eat sparingly and fare hard, as became a soldier, or one who was fitting himself for difficult enterprises, a life of exposure. a man of rare common-sense and directness of speech as of action, a transcendentalist, above all a man of ideas and principles,--that is what distinguishes him. not yielding to a whim or transient impulse, but carrying out the purpose of a life. i noticed that he did not overstate anything, but spoke within bounds. i remember particularly how, in his speech here, he referred to what his family had suffered in kansas, without ever giving the least vent to his pent up fire. it was a volcano with an ordinary chimney flue. also referring to the deeds of certain border ruffians, he said, rapidly paring away his speech, like an experienced soldier keeping a reserve of force and meaning: "they had a perfect right to be hung." he was not in the least a rhetorician, was not talking to buncombe or his constituents anywhere. he had no need to invent anything, but to tell the simple truth, and communicate his own resolution; therefore he appeared incomparably strong, and eloquence in congress and elsewhere seemed to me at a discount. it was like the speeches of cromwell compared with those of an ordinary king. mr. emerson recorded his impressions in the following beautiful language: for himself, brown is so transparent that all men see him through. he is a man to make friends wherever on earth courage and integrity are esteemed,--the rarest of heroes, a pure idealist with no by-ends of his own. many of us have seen him, and everyone who has heard him speak has been impressed alike by his simple, artless goodness and sublime courage. he joins that perfect puritan faith which brought his ancestors to plymouth rock, with his grandfather's ardor in the revolution. he believes in two articles,--two instruments shall i say?--the golden rule and the declaration of independence; and he used this expression in a conversation here concerning them: "better a whole generation of men, women and children should pass away by a violent death, than that one word of either should be violated in this country." there is a unionist, there is a strict constructionist for you! he believes in the union of the states, and he conceives that the only obstruction to the union is slavery; and for that reason, as a patriot, he works for its abolition.[232] these exalted characters, incapable of detecting the vile imposition which he was practicing upon them, gave brown the full measure of their confidence; even accepting at its face value the assassin's statement that he would have been glad to add a chaplain to his band, if he could have found one who could fill that office worthily. governor robinson had been more conservative in his recommendation. he based his approval of brown upon the information he had received. "your career," he said, "so far as i have been informed, has been such as to merit the highest praise." as may be supposed, brown's most dependable contributor was the massachusetts committee. january 7th it voted him $500 for expenses and on april 11th it voted him $500 more for the same account. april 15th it authorized him to "sell to free-state settlers in kansas, one hundred of the rifles it had placed in his care, for not less than fifteen dollars each, and to apply the proceeds to relieve the suffering inhabitants of the territory."[233] meanwhile he pursued his personal campaign for money without abatement of energy; visiting the principal towns and cities in massachusetts, new york, and connecticut.[234] on march 4th he published, in the new york _tribune_, the following general advertisement for remittances of money:[235] to the friends of freedom the undersigned, whose individual means were exceedingly limited when he first engaged in the struggle for liberty in kansas, being now still more destitute, and no less anxious than in time past to continue his efforts to sustain that cause, is induced to make this earnest appeal to the friends of freedom throughout the united states, in the firm belief that his call will not go unheeded. i ask all honest lovers of liberty and human rights, both male and female, to hold up my hands by contributions of pecuniary aid, either as counties, cities, towns, villages, societies, churches, or individuals. i will endeavor to make a judicious and faithful application of all such means as i may be supplied with. contributions may be sent in drafts to w. h. d. callender, cashier state bank, hartford, conn. it is my intention to visit as many places as i can during my stay in the states, provided i am first informed of the disposition of the inhabitants to aid me in my efforts as well as to receive my visit. information may be communicated to me (care of the massasoit house) springfield, mass. will editors of newspapers friendly to the cause kindly second the measure, and also give this some half dozen insertions? will either gentlemen or ladies, or both, who love the cause, volunteer to take up the business? it is with no little sacrifice of personal feeling that i appear in this manner before the public. at hartford and canton, connecticut, he used a similar appeal: i am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thousand dollars in the free states, to enable me to continue my efforts in the cause of freedom. will the people of connecticut, my native state, afford me some aid in this undertaking? will the gentlemen and ladies of hartford, where i make my first appeal in this state, set the example of an earnest effort? will some gentleman or lady take hold and try what can be done by small contributions from counties, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some other way? i think the little beggar-children in the streets are sufficiently interested to warrant their contributing, if there was any need of it, to secure the object.[236] february 19th mr. lawrence sent brown a check for seventy dollars which had been contributed to the massachusetts company by john conant, of new hampshire. about this time mr. lawrence published an offer to be "one of ten, or a smaller number, to pay a thousand dollars per annum till the admission of kansas into the union, for the purpose of supporting john brown's family and keeping the proposed company in the field." since he did not intend to have any company in kansas, brown took up this proposal promptly and pressed tenaciously to commute it for a thousand dollars, cash. on march 19th, he wrote mr. lawrence from new haven, as follows:[237] the offer you so kindly made through the _telegraph_ some time since, emboldens me to propose the following for your consideration: for one thousand dollars cash i am offered an improved piece of land which with a little improvement i now have, might enable my family, consisting of a wife & five minor children (the youngest not yet three years old) to procure a subsistence should i never return to them; my wife being a good economist, & a real old fashioned business woman. she has gone through the two past winters in our open cold house; unfinished outside; & not plastered. i have no other income or means for their support. i have never hinted to any one else that i had a thought of asking for any help to provide in any such way for my family; & should not to you, but for your own suggestion. i fully believe i shall get the help i need to operate with west. last night a private meeting of some gentlemen here; voted to raise one thousand dollars in new haven for that purpose. if you feel at all inclined to encourage me in the measure i have proposed, i shall be grateful to get a line from you; care massasoit house, springfield, mass; & will call when i come again to boston. i do not feel disposed to weary you with my oft repeated visitations. i believe i am indebted to you as the unknown giver of one share of emigrant aid stock; as i can think of no other so likely to have done it. is my appeal right? mr. lawrence replied march 20th that he had just sent nearly fourteen thousand dollars to kansas to establish a school fund there, and was short of money, but assured him that if his life were shortened while engaged in the great cause, "the family of 'captain john brown of osawatomie' will not be turned out to starve in this country, until liberty herself is driven out." mr. lawrence and mr. stearns afterward agreed to raise the thousand dollars, but as the payment lagged, brown "pressed to close quarters." may 13th he wrote quite peremptorily to mr. stearns: i must ask to have the $1000 made up _at once_; & forwarded to gerrit smith. i did not start the measure of getting up any subscription for me; (although i was sufficiently needy as god knows); nor had i any thought of _further burdening_ either of my dear friends _stearns or lawrence_....[238] the amount was made up and paid late in august, mr. lawrence paying $310 of it and mr. stearns $260. it will never be known how much money brown secured during this raid through the east. mr. villard estimates his cash collections at $4,000. the money value of the clothing and war material given to him was about $13,000. in addition to this mr. stearns gave him a cash credit of $7,000 against which he could draw from time to time "as it might be needed to subsist his company after they entered upon active service." he also had to his credit with the national kansas committee the $5,500 it had voted him. his total collections and subscriptions amounted therefore to about $30,000. a valuable asset in his collection of arms was two hundred revolvers, which the massachusetts arms company, at chicopee falls, agreed, through mr. thayer, to sell to him for $1,300, fifty per cent of the regular price. brown notified mr. stearns of the offer, who promptly placed the order, agreeing to pay for the arms by his personal note, in four months from date of delivery. in his letter, notifying brown that he would purchase the revolvers for him, mr. stearns remarked incidentally: i think you ought to go to kansas as soon as possible, and give robinson and the rest some back bone. also on may 11th he said: i am glad to know that you are on your way to kansas: the free state leaders need somebody to talk to them. i hope you will see conway very soon after your arrival. i did not expect you to return, or hold pledged to me, any arms you use in kansas, but only such as were not used. yours truly, george l. stearns. encouraged by the success of his deceptions--"the greedy swallowing every where of what i have told,"--and flattered by the notoriety he had gained. brown began to take his personal criticisms of the kansas leaders seriously. during the latter part of march he became so impressed by his dissatisfaction with their "incompetence," and, what was worse, with their "unwillingness to fight," that he decided to take things into his own hands and displace them altogether. he would put abler men in charge of territorial affairs. with this purpose in view, he modestly requested young mr. sanborn, and martin f. conway, to meet him in conference at the metropolitan hotel, in new york. from there the trio went to easton, pennsylvania, where they formally offered the leadership of the free-state cause to ex-governor reeder, which the latter declined, with appropriate thanks. however, the mission was not wholly without results. mr. villard informs us that the ex-governor was "so heartily in sympathy with brown's plan, that the latter wrote to him for aid, on his return to springfield, explaining that the only difference between them was as to the number of men needed, and hoping that mr. reeder would soon discover the necessity of going out to kansas this spring."[239] the coming of spring was a serious matter in brown's affairs. his "sagacious" forecast called for a renewal of pro-slavery aggressions in kansas, and he was not there to resist them, if they arrived. his admirers had responded to his appeals for arms and money; and in return, they expected him to do something creditable; something worthy of his pretensions. naturally they wanted their hero to be at the front; they wanted to see him at the post of honor, and, if need be, at the post of danger. spring came, but brown was not ready to go--"not yet, but soon." he had not got enough of the kind of money he wanted--"money without questions asked." mr. villard says: "april was for brown another month of active solicitation of funds." he realized that he had to go, and began making the necessary preparations with reluctance, and in a state of despondence wholly inconsistent with heroism; but true--strictly true--of the shamming mendicant. april 16th he wrote to mr. eli thayer: i am advised that one of "uncle sam's hounds is on my track;" and i have kept myself hid for a few days to let my track get cold. i have no idea of being taken, and intend (if god will) to go back with irons in, rather than upon my hands.... i got a fine list in boston the other day, and hope worcester will not be entirely behind. i do not mean you or mr. allen & co.[240] at this time brown heard, or pretended that he had heard, a rumor that a united states marshal had passed through cleveland on his way east to arrest him for "high treason." in consequence of this he sought and obtained a hiding place in the home of judge and mrs. russell, in boston, where he remained concealed several days. here he indulged in several spectacular effects, for the benefit of the judge and his wondering wife. some of his performances were related by judge russell, as follows: he used to take out his two revolvers, and repeater, every night before going to bed, to make sure of their loads, saying, "here are eighteen lives." to mrs. russell he once said, "if you hear a noise at night, put the baby under the pillow. i should hate to spoil these carpets, too, but you know i cannot be taken alive." giving an account one day of his son frederick's death, who was shot by martin white, mrs. russell broke out, "if i were you, mr. brown, i would fight those ruffians as long as i lived." "that," he replied, "is not a christian spirit. if i thought i had one bit of the spirit of revenge i would never lift my hand; i do not make war on slave-holders, even when i fight them, but on slavery." he would hold up mrs. russell's little girl, less than two years old, and tell her, "when i am hung for treason, you can say that you used to stand on captain brown's hand."[241] brown had not been charged with treason in kansas, nor was he even under suspicion for "constructive" treason. but kansas treason was then a fashionable offense in the north, and brown, of course, worked it with fine effect upon his listeners. the rev. theodore parker suggested to judge russell a way of escape for brown. he wrote: my dear judge--if john brown falls into the hands of the marshal from kansas, he is sure either of the gallows or of something yet worse. if i were in his position, i should shoot dead any man who attempted to arrest me for those alleged crimes; then i should be tried by a massachusetts jury and be acquitted.[242] brown at one time expressed his contempt for the gullible people upon whom he imposed. it was when he was in kansas in 1858, and intended to write a book. he thought the story of his life, as he would write it, would be a good "seller." the title was to be "catchy," if there be such a word. it read: a brief history of john brown, otherwise (old b.) and his family: _as connected with kansas_; by one who knows. it was to be "sold for the benefit of the whole of my family or to promote the cause of freedom as may hereafter appear." there was a mutuality of interest or a unity of brown and the cause of freedom. whatever he did for the cause was done for the benefit of the family. in writing to his son about this venture he said: i am _certain_, from the manner in which i have been pressed to narrate, and the greedy swallowing everywhere of what i have told, and complaints of the newspapers voluntarily made of my backwardness to gratify the public, that the book would find a ready sale.[243] but his sons--john and jason--disapproved of the venture: they were reactionaries; they thought it best to leave well enough alone, and shied at a proposal to skate upon ice so treacherous as they knew this departure to be. john said:[244] "but many a man has committed his greatest blunder when trying to write a book." while at the russell home brown evolved a scheme, characteristic of his craftiness, which he launched in a highly dramatic and effective manner. the paper was named: old brown's farewell _to the plymouth rocks, bunker hill monuments, charter oaks, and, uncle tom's cabbins._ having prepared the paper for the specific purpose of imposing upon mrs. steams, rather than upon mr. parker's congregation, he paid that lady the flattering compliment of desiring to consult her about "a plan he had," asking her to call on him at the russell home. her interesting statement of what happened is as follows: ... as the address states, brown was keeping very quiet at judge russell's house in boston, partly on account of a warrant issued in kansas for his arrest for high treason, and partly because he was ill with fever and ague, a chronic form which had been induced by his exposures in kansas. it was in april, 1857, and a chilling easterly storm had prevailed for many days. mr. stearns went frequently to visit him, and on saturday preceding the sunday morning mentioned by judge russell, captain brown expressed a wish that i should go to see him, as he could not venture in such weather on a trip to medford--emphasizing the request by saying that he wished to consult me about a plan he had, and that i might come soon. mr. stearns gave me his message at dinner, and i drove at once to judge russell's house. as soon as my name was announced brown appeared, and thanking me for the promptness of my visit, proceeded to say that he had been "amusing himself" by preparing a little address for theodore parker to read to his congregation the next (sunday) morning; and that he would feel obliged to me for expressing my honest opinion about the propriety of this. he then went upstairs, and returned with a paper, which proved, in reading, to be "old brown's farewell." the emphasis of his tone and manner i shall never forget, and wish i could picture him as he sat and read, lifting his eyes to mine now and then to see how it impressed me. when he finished, he said: "well, now, what do you think? shall i send it to mr. parker?" "certainly; by all means send it. he will appreciate every word you have written, for it rings the metal he likes. but i have my doubts about reading it to his congregation. a few of them would understand its significance, but the majority, i fear, would not. send it to mr. parker, and he will do what is best about it." in reply he thanked me, and said i had confirmed his own judgment, had cleared his mind, and conferred the favor he desired. then, i told him, he must give me a copy to preserve among my relics. he replied: "i would give you this, but it is not fit. i had such an ague while writing that i could not keep my pen steady; but you shall have a fair copy." in a few days he sent the copy i now have, by the hand of mr. stearns. it will be forwarded with other memorials to the kansas historical society. this matter being settled, brown began talking upon the subject always uppermost in his thought, and, i may add, action also. those who remember the power of his moral magnetism will understand how surely and readily he lifted his listener to the level of his own devotion; so that it suddenly seemed mean and unworthy--not to say wicked--to be living in luxury while such a man was struggling for a few thousands to carry out his cherished plan. "oh," said he, "if i could have the money that is _smoked away_ during a single day in boston, i could strike a blow which would make slavery totter from its foundation." as he said these words, his look and manner left no doubt in my mind that he was quite capable of accomplishing his purpose. to-day all sane men everywhere acknowledge its truth. well, i bade him adieu and drove home, thinking many thoughts--of the power of a mighty purpose lodged in a deeply religious soul; of only one man with god on his side. the splendor of spring sunshine filled the room when i awoke the next morning; numberless birds, rejoicing in the returning warmth filled all the air with melody; dandelions sparkled in the vivid grass; everything was so beautiful, that the wish rose warm in my heart to comfort and aid john brown. it seemed not much to do to sell our estate and give the proceeds to him for his sublime purpose. what if another home were not as beautiful! when mr. stearns awoke, i told him my morning thoughts. reflecting a while, he said: "perhaps it would not be just right to the children to do what you suggest; but i will do all i can in justice to them and you." when breakfast was over, he drove to the residence of judge russell and handed captain brown his check for seven thousand dollars. but this fact was not known at that time and only made public after the death of mr. stearns.[245] the historical _farewell_, referred to, is herein reproduced: he has left for kansas; has been trying since he came out of the territory to secure an outfit, or, in other words, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping his regular minute-men, who are mixed up with the people of kansas. and he leaves the states with a feeling of deepest sadness, that after having exhausted his own small means and with his family and his brave men suffered hunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness, wounds, imprisonment in irons with extreme cruel treatment, and others, death; that after lying on the ground for months in the most sickly, unwholesome, and uncomfortable places, some of the time with sick and wounded, destitute of any shelter, hunted like wolves, and sustained in part, by indians; that after all this, in order to sustain a cause which every citizen of this "glorious republic" is under equal moral obligation to do, and for the neglect of which he will be held accountable by god--a cause in which every man, woman, and child of the entire human family has a deep and awful interest--that when no wages are asked or expected, he cannot secure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and extravagance of this "heaven-exalted" people, even the necessary supplies of the common soldier. "how are the mighty fallen?" i am destitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, harness, saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp equipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets, knapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, mattocks, crowbars; have not a supply of ammunition; have not money sufficient to pay freight and travelling expenses; and left my family poorly supplied with common necessaries.[246] in a letter to brown of april 17th, mr. thayer proposed a name for brown's prospective company, as follows: ... will you allow me to suggest a name for your company? i should call them, "the neighbors," from luke tenth chapter: "which thinkest thou was neighbor to him who fell among thieves." what brown's thoughts were when he read this friendly suggestion can not well be imagined. the association of the word "neighbors" with the phrase "falling among thieves" may have caused him to suspect that thayer held the secret of his dishonor; and that his guilt, hypocrisy, and mendacity might be on the verge of exposure. at any rate the effect of the combination of these words must have sunk deep into his heart. they could not but call up afresh, and vividly, a mental vision of the scenes on the pottawatomie, when he and his band of thieves fell among, and upon, their neighbors, at midnight, and murdered and robbed them. brown's trouble now lay in the fact that he had to leave the east and there was nothing which he could do in the west. the free-state cause under the direction of robinson, and his co-laborers: goodin, roberts, holliday, lane, crawford, brown, deitzler, parrott, brooks, dudley, emery, woodward, learnard, phillips, conway, wood, and many others, was progressing in an orderly and satisfactory manner toward a decisive victory at the polls. acknowledging the receipt of mr. stearns's suggestions that he should go to kansas immediately, brown wrote him on the 13th: "i leave for the west to-day." it will be observed that he put off no fire-works, nor indulged in any exhibition in heroics on the occasion of his going to his, pretended, field of achievement. to william barnes, of albany, he wrote april 3d: i expect soon to return west; & to go back without even securing an outfit. i go with a _sad heart_, having failed to secure even the means of equipping; to say nothing of feeding men. i had when i returned, no more than i could peril; and could make no further sacrifice, except to go about in the attitude of a beggar: & that i have done, humiliating as it is. proceeding slowly westward, almost aimlessly, with two wagons driven by himself and his son owen, he worked the country he passed through for all the money and "supplies" he could secure. it was not until august 7th, that he arrived at tabor, iowa. "i was obliged," he said,[247] "to stop at different points on the way, and to go to others off the route to solicit help." while thus engaged, he wrote the "autobiography"; a paper held in adoration by his biographers. it is in the form of a letter addressed to mr. stearns's twelve year old son, who had obtained "permission from his father to give all his pocket money to captain brown." it contains nothing that was unusual or extraordinary in the lives of those who wrestled with the problems and the privations which were incident to border-life during the period of brown's youth. the paper was written for a special purpose and is valuable as an exhibit of his scheming to finance the operations he then intended to undertake in virginia.[248] john brown was not a weakling, nor was he wasting any of his time trifling with sentiment when he wrote this letter. in his brain surged the hopes for success, and the fears of a miscarriage, for lack of funds, of a secret purpose of transcendant importance. the parents of young stearns were the most valuable of his fiscal and moral supporters. also he carried in his pocket the father's check for $7,000. further, he knew that mr. stearns was seeking to have the state of new york appropriate $100,000 to put in his hands for use in his kansas operations. though still masquerading under cover of the deception which he practiced upon these people, he had definite plans in view, which were not a pretense; they were secret; he could not unfold them; but they were none the less real. he intended to ask mr. stearns, and others, to finance his new project; and to do so without inquiring too closely into the nature of the details that would be involved in the execution of it. he wanted to retain the confidence which these friends reposed in him, and under these circumstances wrote the letter or autobiography, for the purpose of confirming their faith in his sincerity; and to encourage a belief in their minds that he was well equipped by heredity and training, to accomplish what he intended to undertake, and that he would with certainty succeed. the problem of accounting for the impending failure of his kansas pretentions was also a serious matter. mr. stearns confidently expected that upon his arrival in kansas, brown would promptly take up the subject of public affairs with governor robinson _et al._, and tell them, sharply, what should be done. as he had derived it from brown, these leaders needed a leader: one with courage and energy; and without a suspicion that he had been deceived in the premises, he thought brown was equipped for the job, and that he was eager to give the free-state leaders an effective stimulant for "backbone." to keep up the pretense that his destination was kansas, and that his going there had some political significance, brown sought to have some responsible people meet him at tabor for consultation about kansas matters. he accordingly wrote to colonel phillips, june 9th, asking him to come, designating others whom he desired to meet. also he wrote to mr. wattles and to holmes, and probably to cook. phillips answered his letter june 24th, informing him that none of the men whom he hoped would meet him in the "most quiet way," for a conference about "very important matters," in relation to which there were to be "no words," was sufficiently impressed with the importance of his coming to put in an appearance. he also told him, what he already knew, that there was no necessity for military operations. whether brown entered kansas at all, would depend solely upon whether or not conditions there were favorable for another "sudden coup to restore his fortunes." upon this subject he was in correspondence with "captain" james h. holmes of osawatomie fame. it will be remembered that holmes had been "promptly and properly indicted and long pursued by the kansas and missouri authorities for "carrying the war into africa"--stealing horses and other property." holmes must have been a very daring and efficient thief, for brown greatly admired him and "used to call him 'my little hornet.'"[249] one of the little hornet's men had been stung. to this holmes referred in a letter which he wrote to brown april 30th. he said:[250] you will hear of me either at lawrence, through j. e. cook, of the firm of bacon, cook, & co., or i may be at emporia, where i have taken a claim and make it my home. at any rate. cook can tell you where i may be. a case has recently occurred of kidnapping a free-state man, which is this: archibald kendall was some two weeks since, enticed out, under pretense of trading horses, by four men, and abducted into missouri. archy was in my company and is a good brave fellow. in answer to a letter from brown, holmes replied august 16th: ... i do not know what you would have me infer by business; i presume though, by the word being emphasized, that you refer to the business for which i learn that you have a stock of material with you. if you mean this, i think quite strongly of a good opening for this business about the first monday of oct. next. if you wish other employments, i presume you will find just as profitable ones.[251] the "little hornet" did not recommend, as profitable, the business that might be had on election-day--october 5th; that opportunity foreshadowed the possibility of real resistance against pro-slavery aggressions; but other profitable employments could be had, by the act of undertaking them, at any time. these thieves understood each other. the "profitable employments" meant stealing horses. with his arrival at tabor, august 7th, brown reached the limit of his possibilities. the next day he thus reported his arrival to mr. stearns:[252] in consequence of ill-health and other hindrances too numerous and unpleasant to write about, the least of which has _not been_ the lack of sufficient means for freight bills and other expenses, i have never as yet returned to kansas. this has been unavoidable, unless i returned without securing the principal object for which i came back from the territory; and i am now waiting for teams and means to come from there to enable me to go on. i obtained two teams and wagons, as i talked of, at a cost of seven hundred and eighty-six dollars, but was obliged to hire a teamster,[253] and to drive one team myself. this unexpected increase of labor, together with being much of the time quite unwell and depressed with disappointments and delays, has prevented my writing sooner. indeed, i had pretty much determined not to write till i should do it from kansas. i will tell you some of my disappointments. i was flattered with the expectation of getting one thousand dollars from hartford city and also one thousand dollars from new haven. from hartford i did get about two hundred and sixty dollars, and a little over in some repair of arms. from new haven i got twenty-five dollars; at any rate, that is all i can get any advice of. gerrit smith supplied me with three hundred and fifty dollars, or i could not have reached this place. he also loaned me one hundred and ten dollars to pay to the thompsons who were disappointed of getting their money for the farm i had agreed for and got possession of for use. i have been continually hearing from them that i _have not fulfilled_, and i told them i should not leave the country till the thing was completed. this has exceedingly mortified me. i could tell you much more had i room and time. _have not given up._ will write more when i get to kansas. your friend, john brown. he now had at tabor and at nebraska city, five wagon loads of stuff[254] which was wholly useless for any purpose relating to kansas. he had been posing, for nearly a year, as a hero charged with the responsibility of saving kansas to freedom, and had finally come to the end of his rope. to mr. sanborn he wrote, august 13th:[255] i am now, at last, within a kind of hailing distance of our free-state friends in kansas.... i am now waiting to know what is best to do next. four days later he wrote to his wife these significant words: should no disturbance occur, we may possibly think best to work back eastward.[256] to mr. adair he wrote: i have been trying all season to get to kansas; but have failed as yet, through ill health, want of means to pay freights, travelling expenses, etc. _how to act now_; i do not know.[257] there was nothing more that brown could do. the failure of his pretensions was almost complete. only his vocabulary had survived the general wreck. it was still intact and in working order. drawing upon that inexhaustible resource of the charlatan, he wrote to mr. sanborn, october 1st: i am now so far recovered from my hurt, as to be able to do a little; and foggy as it is, "we do not give up the ship." i will not say that kansas, watered by the tears and blood of my children, shall yet be free or i fall.[258] a comparison of brown's correspondence at this time, with what his eulogists have put forth concerning it, discloses a wide divergence between the facts therein stated, and the biographical fiction relating thereto. referring to brown's irrelevant reference to the tears and blood of his children, mr. villard says: brave as this sentiment is, it only increases the mystery of brown's delaying at tabor.... obviously, brown, grim, self-willed, resolute chieftain that he generally was, appeared baffled here and lacking wholly in a determination to reach the scene of action at any cost.... it will be seen that, when he finally reached kansas, he stayed but a few days, was practically in hiding,...[259] only editorial fiction mystifies the cause of his delay at tabor. the "grim, self-willed, resolute chieftain" had a clear and unalterable purpose in view, when he was delaying there. it was to attempt the conquest of the southern states. if he entered kansas, it would be merely an incident in the promotion of that scheme. his attitude was pivotal but not enigmatic; if a "disturbance" occurred in kansas, he intended to proceed thither, and under cover of it, execute such purposes as he had in view; otherwise, he would "work back eastward." one, at least, of his eastern admirers, mr. thomas wentworth higginson, became impatient because of this delaying. after nursing his disappointment a few months, he protested brown's procrastination, which evoked the following instructive reply from mr. sanborn:[260] ... you do not understand brown's circumstances.... he is as ready for a revolution as any other man, and is now on the borders of kansas, safe from arrest, but prepared for action, but he needs money for his present expenses and _active_ support. i believe he is the best disunion champion you can find, and with his hundred men, when he is put where he can raise them, and drill them (for he has an expert drill officer with him) he will do more to split the union than a list of 50,000 names, for your convention, good as that is. what i am trying to hint at is that the friends of kansas are looking with strange apathy at a movement which has all the elements of fitness and success--a good plan, a tried leader, and a radical purpose. if you can do anything for it _now_, in god's name do it--and the ill result of the new policy in kansas may be prevented. on august 13th, the "cromwellian trooper" wrote mr. sanborn a long letter,[261] which he intended "as a kind of report of my progress and success, as much for your committee or my friend stearns as yourself." the letter has no public significance. it is a prolonged whine because he had not received all the _money_ that had been promised him; also it incidentally but artistically put mr. stearns and mr. lawrence in a position that practically compelled them to make good the thousand dollars which he had theretofore pressed mr. lawrence for.[262] he said: ... it was the poor condition of my noble-hearted wife and her young children that made me follow up that encouragement with a tenacity that disgusted him and completely exhausted his patience. but after such repeated assurances from friends i so much respected that i could not suspect they would trifle with my feelings, i made a positive bargain for the farm; and when i found nothing for me at peterboro', i borrowed one hundred and ten dollars of mr. smith for the men who occupied the farm, telling him it would certainly be refunded, and the others that they would get all their money very soon, and even before i left the country. this has brought me only extreme mortification and depression of feeling; for all my letters from home, up to the last, say not a dime has been paid in to mr. smith. friends who never knew the lack of a sumptuous dinner little comprehend the value of such trifling matters to persons circumstanced as i am. but, my noble-hearted friend, i am "though faint, yet pursuing."... brown's hope for a "disturbance" in kansas was nourished by the reports that he received from general lane, which, doubtless, encouraged him to prolong his stay at tabor. concerning this, mr. villard says:[263] only the erratic lane, who was then the sole person trying to stir up strife in kansas, and is accused by respectable witnesses, of planning schemes of wholesale massacre of pro-slavery men through a secret order; was on fire for brown's presence in the territory, but it was the tabor arms, rather than their owner, he really desired. lane wrote brown, confidentially, september 7th, as follows:[264] (private) sir: we are earnestly engaged in perfecting an organization for the protection of the ballot-box at the october election (first monday). whitman and abbott have been east after money & arms, for a month past, they write encouragingly, & will be back in a few days. we want you with _all_ the _materials_ you have. i see no objections to your coming into kansas publicly. i can furnish you just such a force as you may deem necessary for your protection here & after you arrive. i went up to see you but failed. now what is wanted is this--write me concisely what transportation you require, how much money & the number of men to escort you into the territory safely & if you desire it, i will come up with them. to this letter brown replied september 16th: i suppose that three good teams with _well covered_ wagons, and ten _really ingenious_, industrious (not gassy) men, with about one hundred and fifty dollars in cash, could bring it about in the course of eight or ten days. lane, hoping to make his proposition more attractive, appointed brown brigadier-general, second brigade, first division. but not until the 29th, did he send his quartermaster-general, mr. jamison, to brown, for the arms. in a letter addressed to "general john brown" lane said that it was "_all important_ to kansas, that your things should be in at the earliest possible moment, and that you should be much nearer than you are." he also enclosed fifty dollars, "all the money i have," but said that jamison "had some more." naturally lane's proposal failed to interest brown. he replied that he could not go to lawrence on such short notice and returned the fifty dollars.[265] the election, however, passed off quietly and resulted in a complete victory for the free-state men. they elected their delegate to congress, and thirty-three of the fifty-two members of the legislature. another of lane's schemes served to keep brown at tabor a month longer: a project for "the wholesale assassination of pro-slavery men through a secret order" called danites. this time mr. whitman ably seconded lane's efforts to interest brown. he borrowed one hundred and fifty dollars which he enclosed with a letter to him and sent it by mr. charles p. tidd, saying: "general lane will send teams from falls city so that you may get your goods all in. leave none behind. come direct to this place, and see me before you make any disposition of your plunder.... make the money i send answer to get here, and i hope by that time to have more for you. mr. tidd will explain all."[266] that this messenger gave brown inside information concerning the prospective assassinations, there can be little doubt. october 25th, mr. whitman reported to mr. stearns[267] that brown would be at lawrence november 3d, "at a very important council: free-state central com., executive com., vigilance committee of 52, generals and capts. of the entire organization." such a "disturbance" as this promised to be, could not otherwise than interest brown. regarding the money he received from whitman as money due him from the national kansas committee, he kept it; and disregarding the instructions concerning the arms, he proceeded personally to kansas, arriving at mr. whitman's home about november 5th: too late, it will be observed, for him to participate in the important council meeting of the 3d; but not too late to take advantage of any public disturbance that might arise as a result of the proceedings of the council. by messenger tidd, brown received one hundred dollars from mr. adair, and upon his arrival at lawrence, he received from mr. whitman five hundred dollars for account of the massachusetts kansas committee. all the prospects for "trouble" in kansas having vanished, brown promptly decided to "move eastward." mr. villard states that he "remained two days with mr. whitman, obtaining tents and bedding." from topeka, when _en route_ to the east, on the 16th, he wrote to mr. stearns that he had "been in kansas for more than a week;" that he had "found matters quite unsettled;" but was "decidedly of the opinion that there will be no use for arms or ammunition before another spring;" that he had them all safe and meant "_to keep them so_." also that he meant "to be busily; but very quietly engaged in perfecting his arrangements during the winter." he further said: "before getting your letter saying to me not to draw on you for the $7,000 (by mr. whitman) i had fully determined not to do so unless driven to the last extremity." in a postscript he said: "if i do not use the arms and ammunition in _actual service_; i intend to restore them unharmed; but you must not flatter yourself on that score _too soon_." it will be observed that brown did not call upon governor robinson, or make any recommendations concerning territorial affairs. to mr. adair he wrote on the 17th: "i have been for some days in the territory but keeping very quiet and looking about to see how the land lies ... i do not wish to have any noise about me at present; as i do not mean to 'trouble israel.' i may find it best to go back to iowa."[268] the "failure" of brown's plans to "trouble israel," or the failure of his hope for another opportunity to plunder kansas settlers on a large scale, lay in the simple fact that at the time he arrived at tabor, august 7, 1857, the free-state leaders had worked out the free-state problem, and were then in position to make official declaration of the fact at the polls; and to take over, into their own hands, by right of the law of squatter sovereignty, the control of the territorial government. they had almost accomplished their mighty undertaking. also, they had established conditions of order, and security from violence, that afforded neither encouragement nor opportunity for organized bands of thieves, of the brown type, to prey upon the settlements. the activities of the marauder and his "little hornet" were barred. chapter ix a soldier of fortune _he was the mildest manner'd man that ever scuttled ship or cut a throat._ --don juan at collinsville, connecticut, about march 1, 1857, john brown gave out the first evidence that he contemplated inciting an insurrection in the southern states. he was there making his usual appeal for money. to a group of citizens, among whom was a mr. charles blair, he told the story of black jack; and, as was his custom in such recitals, he drew from his boot a trophy of the fight--a two-edged dirk-knife with a blade about eight inches long--which he had taken from captain pate; and said, that if he "had a lot of those things to attach to poles about six feet long, they would be a capital weapon of defense for the settlers of kansas to keep in their log cabins to defend themselves against any sudden attack that might be made upon them." and then turning to blair, whom he knew to be an edge-tool maker, asked him what it would "cost to make five hundred or a thousand of those things" as he described them. to this blair replied that he would make "five hundred for a dollar and a quarter apiece; or if he wanted a thousand, they might be made for a dollar apiece." to this brown replied that he would want them made. march 30th, a contract for the thousand spears was signed. brown agreeing to pay five hundred dollars within ten days. at the time agreed upon he paid three hundred dollars; but april 25th, he remitted two hundred and fifty dollars more. this amount blair expended in purchasing material, and in making a part of the order; after which he suspended work on it until such time as brown would advance additional funds. there was some correspondence between the parties in february and march, 1858, but nothing further was done in the matter until june 3, 1859, when brown again called upon blair and made satisfactory arrangements for payment of the remaining four hundred and fifty dollars; whereupon blair renewed work upon the order, and, on september 17th, delivered the spears complete, at chambersburg, pennsylvania.[269] in new york city, brown made the acquaintance of an englishman who entered into his life more largely, and gave greater direction to his actions, than his biographers have acknowledged. this man was "colonel" hugh forbes. brown called upon him, it is said, with a letter of introduction from the rev. joshua leavitt. the date of their meeting is not given; but, since brown is not reported as being in that city during 1857, after his visit there, january 23d-26th,[270] it may be assumed that they met upon that occasion, and together planned to precipitate a revolution in the south, through an insurrection of the slave population. forbes was a practical as well as a professional revolutionist. he had served with garibaldi. mr. villard refers to him as "a suave adventurer of considerable ability." to mr. horace greeley he was "fanatical and mercenary and wholly wanting in common sense." gerrit smith described him as a "handsome, soldierly-looking man, skillful in the sword-exercise, and with some military experience picked up under garibaldi." before entering the latter's service he had been a "silk merchant at sienna." in mr. sanborn's opinion he was a "brave, vainglorious, undisciplined person, with little discretion, and quite wanting in qualities that would fit him to be a leader of american soldiers. yet he was ambitious, eager to head a crusade against slavery." in new york he taught fencing, and did some work on the _tribune_ as reporter and translator. it was not unnatural that these two adventurers should meet and unite their fortunes in a revolutionary venture. also, there was some similarity in their lives. both were "typical of the human flotsam and jetsam washed up by every revolutionary movement." forbes had been washed up by garibaldi's "revolution" in italy, and brown had been washed up by robinson's revolution in kansas. forbes was looking for an adventure, and brown had a make-believe one on hand, which, if prudently handled, might be made to serve the purposes of their mutual ambitions. the suave adventurer was the stronger character. he impressed brown with his knowledge of military science, and with the value his services would be in their undertaking, and so fascinated the "grim, self-willed, resolute chieftain" that he engaged his services at one hundred dollars per month, and paid him six months' salary in advance. mr. villard says:[271] john brown, the reticent and self-contained, unbosomed himself to this man as he had not to his massachusetts friends who advanced the money upon which he lived and plotted. in relation to this mr. sanborn says:[272] it was about this time that brown made the unlucky acquaintance of hugh forbes, was pleased with him, and engaged him to drill his soldiers at a salary of one hundred dollars a month, even going so far as to pay him six hundred dollars in advance. both of these major transactions--the placing of the order for the spears, and the employment of forbes, as stated--are so discreditable to ordinary intelligence, that they impeach brown's sanity, except upon the sole hypothesis, that these two men had, at that time, so matured their plans for attempting a revolution, through an insurrection of the slaves, that brown felt justified in placing the order for the spears, and in engaging the services of a man capable of directing large military operations. it is impossible to believe that brown contemplated giving up a thousand dollars for a purpose so tame and absurd as the distribution of a thousand spears among the free-state settlers of kansas. they were already well armed with modern weapons--fire-arms--and knew how to use them; while the proposal to employ a "drill-master" at such a salary, in view of the state of his treasury, to drill such a lot of nightriders as he could use in kansas, is quite as preposterous. if brown needed the services of a drill-master, he knew where one could be had for less money. there were plenty of men available who had served in the volunteer army in mexico, or had been discharged, or had deserted from the regular army--men of the aaron d. stevens class--who were competent to command as well as to drill. he also knew that many such men were ready and anxious to engage in adventures in the kansas field, who would serve without compensation, other than a share of the prospective plunder. from the time of his alliance with forbes, brown pressed forward steadily, with a single definite ultimate purpose. the conquest of the southern states was on; and the osawatomie guerrilla had become the soldier of fortune. brown and forbes moved upon the theory that the slaves were the rightful owners of their masters' property. they believed that every slave regarded his master as an enemy, who denied him a right to his family, and appropriated to himself the fruits of his labor; that freedom was the hope and the dream of every slave; that each lived in a state of expectancy, awaiting the coming of a "liberator" who would lead them in a crusade for liberty. also, they believed that every slave would fight for his freedom. self-constituting themselves "liberators," they regarded each slave as already enrolled in their service. the problems before them were how to arouse these units of energy; how to incite the slaves to simultaneous activity, and how to organize and direct them as an operating force. the man who had killed his friendly neighbors with nonchalance, and had taken their horses, could not understand why another man, a slave, should hesitate to kill an enemy, such as has been described, and take his horses and lands, and be further rewarded by the benefaction of liberty. as results of their plotting, and planning, and scheming, they seem to have figured out to their entire satisfaction, how they could destroy the slave-holding population of the southern states and confiscate their property; and then, with the aid of their negro allies, thus liberated from slavery, and with the assistance of the non-slave-holding whites in the south and the ambitious and daring in the north, who would be lured to join them, they could create an army; invade the south; take possession of the several state governments, and reorganize them under the jurisdiction of a provisional government. brown was a disunionist,[273] and believed his revolution would result in a dissolution of the union. his friends--redpath, sanborn, higginson, smith _et al._, were disunionists, and he lived in an atmosphere saturated with the toxin of disunion sentiment. also, he was an optimist, and believed that while he ravaged the south with his bloody scourge, the disunion propaganda in the north would assert itself to his advantage, and create such a diversion in his favor, as would leave him and forbes free to deal with the south and its problems in their own way. only under such conditions could he hope to seize the property of slave-holders, "personal and real, wherever and whenever it may be found in either free or slave states." from their point of view, or as they hoped to make it appear, their revolution was to be an affair between the citizens of a block of sovereign states, in the result of which the federal government would not be especially concerned. they would act within the limits of the states involved for revolutionary purposes, and not in unnecessarily aggressive hostility toward the united states. at the same time, these adventurers well understood that no matter how successful they might be in starting their revolution, there would probably come a time when the federal army would have to be reckoned with; that the general government would attempt to intervene in behalf of local order, at least, and might seriously embarrass their operations or wholly defeat them. this visible menace they not only planned to overcome, or eliminate from the problem, but actually to turn it into a valuable asset, by transposing it bodily to their side of the military equation. they planned, in apparent sincerity of purpose, to accomplish what appears to be the most colossal of all imaginable absurdities: to have the men of the united states army abandon their colors and accept service in their army; or, as brown expressed it, to make an "actual exchange of service from that of satan to the service of god." to poison the minds of the soldiery of the union and to ripen them for revolt against their colors, they planned to begin a campaign of education; to publish and distribute in the army, a series of tracts, for the instruction of the officers and enlisted men in public morals and in patriotism. in the division of their labors, to forbes was assigned the department of literature. in pursuance of his duties, he proceeded to prepare a "manual of the patriotic volunteer," and a tract, which was the first of what was to be a series of tracts, entitled "the duty of the soldier."[274] the tract was headed in small type: "presented with respectful and kind feelings, to the officers and soldiers of the united states army in kansas." mr. villard says[275] the object of the tract was to win them from their allegiance to their colors. that it does this indirectly by asking whether the "soldiers of the republic" should be "vile living machines and thus sustain wrong against right." that it contained "three printed pages of rambling and discursive discussion of the soldiery of the ancient republics and of the princes of antiquity, and a consideration of authority, legitimate and illegitimate--as ill-fitted as possible an appeal to the regular soldier of 1857." appended to the copy in his possession is a closing remark in brown's handwriting as follows: it is as much the duty of the common soldier of the u. s. army according to his ability and opportunity, to be informed _upon all subjects_ in any way affecting the political or general welfare of his country; and to watch with jealous vigilance, the course and management of all public functionaries both civil and military: and to govern his actions as a citizen soldier accordingly: as though he were president of the united states. respectfully yours, a soldier. to one person at least, this literary performance was a serious matter. in the promotion of it, john brown was deeply, deadly in earnest. the statement that "forbes and not brown, was the author of the tract"[276] is not correct, and to characterize the paper as forbes's attempt to seduce the soldiery of the union,[277] is equally misleading. the scheme originated with brown; he furnished the subject. to forbes he assigned the duty of preparing the text for publication. writing to rev. theodore parker, from boston, march 7, 1858, he said: ... i want you to undertake to provide a substitute for an address you saw last season, directed to the officers and soldiers of the united states army. the ideas contained in that address i, of course, like for i furnished the skeleton. i never had the ability to clothe those ideas in language at all, to satisfy myself.... in the first place it must be short or it will not be generally read. it must be in the simplest or plainest language, without the least affectation of the scholar about it, and yet be worded with great clearness and power.... the address should be appropriate, and particularly adapted to the peculiar circumstances we anticipate, and should look to the actual change of service from that of satan to the service of god. it should be in short, a most earnest and powerful appeal to men's sense of right and to their feelings of humanity. soldiers are men, and no man can certainly calculate the value and importance of getting a single "nail into old captain kidd's chest." it should be provided beforehand, and be ready in advance to distribute by all persons, male and female, who may be disposed to favor the right.... now, my dear sir, i have told you about as well as i know how, what i am anxious at once to secure. will you write the tracts, or get them written, so that i may commence colporteur?[278] there can be no doubt that brown placed a high estimate upon the value of this tract, but we know from the postscript thereto, that, although the tract was dedicated to the "officers and soldiers" of the army, it was the "common soldier" that he hoped to arouse and incite. his effort to convert the army to his service, by means of a tract, may be called madness, but it may also be said there was "method" in the madness. if he had been criticised in relation to this matter, he would probably have said in reply what he said to mr. sanborn, defending his action in ordering the thousand spears: "wise men may ridicule the idea; but i take the whole responsibility of that job;" which was equivalent to saying: "you do not comprehend the scope of my scheme, or the use which i intend to make of these spears. when they have accomplished their silent but deadly work, the wisdom of my conduct concerning them will appear." the trouble in this case was how to obtain an opportunity to inject the virus of revolt into the ranks of the army--how to start the contagion--how to get his proposition before the troops, and to explain what he intended to do; and what he would have at his disposal to offer in the way of rewards for services in his army, without putting himself and his plans in peril. how he intended to use the tract can only be surmised. but the fact remains that he had to begin this all important move somehow or somewhere, and the tract was, probably, evolved from his inner consciousness to meet that necessity. it may therefore be assumed that, under cover of discussing the generalities contained in the tract, brown hoped to make acquaintances among the enlisted men of the army in whom he could confide, and who would serve his purpose by fomenting the revolt. in projecting his campaign, brown was a law unto himself, untrammelled by the accepted usages of war. the excess of his ardor and enthusiasm led him to believe that he could corrupt the rank and file of the army. in his philosophy, the daring, dangerous, adventurous men who largely composed the enlisted men of the army at that time, having no hope of promotion in the service, would become eager listeners to his proposal. before them, he would throw open the storehouses of his prospective empire, that they might behold the volume of his treasures, and select that which they desired. his army was to be created; he had the men in view--the slaves whom he would set free--but not the officers to command them. if the enlisted men would desert from their service singly or _en masse_, and thus temporarily paralyze the united states forces, and join him, they could immediately become commissioned officers in his army and share with him the honors, the booty, and the beauty of the rich country he intended to ravage. by means of these "mighty and soul satisfying rewards" he hoped to "seduce the soldiery of the union." the campaign of education was a stratagem. it is not apparent that forbes, at any time, showed a desire to quit brown's service, or any disinclination to follow him westward. it is true that he was in arrears at one time with his literary work, but that was due to an incidental diversion of his activities in other directions--soliciting contributions and collecting money from various benevolent persons, including mr. greeley and mr. gerrit smith. forbes also had been making necessary arrangements for the comfort of his family--a wife and a daughter. the former being in paris, and the latter in new york, he wisely decided, in view of the character of the pending military operations, to have the latter return to the care of her mother. brown, who was paying the price, required results rather than explanations. it appears that forbes had not prepared the "manual" within the time in which he had led his impetuous chief to believe it would be forthcoming; and this had aroused an unwarranted suspicion in his mind that his subordinate was lagging. it is also true that forbes had been indiscreet from a "military" point of view. he had talked, as one having authority, or knowingly, about the situation in kansas, and had committed the very serious mistake of expressing a doubt that their services would be needed there before winter, which would have a tendency to discourage contributions to the "cause of freedom." in addition to all this, brown became suspicious that the "colonel" was ambitious, and aspired to supersede him in command; or, it may be that he became jealous because of his subordinate's brilliant accomplishments--his "military bearing" and qualifications. mr. sanborn confirmed brown's distrust of him. he says that "forbes was ambitious and apparently desirous of taking brown's place in command." it may, however, be nearer the truth to assume that the depleted condition of the exchequer had much to do with brown's "dissatisfaction" with forbes. there is no apparent reason why forbes should have preceded brown into kansas, and the fact that he arrived at tabor august 9th, two days after the arrival of his chief, is proof of commendable alacrity on his part to take up and continue his duties. besides, forbes brought with him copies of the "manual," and copies of brown's specialty: "the duty of the soldier." with these evidences of his ability, fidelity, and loyalty, the shadows of distrust were all dispelled, and forbes's restoration to brown's confidence and favor resulted immediately. the next day brown was in a hopeful mood, and wrote very encouragingly to mr. stearns, sending him copies of the tracts and, incidentally, impressing upon his attention the important fact that he was "in immediate want of five hundred to one thousand dollars for secret service and no questions asked." there can be no doubt that in their poverty, but dreaming of the splendors of war, of marching armies, and the possibilities of empire, these two bankrupt but hopeful speculators in destiny gazed wistfully upon the order for the seven thousand dollars that stearns had given to brown after his "farewell to the plymouth rocks" effort. the question was, how to get some of it. unfortunately for their purpose, mars was not doing a thing for them; they were unable to detect even so much as a _trace_ of a war-cloud upon the kansas sky; and the $7,000 could only be used for the subsistence of the make-believe troopers when in "active service." under these circumstances they did the best they could; they made as much as possible out of nothing. they wrote mr. stearns what he already knew; that there was no fighting in kansas "just then"; and, that while "rather interesting times were expected, no great excitement is reported." but "our next advices may entirely change the aspect of things." from this, mr. stearns was to be led to infer that imminent danger to the free-state cause was lurking somewhere, and that the sagacious leader was already upon the trail of it. also, the hope that brown earnestly expressed that the "friends of freedom" would respond to his call and "prove me now herewith," was intended to move mr. stearns to authorize brown to draw upon him for a part of the seven thousand dollars for their immediate necessities. but, although the request was wisely framed and neatly but urgently pressed, it failed to raise any money. to theodore parker brown wrote september 11th:[279] my dear sir: please find on other side, first number of a series of tracts lately gotten up here. i need not say i did not prepare it; but i would be glad to know what you think of it, and much obliged for any suggestions you see proper to make. my particular object in writing is to say, that i am in immediate want of some five hundred or one thousand dollars for secret service, and no questions asked. i want the friends of freedom to "prove me now herewith."... have no news to send by _letter_. stranded at tabor, without means to go anywhere, or with which to do anything, the two leaders of the revolution had abundant leisure to compare their respective plans of operation, and their views upon methods of procedure, as well as to formulate and agree upon final plans for the invasion and conquest. forbes, later, disclaimed any intention to participate in "brown's" purpose to overthrow the state governments, and establish a provisional government; but that disclaimer came as an incident in his effort to supersede brown, after his name had been dropped from the muster and pay-roll. november 1st, the financial embargo was raised by the receipt of two hundred and fifty dollars: one hundred and fifty from lane, and one hundred from mr. adair. it was not a large sum of money, when compared with the expenses usually incurred in "mobilizing" even a small army, or, as compared with the magnitude of the operations they intended to inaugurate; but it was large enough to enable the filibusters to start doing something. in their dreams of the provisional government and in their planning for the provisional army, they decided to open a school for instruction in the science of war and in the science of civil government, at some point convenient to the scene of the prospective conflict; whereat the persons whom brown had in view for his subordinate commanders--general officers, division and military district commanders--could be swiftly educated and fitted for their respective duties and responsibilities. forbes, whose position was that of a chief of staff, was to have charge of the school. november 2d, he took passage from nebraska city for the east to find a suitable location, in ashtabula county, ohio, for the war college which was to be improvised; and brown, as we have seen, proceeded to kansas to further finance their venture if local conditions--"disturbances"--became favorable for fiscal operations; and to matriculate the tyros. he had been in correspondence with holmes--the "little hornet"--and other adventurers whom he thought would engage in his enterprises. cook agreed to join him and recommended others--richard realf, luke f. parsons, and richard j. hinton.[280] on sunday, november 8th, brown met cook and parsons, near lawrence, and came to an understanding with them for organizing a party to steal some horses; or, as mr. villard puts it: "to organize a company for the purpose of putting a stop to the aggressions of the pro-slavery forces." a few days later he notified the members of the party to meet at the appointed rendezvous. cook met him on the 16th, at mrs. sheridan's, near topeka. the next day aaron d. stevens, charles w. moffet, and john h. kagi joined them, and the party set out on the contemplated expedition. in their camp north of topeka that evening. brown took the men into his confidence, and disclosed to them his intention to attempt the conquest of the southern states.[281] "here," says cook in his confession, "for the first time i learned that we were to leave kansas to attend a military school during the winter." it is for the reader to decide for himself whether or not the party stole any horses that night, or what other steps they took, if any, to put "a stop to the aggressions of the pro-slavery forces." their destination was tabor, iowa; they were horse thieves, and were in a secret camp, north of topeka. continuing his narrative cook says: "next morning i was sent back to lawrence to get a draft of $80 cashed, and to get parsons, realf and hinton, to go back with me." he relates how he with realf and parsons, made the trip to tabor; but the route traveled by brown, stevens, moffet, and kagi, and the incidents of their journey, if any, are not given. december 2d, there were assembled at tabor, john brown, owen brown, a. d. stevens, charles w. moffett, c. p. tidd, john h. kagi, richard realf, luke f. parsons, john e. cook, and w. m. leeman; also richard richardson, a runaway slave whom brown had picked up at tabor. "here," cook says, "we found that captain brown's ultimate destination was the state of virginia"; and these were the men he had selected for his commanders in the army of the invasion. they were not a coterie of humanitarians or sentimentalists whom he had picked up, mooning about in kansas; but a lot of care-free, reckless, ambitious young men who had parted their moorings to an orderly life. of them senator doolittle, speaking for the minority of the mason committee said: "it was from such elements [lawless] that john brown concocted his conspiracy consisting of young men and boys over whom he had entire control, many of them foreigners and none of substance or position in the country."[282] it is not in the "dominating spirit of john brown himself must be found the true reason for their readiness to join in so desperate a venture as brown outlined to them or because of their readiness to go any lengths to undermine slavery."[283] cook knew brown's career from the pottawatomie to osawatomie, and approved of his system for undermining things. parsons was with him in the osawatomie cattle raid. stevens had graduated from a volunteer in the mexican war, to a private in the first dragoons, united states army. he was insubordinate, and had been tried for mutiny and for assaulting an officer--major george a. h. blake, first dragoons--and sentenced to death. the sentence had been commuted to confinement, for three years at hard labor, in the military prison at fort leavenworth, from which he escaped and joined the free-state forces in kansas. he became colonel of the second regiment in the free-state army under the name of charles whipple. it was not brown and his magnetism or any insipid nonsense about "philanthropy or love for the slave" that appealed to these adventurers, but the scheme which he unfolded before them. it was the charm of the glittering expanse of opportunity which he pressed upon their mental conceptions, that won, and enlisted them in the venture. on december 4th, with their plunder, ordnance stores and camp and garrison equipment, brown and his staff set out from tabor for ashtabula. there had been argument, disagreement, and some wrangling at tabor about the practicability of the undertaking; but yielding to the force of brown's exposition of it, opposition was silenced and confidence of success supplanted doubt in the minds of all. of the march across iowa to iowa city and springdale, mr. villard, quoting from fragments of owen brown's diary, that survived the wreck at harper's ferry, says: "progress was slow, for all of the men walked and the weather was bitter cold. on december 8, the entry reads: 'cold, wet and snowy; hot discussion about the bible and war--warm argument about the effects of the abolition of slavery upon the southern states, northern states commerce and manufactures, also upon the british provinces and the civilized world; whence came our civilization and origin? talk about prejudices against color; question proposed for debate,--greatest general, washington or napoleon.'" the party arrived at springdale, iowa, on the 28th or 29th of december. early in january, 1858, brown changed his plans about going to ashtabula county, and for opening there the school of instruction. on january 11th, he located his men for the winter at the home of mr. william maxson, the latter agreeing to take the wagons and horses from brown on account for boarding. the war college was then opened at springdale, instead of in ashtabula county; and with stevens in charge instead of forbes. continuing his narrative about the doings of the school, mr. villard says:[284] "on the 12th (february) there was 'talk about our adventures and plans.' in the main, discussion ranged from theology and spiritualism to caloric engines, and covered every imaginable subject between them. much talk of war and fighting there was, and drilling with wooden swords. stevens, by reason of his service in the mexican war, and subsequently in the united states dragoons, was drill-master in default of forbes. sometimes they went into the woods to look for natural fortifications; again they discussed dislodging the enemy from a hill-top by means of zig-zag trenches. forbes manual was diligently perused." also they organized a "moot legislature and beguiled the long winter evenings, drafting laws for an ideal 'state of topeka.' it followed the regulation procedure with its bills and debates." the curriculum in this school is evidence of the character of the duties the students therein were being fitted to perform; they were being instructed in the higher strategy of war, in the command of troops and in the science of government. writing to mr. sanborn from brooklyn, february 26th, brown said:[285] i want to put into the hands of my young men, copies of plutarch's "lives," irving's "life of washington," the best written life of napoleon, and other similar books, together with maps and statistics of states ... i also want to get a quantity of best white cotton drilling--some hundred pieces, if i can get it. the use of this article i will explain hereafter. about january 1st, the two soldiers of fortune--brown and forbes--arrived at the parting of their ways. they seem to have been in agreement and in full sympathy with each other when they separated november 2d; for brown at that time gave forbes a letter to mr. frederick douglass, commending him to his confidence and asking douglass to assist him. the letter forbes lost no time in presenting. he stopped at rochester, as he went east, and got what money he could. mr. douglass says[286] that he was not favorably impressed with forbes at first, but took him to a hotel and paid his board while he remained, and gave him some money for his family in europe, then in destitute circumstances. he introduced him to some of his german friends whom forbes "soon wore out with his endless begging." failing to collect money for the cause, as fast as he thought he was entitled to, or as fast as he needed it, forbes began to try to force contributions from brown's friends, claiming that he had been employed by him, and that sums of money were due him on account of arrears of salary. later he threatened to expose brown's plans of invasion, believing, or assuming to believe, that such plans were a part of a general conspiracy, among the northern abolitionists, to overthrow slavery. information relating to his conduct was received by brown at springdale, and caused him to halt there until he could ascertain the extent of forbes's defection. upon confirmation of his advices, and being unable to pay forbes's salary, he dropped him; refused to answer his letters, and changed his plans of procedure. pressed by his necessities, forbes became aggressive, and, carrying his case to mr. charles sumner and to mr. henry wilson, and to mr. william h. seward, denounced brown as "reckless, unreliable and vicious." he approached mr. wilson in the senate chamber at washington and demanded that brown and his men be disarmed. while forbes caused brown no end of trouble, the case was not nearly so serious as it would have been, if his eastern patrons had known what forbes was talking about. brown, whose "sincerity of purpose was above suspicion," and who "was so transparent that all men can see him through," had led them, throughout the whole extent of their intercourse, to think and believe that his operations were to be undertaken solely for the defense of the free-state settlers in kansas; they knew nothing about his plans for operations in virginia. in the face of this condition of affairs, forbes could make no progress, by means of his threats to make exposures, and was immediately discredited; for, as mr. douglass said, "nobody believed him although the scoundrel told the truth." he was discreet however, in his controversy with brown and in his denunciation of him, in this respect: he was careful not to give his troubles publicity, or to do anything that would otherwise imperil or wreck the general proposition. forbes did not, at first, comprehend brown's autocracy in the scheme--that he had no associates--and, that while he depended upon his generous friends to finance the enterprise, he had not taken them into his confidence, but was in reality practicing a deception upon them. when the facts of the situation finally became apparent to his understanding, he then sought to discredit brown and his plans, and to ingratiate himself with his clientage, so as to supersede him in leadership, and in control of any general plan of action, in relation to slavery, that might thereafter be agreed upon and undertaken. with this purpose in view, forbes addressed a letter to dr. samuel g. howe, may 14, 1858, submitting to him a very weak statement of the violent and dangerous things which brown intended to do, for comparison with a statement of the safe and sane things, that, in his judgment, could be done: claiming that he had urged his plan upon brown, and that he had, at one time, succeeded in obtaining brown's consent thereto: and that it had been adopted by them under the name of "the well-matured plan." extracts from this letter are published by mr. villard on pages 313-314. forbes, setting up a straw man for the purpose of knocking him down, stated that brown proposed, with from twenty-five to fifty colored and white men, well armed and taking with them a quantity of spare arms, "to beat up a slave quarter in virginia." to this forbes offered objections as follows: "no preparatory notice having been given to the slaves [no notice could go or with prudence be given to them] the invitation to rise might, unless they were already in a state of agitation, meet with no response or a feeble one." to this brown had replied, that he "was sure of a response." he calculated that he could get "on the first night from 200 to 500. half, or thereabouts, of this first lot, he proposed to keep with him, amounting to a hundred or so of them, and make a dash at the harper's ferry manufactory, destroying what he could not carry off. the other men, not of this party, were to be subdivided into three, four, or five distinct parties, each under two or three of the original band, and would beat up other slave quarters whence more men would be sent to join him." "he [brown] argued that were he pressed by the u. s. troops, which, after a few weeks, might concentrate, he could easily maintain himself in the alleghenies and that his new england partisans would in the meantime, call a northern convention, restore tranquility and overthrow the pro-slavery administration." this, forbes contended, could at most be "a mere local explosion. a slave insurrection, being from the very nature of things deficient in men of education and experience, would under such a system as b. proposed, be either a flash in the pan or would leap beyond his control, or any control, when it would become a scene of anarchy and would assuredly be suppressed." on the other hand brown considered "foreign intervention as not impossible." as to the dream of a northern convention, forbes "considered it as a settled fallacy. brown's new england friends would not have courage to show themselves as long as the issue was doubtful," and added: "see my letter to j. b. dated 23rd february." since forbes's letters to brown deal directly, and without dissimulation, with the matters under consideration, it is exceedingly regrettable that they have been withheld from publication. they would expose the flimsy fictions which have been put forth concerning the fictitious company of "volunteer-regulars": and that forbes had been employed as a drill-master for it. also, it is especially regrettable that his letter of february 23d has been suppressed. for there can be no doubt that it would disclose their plans for the invasion; the means they relied upon for success, and the broad lines which they expected to operate upon. it contained, in all probability, a discussion, from forbes's point of view, of the insurrection; of armies and conquest; of government, and relations with foreign states; of northern conventions, and of international complications. this correspondence was suppressed, doubtless, because the publication of it would dissipate the theory that it was an altruistic "foray into virginia" that brown had in view, or an illogical guerrilla "raid." the passing of forbes came with an "adroit and stinging" reply from dr. howe to his letter of may 14th, who, among other things said: "i infer from your language that you have obtained (in confidence) some information concerning an expedition which you think to be commendable, provided _you_ could manage it, but which you will _betray_ and _denounce_ if he does not give it up! you are, sir, the guardian of your own honor--but i trust that for your children's sake, at least, you will never let your passion lead you to a course that might make them blush."[287] chapter x the provisional government _fear made the gods; audacity, has made kings._ --crebillon before leaving springdale for the east, brown forwarded the ordnance stores to his son john, at conneaut, ohio, who carefully concealed them. proceeding to rochester, new york, he stopped at the home of mr. douglass, where he remained until february 15th. from there he commenced his correspondence with the men whom he hoped he could induce to advance the necessary money to float, or to initiate, the revolution; and it was at the douglass home that he wrote and revised the constitution for the provisional government which he intended to attempt to set up in the southern states. mr. douglass stated to mr. sanborn[288] that he had a copy of this constitution in brown's own hand writing, "prepared by himself at my house." february 2d, he wrote to the rev. theodore parker that he had nearly perfected arrangements for carrying out an important measure in which the "world had a deep interest, as well as kansas," and that he only lacked from five hundred to eight hundred dollars to enable him "to do it." also that it was the "same object for which he had asked for secret service money last fall"; that he had written to some of their mutual friends concerning the matter but that none of them understood his "views as well as you do"; and that he could not explain them without their committing themselves further than he knew of their doing, closing with the question, "do you know some parties whom you could induce to give their abolition theories a thoroughly practical shape?... do you think any of my garrisonian friends at boston, worcester, or any other place, can be induced to supply a little 'straw' if i will absolutely make 'bricks'?"[289] he wrote letters in a similar vein to gerrit smith, to mr. stearns, to mr. sanborn, and to mr. higginson, and sought to have a meeting with these gentlemen at mr. smith's home on february 23d, at which he intended to submit to them as much of his plans as he thought it advisable for them to know, for their consideration and approval. mr. sanborn alone responded to his call; he arrived at peterboro on monday evening, february 22d. brown had arrived there on the preceding thursday, and had gone over the scheme with mr. smith. during the night of the 22d, mr. sanborn says, the whole outline of the campaign in virginia was laid before the little council. "in astonishment and almost in dismay," they listened to the reading of the constitution that he had prepared for the government of the territory which he proposed to conquer; and to a recital of the details of the hazardous adventure. in the discussion, he explained his "plan of organization, of fortification, of occupation, and of settlement in the south" and of his "retreat through the north," if retreat became necessary. he had foreseen every difficulty they could suggest, and had provided for it "in some manner." and then he had "god on his side." "if god be for us who can be against us." all he asked for, in addition to the equipment which he then had, was "but eight hundred dollars, and would think himself rich with a thousand." with that he would open his campaign in the spring, and he had no doubt that the enterprise "would _pay_" as he said.[290] the next day mr. smith and mr. sanborn took up brown's proposition for final consideration and agreed to sustain him in it. they reasoned in this way: to withhold aid would only delay, not prevent him; nothing short of betraying him to the enemy would do that. mr. smith restated in his eloquent way the daring propositions of brown, the import of which he understood fully; and then said in substance: "you see how it is; our dear old friend has made up his mind to this course and cannot be turned from it. we cannot give him up to die alone; we must support him. i will raise so many hundred dollars for him; you must lay the case before your friends in massachusetts, and perhaps they will do the same. i see no other way."[291] for myself i had reached the same conclusion, and engaged to bring the scheme at once to the attention of the three massachusetts men to whom brown had written, and also to dr. s. g. howe, who had sometimes favored action almost as extreme as this proposed by brown. as to mr. smith, he had approved of colonel forbes, to whom he gave one hundred and fifty dollars, and thought that he would "make himself very useful in our sacred kansas work." he approved of brown's "effort to seduce the soldiers of the union" and thought his tract, "the duty of the soldier," very well written. after his declaration to thaddeus hyatt:[292] "we must not shrink from fighting for liberty--& if the federal troops fight against her we must fight against them," he had not far to go to approve of the insurrection and invasion which brown now contemplated. the outcome of the peterboro conference was satisfactory. brown skillfully put his public affairs in the hands of a committee--a war committee, composed of friends who, he had reason to believe, would finance his adventure. he therefore directed his energies to the task of strengthening his organization for the work before him. among those whom he sought to enlist under his banner was mr. sanborn. to him he wrote from peterboro february 24th:[293] my dear friend: mr. morton[294] has taken the liberty of saying to me that you felt half inclined to make a common cause with me. i greatly rejoiced for i believe when you come to look at the ample field i labor in, and the rich harvest which not only this entire country but the whole world during the present and future generations may reap from its successful cultivation, you will feel that you are out of your element until you find that you are in it, an entire unit. what an inconceivable amount of good you might so effect by your counsel, your example, your encouragement, your natural and acquired ability for active service! and then how very little we can possibly lose! certainly the cause is enough to _live_ for, if not to--for. i have only had this one opportunity, in a life of nearly sixty years; and could i be continued ten times as long again, i might not have again an equal opportunity. god has honored but comparatively a very small part of mankind with any possible chance for such mighty and soul satisfying rewards. but my dear friend if you should make up your mind to do so, i trust it will be wholly from the prompting of your own spirit after you have thoroughly counted the cost. i would flatter no man into such a measure, if i could do so ever so easily. i expect nothing but to "endure hardness"; but i expect to effect a mighty conquest, even though it be like the last victory of samson. i felt for a number of years in earlier life, a steady, strong desire to die; but since i saw any prospect of becoming a reaper in the great harvest, i have not only felt quite willing to live, but have enjoyed life much; and am now rather anxious to live for a few years more. it is inconsistent with the tenor of this letter, to draw from it the conclusion that the "mighty conquest" was a profitless "foray," or a "raid," that brown thus invited mr. sanborn to engage in; nor did the latter so understand it. on the contrary he took the proposal seriously, and was deeply impressed with the broad significance of the undertaking herein dimly foreshadowed. commenting thereon he, consistently, said: till i follow my noble friend to the other world, on which his hopes were fixed, i can never read this letter without emotion. yet it did not persuade me to comply with his wish. long accustomed to guide my life by leadings and omens from that shrine whose oracles may destroy but can never deceive, i listened in vain, through months of doubt and anxiety, for a clear and certain call. but it was revealed to me that no confidence could be too great, no trust or affection too extreme toward this aged, poor man whom the lord had chosen as his champion. one might venture to suggest, in this connection, that mr. sanborn's failure to catch any note of a "clear and certain call" during his months of doubt and anxiety, might be due, possibly, to facts or conditions existing in the omnipotent economy. god, "whose mercy endureth forever," may not have desired that a "generation should pass off the face of the earth," at that time, "by a violent death." also, the absence of any evidence of the divine approval of brown's scheme, raises a question of doubt, that the lord had really appointed "this aged poor man as his chosen champion." while, on the other hand, the lamentable failure of the expedition undertaken in the accomplishment of this enterprise; and the overwhelming wreck and ruin of those who engaged in it, point to the theory that god, if he took any active participation in the matter at all, was opposed to brown--that he was on the other side--on the side of the generation of men, women, and children, who, trusting in his mercy, lived in innocent ignorance of brown's plot to destroy them. leaving peterboro on the 24th, brown began a tour among the colored people to unite them in support of his campaign. february 26th, to march 3d, he was at brooklyn at the home of dr. and mrs. j. n. gloucester, wealthy colored people, and sought their assistance. from brooklyn he went to boston. from there, march 4th, he wrote to his son john:[295] "as it may require some time to hunt out friends at bedford, chambersburg, gettysburg, hagerstown, md. _or even harper's ferry, va._, i would like to have you arrange your business so as to set out very soon." march 6th, he was again at boston, and on the 15th, at philadelphia again, where he met rev. stephen smith, frederick douglass, rev. henry h. garnett, william sill, and other colored men. his son john met him there by appointment and thence they went to new york, new haven, and to north elba, where they arrived march 23d. april 2d, they were at peterboro for consultation with gerrit smith, and from there they went to rochester, where they separated. from rochester, brown went to st. catherine, canada, in company with a colored man--j. w. loguen--where they met, by appointment, mrs. harriet tubman, colored, known as the "moses of her people." brown was cordially received by the canadian negroes. they listened to his statement of the things that he intended to do for their race, and gave him encouragement to believe that many of them would enter his service. believing the money which had been pledged would be promptly furnished, brown launched his enterprise, and called a constitutional convention to meet at chatham, canada, to formally adopt a "provisional constitution and ordinances, for the people of the united states." he then proceeded to springdale to report the situation to his captains. the war party left springdale april 27th, and arrived at chatham on the 29th, brown stopping at the home of james m. bell, a colored man. notices calling the convention were immediately sent out; the form, as drawn by cook, was as follows: chatham, may -1859. mr. ----.: dear sir:--we have issued a call for a very _quiet_ convention at this place, to which we shall be very happy to see any true friends of freedom and to which you are most earnestly invited to give your attendance. yours respectfully, john brown. the convention was represented, at chatham, as being a meeting for the purpose of organizing a masonic (colored) lodge; it met may 8th, at 10 o'clock a. m. only brown's party and thirty-four colored men were present. richard realf, in his testimony before the mason committee, said that brown opened the convention with an explanation of the purposes for which it had been called. that he spoke of the manner in which he had qualified himself for leadership--by a tour of the european continent, inspecting all fortifications, especially all earthwork forts, that he could find, intending to apply such knowledge, with modifications and inventions of his own, to the warfare he now proposed to undertake. "he spoke of his studies of roman warfare, and of schamyal the circassian chief, and of his knowledge of conditions in hayti, and of toussaint l'ouverture." he said that he expected all the free negroes in the northern states to flock to his standard, as well as the negroes of the southern states. mr. realf further stated that "no salaries were to be paid to the officers" under this constitution. that it was "purely out of that which we supposed to be philanthropy--love for the slave."[296] after the address brown produced a copy of the "provisional constitution." the articles were read and adopted unanimously. each person present then signed the constitution, and swore allegiance to the provisional government.[297] the nature and purposes of brown's invasion of virginia, in october, 1859, are disclosed in the forty-eight articles contained in this remarkable historical document.[298] at a meeting held in the evening, john brown was elected commander-in-chief and john h. kagi. secretary of war. the balloting for offices was continued on monday, may 10th, and richard realf was elected secretary of state, george b. gill, secretary of the treasury, owen brown, treasurer, and osborn p. anderson and alfred m. ellsworth, colored, were elected members of congress. article i, of the constitution, provides for qualification of membership, and includes "all persons of mature age whether proscribed, oppressed, and enslaved citizens, or of proscribed and oppressed races of the united states, who shall agree to sustain and enforce the provisional constitution and ordinances of organization, together with all minor children of such persons, shall be held to be fully entitled to protection under the same." articles ii, iii, iv, and v relate to the branches of government: legislative, executive and judicial. a number of articles relate to the trial of officers, impeachment, or recall of judges, army appointments, etc., etc. article xxviii treats of "property." it recites that "all captured or confiscated property, and all property the product of the labor of those belonging to this organization and of their families, shall be held as the property of the whole, equally, without distinction and may be used for the common benefit, or disposed of for the same object." article xxxvi is especially instructive. it reads as follows: "the entire personal and real property of all persons known to be acting, either directly or indirectly, with or for the enemy, or found in arms with them, or found willfully holding slaves, shall be confiscated and taken whenever and wherever it may be found, in either free or slave states." mr. sanborn says this constitution will be found "well suited to its purpose--the government of a territory in revolt, of which the chief occupants should be escaped slaves," an opinion which assumes that the white population had, in some manner, been eliminated from the "territory in revolt." the plan of government was written by brown, and was adopted in a solemn manner by sane men, who signed it; and copies of this constitution and ordinances, brown took with him to harper's ferry; and on the 18th of october, 1859, personally referred to it as an exhibit of his purposes for being there; and stated that it had been his intention to have a large number of copies of it printed, and distributed "at large," so that all might know the character of his invasion. and yet, after the lapse of fifty years, comes an oracular disquisitor, who, with an assurance de luxe, asserts that brown and his followers did not intend to establish a provisional government in the south, or to do any of the things provided for in this infallible utterance; that his invasion of virginia was not an invasion, but a "raid" to carry off some slaves, which, if successful, would be followed by further guerrilla warfare in the mountains of virginia. referring, with undisguised impatience, to the irrelation of the "constitution and ordinances" to his conception of what brown's purposes were, or to what he desires the historian to declare brown's purposes to have been, he says, that "it actually contemplates not merely the government of forces in armed insurrection against sovereign states," but that it "actually goes so far as to establish courts, a regular judiciary and a congress." and, "as if that were not enough it provides for" such heresies in guerrilla warfare as "schools for that same training of the freed slaves in manual labor which is today so widely hailed as the readiest solution of the negro problem. churches too were to be 'established as soon as may be'--as if anything could be more inconsistent with his fundamental plan"; which mr. villard then magisterially states was to "break his forces up into small bands hidden in mountain fastnesses, subsisting as well as possible off the land, and probably unable to communicate with each other. at this and at other points," he says, "the whole scheme forbids discussion as a practical plan of government for such an uprising as was to be carried out by a handful of whites and droves of utterly illiterate and ignorant blacks, and may stand as a chief indictment of brown's saneness of judgment and of his reasoning powers"; admitting however, that "as a chart for the course of a state about to secede from the union and to maintain itself during a regular revolution, the document was also not without its admirable features." commenting upon the condition of brown's mind at the time he wrote this paper, mr. villard says that it was "fanatical, concentrated on one idea to the danger point, but still it remained a mind capable of expressing itself with rare clearness and force, focussing itself with intense vigor on the business in hand and going straight to the end in view."[299] the preceding clause is in itself a refutation of the author's criticism. if it be true that when brown drew up this paper "his mind was capable of expressing itself with clearness, focussing itself with vigor on the business in hand and of going straight to the end in view," then it must be admitted that the document which he penned was not intended to serve a purpose so trifling as a _raid_, but that it was what it purported to be--a form of government or charter for a state during a period of revolution. it will be observed that it is not the practicability of a revolution, such as the provisions of this document would be consistent with, that constitutes the indictment of brown's saneness and reasoning powers; but the fact that the provisions of the constitution are inconsistent with this author's invention of what brown's plans were: "a plan of government for small forces of whites and runaway slaves acting separately as guerilla bands in mountain fastnesses." it is strictly true that the provisions of the constitution are so inconsistent with this fiction as to forbid discussion; but that fact should not constitute an indictment of _brown's_ sanity. it merely emphasizes the fact that there is disagreement between john brown and his biographer of fifty years after, concerning the purpose for which brown wrote the provisional constitution and ordinances, and suggests, as a bare possibility of the case, that the assumptions of the biographer as to what that purpose was may be inconsistent with the tenor of the constitution. if this biographer had been less eager to confirm in history the theory that it was a foray or a raid that brown sought to execute at harper's ferry, he would have discovered that brown intended to organize a thorough-going army there,[300] instead of sporadic guerrilla bands; and that he intended to extend the jurisdiction of this provisional government over the state of virginia and the south. it was brown's intention to begin his campaign at once, may 15th being the date named; and something, probably, would have happened if he had received the one thousand dollars promptly, that had been pledged in his support. realf, on his arrival at chatham, wrote that they would remain there until they had perfected their plans, "which will be in about ten days or two weeks," after which they would "start for china."[301] cook also had something to say. he wrote to some young ladies at springdale: ... i long for the 10th of may to come. i am anxious to leave this place, to have my mind occupied with the great work of our mission.... through the dark gloom of the future, i fancy i can almost see the dawning of light of freedom.... that i can almost hear the swelling anthem of liberty rising from the millions who have but just cast aside the fetters and the shackles that bound them. but ere that day arrives, i fear that we shall hear the crash of the battle shock and see the red gleaming of the cannon's lightning.[302] the seance closed abruptly on the 10th, owing to a collapse of the exchequer; whereupon the cabinet officials and officers of the general staff were furloughed, without pay, until such time as they would be called upon to report to the commander-in-chief for service. they went to cleveland, ohio, and it is said that some of them chafed under the hardships and inconveniences of earning a living; with the result that a spasm of "philanthropy and love for the slave" became imminent among them. so pronounced were the symptoms that the honorable secretary of state, mr. realf, on may 23d, in an official note to the commander-in-chief, declared that unless "relief" were provided speedily, those affected might be so inspired by philanthropy and love for the slave as to "go south and raid by themselves."[303] the failure to finance the provisional government was a result of a flurry on the bourse, that had its origin in the activities of colonel forbes. he was threatening the rear of brown's communications. about the last of april, he wrote from washington to mr. sanborn and to dr. howe, declaring his intention to give publicity to brown's scheme. a "hurry call" was accordingly sent out for a meeting of the war committee. at a conference, may 2d, mr. parker and mr. steams thought "the plan" should be "deferred till another year." dr. howe thought differently, while mr. sanborn, whose mind was not working forcefully, was in a state of doubt, which he expressed, may 5th, in a letter to mr. higginson.[304] gerrit smith voted with stearns and parker. he wrote may 7th: "it seems to me that in these circumstances brown must go no further; and i so write him."[305] may 9th, higginson voted with howe. he wrote: "i regard any postponement as simply abandoning the project." a letter of the 9th from hon. henry wilson to dr. howe, settled the question. he went into the matter a little deeper, and suggested that their actions might involve others. he pointed out that if the arms in brown's possession were used for any other purpose than to "arm some force in kansas for defense, _it might be of disadvantage to the men who were induced to contribute to that very foolish movement_"; and advised them to "get the arms out of brown's control, and keep clear of him, at least for the present."[306] to this letter dr. howe replied on the 12th: i understand perfectly your meaning. no countenance has been given brown for any operations outside of kansas _by the kansas committee_. i had occasion a few days ago to send him an earnest message from his friends here, urging him at once to go to kansas and take part in the coming election, and throw the weight of his influence upon the side of right.... there is in washington a disappointed and malicious man working with all the activity which hate and revenge can inspire to harm brown, and to cast odium upon the friends of kansas in massachusetts. you probably know him. he has been to see mr. seward. mr. hale also can tell you something about him. god speed the right.[307] may 15th, he wrote mr. wilson, relating to the arms, that "prompt measures have been taken and will be resolutely followed up to prevent any such monstrous perversion of a trust as would be the application of means raised for the defense of kansas, to a purpose which the subscribers of the fund would disapprove and violently condemn."[308] because of these letters dr. howe has been severely criticised; and by rear admiral chadwick unjustly charged with "gross prevarication."[309] but, in a time of war, would the distinguished admiral hesitate to deceive the enemy in a similar manner? the things which the doctor said were, of course, untrue, but in saying them he did not intend to wrong the senator or to deceive him to his disadvantage. the correspondence was not personal; senator wilson was an intermediary, or a medium of communication between colonel forbes and brown's war committee. howe, acting-for the committee, had the right to deceive the enemy--forbes--in this manner. the letters he wrote were a stratagem of the war it was promoting. brown would have disposed of forbes in a more heroic manner. he wrote from chatham: "we have those who are thoroughly posted up" (professional assassins) "to put upon his track and we beg to be allowed to do so."[310] on may 14th, mr. stearns wrote to brown enclosing a copy of senator wilson's letter, also notifying him officially, as chairman of the massachusetts state kansas committee, that the arms in his care belonging to the committee must not be used for any other purpose than for the defense of kansas.[311] he then forestalled any possibility of future complication relating to the arms by foreclosing a lien, which he is said to have held, on all the property of the committee; and having thus obtained the title to the arms, he placed them in brown's possession as his personal agent. by this arrangement, mr. sanborn says, the business of the kansas committee was put in such shape that its responsibility for the arms in brown's possession should no longer fetter his friends in aiding his main design. but as to the character of the transaction he was not quite assured. "it is still a little difficult," he said, "to explain this transaction without leaving a suspicion that there was somewhere a breach of trust." it was also agreed between them that brown should not further inform the members of the war committee of his plans in detail, nor "burden them with knowledge that would be to them both needless and inconvenient."[312] may 15th, mr. stearns wrote to brown asking him to come to new york during the next week for consultation; but for reasons that have not been stated the meeting did not take place; it was probably called off because arrangements were made for a more interesting function. then as now, there was a peace society in existence. mr. gerrit smith was coming to boston to deliver an address at its anniversary; and it was decided to take advantage of his presence in the city, to have a full meeting of the secret war committee which, mr. sanborn says, had been organized in march, and consisted of gerrit smith, theodore parker, doctor howe, t. w. higginson, george l. stearns, and himself. mr. smith arrived and took lodgings at the revere house. the committee held its meeting, at his rooms, on the 24th of may. at this council it was finally decided to postpone the campaign until the winter or spring of 1859, when the committee would raise for brown "two or three thousand dollars."[313] mr. smith, because of his great zeal in the promotion of peace, had the honor of being chosen to deliver the address at the anniversary of the peace society, and, because of a similar zeal in the promotion of war, he had the honor of being chosen to preside, as chairman, over the revere house deliberations of the war committee. it may be assumed, because of his versatility, that he acquitted himself creditably in both of these positions. the impossibility of harmonizing the public professions of these apostles of peace, with their secret undertakings as ministers of war, discourages analyzation of their philosophy; and for the same reason, discussion of questions of moral obliquity, or of commercial irregularity in their actions or in the actions of any of them, in juggling with the liability for brown's war equipment, and in financing an assault upon a state of this union, may be dismissed as being without profit. may 31st, brown returned to boston full of regret because of the postponement of the invasion; but with the arms securely in his possession and with the $500 in gold in his pockets, which his committee gave him as a salve to soothe his wounded hope; and with the decision of the revere house council to raise "two or three thousand dollars" for his campaign the next spring, his spirits rose, and he left boston for north elba well satisfied with the outcome of the flurry. june 20th, he went to cleveland and disposed of the staff, dividing with them the $500, and making such arrangements for them as circumstances permitted. cook was sent to harper's ferry, to reconnoiter the field, and obtain statistics and other information. it is also probable that brown would have joined him and begun the work of agitating the slaves for the coming revolt, if the news from kansas had not offered an opportunity for "other occupations." the "disturbances" there, culminating in the tragedy on the marias des cygnes, may 19th, appealed to him with irresistible force. they "were the immediate cause of his return to kansas."[314] chapter xi the shubel morgan plunder company _the angel wings were so dim and shadowy as to be scarcely visible._--george b. gill in company with kagi and tidd, brown arrived at lawrence on the night of june 27th, and, under the name of "shubel morgan" left the next day for the zone of opportunity. the political situation in kansas, or the progress which the free-state cause was making at that time, was no part of his concern; and to so much as mention his name in connection therewith, is to trifle with history. writing to mr. sanborn from lawrence on the 28th, announcing his arrival in the territory, he sent a quick delivery order for some whistles. he said:[315] ... can you send me by express; care of e. b. whitman, esqr. half a doz; or a full doz whistles such as i described? at once? the above is the sole reference to territorial affairs contained in this letter; it may therefore be regarded as an epitome of his interest therein; it is also an index to the character of the operations he intended to engage in. on july 9th, he wrote to his son john that he was now in the log cabin of the "notorious james montgomery" whom he deemed a very "brave and talented officer." montgomery was the author of the recrudescence, in linn and bourbon counties, of the lawlessness of 1856. disapproving of the election, january 4, 1858, under the lecompton constitution, he destroyed the ballot boxes in his district. his political relations with the pro-slavery settlers in linn county becoming strained, he served notice on them to leave the territory, and compelled them to seek refuge in missouri. a troop of cavalry being sent to arrest him, he, with seven others, opened fire upon it from the timber, killing one enlisted man and wounding the captain--george t. anderson, first united states cavalry--and two others. while the free-state men greatly admired montgomery's prowess, they balked at the retaliatory operations his actions provoked. the deliberate killing of five free-state men and the wounding of five more on the marias des cygnes may 19th, by charles a. hamilton, caused them to reflect, seriously, upon the situation. even if montgomery had succeeded in burning fort scott, in retaliation for these murders, it could not have brought the dead back to life. the settlers therefore, regardless of political sentiment, united in an effort to tranquilize matters. governor denver appeared upon the scene in company with charles robinson and judge j. w. wright, in an earnest effort to secure a general pacification. june 14th, at a mass-meeting held at fort scott, a treaty of peace was negotiated. it was called the denver treaty. it provided that "by-gones should be by-gones" as far as possible; that the federal troops at fort scott should be removed; that militia should be stationed along the border, to prevent further invasions from missouri; and that all other armed companies should withdraw from the field. "this compact was religiously adhered to during the summer and fall."[316] brown found upon his arrival in the recently distracted district that the free-state settlers desired peace, and had so publicly declared, and that in response to their wishes montgomery had disbanded his band of raiders. but with the free-state settlers' wishes, and with their material and political welfare brown had no concern. his interests were distinct from theirs. he came not to serve them, nor to serve the free-state cause, but to use them and the free-state sentiment, as a shield to protect him from violence while in pursuit of the criminal operations in which he intended to engage. it was a continuation of the graft, upon the free-state cause, which he was professionally working. stealthily and in disguise he came into this settlement, and by stealth he proceeded to execute the purposes for which he came. disregarding the settlers' peace treaty and montgomery's example, brown proceeded to organize a company, or pretended that he organized one, and drew up a paper entitled "articles of agreement" for shubel morgan's company. however, in view of the character of some of the men whose names appear upon the roll of its membership, and because of the nature of the business which brown actually engaged in thereafter, as well as the personality of the men whom he really directed, it probably was merely a paper organization gotten up for the delectation of his eastern friends, male and female. the articles are as follows: we, the undersigned members of shubel morgan's company, hereby agree to be governed by the following rules: 1. a gentlemanly and respectful deportment shall at all times and places be maintained toward all persons; and all profane or indecent language shall be avoided in all cases. 2. no intoxicating drinks shall be used as a beverage by any member or be suffered in camp for such purpose. 3. no member shall leave camp without leave of the commander. 4. all property captured in any manner shall be subjected to equal distribution among the members. 5. all acts of petty or other thefts shall be promptly and properly punished, and restitution made as far as possible. 6. all members shall, so far as able, contribute equally to all necessary labor in or out of camp. 7. all prisoners who shall properly demean themselves shall be treated with kindness and respect, and shall be punished for crime only after trial and conviction, being allowed a hearing in defense. 8. implicit obedience shall be yielded to all proper orders of the commander or other superior officer. 9. all arms, ammunition, etc., not strictly private property shall ever be subject to, and delivered up, on the order of the commander. names date 1858 shubel morgan july 12 c. p. tidd " 12 j. h. kagi " 12 a. wattles " 12 samuelson stevenson " 12 j. montgomery " 12 t. homyr " 12 simon snyder " 14 e. w. snyder " 15 elias snyder " 15 john h. snyder " 15 adam bishop " 15 william hairgrove " 15 john mikel " 15 william partridge " 15 after his arrival, brown spent some time upon the tract of land upon which the hamilton massacre had taken place. it belonged to mr. eli snyder, a blacksmith, and brown entered into negotiations with him to purchase his claim to it. nothing came of the dealings, and it is not probable that brown was very much in earnest upon the subject. while he remained with snyder he made a reconnoissance into missouri for the purpose of obtaining information that would be of use to him in his planning for future operations.[317] in the meantime, stevens and gill reported for duty. the following named persons then comprised his band: kagi, tidd, owen brown, gill, and stevens; albert hazlett and jeremiah g. anderson joined later. just what brown and his captains did during the first five months of their sojourn in the territory has not been made public. many pages of very irrelevant matter, containing very few facts, have been put forth upon the subject; but from the scraps of evidence occurring in the garbled accounts that have been published concerning their doings, they seem to have been engaged in stealing horses; but no big robbery was undertaken until in december. on july 20th, brown began a letter to mr. sanborn which he completed august 6th, in which he said[318] that they would soon be in want of a small amount of money "_to feed us_. we cannot," he said, "work _for wages_; & provisions _are not_ easily obtained on the frontier." he also gave out the information that a portion of his men were "in other neighborhoods." in response to this request for money, mr. sanborn, on august 25th, sent him gerrit smith's check for fifty dollars. this check brown enclosed to his wife, endorsed to watson brown, in a letter to her september 17th.[319] because brown returned this money to the east, it may be inferred that the urgency for money had been tided over; that the crisis had passed by the time mr. sanborn's letter with the check arrived; that money had been received from some other source, and that he did not need it then, "_to feed us_." it is also noticeable that his men, who were "in other neighborhoods," and could "not work for wages," managed to obtain a sufficient amount of money to supply their personal needs in some other way. the exact character of these pursuits has not been stated, but the conditions under which they acquired their living have been made public, in an incidental way, and they were by no means ideal. they seem to have worked the territory in pairs. mr. gill, speaking for himself and mr. kagi, said,[320] equivocally: "sometimes one had the ague, sometimes both. sometimes we fished, sometimes we had our supper and beds; at other times we went supperless and took the prairie for our bed with the blue arch for our covering." it would perhaps be called harshness to say, at this time, that john brown and his men were a band of horse thieves, although mr. villard does say that one of them, "pickles, was a well known horse thief;" and it has been more than intimated, within the writer's hearing, that charles jennison, who joined the band temporarily, while indulging a _penchant_ for horses generally, was neither solicitous about his title to them, nor about the manner of getting possession of them. as a story tells it, one of the "psalms" sung by these humanitarians had special reference to jennison; it ran in this way: am i soldier of the boss- a follower of jim lane? and shall i fear to steal a hoss or blush to ride the same? we are also told that mr. albert hazlett "picked up a fine stallion down in missouri."[321] and mr. gill, in a letter to colonel hinton,[322] speaks of a trip which he and brown were on during several days, but does not state the nature of their adventures. brown was ill a part of the summer; and for several weeks was seriously so, in the home of mr. adair at osawatomie, where he was cared for by the faithful kagi. the latter wrote to his sister that he was compelled to "lay off" at osawatomie, for a month, on account of this. he laid off from "fishing," and from sleeping on the prairie, with the "blue arch for a covering." it seems, however, that before brown was taken ill, he had been doing some of this speculative or professional business himself; in fact he attributed his illness to the exposure which he had been subjected to, while engaged in it, whatever it may have been--"fishing" or other employment. he related to mr. sanborn, in his letter of july 20th-august 6th: "have been down with ague since last date, and had no safe way to get off my letter. i had lain every night without shelter, suffering from cold rains and heavy dews, together with the oppressive heat of the day." it appears, from this statement, that brown also had had engagements in other neighborhoods, for, in his own neighborhood, "deserted farms and dwellings lay in all directions for some miles,"[323] and he could easily have taken shelter in some of them. it is evident, too, that wherever he may have been, his circumstances were such that he could not call upon the settlers, in such neighborhoods, and ask for shelter and accept from them such hospitality and entertainment as settlers are wont to give, or he would have done so. his condition seems to have been similar to the condition which horse thieves are in, when they have stolen horses in their possession: they cannot safely ask for shelter and other entertainment and have to lie out at night, and suffer from cold rains, if there happen to be any, and from heavy dews. it is to be regretted that brown's later biographer did not secure from salmon brown a statement concerning the doings of brown and his captains, while they were operating in kansas. it transpired, however, that brown encouraged horse stealing by his subordinates. reference has been made to the fine stallion which hazlett had "picked up" down in missouri. mr. gill, in his narrative about this matter, states that brown bought this fine horse from hazlett; giving him, in exchange for it, a united states land warrant for forty acres of land, that had been donated to brown by gerrit smith; and that he afterward sold the horse, by auction, at cleveland. after recovering from his illness, brown made a number of trips to lawrence, where he had some controversy with the national kansas committee, for which he assumed to act as agent; not only without authority from it to do so, but in opposition to its expressed wishes. the committee, through its agent, mr. e. b. whitman, at lawrence, had made advances, for necessary supplies, to many kansas settlers, taking their notes for account of the same. some of these notes had been given to mr. stearns, as security for money which he had advanced to the committee, and stearns had given them to brown, or sent them to him, for collection. it appears that the notes had not been endorsed and made payable to mr. stearns, and that the ownership of them was still in the committee. but brown, when surrendering the notes to the makers, upon payment to him, cured that defect and extinguished the committee's title by acknowledging payment to him, as its agent. october 26th, mr. h. b. hurd repudiated brown's agency in a letter to mr. whitman. he said: "capt. john brown has no authority to take, receive, collect or transfer any notes or accounts belonging to the national kansas committee, nor ever has had, nor will such dealings be recognized or sanctioned by our committee."[324] of course, brown kept the money he thus collected. he had an offset against the committee. he claimed that it owed him five thousand dollars. under its resolution of january 24, 1857, it had "voted $5000 in aid of capt. john brown in any defensive measures that become necessary" in kansas. brown was then engaged in "defensive" measures or operations, as has been related, and from his point of view he had earned the right to claim this money. during the latter part of october, montgomery again made things interesting for his neighborhood. alleging violation of the denver peace treaty, he entered the court-house at fort scott, while the grand jury was in session, took possession of the papers it was considering, destroyed them, and compelled it to adjourn. on the night of october 30th, a very weak attempt, or an alleged attempt, was made to assassinate montgomery; a party, supposed to be pro-slavery men firing a volley into his cabin. because of this it was decided to fortify it; gill, tidd, and stevens doing most of the work. brown "indulging in his favorite occupation of cooking."[325] the incident may have been a _ruse-de-guerre_. having heard that he had been indicted by a pro-slavery jury, at paris, for the ballot-box affair in january, montgomery, on november 13th, went there with a party and made an unsuccessful search for the records. he invited brown to join him. the latter did so, but remained "on the outskirts of the town" while the searching was being done. after this adventure, acting governor walsh wrote the department suggesting that a reward of $300 and $500 be offered respectively, for the arrest of montgomery and brown; such a reward, he thought, "would either effect their arrest or drive them from the territory."[326] on december 6th, a joint meeting of free-state and pro-slavery men was held at sugar mound, in linn county, to adopt a peace agreement to replace the denver treaty, which the free-state men claimed had been violated by the court proceedings against montgomery; the attack upon his life on the night of october 30th, etc. the resolutions were drafted by brown, and montgomery presented them to the meeting. they were adopted, after some modification.[327] the preamble recites that "the citizens of linn county, assembled in mass meeting at mound city, being greatly desirous of securing a permanent peace to the people of the territory generally, and to those along the border of missouri in particular, have this day entered into the following agreement and understanding, for our future guidance and actions." the articles provide that all criminal processes, pending against free-state men, growing out of difficulties with pro-slavery parties, shall be forever discontinued and quashed; that all free-state men held in confinement, on account of similar difficulties, shall be immediately released. article 4 covered a very wide range. it provided that "no troops, marshal or other officers of the general government, shall be either sent or called in, to enforce or serve criminal processes against any free-state man or men on account of troubles heretofore existing for any act prior to this date." a "recommendation" that was unanimously agreed to was, "that we earnestly recommend that all those who have recently taken money, or other property, from _peaceable_ citizens within this county, immediately restore the same to their proper owners." brown was not sincere in his participation in this meeting as an advocate for peace. his plans were already formed for a grand _coup_, to raise money. he intended to do something spectacular--something that would be worthy of his name and of his reputation. the homes that he intended to plunder had been selected long before, and the premises in each case thoroughly reconnoitered. all the essential details had been provided for. he was simply waiting, at this time, in a state of expectancy, for the psychological moment to arrive: then he intended to strike. september 10th, he wrote to mr. sanborn: before i was taken sick there was every prospect of some business very soon, and there is some now that requires doing. i have but fourteen regularly employed hands, the most of whom are now at common work, and some are sick. how we travel may not be best to write. i have met the notorious montgomery and think very favorably of him.[328] october 11th, he wrote to his wife from osawatomie: "... i can now see no good reason why i should not be located nearer home, as soon as i can collect the means for defraying the expenses. i still intend sending you some further help, as soon as i can. will write you how to direct to me hereafter."[329] november 1st, he wrote to her from moneka: "i shall write you where to direct when i know where to do so." from these letters it appears that his plans were complete except as to the date for the execution of them. december 2d, he wrote to his family as follows:[330] i have just this moment returned from the south where the prospect of quiet was probably never so poor. other parts of the territory are undisturbed and may very likely remain so; unless drawn into the quarrel of the border counties. i expect to go south again immediately.... when i wrote you last i thought the prospect was that i should soon shift my quarters somewhat. i still have the same prospect, but am wholly at a loss as to the exact time. his opportunity came december 16th,[331] when montgomery, with a force of nearly one hundred men, marched upon fort scott, to effect the release of mr. benjamin rice, who had been arrested november 16th, in violation of the by-gones-to-be-by-gones provision of the treaty of june 15th; and had not been released after the adoption of the sugar mound treaty of december 6th. in this exploit a merchant of fort scott, mr. j. h. little, was killed, and his store robbed of goods amounting to about seven thousand dollars. montgomery organized his company for this raid december 14th, and, upon invitation, brown, stevens, and kagi joined in the expedition. stevens and kagi took part in the affair; stevens being charged, by some writers, with having killed little. but brown, "with his customary dislike to serve under another," or probably, because of his higher responsibilities, took no part in the attack. he went "only as far as the rendezvous" at the wimsett farm, where he probably received his share of the loot. returning on the 19th, he collected his men, and on the night of the 20th, executed his famous raid into missouri. the party operated in two divisions--one under brown's direction and the other under stevens's orders. with brown were charles jennison, jeremiah anderson, geo. b. gill, kagi, and three or four others. this party was to rob the plantations of mr. harvey b. hicklan and mr. john larue. the latter lived about three-fourths of a mile from the hicklan home. with the stevens party were tidd, hazlett, and five others. this band was to rob the places of david cruise and hugh martin. cruise, in addition to his other possessions, had a slave girl that stevens wanted--and got--but not until after he had killed cruise. a statement by stevens, made at the kennedy farm, in maryland, furnishes all the information that exists concerning the details of the murder. he is reported as saying[332] that he went to the cabin and demanded the girl; that the old man asked him to come inside, which he thoughtlessly did, and that then the old man slipped behind him and "pulled a gun." that it then became a case of "shoot first. you might call it a case of self defense, or you might say that i had no business in there and that the old man was right." brown's party arrived at the hicklan home at midnight, forced the door open, and with pointed revolvers intimidated hicklan, and proceeded to plunder the establishment. mr. gill, who appears to have been in charge of the ethics of the occasion, says, that in spite of his efforts to restrain the men, they took practically everything that was in sight. "some of our men," he said, "proved to be mere adventurers, ready to take from friend or foe as opportunity offered." this statement, by one who knew whereof he spoke, is the clearest exposition of the character of brown's thefts that has been made. the robbery on the night of december 20, 1858, was his final transaction of that character. all of the property stolen by him during that night belonged to pro-slavery men. therefore, mr. gill's knowledge that "some of their number were mere adventurers, ready to take from friend or foe as opportunity offered" could not have been derived from their conduct on this occasion. the statement is explicit evidence that brown and his men were not moved or controlled by any sentiment relating to slavery; or by any political bias in their thefts, but that they were common thieves, operating under the protection of free-state sentiment while they robbed and plundered free-state men and pro-slavery men, without discrimination as opportunity offered. it may be said, in general terms, that all horses look alike to a horse thief. it is the horse, _per se_, that appeals to the thief, rather than the political affiliations of the owner. in the absence of competent testimony to the contrary, it would be said, promptly, of brown, that he was an exception to this rule, as well as to all other rules, that control human actions; that he was moved by loftier motives than those which control the actions of the ordinary horse thief; that he confined his plundering to pro-slavery men, and robbed them, only, as a private duty, by and with the consent of the almighty. but this direct evidence against him, and the men whom he controlled, is competent and quite conclusive. it has been said that brown made restitution to hicklan of some of his property. but that statement belongs in the class of a long line of personal statements, that have been put forward from time to time, in palliation of the enormity of brown's crimes, or in attempts to justify them, or in efforts to make it appear that he was engaged in an unselfish warfare against slavery. mr. villard swept away a lot of this rubbish by the keen logic of his exposition concerning many of the stories which were made current about the pottawatomie matter. so this statement, about returning to hicklan some of his property, and mr. gill's statement that the raid on the night of the 20th, was inspired by the "jim daniels story," belong in the same general class of rubbish. mr. hicklan stated, in 1888, that nothing that was taken was ever recovered. he said: they did not give anything back. brown said to me that we might get our property if we could; that he defied us and the whole united states to follow him. he and his men seemed anxious to take more from me than they did for they ransacked the house in search of money, and i suppose they would have taken it if they had found it.... what i have stated is the truth and i am willing to swear to it. i do not hold any particular malice or prejudice on account of these old transactions. old things have passed away, but the truth can never pass away.[333] along with the plunder of the hicklan home, five slaves were taken; these are said to have belonged to the "lawrence estate" then in hicklan's care, as administrator. besides the negroes, he took from the lawrence estate two good horses, a yoke of oxen, a good wagon, harness, saddles, a considerable quantity of provisions, bacon, flour, meal, coffee, sugar, etc.; all of the bedding and clothing of the negroes, hicklan's shot-gun, overcoat, boots, and many other articles belonging to the whites. from larue were taken five negroes, six head of horses, harness, a wagon, a lot of bedding and clothing, provisions, and, in short, all the loot available and portable.[334] besides killing cruise and looting the home, stevens took, as claimed by the family, two yoke of oxen, a wagon load of provisions, eleven mules, and two horses. a mule was also taken from the hugh martin home. after the robberies the two parties united at a point theretofore agreed upon, and started on the return trip to kansas. at daylight they secreted themselves in a deep wooded ravine, where they remained until after dark, when they continued their march, arriving at mr. wattles's home, two miles north of mound city, at midnight of wednesday the 22d. here brown stopped until morning, having with him the slaves, one wagon, and two or three of his men; the others pushing on northward with the swag, to get it beyond danger of recovery, and to divide it or sell it for the benefit of all concerned. the liberation of the slaves was a cumbersome and dangerous experiment, but it was as necessary as it was dangerous. to have taken all this plunder and carried it off without the diversion of taking the slaves with him, would have been a case of such plain stealing, that brown would have been completely discredited therefor; even the "secret war committee" might have joined in the general repudiation of him that would have followed. but the carrying off of the slaves to freedom, in this wholesale spectacular way, was great advertising; it distracted attention from the basic motive of the raid, and secured creditable notoriety for brown in the north. it seems, however, that after arriving at the wattles home with the slaves, brown practically, or personally at least, abandoned them to their fate. the narrative states:[335] at dawn on thursday, the caravan started again, and this time without brown. two of his men accompanied the one ox-team, which was sent forward, one going ahead to act as pilot. this man, however, turned back, leaving the negroes to make their way to osawatomie alone. they arrived, without any mishap, at the home of mr. adair, near osawatomie, on christmas eve, where, it seems, no arrangements had been made to receive them. on the arrival of the slaves at his home, mr. adair says he referred the matter of sheltering them to his wife, calling her attention to the responsibility it would involve. "she considered the matter a few moments and then said: 'i cannot turn them away.' they were taken around to the back yard, and the colored people were brought into the back kitchen and kept there that night."[336] continuing the narrative mr. villard says that at two a. m. of the morning after christmas, the fugitives were finally placed in an old abandoned preã«mption cabin on the south fork of the pottawatomie, where kind neighbors brought them food and gave them encouragement.[337] in this location they remained until they were taken north. it is probable that brown, in his selfishness, cared but little whether these negroes were returned to slavery or not. he had done his stunt in liberating them, and made no pretense of defending them or of caring for them until in january, and took care not to be near the fugitives while the pursuing bands were scouring the country in search of them. naturally no public accounting was ever made of the property taken by the shubel morgan plunder company, nor has any statement ever been made as to the division of the plunder, or of a division of the proceeds, among the members of it. but it is known that it was the raid and the robbery, that brown had in view, whereby he expected to raise the money to defray the expense of the return of the party to the east. january 11, 1859, he wrote to his family that he had been unable to finish up his business as rapidly as he had hoped to when he wrote previously--december 2d--and the delay of his departure from kansas until about january 20th, was probably due to the fact that it required that length of time to close out the company property and make distribution of the proceeds. final settlement was probably made at or near lawrence. mr. villard says on page 380: somehow or other brown recruited his finances while near lawrence, and his wagons, when he drove away, were creaking with the weight of provisions contributed by major abbott and mr. grover. pending the sale of the plunder and final settlement for it, brown remained an unwelcome prowler, in the neighborhood of moneka, amid a storm of indignation against him that was as general as it was severe. even his "staunch friend wattles" severely censured him "for going into missouri, contrary to our agreement, and getting these slaves." on january 2d, brown wrote a formal letter to montgomery "asking him to hold himself in readiness to call out reã«nforcements at a moment's notice, to prevent a possible invasion because of a raid into missouri." but montgomery was not holding himself in readiness to defend brown, or to repel the retaliatory invasion he had invited; but "was eagerly at work for peace;" seeking to prevent a retaliatory blow from falling upon the free-state settlement. what montgomery wrote to brown in reply to this letter, if he answered it at all, has never been published. he denied having any complicity with brown, and joined in the general denunciation of him, and in the condemnation of his action. it was this denunciation of him by montgomery and the free-state men generally that called forth brown's personal defense of his conduct, in what he called his "parallels"; a paper conspicuous in brown literature. the lawrence _herald of freedom_ on january 8, 1859, published a letter from a clergyman at moneka, from which the following paragraphs are extracts:[338] i have watched the progress of these troubles here until i am sick-heart-sick with humanity. here are men claiming to be christians, and even ministers of the gospel, who profess to be guided in their actions by the teachings of the prince of peace, who have organized a body of murderers, robbers, gamblers and horse-thieves, and subsisting by plunder. they are riding over the country and committing the basest of crimes. if this is christianity anything would be preferable to it. the strangest of all is to see peace men, those in the states who were members of peace societies, and who were sending delegates to peace congresses, laboring to inaugurate civil war, with the expressed object of working a revolution throughout the nation, ultimating in a dissolution of the union; and all to procure the emancipation of the slave. simple men! they should learn that revolutions involving such grave consequences are not usually set on foot by murderers and thieves. though brutus triumphed over the dead corpse of cã¦sar, yet it is not believed that in this age of enlightment a few ignoramuses and desperadoes of the character of those in this country can succeed in crushing out slavery and with it american freedom. but brown's band was the only band of thieves operating in that neighborhood after july 15, 1858. the shubel morgan company, then, was the "organized body of murderers, robbers, gamblers and horse thieves" described and complained of by the moneka clergyman--"men who prosecute their nefarious business in the name of god and humanity." the _herald of freedom_ seems to have fallen under brown's displeasure. he thought "all honest, sensible free-state men in kansas consider george washington brown's 'herald of freedom' one of the most traitorous publications in the whole country."[339] on january 11, 1859, governor medary asked the territorial legislature, then in session, to appropriate $250 as a reward for the arrest of montgomery, and a similar amount for the arrest of brown. in response to this, montgomery wrote a letter to the lawrence _republican_, saying, among other things: "for brown's doings in missouri, i am not responsible. i know nothing of either his plans or intentions. brown keeps his own counsels, and acts on his own responsibility. i hear much said about montgomery and his company. i have no company. we have had no organization since the 5th day of july."[340] continuing, mr. villard says that montgomery came to lawrence on january 18th, and delivered himself up to judge elmore, who placed him in the custody of the sheriff. there being but one indictment against him, and that for robbing a post-office, he was released on bail, in the sum of $4,000. three days later he returned home and continued his efforts in behalf of peace. he came back to lawrence on february 2d, with six of his men, who also surrendered themselves to the territorial officers. about this time brown received a visit from george a. crawford, a free-state democrat residing at fort scott, who said some things to brown at the request of governor medary. in a letter to hon. eli thayer of august 4, 1879, crawford states the substance of this conversation. some extracts from the letter are as follows:[341] ... i protested to the captain against this violence. we were settlers, he was not. he could strike a blow and leave. the retaliatory blow would fall on us. being a free-state man, i myself was held personally responsible by pro-slavery ruffians in fort scott for the acts of captain brown. one of these ruffians, brockett, when they gave me notice to leave the town said, "when a snake bites me, i don't go hunting for that particular snake. i kill the first snake i come to." i called captain brown's attention to the facts that we were at peace with missouri; that our legislature was then in the hands of free-state men to make the laws; that even in our disturbed counties of bourbon and linn we were in a majority and had elected the officers both to make and execute the laws; that without peace we could have no immigration; that no southern immigration was coming; that agitation such as his was only keeping northern friends away, etc. the old man replied that it was no pleasure to him, an old man, to be living in the saddle, away from home and family and exposing his life; and if the free-state men of kansas felt they no longer needed him, he would be glad to go.... on account of the unfriendly criticism of his conduct, brown left the neighborhood of moneka january 11th and went to osawatomie, and about the 20th, in company with gill and kagi, convoying the slaves, set out on the journey to the north. stevens and tidd were with the party at osawatomie, but they were detailed to steal "a span of horses" the day the caravan moved, which made it necessary for them to scurry out of the neighborhood as rapidly as the horses which they had stolen could travel. concerning this transaction mr. gill says,[342] that a day or two before starting he found out that a missourian, with a span of horses, was stopping _temporarily_ a few miles from osawatomie; also that he had a well grounded _suspicion_ that they had been stolen from free-state men. at garnett, he says, he communicated his suspicion "to stevens and tidd, who set out, the same evening that we did, to replevin these horses. after doing so they proceeded to topeka to await us; kagi also," he says, "scouted ahead for some purpose, most probably to arrange stopping-places for us, leaving brown and myself alone with the colored folks." with the stealing of these horses "brown's men wound up their business in south eastern kansas." it was probably their last theft in the territory. what their first one was, and what their intermediate acts were, can only be surmised. summarizing his work in kansas during 1858 mr. villard says:[343] as for john brown, he was ready to leave the territory for the last time. of constructive work there was no more to his credit than when he left the territory in 1856.... the sole act of any significance to be credited to him during these six months in southern kansas is the capture of the slaves.... certain it is that the missouri raid, in violation of his agreement, caused many peaceful free-state settlers to flee their homes for fear of violence, and might have resulted seriously but for the efforts of certain missourians to keep the peace.... brown's successful trip across the country, from kansas to canada, in the rigor of winter, with these colored fugitives, will always stand to the credit of his courage, his sagacity, and his perseverance. the initial drive from osawatomie to major abbott's place near lawrence, where they arrived january 24th, had its discomforts. mr. villard, quoting from gill's narrative says: "through mud, and then over frozen ground, without a dollar in their pockets, their shoes all but falling apart, gill and brown, resolutely drove the slow-going ox-team with its load of women and children. gill's feet were frozen, and the 'old man's fingers, nose and ears frozen.'" from abbott's hospitable home they sent the ox-team to lawrence to be sold, and in its place obtained horses and wagons. on the 28th, the narrative states, they arrived at holton "amid all the discomforts of a driving prairie snow storm." but the storm could not have been very severe, because upon their arrival next day at spring creek, six miles distant, that stream "was too high to ford" and they were compelled to remain there over sunday. the storm therefore must have been a rain storm rather than a prairie blizzard. about this time brown's movements were discovered and his location had become known; also the territorial authorities became active in an effort to arrest him. on saturday, as the story goes, a volunteer posse from atchison, under mr. a. p. wood, arrived upon the scene, and took up a position on the north side of spring creek, barring brown's further progress northward. it looked as though the "chase was trapped"; and governor medary with evident satisfaction announced the fact to president buchanan. the governor also sent a special messenger--deputy marshal colby--to colonel sumner, commanding at fort leavenworth, informing that officer as to the situation, and requesting that troops be sent to capture him. but brown, in anticipation of hostilities, had sent to topeka for assistance, and colonel john ritchie, with about twenty men, responded to his call, arriving at his camp about noon on monday. upon the arrival of these reã«nforcements, brown promptly moved toward the crossing of the creek, and quite as promptly the atchison party abandoned its position. the engagement that followed seems to have been a contest for speed, and was appropriately named "the battle of the spurs."[344] the leavenworth _times_ had this to say about the battle:[345] the chase was a merry one, and closed by brown's taking off three of his pursuers as prisoners; with four horses, pistols, guns, etc., as legitimate plunder. february 10th, brown was at tabor, iowa. from there he wrote to his wife:[346] i am once more in iowa, through the great mercy of god. those with me and _other_ friends are well. i hope soon to be at a point where i can learn of _your welfare_ & perhaps send you something besides my good wishes. i suppose you get the common news. may the god of my _fathers_ be your god. brown's reception by the people of tabor was a disappointment. he arrived on saturday and hoped to receive an ovation at the church next day; and that a "collection" would be taken up for his benefit. to bring this about he prepared the following notice, which he handed to the rev. john todd, as the latter entered his church sunday morning, which he desired should be read to the congregation:[347] john brown respectfully requests the church at tabor to offer public thanksgiving to almighty god in behalf of himself, & company: & _of their rescued captives in particular_ for his gracious preservation of their lives, & health; & his signal deliverance of all out of the hand of the wicked, hitherto. "oh, give thanks unto the lord; for he is good; for his mercy endureth forever." but there was objection and the note was not read. the fame of browns actions, or the infamy of them, had preceded him at tabor, which was probably confirmed by the swaggering and boasting of his men. at any rate, after conferring with dr. h. d. king, who occupied the pulpit with mr. todd, the latter declined to read the note, or to take up the collection.[348] dr. king is reported to have said: brother todd, this is your church, but if i were you i would not make a prayer for them. inasmuch as it is said they have destroyed life, and stolen horses, i should want to take the charge under examination before i made a public prayer.[349] brown was equally unfortunate at a public meeting which he called for monday. it resolved that "we have no sympathy with those who go to slave states to entice away slaves, & take property or life when necessary to attain that end."[350] at grinnell brown held two night meetings, with full houses, at which he and kagi spoke. both were loudly cheered. the collections, too, were satisfactory: "$26.50 and whole party and teams kept for two days without cost. sundry articles of clothing given to captives. bread, meat, cakes, pies, etc., prepared for our journey."[351] in justification of his missouri raid, brown, in march, wrote to mr. john teesdale of the des moines _register_:[352] first, it has been my deliberate judgment, since 1855, that the most ready and effectual way to retrieve kansas would be to meddle directly with the peculiar institution. next, we had no means of moving the rescued captives without taking a portion of their lawfully acquired earnings, all we took has been held sacred to that object and will be. the last clause of the latter statement would move jennison's ghost to smile if it were read to it.[353] the caravan arrived at springdale february 25th, and remained there until march 10th, when the colored people and their traps were loaded into a box car, at west liberty, and taken by an express train to chicago. the use of a box car, and the transportation of the fugitives to chicago, was quietly arranged by mr. grinnell with superintendent tracey, of the railroad. the latter refused to accept payment for the service, saying: "we might be held for the value of every one of those niggers." arriving at chicago, march 11th, at 4:40 a. m., brown reported his case to allen pinkerton, who took charge of the party. pinkerton also raised a fund of about six hundred dollars for brown; and arranged with general superintendent hammond, of the michigan central railway, for a car and transportation for the outfit to detroit. kagi had charge of the party from chicago to detroit where they arrived march 12th, at 10 o'clock a. m., brown having preceded them on an earlier train to arrange for their reception at windsor, canada. he met them on the ferry boat and escorted them across the river to freedom.[354] the liberation of these slaves in missouri, and the safe delivery of them in canada was a capable performance. but it is not believable that the department of justice at any time contemplated any interference with brown, or that it made any attempt to arrest him, or had any desire to effect his arrest. that it had him under surveillance, and had reports of his movements, from the time he arrived at holton until he disembarked the fugitives at windsor, there can be no reasonable doubt; and that it had the power to arrest him, if it desired to do so, will not be denied. but the fugitive slave law, at this time, had become a grievous thorn in the political flesh of the northern democracy. the administration had troubles enough, already, in the distracted condition of the country, without further antagonizing northern public sentiment, and turning loose upon itself the tempest of criticism and censure that would surely follow if brown were arrested, and a heartless judge should remand back to slavery and punishment these timid, shrinking, friendless women and children. chapter xii mobilizing the provisional army _confusion on thy banners wait! though fann'd by conquest's crimson wing_.--gray released from further responsibility for his fugitive wards, and wearing the laurels of his recent adventures, brown began the reorganization of his forces for the final hazard. arriving at cleveland march 15th, he proceeded to sell, publicly, what remained of his share of the kansas-missouri plunder which had been forwarded to that point from springdale: two horses and a mule. brown announced that, notwithstanding the missouri origin of the stock, they were now "abolition" animals; explaining his metaphor by the statement that he had "converted" them. a pen picture of brown by _artemus ward_, reads as follows:[355] he is a medium sized, compactly-built and wiry man, as quick as a cat in his movements. his hair is of a salt and pepper hue and as stiff as bristles; he has a long, waving, milk white goatee which gives him a somewhat patriarchal appearance. a man of pluck, is brown. you may bet on that. he shows it in his walk, talk and actions. he must be rising sixty and yet we believe he could lick a yard full of wild cats before breakfast and without taking off his coat. turn him into a ring with nine border ruffians, four bears, six injuns and a brace of bull pups and we opine that "the eagles of victory would perch on his banner." we don't mean by this that he looks like a professional bruiser, who hits from the shoulder, but he looks like a man of iron and one that few men would like to "sail into." kagi appeared to him "like a melancholy brigand, some of whose statements were no doubt false and some shamefully true." a summary of the lecture brown delivered at cleveland reads as follows:[356] brown's description of his trip to westport and capture of eleven niggers was refreshingly cool, and it struck us, while he was giving it, that he would make his jolly fortune by letting himself out as an ice cream freezer. he meant this invasion as a direct blow at slavery. he did not disguise it--he wanted the audience to distinctly understand it. with a few picked men, he visited westport in the night and liberated eleven slaves. he also "liberated" a large number of horses, oxen, mules and furniture at the same time. in this speech brown made the only acknowledgment of record, of his relation to the pottawatomie assassinations. the _leader_, which was friendly to brown, quoted him as saying,[357] that "he had never killed anybody, although on some occasions he had _shown his young men with him_, how some things might be done as well as others and they had done the business." brown also impressed mr. alcott, who said of him after hearing his lecture at concord, may 8th:[358] he tells his story with surprising simplicity and sense, impressing us all deeply with his courage and religious earnestness.... i had a few words with him after his speech, and find him superior to legal traditions and a disciple of the right in ideality and the affairs of state. a young man named anderson accompanies him. they go armed, i am told, and will defend themselves if necessary. he does not conceal his hatred of slavery, nor his readiness to strike a blow for freedom at the proper moment. he is of imposing appearance.... i think him about the manliest man i have ever seen. the principal matter in hand now was to finance the initial movement of the campaign. all the skies were clear. time and the kansas diversion had discredited forbes's truthful statements and eliminated him from the problem. there was to be no further shifting of the scene, or hesitation or faltering. the flood in his affairs was rising, carrying him on its crest, to his fate. to the intelligent and insistent perseverence of mr. sanborn belongs the credit, or the discredit, as the reader may elect, for making brown's operations possible. he stood, or became sponsor for brown's integrity of purpose in january, 1857, and financed his subsequent career. may 30th, he wrote colonel higginson: capt. b. has been here for three weeks, and is soon to leave--having got his $2000 secured. he is at the u. s. hotel; and you ought to see him before he goes, for now he is to begin.[359] mr. sanborn states[360] that in all, a little more than four thousand dollars passed through the hands of the secret committee or was known to it, as having been contributed in aid of the "virginia enterprise:" and that those who contributed thirty-eight hundred dollars of this sum, did so "with a clear knowledge of the use to which it would be put." at north elba, about june 16th, brown bid his family farewell and went to west andover where he made arrangements with his son john to take upon himself the combined duties of quartermaster general, and recruiting and mustering officer. from ohio he went to pennsylvania, writing to kagi, from pittsburgh, under the name of s. monroe. he was at bedford on june 26th, and at chambersburg on the 28th. from chamberburg, on june 30th, in company with two of his sons, owen and oliver, and jeremiah g. anderson. brown left for the "front." on that day he wrote kagi under the name of "i smith & sons" saying that they were leaving for harper's ferry and would be looking for "cheap lands near the railroad in all probability." july 3d, they arrived at sandy hook, maryland, and spent the next day reconnoitering the country on the maryland side of the potomac above harper's ferry. to a mr. unseld, whom they met during the morning, brown stated that they were farmers from northern new york and because of late frosts and other disadvantages, they had decided to seek a new location; that they had a little money and intended to buy a farm, but would prefer to rent a place until they became better acquainted with farm values in the neighborhood. he also told him that his business would be buying fat cattle for the new york market. unseld suggested to them a farm belonging to the heirs of a dr. kennedy, recently deceased, which was then for sale. this farm was located about five miles from harpers ferry on the boonsboro road. it had probably been selected for headquarters for the "provisional army" by cook, who had been stationed at harper's ferry for more than a year. the kennedy farm suited brown "exactly." he went to sharpsburg immediately and leased two houses that were on the place, with firewood, and pasture for a horse and a cow, until march 1, 1860; the total consideration being thirty-five dollars. the main house stands about three hundred yards from the road on the south side. "there was a basement, kitchen and a storeroom, a living room and bed rooms on the second story, and an attic." the "cabin" stood about the same distance from the road on the north side of it. notwithstanding the distance from the road. brown was constantly in danger of being brought under suspicion by the friendly but inquisitive neighbors, who were constantly dropping in to see the newcomers; but who were never invited to come into the house. to further disarm suspicion brown, on july 5th, sent for his wife and daughter anne, to report at headquarters. mrs. "smith," however, seemed to think she could not so readily abandon her home and her young children. but oliver brown's young wife came instead: she and "annie" arrived about the middle of july. on the 10th of this month, brown wrote to kagi, who was at chambersburg, that it would be "distressing _in many ways_, to have a lot of hands for many days, out of employ. we must make up our lot of hands as nearly _at one & the same_ time as possible."[361] august 11th, there was a panic on the bourse of the provisional government. kagi reported the arrival of fifteen boxes of arms with freight charges amounting to $85.00, which caused brown to ask his son john to solicit for him "a little more assistance, say two or three hundred dollars." continuing he said: it is terribly humiliating to me to begin soliciting of friends again; but as the harvest opens before me with increasing encouragements, i may not allow a feeling of delicacy to deter me from asking the little further i expect to need.[362] in due time his requisition for funds was honored from the never-failing purse of gerrit smith. brown's means of transportation consisted of a horse and a wagon, but a contract for moving the arms from chambersburg to the kennedy farm was awarded to a "pennsylvania dutchman" who had a large freight wagon.[363] meanwhile the movement progressed in a systematic and orderly manner. there was grave danger, however, that the secret of the contemplated insurrection would transpire through the loquacity of the many persons, estimated by mr. villard at possibly, eighty, who had more or less knowledge of the enterprise. brown seems to have feared that cook, especially, might give up information that would work disaster. it was not that he held his loyalty in doubt, but he had been reported to the commander-in-chief on a previous occasion, by the honorable secretary of state, mr. realf, for "cacoethes loquendi," and brown feared a recrudescence of the malady. in a letter to kagi at chambersburg, august 11th, he severely reproved those who had made their business in maryland a subject for general correspondence. but his expressions of displeasure, did not prevent leeman from writing to his mother, a month and a half later, as follows:[364] i am now in a southern _slave state_ and before i leave it it will be a free state, mother.... yes, mother i am waring with slavery the greatest curse that ever infested america; in explanation of my absence from you for so long a time i would tell you that for three years i have been engaged in a secret association of as gallant fellows as ever puled a trigger with the sole purpose of the _extermination of slavery_. a warning, which was received by the honorable secretary of war, august 25th, notifying the department that brown was then promoting a general insurrection among the slaves, probably had its origin in cook's indiscreet volubility. the letter, addressed to "j. b. floyd, sec'y of war," "private" is as follows:[365] cincinnati, august 20. sir: i have lately received information of a movement of so great importance that i feel it my duty to impart it to you without delay. i have discovered the existence of a secret association, having for its object the liberation of the slaves at the south, by a general insurrection. the leader of the movement is _old john brown_, late of kansas. he has been in canada during the winter, drilling the negroes there, and they are only waiting for his word to start for the south to assist the slaves. they have one of their leading men (a white man) in an armory in maryland--where it is situated, i have not been able to learn. as soon as every thing is ready, those of their number who are in the northern states and canada are to come in small companies to their rendezvous, which is in the mountains in virginia. they will pass down through pennsylvania and maryland and enter virginia at harper's ferry. brown left the north about three or four weeks ago, and will arm the negroes and strike a blow in a few weeks; so that whatever is done must be done at once. they have a large quantity of arms at their rendezvous and are probably distributing them already. as i am not fully in their confidence, this is all the information i can give you. i dare not sign my name to this, but trust that you will not disregard the warning on that account. this letter, which should have led to the immediate overthrow and wreck of the provisional government of the united states, had been enclosed in an envelope addressed to the postmaster at cincinnati, and mailed at big rock, iowa. at cincinnati, august 23d, it was remailed to the honorable secretary. mr. floyd received it at red sweet springs, virginia, august 25th, and while not attaching sufficient importance to the subject of the communication to read it a second time, he preserved the letter, and, after the denouement, published it. in explanation of his indifference to the contents of this letter, he stated to the mason committee, that the reference to the arsenal in maryland misled him, there being no armory in that state. he therefore, supposed the whole thing was a hoax, and gave it no further attention. the history of the letter was revealed in later years by its author, david j. gue, of scott county, iowa, who obtained his information from mr. moses varney, of springdale.[366] as the days passed, the men, who were to form the nucleus of the army of invasion, straggled into harper's ferry and reported at headquarters for duty. august 6th, watson brown arrived, and with him came the thompson brothers, william and dauphin. they were brothers to henry thompson, who had been with brown in kansas in 1856. then came tidd and stevens, _et al._, and last of all, but one of the most welcome of all the recruits, came francis j. merriam. he arrived at the kenneday farm october 15th, with six hundred dollars in gold in his pockets, which he covered into the provisional treasury. the arrival of merriam with his gold relieved the strain upon brown's exchequer. the commander-in-chief had been compelled to negotiate a loan of forty dollars from lieutenant coppoc, upon the credit of the provisional government, to meet the current expenses of the expedition. that deficit was now made good, leaving a handsome surplus on hand. when brown was taken into custody three days later, he had with him two hundred and fifty or sixty dollars in gold and silver. mrs. anne brown adams said:[367] "the good father in heaven who furnishes daily bread sent francis j. merriam down there with his money to help them just at the moment it was needed." but it may also be said that in the varying vicissitudes of brown's fortunes, almost any moment was just such a moment as this. "his money," mr. villard states, was merriam's "only contribution of value to the cause.... in addition to his other physical frailties he had lost the sight of one of his eyes." after looking him over, stevens assigned him to duty as guard over the arms which were to be left at the kennedy farm. on the 29th of september, the two young women left army headquarters to return to their homes. they had rendered faithful and valuable services during the months of their stay. if the provisional government had succeeded, these two women would have taken rank with the immortals--betsy ross and mollie stark. mrs. adams relates[368] that one day, while "we were alone in the yard owen remarked, as he looked up at the house: 'if we succeed, some day there will be a united states flag over this house. if we do not, it will be considered a den of land pirates and thieves.'" in the division of their labors anne, and not "martha," seems to have "chosen the better part"; the latter did the cooking for the company, and was the general head of the department of domestic economy; while anne, from the watch towers of the rude farm house, kept vigils over all the approaches thereto. she was the faithful sentinel that sounded the alarm at every sign of danger--the vestal virgin, keeping alive the sacred fires upon their altar of liberty. the approach of any human being was cause for alarm, lest the presence of the invading army might be discovered and divulged. an interesting account of the daily life at headquarters, by mrs. anne brown adams is published by mr. villard.[369] of the personnel of the field and staff, she says: it is claimed by many that they were a wild, ignorant, fanatical or adventurous lot of rough men. _this is not so_, they were sons from good families, well trained by orthodox religious parents, too young to have settled views on many subjects, impulsive, generous, too good themselves to believe that god could possibly be the harsh unforgiving being he was at that day usually represented to be. judging them by the rules laid down by christ, i think they were uncommonly good and sincere christians, if the term christian means follower of christ's example, and too great lovers of freedom to endure to be trammeled by church or creed. no doubt the conduct of these free-booters, in the presence of the young women, at the kennedy farm, was circumspect and commendable, and justified the estimate herein expressed of their exemplary characters, and of the christian lives that she supposed they had led, and were living. little indeed did this pure minded girl know of the reckless careers and the lives of violence these adventurers represented, or of the motives that prompted them to undertake their present enterprise. measuring them by the standards put forth by christ, it will have to be admitted that they were a collection of "mis-fit" christians--as "mild mannered men as ever scuttled ship or cut a throat." leeman, for instance, may be taken as an illustration of one of these ideal "followers of christ's example." "for three years," he had been secretly placing the example of his exalted character before the world, warring with slavery, in an association of as gallant fellows as ever "puled" a trigger. who these gallant trigger "puling" fellows were, and what they did to earn their reputations as trigger "pulers," during these three years, is more or less conjectural. mrs. adams turns the light upon leeman's christian character a little further, by the statement, that "he smoked a good deal and drank sometimes." mr. villard states that he went to kansas in 1856 with the second massachusetts colony of that year, and became a member of john brown's "volunteer-regulars," september 9, 1856. also, that he fought well at osawatomie. but since he is reported as having enlisted ten days after the battle of osawatomie there may be some mistake as to that. george b. gill, who knew a good bit about him and who may have been a trigger "puler" himself, says that he "had a good intellect with great ingenuity." anne heard hazlett and leeman, one day, saying that "barclay coppoc and dauphin thompson were too nearly like good girls to make soldiers: that they ought to have gone to kansas and roughed it awhile, to toughen them, before coming down there." cook, it may be said, was less christ-like than leeman. he was disposed to "swagger," also he "was indiscreet" and "boastful." once, when in a boastful mood, at cleveland, he boasted that he had "killed five men in kansas." then too he "swaggered openly in his boarding house" which was bad form, from a christian point of view. also it is said that he "revealed too much to a woman acquaintance."[370] then there was hazlett; but the record as to his actions is so meager that one cannot estimate with any degree of accuracy how "christ-like" he really was. about all that is known of him is that he stole a horse--a very fine stallion--from somebody in missouri, which, as has been stated, he traded to brown for a forty-acre united states land warrant. also, he was with stevens when the latter killed cruise, to get possession of the slave girl. as to stevens, it cannot truthfully be said that he was a follower of christ's example, in the stricter interpretation of that expression. one of christ's disciples--peter--it is said, followed the master "afar off." in that respect stevens resembles the disciple rather than the master. as a matter of fact, if stevens followed christ's example at all, it was at very long range. from what is known of the lives of these men, it may be assumed also, that if charles jennison had been under anne's observation at the kennedy farm, he too would have secured absolution for his crimes and would have received at her hands a certificate of christianity.[371] the details that brown's biographers have published concerning the concentration of the military stores at his headquarters; his correspondence with his men; the assembling of them in maryland; his constantly recurring financial embarrassments, and the edited statements concerning the daily life which he and his men led after their arrival at the seat of war, are of little or no public interest or value. they fail to touch upon the vital purpose that led brown, in the disguise of a farmer or cattle buyer, to take up his residence at the kennedy farm house. they fail to even hint at the broad purpose of his being there, or of the commanding things which he strenuously sought to promote during the months that he occupied the ground. they trifle with their theme and with their characters. these men had not dedicated their lives to martyrdom "that others might live." their impromptu metamorphosis from "soiled lives" to consecrated lives is gratuitous. they were _capitalized_ upon "the monstrous wrong which they beheld," and intended to turn it, through a wrong still more monstrous, to a monstrous personal advantage. no maudlin sentiment inspired these men, "with soiled lives behind them" to dare as few ever dared before. their "hearts throbbed" with a single mighty purpose--an ambition worthy of the desperation of their adventure. their goal was an empire and its emoluments: their rewards the spoils of conquest of the most promising field that marauders ever planned to plunder. the time finally agreed upon and fixed for the great catastrophe was the night of october 16th. the party consisted of the following persons: white: colored: john brown j. a. copeland, jr. j. h. kagi l. s. leary a. d. stevens o. p. anderson j. e. cook dangerfield newby c. p. tidd shields green albert hazlett j. g. anderson william thompson d. o. thompson edwin coppoc barclay coppoc w. h. leeman owen brown oliver brown watson brown f. j. merriam stewart taylor the extent of the conspiracy among the slaves and the confidential arrangements and agreements which brown made and entered into with them--his co-conspirators--during the months he spent in secret negotiations with them; and the pledges and promises that had been exchanged between them will, of course, never be known. but so far as the plans agreed upon related to the initial movements, the general outline of them was simple enough for the comprehension of every one, the untutored slaves included. brown and his men were to occupy harper's ferry. they were to cut the telegraph wires and take possession of the public buildings located there--the armory, the arsenal, and the rifle works--and the military stores contained in them. the slaves, on their part, were to revolt against their masters; murder them and their families, and then report to brown at harper's ferry, where they would be organized into companies, regiments, and brigades, and be armed and equipped from the stock of war material which he would have in his possession. the war department was doing some business. stevens, kagi, cook, owen brown, oliver brown, watson brown, leeman, william thompson, j. g. anderson, tidd, and hazlett had been appointed captains in the provisional army, and edwin coppoc and dauphin thompson first lieutenants. the privates were taylor, barclay coppoc and merriam, _white_; and green, leary, copeland, osborn p. anderson, and newby, _colored_. there is conflict of testimony as to whether hazlett was a captain or a lieutenant. colonel lee reported him and leeman as lieutenants. a captain's commission, however, was found on leeman's body. william thompson and j. g. anderson were probably captains.[372] in his confession cook says: there were six or seven in the party who did not know anything about our constitution, and were also ignorant of the plan of operations until saturday morning october 16th. among this number were edwin and barclay coppoc, merriam, shields green, copeland and leary. the constitution was then read to them by stevens, and the oath, afterward, administered by captain brown. chapter xiii the fiasco _the best laid schemes o' mice and men gang aft a gley._ --burns on sunday morning, october 16th, 1859, captain owen brown and privates coppoc and merriam were detailed for duty at the kennedy farm; the others were under marching orders during the day, awaiting the signal to "fall in," and move to the scene of active operations. "the night was dark, ending in rain." about eight o'clock brown is reported to have said: "men, get your arms, we will proceed to the ferry." the column was soon in motion. it does not require a long time for eighteen men, who are otherwise in readiness to move, to put on their accoutrements and pick up their arms. in addition to a rifle, two revolvers, and forty rounds of ball cartridges, each man carried, in lieu of an overcoat, a long gray shawl, of the kind which was fashionable for men's wear at that time. the headquarters train--a horse and wagon--was brought to the door of the kennedy farm house, and "some pikes, a crow-bar, and a sledge-hammer, were quickly thrown into the wagon." a recent biographer says, dramatically: in a moment more, the commander-in-chief donned his old battle-worn kansas cap, mounted the wagon, and began the solemn march. knowledge of the condition, as to wear and tear, of the cap worn by the commander-in-chief on this occasion, is not essential to a true understanding of the purposes of the movement. but knowledge of the fact that the historian drew upon his active and resourceful imagination, when writing the history of these operations, and that it contributed, immoderately, to the character of the writings which he put forth, is essential to such understanding. it is therefore pointed out, that the statement, while purporting to be one of fact, is altogether fanciful. also, that the biographer's treatment of this trifling incident is characteristic of the coloring which embellishes his exposition of the general subject. but to return to the cap. the kansas origin of it will not be denied; it may have been bought or stolen in the territory; but it was not "battle-worn." it will be remembered that brown had but two "battles" in kansas, so far as the record shows, and that in the last one--the battle of osawatomie, august 30, 1856--brown "lost his hat" or his cap or whatever his head gear may have been.[373] a special order, "drawn up and carefully read to all" set forth the details of the movement to be executed. in the line of march captains cook and tidd walked ahead of the wagon. the others, in files of two, followed it. at 10:30, after a lonesome but uninterrupted march of more than five miles, they arrived at the bridge which spanned the potomac at harper's ferry. it was used for both railroad and wagon road purposes. cook and tidd, in the meantime, had detoured to cut the telegraph wires leading into the town, and kagi and stevens had the head of the column. while crossing the bridge, they took william williams, the bridge watchman, into custody as a prisoner. then, after posting captain watson brown and private taylor at the bridge, the company proceeded to the harper's ferry end of the shenandoah bridge, a few yards distant, where captain oliver brown, captain william thompson, and private newby were placed on duty. from there they went to the united states armory, located up the potomac, about sixty yards from the ends of the two bridges. at the armory gate the watchman on duty, daniel wheelan, was taken into custody. of this incident wheelan said:[374] one fellow took me; they all gathered about me and looked in my face; i was nearly scared to death, so many guns about; i did not know the minute or the hour i should drop; they told me to be very quiet and still, and make no noise or else they would put me to eternity. addressing the two prisoners--wheelan and williams--brown made the following declaration of his intentions:[375] i came here from kansas, and this is a slave state; i want to free all the negroes in this state; i have possession now of the united states armory, and if the citizens interfere with me, i must only burn the town and have blood. brown then crossed the street to the arsenal building, where arms and military equipment, valued at several millions of dollars, were stored, and took possession of it, placing captain hazlett and lieutenant coppoc in charge of the property. from there, with the remainder of the party, he proceeded to the rifle works, located about a half mile up the shenandoah. here the watchman was made a prisoner and captain kagi and private copeland were placed on duty. private leary was also assigned to duty at this post and later reported to kagi. these dispositions of his forces having been made, brown's occupation of harper's ferry was complete. all of the united states property--the military stores accumulated at the arsenal; the armory and the rifle works; and the principal highways entering the town, were in his possession. the plans for the occupation of the place had been accomplished without the firing of a shot. the initial movement of the invasion had been successfully executed. after the occupation. brown sent a detail into the country to bring in colonel lewis t. washington and mr. john h. allstadt, whom he intended to hold as hostages for the proper treatment of any of his men who might happen to fall into the hands of the "enemy." the party was made up of captains stevens, cook, and tidd, and privates o. p. anderson, leary, and green. the washington home was four or five miles from the town. colonel washington was a great-grandnephew of george washington. of this raid into the country, mr. villard says:[376] in colonel washington's possession was a pistol presented to general washington by lafayette, as well as a sword now in possession of the state of new york, which, according to an unverified legend, was the gift of frederick the great to george washington. john e. cook had seen these weapons in colonel washington's home, and john brown, beginner of a new american revolution, wished to strike his first blow for the freedom of a race with them in his hands. the closing sentence of this quotation is dramatic and rings true; but it is inconsistent with the author's theory of the movement, which is, that brown intended to do trifling things instead of heroic things. the raiders entered the house by breaking down the back door with a fence rail; and washington was awakened by hearing his "name called in an undertone." he opened the bed-chamber door and was met by "four armed men, one, with a revolver, carrying a burning flambeau, and the others with their guns drawn upon him." stevens was in command. cook had reconnoitered the washington home a month or so before and had been shown the historic weapons herein referred to. these stevens now demanded and received. he also demanded the colonel's money and his watch, but on the refusal of the latter to deliver them, the demand was not pressed. when asked by washington what the performance meant, they said, "we have come here for the purpose of liberating all the slaves of the south, and we are able (or propose to do it) or words to that effect." while matters were progressing in-doors, tidd had been busy hitching up the colonel's two-horse carriage and four-horse farm wagon. after putting colonel washington into the carriage and loading the slaves, four men, into the wagon, the caravan moved to the allstadt home, where the front door was broken down with a fence rail, as before, and allstadt and his son, together with his adult male slaves, were taken into custody. father and son were put into the seat of the wagon with the negroes and all were driven to harper's ferry and delivered to brown at the armory. brown told colonel washington that he had taken him for the "moral effect it would give his cause to have one of the name a prisoner." with the sword of frederick the great, and washington, in his hand, brown now directed his desperate defense. tuesday morning washington recovered the sword.[377] in the meantime, at 12 o'clock, patrick higgins--also a night-watchman--went to the potomac bridge to relieve night-watchman williams who had been taken prisoner. as he approached he was "halted" by oliver brown, at the shenandoah bridge, and upon refusing to obey the order, was fired upon, the bullet making a wound in his scalp.[378] upon the arrival at harper's ferry, of the east-bound baltimore and ohio train, higgins reported to the conductor--phelps--what had happened to him. the engineer of the train and the baggage-master, on going forward toward the bridge to investigate, were also fired upon. at or about the time this incident occurred, shephard hayward, the station baggage-master, a free negro, went from the station toward the potomac bridge to look for watchman williams. upon being ordered to halt, he turned to retrace his steps to the station and was fired upon with fatal effect, by watson brown's party, "a bullet passing through his body a little below the heart," from the effect of which he died during the afternoon, about 4 o'clock. the arrival of the train being reported to brown, he personally informed conductor phelps why it was being held, saying: we have come to free the slaves and intend to do it at all hazards. later, at 3 a. m., brown notified phelps that he could now proceed with his train and directed him to say to the management of the road: "this is the last train that shall pass the bridge either east or west; if it is attempted, it will be at the peril of the lives of those having them in charge."[379] phelps however, decided not to move until daylight. from monocacy, at 7:05 a. m., he wired the situation to master of transportation smith, at baltimore; repeating what brown had said to him, and suggesting that he notify the secretary of war at once; concluding his dispatch with this statement: "the telegraph wires are cut east and west of harper's ferry and this is the first station that i could send a dispatch from." the first alarm of what was occurring in the town was given out by a resident physician, dr. john d. starry. but the note which he sounded was not of the "paul revere" variety. the doctor was aroused from his slumbers by the firing of the shot that struck hayward, and went to his relief. the remainder of the night he spent in observing what was going on but gave out no information concerning it. "at daylight," it is said, "he could stand it no longer; he saddled his horse, rode to the residence of mr. a. m. kitzmiller, who was in charge of the arsenal during the absence of the superintendent, mr. barbour; acquainted him, and a number of other officials and workmen with the story of the night. he then put spurs to his horse, and ascended the hill to bolivar heights, where he awoke some more sleepers."[380] after arousing the town, the doctor rode to charlestown, eight miles distant, where the alarm was given by ringing all the bells. the local military company--the jefferson guards--fell in promptly; also a second company, composed of men and boys, was organized on the spot, both companies taking a train at 10 o'clock for the scene of the trouble. by 10:30 president garrett of the baltimore and ohio railroad company, had informed the president of the united states of the conditions existing at harper's ferry. he also wired the information to governor wise, of virginia; and to major general stewart, commanding first division maryland volunteers, at baltimore.[381] the news soon became general. from monocracy it was wired to frederick, and by 10 a. m. the frederick companies were under arms and had marching orders. a martinsburg company, under captain e. g. alburtis, arrived at harper's ferry during the afternoon, and shortly thereafter a company from winchester reported for duty. earlier in the day two local companies were "mustered into service;" one under command of captain botts and the other under captain john avis. two companies from shepherdstown also arrived--the "hamtrack guards" and the "shepherdstown troop." during the evening three companies arrived from frederick, and five companies from baltimore. in all sixteen companies of state volunteers were assembled at harper's ferry within twelve hours from the time the first alarm was given out. the second casualty of the day occurred about 7 o'clock a. m., when mr. thomas boerly, an irishman and a resident of harper's ferry, was fatally shot by one of brown's men. from that time until after 10 o'clock nothing of importance occurred in the town, except that brown ordered breakfast for his war party and his prisoners, forty-five in all. the meals were prepared and served from a nearby hotel--the wagner house. in the early morning, after the prisoners--colonel washington and the allstadts--had been delivered to brown at the armory gate, cook and leeman proceeded to the kennedy farm with the teams that they had taken from colonel washington, and began moving the military equipment, which had been left there, in care of owen brown, to a school-house, that was located about a mile from the ferry. later, brown dispatched william thompson to the school-house with a message to owen, saying that "all was going well." between 9 and 10 o'clock leeman and thompson returned to harper's ferry, bringing with them another prisoner, mr. terence brown, a maryland farmer of the neighborhood. after 10 o'clock brown's position became critical. it was fast becoming evident that his plans had miscarried; that the slaves had failed to strike for their freedom; that the fundamental movement of the campaign--_the insurrection of the slaves_--had not been executed. "the blow" which he planned to strike had not been delivered. the attempt to "assail the slave power with the only weapons that it fears," had "flashed in the pan." it was not important that the potomac and the shenandoah bridges were still in his possession and that access to the maryland mountains was free; for brown was not equipped for flight, and there are limitations upon physical endurance. besides, these southern mountains were, to him, inhospitable, and would furnish neither subsistence nor shelter. also the inhabitants of the vicinity were rising in arms against him, their passions inflamed to a condition of frenzy because of the assault which he had made upon their lives and property. he well knew the excited mob would be upon his trail from the start; and that escape, except for a possible straggler or two, was impossible. but there still existed the possibility that the fifteen hundred self-emancipated slaves, whom he hoped to have under arms by 12 o'clock,[382] would begin to arrive. details of the subsequent occurrences are given in a very interesting manner by mr. villard, on pages 429 to 454. he relates that after 10 o'clock, the citizens of harper's ferry became aggressive, and opened a scattering or desultory fire upon brown's position at the armory building. the "jefferson guards," upon their arrival at bolivar heights, marched to a point about a mile above the town, where they crossed the potomac in boats, and came down the maryland side of the river to the potomac bridge, driving watson brown and taylor from their post. this movement compelled william thompson and newby to abandon their station at the shenandoah bridge, and seek shelter in the armory. the galt house was then occupied by captain botts's company, while captain avis took a position near the crest of bolivar heights, overlooking the town, from where he opened fire upon the armory. newby was killed by this fire before he reached the armory enclosure. it is said that his body was shockingly mutilated. about 1 o'clock leeman sought to effect his escape. he left the arsenal and attempted to cross the potomac, a short distance above the bridge, and succeeded in getting as far as a small island in the river, where he was overtaken and killed by a mr. a. g. schoppert. the body of the late captain, his commission in his pocket, as it lay upon the rocks in the river, became an object for target practice, by citizens, and by members of the volunteer military companies then assembling. during the afternoon brown sought to have the firing cease by negotiating with the citizens for a truce; and sent out a prisoner, mr. cross, and william thompson, to make the arrangement. thompson was immediately taken and held as a prisoner, for a time, at the galt house. later he was led out upon the trestle leading to the shenandoah bridge, where he was shot by a mob under the leadership of george w. chambers and harry hunter; his body falling into the shallow water below, where it became a general target for the mob, in mob fashion. still later, brown sent stevens and watson brown out, accompanied by mr. kitzmiller, under a flag of truce. this flag was fired upon from the windows of the galt house with the result that both stevens and brown received severe wounds. brown succeeded in dragging himself back to the armory engine-house, where he died thirty hours later. one of the prisoners, a mr. brua, went out and had stevens carried into the wager house. between 2 and 3 o'clock a small party, under the command of a young man by the name of irwin, made an attack upon the rifle-works on the shenandoah, where kagi and his men were stationed. the latter sought to escape across the river, but were shot down before reaching the middle of the stream. kagi fell and died in the water. leary was mortally wounded, and died the following night. copeland was taken prisoner by mr. james h. holt, of harper's ferry, and by him delivered to the virginia authorities. in the confusion, the detail at the arsenal--hazlett and o. p. anderson--managed to escape unnoticed. they probably abandoned their post as soon as it became evident to them that the insurrection feature of the venture had miscarried. it is said they first went to the kennedy farm, where they got supplies of provisions, and from there they made their way into pennsylvania. five days later hazlett was captured at carlisle, and taken back to virginia under extradition papers, issued by the governor of the state. his trial was had at charlestown, and he was hanged there, with stevens, march 16, 1860. anderson fared better: he managed to reach canada, and lived to write a marvelous story of his adventures. cook's party, and the detail under owen brown, met with better success, cook alone being arrested. he was taken at chambersburg, pennsylvania, october 25th, and returned to charlestown, virginia, where he was hanged december 16th. e. coppoc, green, and copeland were hanged at the same time. the others: tidd, barclay coppoc, merriam and owen brown all succeeded in making good their escape. the negroes who had been taken returned to their masters. about 2 o'clock, george w. turner was killed. turner was a prosperous farmer of the vicinity. he had been graduated from west point, and had served creditably with the army, in florida. riding into town, with his shot-gun on his shoulder, he became a target for one of brown's rifles. a shot struck him in the neck and killed him instantly. about 4 o'clock mr. fontaine beckham, the mayor of the town, was killed. beckham was the station agent for the baltimore and ohio railroad company. he stepped out of the station-house to observe what was going on, when he was fired upon by edward coppoc, from the engine-house, with fatal effect. he also died instantly. the beginning of the final collapse came about 4 o'clock, with the arrival of the martinsburg company. alburtis attacked the armory enclosure and drove brown, with his most prominent prisoners--colonel washington, the allstadts, brua, byrne, wells, the armorer, ball, master-machinist, and j. e. daingerfield, pay-master's clerk--into the engine-house. of his attack captain alburtis said:[383] during the fight, we found, in the room adjoining the engine-house, some thirty or forty prisoners, who had been captured and confined by the outlaws. the windows were broken open by our party and these men escaped. the whole of the outlaws were now driven into the engine-house, and owing to the great number of wounded requiring our care, and not being supported by the other companies, as we expected, we were obliged to return.... immediately after we drew off, there was a flag of truce sent out to propose terms, which were that they were to be permitted to retire with their arms, and, i think, proceed as far as some lock on the canal, there to release their prisoners. the terms were not acceded to. there were troops enough on the ground at this time to have carried brown's position by assault; and it is probable that an attack upon the armory would have been ordered, had such extreme measures been deemed necessary, which was not the case. besides, if an assault had been made by these undisciplined men, it would have been attended with the loss of many lives, which, under the circumstances, would have been without justification. brown and his party were in a position from which they could not escape; neither could his surrender be long deferred. a prevailing report, too, that a detachment of united states troops--marines--would soon arrive, under the command of an experienced officer of the regular army, may have had some influence in determining what should be done. however, before nightfall, a mr. samuel strider delivered a summons to brown, demanding his surrender, to which brown replied as follows: capt. john brown answers: in consideration of all my men, whether living or dead, or wounded, being soon safely in and delivered up to me at this point with all their arms and ammunition, we will then take our prisoners and cross the potomac bridge, a little beyond which we will set them at liberty; after which we can negotiate about the government property as may be best. also we require the delivery of our horse and harness at the hotel.[384] the terms of the note were promptly declined by colonel robert w. baylor, of the virginia cavalry, who seems to have been the ranking officer present. he said that "under no conditions would he consent to a removal of the citizen prisoners across the river." still later in the evening the three companies, in uniform, arrived from frederick, maryland. one of these was under the command of captain sinn. this officer proceeded to the engine-house and entered into a lengthy conversation with brown. during this interview brown renewed his proposal to leave the place, and complained of the treatment his men, bearing a flag of truce, had received; that they "had been shot down like dogs." being told that men in his position must expect such treatment, brown replied that before coming there "he had weighed the responsibility and should not shrink from it." he thought, however, that he was entitled to better treatment from the people because of what he had _not_ done to them; that he "had had full possession of the town and could have massacred all the inhabitants had he thought proper to do so." during afternoon of the 17th, president buchanan ordered three companies of artillery, from fortress monroe, to the scene of the trouble; also the detachment of marines, at the washington navy yard. the latter were under the command of lieutenant israel green, u. s. m. c. he also ordered lieutenant colonel robert e. lee, second united states cavalry, brevet colonel united states army, to proceed to harper's ferry and assume command of all the united states troops concentrating there. general j. e. b. stuart, at that time a first lieutenant in the first united states cavalry accompanied lee as a volunteer aide. the artillery from fortress monroe was detained at baltimore by order of colonel lee. with two howitzers and ninety men green left washington for harper's ferry, at 3:30 p. m. en route he received orders from colonel lee to stop at sandy hook, a station within a mile, nearly, of his destination. at 10 o'clock lee arrived at sandy hook on a special train. the marines were then formed, and marched to harper's ferry, leaving the howitzers aboard the cars. arriving at the town, after consultation with the volunteer commanders present, lee ordered the militia to vacate the armory grounds, and put the control, or care of the situation, in the hands of lieutenant green. before ordering the assault upon the engine-house, which, to save the lives of brown's prisoners, was to be executed with the bayonet, lee offered the honor of commanding the action to the regimental commanders of the volunteers: colonel shriver of the maryland troops and colonel baylor of the virginians; an offer which both of these officers, in behalf of their men, had the moral courage to wisely and properly decline. colonel shriver said, in effect, that they had come to help the people of harper's ferry in an emergency: that the emergency, in view of the united states troops present, was now passed; that his men had wives and children at home, and since it was not necessary to expose them to such risk as this attack involved, he would not voluntarily do so. colonel baylor expressed similar views. but, later, there was trouble over the matter. the pride of the governor of virginia, henry e. wise, was hurt because the virginia troops had not done on the 17th what lee, stuart, green, and the marines did so creditably on the morning of the 18th. as a result, charges of misconduct were preferred against colonel baylor, by mr. o. jennings wise, a son of the governor; and a court of inquiry was convened in june, 1860, to investigate the case. mr. villard states that in a letter addressed to the court, by mr. wise, the latter charged that colonel baylor had assumed command on the 17th, "contrary to his grade and the nature of his commission." that he had acted without orders; that he was guilty of cowardice in not storming the engine-house, and of "unofficer-like conduct in assigning a false, cowardly and insulting reason for not leading the attack on the engine-house when the service was offered to him by colonel lee: to-wit--that it was a duty which belonged to the _mercenaries_ of the regular service--meaning the marines--who were paid for it"; and, finally for using "violent and ungentlemanly language about his commander-in-chief (governor wise)." after the militia officers had declined the command of the storming party, it was offered to lieutenant green, who, of course, accepted it, and, taking off his cap, thanked his commander for the honor, with soldierly courtesy. early on the morning of the 18th, colonel lee sent a demand upon brown to surrender, which was read to him at the door of the engine-house by lieutenant stuart. the order read as follows:[385] headquarters harper's ferry, october 18, 1859. colonel lee, united states army, commanding the troops, sent by the united states to suppress the insurrection at this place, demands the surrender of the persons in the armory buildings. if they will peaceably surrender themselves and restore the pillaged property, they shall be kept in safety to await the orders of the president. colonel lee represents to them, in all frankness, that it is impossible for them to escape; that the armory is surrounded on all sides by troops; and that if he is compelled to take them by force, he cannot answer for their safety. r. e. lee, colonel commanding united states troops. it had been agreed upon between stuart and green, that, after having read the order to brown, if he should refuse to surrender, as they supposed he would, stuart would then signal by a wave of his cap, at the sight of which green would order his company forward to the assault. his plan of attack was to advance with twelve men, holding another twelve in reserve to support them, if they should be disabled, and with a heavy sledge-hammer break down the door of the engine-house, and if successful, then, with the full command rush the insurgents with fixed bayonets. upon seeing the signal agreed upon, green ordered the attack. while being fired upon from within the engine-house, the marines, armed with the sledge, attempted to beat down the doors, but without success; then seeing a heavy ladder lying nearby, green ordered some of the men to take it up and use it against the doors as a battering-ram. this expedient was successful. two blows by the improvised engine of war sufficed to break a ragged hole, low down, in the right-hand door. through the opening thus made, green, and major russell, pay-master, united states marine corps, sprang, followed by the enlisted men.[386] rising to his feet, green ran back of the engine to the rear of the room, where he saw colonel washington, who, pointing to brown said, "this is osawatomie." lieutenant green states: when colonel washington said to me, "this is osawatomie," brown turned his head to see who it was to whom colonel washington was speaking. quicker than thought, i brought my sabre down with all my strength, upon his head. he was moving as the blow fell, and i suppose i did not strike him where i intended, for he received a deep sabre cut on the back of his neck. he fell senseless on his side, then rolled over on his back. he had in his hand a short sharp's cavalry carbine. i think he had just fired as i reached colonel washington, for the marine who followed me into the aperture made by the ladder, received a bullet in the abdomen from which he died in a few minutes. the shot might have been fired by some one else in the party, but i think it came from brown. instantly, as brown fell, i gave him a sabre thrust in the left breast. the sword i carried was a light uniform weapon and either not having a point, or striking something hard in brown's accouterments, did not penetrate. the blade bent double. by that time three or four of my men were inside. they came rushing in like tigers, as a storming assault is not a play-day sport. they bayoneted one man, skulking under the engine, and pinned another fellow up against the rear wall, both being killed instantly. i ordered the men to spill no more blood. the other insurgents were at once taken under arrest, and the contest ended. the whole fight had not lasted over three minutes.[387] of brown's eleven prisoners, whom he was holding as hostages, lieutenant green says: they were the sorriest lot of people i ever saw. they had been without food for over sixty hours, in constant dread of being shot, and were huddled up in the corner where lay the body of brown's son and one or two others of the insurgents who had been killed. the scrimmage being over, green and coppoc were taken into custody, and the dead and wounded were carried from the engine-house and laid upon the armory lawn, where they were protected from violence by a guard detailed from the company of marines. later, mr. villard states, brown was carried to the office of the pay-master of the armory and there given medical attention, when it was found that his wounds were far less serious than they were at first supposed to be. of the twenty-two ambitious men who courageously undertook to organize the "provisional army," ten had been killed: kagi, oliver brown, watson brown, william thompson, dauphin thompson, jeremiah g. anderson, leeman, newby, leary, and taylor. five were prisoners: brown, stevens, e. coppoc, green, and copeland. seven had got away: cook, hazlett, tidd, owen brown, barclay coppoc, osborn p. anderson, and merriam. those killed and wounded by the insurgents were as follows: killed: g. w. turner, thomas boerley, fontane beckham, heywood shepherd, and private quinn. wounded: mr. murphy, mr. young, mr. richardson, mr. hammond, mr. mccabe, mr. dorsey, mr. hooper, mr. woolet, and private rupert.[388] about noon, on the 18th, some notable persons of that period arrived at harper's ferry, anxious to know the facts relating to the alarming events which had taken place. an interview with brown was accordingly arranged, which was held at the office of the armory pay-master. the wounded stevens had, in the meantime, been carried into the office and laid upon a mattress on the floor beside brown. those present were governor wise, of virginia, colonel robert e. lee, lieutenant stuart, senator mason of virginia, congressmen vallandigham of ohio and faulkner of virginia, colonel lewis washington, andrew hunter, special counsel for the state of virginia, and a half dozen citizens of the town and vicinity. brown was able to answer freely, and seemed anxious for an opportunity to present his version of the situation to the public. he was "glad," he said, "to make himself and his motives clearly understood." extracts from this interview are as follows:[389] _senator mason._ can you tell us who furnished money for your expedition? _john brown._ i furnished most of it myself; i cannot implicate others. it is my own folly that i have been taken. i could easily have saved myself from it, had i exercised my own better judgment rather than yielded to my feelings. _mason._ you mean if you had escaped immediately? _brown._ no. i had the means to make myself secure without any escape; but i allowed myself to be surrounded by a force by being too tardy. i should have gone away; but i had thirty odd prisoners, whose wives and daughters were in tears for their safety, and i felt for them. besides, i wanted to allay the fears of those who believed we came here to burn and kill. for this reason i allowed the train to cross the bridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. i did it only to spare the feelings of those passengers and their families, and to allay the apprehensions that you had got here in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard for life and property, nor any feelings of humanity. _mason._ but you killed some people passing along the streets quietly. _brown._ well, sir, if there was anything of that kind done, it was without my knowledge. your own citizens who were my prisoners will tell you that every possible means was taken to prevent it. i did not allow my men to fire when there was danger of killing those we regarded as innocent persons, if i could help it. they will tell you that we allowed ourselves to be fired at repeatedly, and did not return it. _a bystander._ that is not so. you killed an unarmed man at the corner of the house over there at the water-tank, and another besides. _brown._ see here, my friend; it is useless to dispute or contradict the report of your own neighbors who were my prisoners. * * * * * _mr. vallandigham (who had just entered.)_ mr. brown, who sent you here? _brown._ no man sent me here; it was my own prompting and that of my maker, or that of the devil--whichever you please to ascribe it to. i acknowledge no master in human form. * * * * * _vallandigham._ did you get up this document that is called a constitution? _brown._ i did. they are a constitution and ordinance of my own striving and getting up. _vallandigham._ how long have you been engaged in this business? _brown._ from the breaking out of the difficulties in kansas. four of my sons had gone there to settle, and they induced me to go. i did not go there to settle, but because of the difficulties. * * * * * _mason._ what was your object in coming? _brown._ we came to free the slaves, and only that. * * * * * _a volunteer._ what in the world did you suppose you could do here in virginia with that amount of men? _brown._ young man, i do not wish to discuss that question here. _volunteer._ you could not do anything. _brown._ well, perhaps your ideas and mine on military subjects would differ materially. * * * * * _mason._ did you consider this a military organization in this constitution? i have not yet read it. _brown._ i did in some sense. i wish you would give that paper close attention. _mason._ you consider yourself the commander-in-chief of these "provisional" military forces? _brown._ i was chosen, agreeably to the ordinance of a certain document, commander-in-chief of that force. _mason._ what wages did you offer? _brown._ none. _stuart._ "the wages of sin is death." _brown._ i would not have made such a remark to you if you had been a prisoner, and wounded, in my hands. * * * * * _a bystander._ do you consider this a religious movement? _brown._ it is, in my opinion, the greatest service man can render to god. _bystander._ do you consider yourself an instrument in the hands of providence? _brown._ i do. _bystander._ upon what principle do you justify your acts? _brown._ upon the golden rule. i pity the poor in bondage that have none to help them: that is why i am here; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or vindictive spirit. it is my sympathy with the oppressed and the wronged, that are as good as you and as precious in the sight of god. _bystander._ certainly. but why take the slaves against their will? _brown._ i never did. _bystander._ you did in one instance, at least. stephens, the other wounded prisoner, here said, "you are right. in one case i know the negro wanted to go back." * * * * * _vallandigham._ how far did you live from jefferson? _brown._ be cautious, stephens, about any answers that would commit any friend. i would not answer that. (stephens turned partially over with a groan of pain, and was silent.) _vallandigham._ who are your advisers in this movement? _brown._ i cannot answer that. i have numerous sympathizers throughout the entire north. _vallandigham._ in northern ohio? _brown._ no more there than anywhere else; in all the free states. * * * * * _bystander._ why did you do it secretly? _brown._ because i thought that necessary to success; no other reason. _bystander._ have you read gerrit smith's last letter? _brown._ what letter do you mean? _bystander._ the "new york _herald_" of yesterday, in speaking of this affair, mentions a letter in this way: "apropos of this exciting news, we recollect a very significant passage in one of gerrit smith's letters, published a month or two ago, in which he speaks of the folly of attempting to strike the shackles off the slaves by the force of moral suasion or legal agitation, and predicts that the next movement made in the direction of negro emancipation would be an insurrection in the south." _brown._ i have not seen the "new york _herald_" for some days past; but i presume, from your remark about the gist of the letter, that i should concur with it. i agree with mr. smith that moral suasion is hopeless. i don't think the people of the slave states will ever consider the subject of slavery in its true light till some other argument is resorted to than moral suasion. _vallandigham._ did you expect a general rising of the slaves in case of your success? _brown._ no, sir; nor did i wish it. i expected to gather them up from time to time, and set them free. _vallandigham._ did you expect to hold possession here till then? _brown._ well, probably i had quite a different idea. i do not know that i ought to reveal my plans. i am here a prisoner and wounded, because i foolishly allowed myself to be so. you overrate your strength in supposing i could have been taken if i had not allowed it. i was too tardy after commencing the open attack--in delaying my movements through monday night, and up to the time i was attacked by the government troops. it was all occasioned by my desire to spare the feelings of my prisoners and their families and the community at large. i had no knowledge of the shooting of the negro heywood. * * * * * _dr. biggs._ were you in the party at dr. kennedy's house? _brown._ i was at the head of that party. i occupied the house to mature my plans. i have not been in baltimore to purchase caps. * * * * * _q._ where did you get arms? _a._ i bought them. _q._ in what state? _a._ that i will not state. _q._ how many guns? _a._ two hundred sharpe's rifles and two hundred revolvers,--what is called the massachusetts arms company's revolvers, a little under navy size. _q._ why did you not take that swivel you left in the house? _a._ i had no occasion for it. it was given to me a year or two ago. _q._ in kansas? _a._ no. i had nothing given to me in kansas. _q._ by whom, and in what state? _a._ i decline to answer; it is not properly a swivel; it is a very large rifle with a pivot. the ball is larger than a musket ball; it is intended for a slug. _reporter._ i do not wish to annoy you; but if you have anything further you would like to say, i will report it. _brown._ i have nothing to say, only that i claim to be here in carrying out a measure i believe perfectly justifiable, and not to act the part of an incendiary or ruffian, but to aid those suffering great wrong. i wish to say, furthermore, that you had better--all you people at the south--prepare yourselves for a settlement of this question, that must come up for settlement sooner than you are prepared for it. the sooner you are prepared the better. you may dispose of me very easily,--i am nearly disposed of now; but this question is still to be settled,--this negro question i mean; the end of that is not yet. these wounds were inflicted upon me--both sabre cuts on my head and bayonet stabs in different parts of my body--some minutes after i had ceased fighting and had consented to surrender, for the benefit of others, not for my own. i believe the major would not have been alive; i could have killed him just as easy as a mosquito when he came in to receive our surrender. there had been loud and long calls of "surrender" from us,--as loud as men could yell; but in the confusion and excitement i suppose we were not heard. i do not think the major, or any one, meant to butcher us after we had surrendered. _an officer._ why did you not surrender before the attack? _brown._ i did not think it was my duty or interest to do so. we assured the prisoners that we did not wish to harm them, and they should be set at liberty. i exercised my best judgment, not believing the people would wantonly sacrifice their own fellow-citizens, when we offered to let them go on condition of being allowed to change our position about a quarter of a mile. the prisoners agreed by a vote among themselves to pass across the bridge with us. we wanted them only as a sort of guarantee of our own safety,--that we should not be fired into. we took them, in the first place, as hostages and to keep them from doing any harm. we did kill some men in defending ourselves, but i saw no one fire except directly in self-defense. our orders were strict not to harm any one not in arms against us. _q._ brown, suppose you had every nigger in the united states, what would you do with them? _a._ set them free. _q._ your intention was to carry them off and free them? _a._ not at all. _a bystander._ to set them free would sacrifice the life of every man in this community. _brown._ i do not think so. _bystander._ i know it. i think you are fanatical. _brown._ and i think you are fanatical. "whom the gods would destroy they first made mad," and you are mad. _q._ was your only object to free the negroes? _a._ absolutely our only object. _q._ but you demanded and took colonel washington's silver and watch? _a._ yes; we intended freely to appropriate the property of slave-holders to carry out our object. it was for that, and only that, and with no design to enrich ourselves with any plunder whatever. _bystander._ did you know sherrod in kansas? i understand you killed him. _brown._ i killed no man except in fair fight. i fought at black jack point and at osawatomie; and if i killed anybody, it was at one of these places. mr. sanborn publishes a conversation that brown had with his jailer concerning his interview with governor wise.[390] "'a virginian,'" he says, "gives me this addition to brown's conversation with wise": _jailer._ i see in the papers that you told governor wise you had promises of aid from virginia, tennessee, and the carolinas. is that true, or did you make it up to "rile" the old governor? _brown._ no; i did not tell wise that. _jailer._ what did you tell him that could have made that impression on his mind? _brown._ wise said something about fanaticism, and intimated that no man in full possession of his senses could have expected to overcome a state with such a handful of men as i had, backed only by struggling negroes; and i replied that i had promises of ample assistance, and would have received it too if i could only have set the ball in motion. he then asked suddenly in a harsh voice, as you've seen lawyers snap up a witness: "assistance! from what state, sir?" i was not thrown off my guard, and replied: "from more than you'd believe if i should name them all; but i _expected_ more from virginia, tennessee, and the carolinas than from any others." _jailer._ you "expected" it. you did not say it was promised from the states named? _brown._ no; i knew, of course, that the negroes would rally to my standard. if i had only got the thing fairly started, you virginians would have seen sights that would have opened your eyes; and i tell you if i was free this moment, and had five hundred negroes around me, i would put these irons on wise himself before saturday night. _jailer_. then it was true about aid being promised? what states promised it? _brown (with a laugh)._ well, you are about as smart a man as wise, and i'll give you the same answer i gave him. a reporter for the new york _herald_ who was present said of brown:[391] "he converses freely, fluently and cheerfully, without the slightest manifestation of fear or uneasiness, evidently weighing well his words, and possessing a good command of language. his manner is courteous and affable, while he appears to be making a favorable impression upon his auditory." a reporter for the baltimore _american_ who was present at the interview said:[392] "no sign of weakness was exhibited by john brown. in the midst of his enemies, whose homes he had invaded; wounded and a prisoner, surrounded by a small army of officials, and a more desperate army of angry men; with the gallows staring him full in the face, he lay on the floor, and, in reply to every question, gave answers that betokened the spirit that animated him. the language of gov. wise well expresses his boldness when he said, 'he is the gamest man i ever saw.'" during the afternoon of the 18th, while the interview with brown was in progress, mr. john c. unseld accompanied lieutenant green, with a detachment of marines, to brown's recent headquarters at the kennedy farm, where a quantity of war material was found, including bed clothing, canvas for tents, some axes, two cast-iron hominy mills, a good deal of clothing boxed up--new clothing for men, and some boots. here also they found brown's trunk containing his official papers and correspondence; copies of the constitution for the provisional government and other important documents; also maps of kentucky, tennessee, alabama, mississippi, louisiana, south carolina, florida, and georgia. each map had a slip pasted on the side, evidently cut from the census report of 1850, showing the number and kind of inhabitants (whether free or slave, white or black, male or female) in each county of the state or states which it represented. on the maps of south carolina, alabama, mississippi, and georgia, there were various ink-marks in the shape of crosses at different points.[393] with the consent of brown, john e. cook had taken a similar census of the inhabitants living in the vicinity of harper's ferry.[394] on the morning of the 19th the military stores that had been transferred to the school-house, on monday, from the kennedy farm, were taken possession of by the "baltimore greys," a company belonging to the maryland regiment present, under the command of lieutenant colonel mills. among them were the following articles:[395] 102 sharp's rifles 3 gross steel pens 10 kegs gunpowder 5 ink stands 23000 percussion rifle caps 21 lead pencils 100000 percussion pistol caps 34 pen holders 13000 sharp's rifle cartridges 2 boxes wafers 483 pikes 47 small blank books 16 picks 40 shovels (the railroad waybill called for several dozen, showing that more were to come) on wednesday morning, october 19th, the prisoners were safely transferred to charlestown, under an escort of marines commanded by lieutenant green. upon their arrival there they were delivered into the custody of the sheriff of jefferson county and the united states marshal for the western district of virginia, and by them placed in the county jail. brown and stevens, being unable to walk, were transferred to and from the train, in a wagon. the comments of the press of the country, upon the occurrences herein, however interesting they may be, are not especially valuable. the writers of the time had but little correct information upon which to base their opinion as to the scope of the undertaking. even at the present time, after the lapse of more than fifty years, opinion is divided as to whether this incident in our history was just an altruistic "_foray into virginia_"; or whether it was, practically, a harmless and utterly senseless "_raid_," or whether it was an organized reality--an invasion of the state of virginia by brown and his captains, having for their object, the conquest of the southern states. chapter xiv a perversion of history _but many a man has committed his greatest blunder when attempting to write a book._ --john brown, jr. concerning the things which brown intended to do, and the plans which he made in pursuance thereof mr. redpath says:[396] it was the original intention of captain brown to seize the arsenal at harpers ferry on the night of the 24th of october, and to take the arms there deposited to the neighboring mountains, with a number of the wealthier citizens of the vicinity, as hostages, until they should redeem themselves by liberating an equal number of their slaves. when at baltimore, for satisfactory reasons, he determined to strike the blow that was to shake the slave system to its foundations, on the night of the 17th. ... harper's ferry, by the admission of military men, was admirably chosen as the spot at which to begin a war of liberation. the neighboring mountains, with their inaccessible fastnesses, with every one of which, and every turning of their valleys, john brown had been familiar for seventeen years, would afford to guerrilla forces a protection the most favorable, and a thousand opportunities for a desperate defense or rapid retreats before overwhelming numbers of an enemy. this is the conception of the harper's ferry episode that brown's family, and his partisans, decided should be put forth concerning an incident which was to have been written in streams of blood, such as never flowed upon the continent. that anything so irrational should have been published, or should have been seriously considered by any one, is beyond the comprehension of thoughtful persons; and yet, the foolish fictions therein suggested were accepted as the truth in the northern states, and, with some modifications of the more grotesque absurdities therein contained, have been approved by subsequent writers and biographers and have been incorporated with the history of our country. why brown should have intended to abandon harper's ferry without a struggle to retain it after having taken formal possession of the place and of the war material stored there, if the position was admirably chosen as the spot at which to begin a war of liberation; or how a voluntary retreat into the mountains by a band of twenty-two men could be regarded as a "blow" of any kind; or where the inaccessible fastness which he intended to retreat to was located: or how he intended to shelter and subsist his men and prisoners in an inaccessible fastness that had not been supplied with subsistence stores or with camp and garrison equipage of any description; or how he would be able to find his way, if the night happened to be a dark night, up and through the tangled obstructions upon which the fastness relied for its inaccessibility; or how he intended to transport the military equipment stored at harper's perry, to the fastness, without means of transportation, or roads to travel on; or how he intended to prevent his fastness from being surrounded and his communications with the world cut off while the altruistic negotiations for the "exchange of the wealthier citizen prisoners for an equal number of slaves," were progressing, appear to have been matters of no concern to this biographer. it was sufficient for his purpose to assume that these things, however inconsistent they might be, were the things which brown intended to do, and that they constituted the blow which he had promised to strike. mr. redpath, personally, knew what brown intended to do. he knew that brown, pursuant to his pledges, planned to strike a blow that would shake the center of the slave system; that he planned to precipitate a war of surpassing atrocity; a war that was to begin with a carnival of assassinations; that he intended "to assail slavery with the only weapon that it fears":[397] a servile insurrection. mr. sanborn had been a valuable instrument in brown's hands for the practice of his eastern impositions. taking his cue from mr. redpath, after describing what occurred on the night of the 16th of october, he rises to the full height of his conception of the occasion to inquire: why then did brown attack harper's ferry, or having captured it, why did he not leave it at once and push into the mountains of virginia, according to his original plan?[398] it was to this mr. sanborn, that brown first suggested his scheme to raise $30,000 cash, to arm and equip a company of "fifty volunteer-regulars" for the defense of kansas settlers. mr. sanborn was impressed, deeply so, and undertook to promote the proposition. also, he undertook to promote brown's scheme to have the legislatures of massachusetts and new york appropriate $100,000 each, to reimburse the brown family for losses its members had sustained while "fighting" in kansas; and ever thereafter had been brown's faithful and efficient servant. he was a member of the "secret war committee" of six, and had reason to think, and probably did think, that brown had taken him into his full confidence. he says: although brown communicated freely to the four persons just named,--theodore parker, dr. howe, mr. stearns and col. higginson,--his plans of attack and defense in virginia, it is not known that he spoke to any but me of his purpose to surprise the arsenal and town of harper's ferry.... it is probable that in 1858 brown had not definitely resolved to seize harper's ferry; yet he spoke of it to me beside his coal fire in the american house, putting it as a question, rather, without expressing his own purpose. i questioned him a little about it; but it then passed from my mind, and i did not think of it again until the attack had been made a year and a half afterwards.[399] thus mr. sanborn acknowledges that brown had not entrusted to him the secret of his intentions, and thereby disqualifies himself as an authority upon brown's plans, or as having correct information concerning what he intended to do in virginia. it is more than probable that upon the occasion to which mr. sanborn refers, brown contemplated confiding to him his plans for the conquest of the south by means of an insurrection of the slaves and the massacre of the slave-holding population, and intended to offer him a position upon his staff. brown and forbes had laid plans for their campaign, with harper's ferry as the base of operations, as early as january, 1857, and in pursuance thereof had ordered the thousand spears with which to arm the blacks for the opening horror. sitting beside his coal fire in the american house, his thoughts upon his plans, and the hopes of his mighty conquest surging in his brain, john brown, the grim soldier of fortune, drew out his young companion by indirection, and took the measure of his capacity for heroic undertakings. had the young man, at the close of that interview, appealed for an omen "from that shrine whose oracles may destroy but can never deceive," he might, in a spiritual vision, have seen upon the invisible tablets, where brown's mental records were kept, an inscription, or word, similar to that which belshazzar saw traced upon the wall by the finger of an invisible hand. the man of "blood and iron" had invited the interview in his letter to mr. sanborn of february 24th.[400] brown's decision was adverse to mr. sanborn. the latter did not suspect that he had passed through the fire of an examination, and had been found deficient. the subject was never again taken up; the door of opportunity closed against mr. sanborn. following the trail blazed by a discredited predecessor, the writer of _fifty years after_ abandons the teachings which the record discloses concerning this episode, and, concurring with mr. redpath, tries to confirm in our history that author's perversion of the facts relating to it. he assumes to believe, and seeks to teach the public to believe, that brown's plans were, comparatively, crude, and that his movement in execution of them was of a harmless nature: that he merely intended to attempt to carry on a guerrilla warfare from some point in the nearby mountains, and that his entrance to harper's ferry was not an occupation of the place but a "raid" upon it, undertaken for the purpose of advertising, in a spectacular way, the guerrilla warfare which he intended to engage in. he says:[401] as for their general, he not only was the sole member of the attacking force to believe in the assault on the property of the united states at harper's ferry, but he was, as they neared the all-unsuspecting town, without any clear and definite plan of campaign. the general order detailed the men who were to garrison various parts of the town and hold the bridges, but beyond that, little had been mapped out. it was all to depend upon the orders of the commander-in-chief, who seemed bent on violating every military principle. thus, he had appointed no definite place for the men to retreat to, and fixed no hour for the withdrawal from the town. he, moreover, proceeded at once to defy the canons by placing a river between himself and his base of supplies,--the kennedy farm,--and then left no adequate force on the river-bank to insure his being able to fall back to that base. hardly had he entered the town when, by dispersing his men here and there, he made his defeat as easy as possible. moreover, he had in mind no well-defined purpose in attacking harpers ferry, save to begin his revolution in a spectacular way, capture a few slave-holders and release some slaves. so far as he had thought anything out, he expected to alarm the town and then, with the slaves that had rallied to him, to march back to the school-house near the kennedy farm, arm his recruits and take to the hills. another general, with the same purpose in view would have established his mountain camp first, swooped down upon the town in order to spread terror throughout the state, and in an hour or two, at most, have started back to his hill-top fastness.... hence, he confidently hoped to retire to the mountains before catching sight of a soldier of the regular army or of the militia,--by no means an unjustifiable expectation.... the danger to any raiding force would come from losing possession of these bridges, in which case the sole means of escape would be by swimming the rivers or climbing up through the town toward bolivar heights, in the direction of charlestown, eight miles away. by the gratuitous and irrelevant assumptions herein, this biographer discredits brown's intelligence; and by unjust, unfair, and illogical criticisms of his conduct, seeks to conceal and to emasculate his intentions. authenticated facts place limitations upon the presumptions of historians, which challenge the consistency of reckless statements, and the logic of their conclusions concerning them. there is not an authenticated line in this history which justifies a belief that brown contemplated doing the things which this author assumes that he intended to do. his theory that the occupation of harper's ferry was merely an incident in a raid, the first one of a series of undertakings in guerrilla warfare, which he represents brown as intending to execute from a location within walking distance of the town, is a reflection upon the sanity of every person connected with the movement. it is an assumption that brown and his men believed that they could maintain a headquarters for such warfare in the maryland hills--at a "hill-top fastness," if you please--and not be "run to earth at once," as the author states cook would have been, if he had attempted to hide in these inhospitable hills.[402] it is also a general denial of the historical truth that brown intended to invade virginia and the southern states, and to establish over them the jurisdiction of a provisional government. moreover, it is so divergent from the lessons taught by the vast accumulation of authenticated facts which relate to the matter, that it constitutes a contradiction of the facts, and raises a question as to the integrity of the author's purpose in putting it forth. there is no room in historical literature for the indulgence of poetic license. if brown was a man of "_blood_ and _iron_" and his men "hard-headed americans" one day, they must be regarded as being such the next day, and every day. it may be said, upon the authority of this author, that brown and his men were not the stupids which they are, in this instance, represented as being. "captains john h. kagi and a. d. stevens, bravest of the brave"[403] were not words idly spoken. "the hard-headed able americans like stevens, kagi, cook, and gill, who lived with john brown month in and month out worshipped no lunatic."[404] grafter! hypocrite! _fiend!_ monster! brown was, but never a trifler. if he ever engaged in a trifling enterprise or attempted to do anything in a trifling manner or upon a trifling scale, it has not been recorded. first, last, and all the time he played the limit of his resources. and in the execution of this venture--the climax of all his undertakings--he was neither trifling nor juggling with its details, as his biographers have persisted in doing with his motives, and with what his intentions and his plans were, in these premises. brown was not advertising his revolution when he secretly entered harper's ferry. these men were not baiting death for spectacular effect. they had a well defined purpose in view, but it was not to "capture a few slave-holders and release _some_ slaves." to daniel wheelan, brown stated the purpose of his coming: "i want to free all the negroes in this state; i have possession now of the united states armory, and if the citizens interfere with me i must only burn the town and have blood." conductor phelps said: "they say they have come to free the slaves and intend to do it at all hazards." mr. w. h. seibert states that kagi told him personally, that their purpose was "not the expatriation of one slave or a thousand slaves, but their liberation in the states wherein they were born and were now held in bondage."[405] to governor wise and others, on the afternoon of october 18th, brown stated that his purpose in being at harper's ferry would be found in the constitution for the provisional government. a copy of the document being produced, he requested governor wise to read it, and said that "within a fortnight he intended to have it published at large and distributed": an act which he could not have intended to execute from a location in any "hill-top fastness." in reply to questions, he stated that he intended to put the provisional government into operation "here, in virginia, where i commenced operations": that he expected to have "three or five thousand" men or as many as he wanted to assist him. he stated "distinctly" that he did not intend to run off any slaves, but that he "designed to put arms in their hands to defend themselves against their masters, and to maintain their position in virginia and in the south." that in the first instance he expected they and non-slave holding whites would flock to his standard as soon as he got a footing there at harper's ferry: and, as his strength increased, he would gradually enlarge the area under his control, "furnishing a refuge for the slaves and a rendezvous for all whites who were disposed to aid him, until eventually he over-ran the whole south."[406] january 5, 1860, mr. john c. unseld, one of brown's prisoners testified: i asked him why he made his attack on virginia and at the place he did? his answer was: "i knew there were a great many guns there that would be of service to me, and, if i could conquer virginia, the balance of the southern states would nearly conquer themselves, there being such a large number of slaves in them."[407] brown abandoned the kennedy farm on october 16th and gave orders to cook to remove the supplies to a school-house which was located within about a mile of harper's ferry. on the morning of the 17th the latter peremptorily dismissed the school and took possession of the building. to the teacher, mr. l. f. currie, cook explained what they were doing and how they intended to do it. mr. currie, in his testimony before the mason committee stated that cook, tidd, and leeman, having a mr. byrne in charge as a prisoner, came to the school-house about 10 o'clock and demanded possession of it. they then with the aid of some negroes unloaded several boxes and a large black trunk from a wagon and carried them into the school-house. continuing he said: cook said their intention was to free the negroes; that they intended to adopt such measures as would effectually free them, though he said nothing about running them off, or anything of that kind. he said this too: that those slave-holders who would give up their slaves voluntarily, would meet with protection; but those who refused to give them up would be quartered upon and their property confiscated,--used in such a way as they might think proper,--at least they would receive no protection from their organization or party. currie remained at the school-house until evening. between 2 and 3 o'clock the firing at harper's ferry became "very rapid and continuous," and currie asked cook what it meant; to which he replied: "well it simply means that those people down there are resisting our men, and we are shooting them down." in answer to a question as to how many men were engaged down there cook replied: "i do not know how many men are there now; there may be 5,000 or there may be 10,000 for aught i know."[408] these exhibits are but a trifling fraction of the direct testimony relating to the subject; yet mr. villard, in wanton disregard of such testimony, and of the overwhelming preponderance of historical facts which corroborate it, puts forth his violent assumptions as to the truth; and asks the public to believe this great undertaking to have been merely a poorly planned raid which another general with the same purpose in view would have conducted differently: "established his mountain camp first; swooped down upon the town in order to spread terror throughout the state, and in an hour or two at most, have started back to his hill-top fastness." "first a soldier then a citizen was brown's plan" for the uplift of the "emancipated blacks." "there is no doubt," says this author,[409] "that he still expected the negroes to rise and swell his force to irresistible proportions." numbers are not irresistible unless they be armed and organized. why should "the leader of a new revolution," with the sword of frederick the great in his hand, plan "to take to the hills" in a trifling retreat, and abandon the military stores at harper's ferry--the stores that were necessary to equip the irresistible numbers for irresistible operations? the assumption that he intended to do so is not only illogical; it is absurd. the declaration that brown was the sole member of the "attacking" force to believe in the assault upon the property of the united states at harper's ferry is contradicted by competent testimony, and by the significance of the general order that provided for the occupation of the town, and that designated the officers and men who were to take charge of this same property. as to the unanimity of sentiment that prevailed in relation to the matter, mr. redpath says:[410] "on saturday a meeting of the liberators was held and the plan of operations discussed. on sunday evening a council was again convened and the programme of the captain unanimously approved." other documents disclose the facts that the "captain" and his men not only intended to seize this united states property--the arms in the arsenal and in the rifle works--but that they intended to keep them and to use them. a general order issued from the headquarters of their war department provided for the organization of an army. jeremiah g. anderson was one of brown's veterans, who, with full confidence in the final success of their venture, approved of this movement. late in september, writing from "near harper's ferry" he said:[411] everything seems to work to our hand and victory will surely perch upon our banner.... this is not a large place but a very precious one to uncle sam, he has a great many tools here. a victor is one who conquers--who defeats an enemy. in its relation to war, victory means the defeat of the enemy in battle. anderson had an army in his mind, and battles and conquest, and the establishment of the provisional government, when he referred to victory, and used the word advisedly. a "raid" upon a place may be successfully executed but it cannot be, properly, called a victory over anything. john e. cook believed the arms would be used and approved of the use of them. "but ere that day arrives," he said, "i fear that we shall hear the crash of the battle shock and see the red gleaming of the cannon's lightning."[412] brown leased the kennedy farm because the location was suitable for his purposes in the furtherance of his plans. from there he conducted his secret negotiations, with the slaves, for the insurrection, and distributed the pikes, probably 500, which his co-conspirators were to use in their secret assassinations; but when he launched the invasion, and debouched his command, he abandoned it. therefore, it was not necessary for him to leave a force "adequate" or inadequate "on the river bank to insure his being able to fall back to that base," or to cover a retreat still more illogical: a retreat of his little band, with a lot of slaves, and prisoners as hostages, "to the hills" where barren rocks afforded no shelter and "where starvation would have met him at the threshold of his eyrie."[413] aside from what the record contains relating to the subject, it is illogical to assume that the veterans of brown's band would imperil their lives in a scheme so dangerous--a scheme involving death upon the gallows for every one of them if they failed--unless they approved of it with the fullest possible degree of confidence; only absolute confidence in the feasibility of their plans, and the hope of reward without a parallel, could have induced these men "with soiled lives behind them."[414] to undertake this conquest. their arrogance upon entering the town is evidence of their enthusiasm, and confidence in the success of what they were doing, and of their approval of it. their conduct was of the swaggering, domineering kind. it was of the: halt! or i'll kill you! kind; conduct bred by contamination in an environment supercharged with the scheming for murderous deeds, reeking with the planning for assassinations, and nourished by the belief that they were not accountable to any power upon earth for their actions. men do not shoot down their fellows-men for trivial causes, unless they believe they are in control of the situation, and are immune from punishment. these men were expecting trouble. they had come to harper's ferry believing they were about to write the bloodiest chapter in history; that the most desperate struggle in all history was imminent, and they were impatient to have it begin. they cut the telegraph wires; made prisoners of whomever they met; stopped the railway train carrying passengers and mails: shot at watchman higgins; shot and killed the baggage-porter, hayward, because he did not obey the command to halt; and killed mr. boerly without any apparent provocation. men who have no confidence in their supremacy; who do not believe they will succeed in what they are doing, but intend to run away, and laboriously "take to the hills" and act upon the defensive without facilities for defense, do not thus demean themselves. the logic of mr. villard's theory of brown's plans is: that this score of "hard-headed americans" believed they could shoot down and kill their fellow-citizens upon the streets of harper's ferry with impunity; that they could rob the homes of that neighborhood and not be held accountable therefor; that they could carry off property: watches, money, horses, carriages, wagons, and slaves, into the hills adjoining the town, and not be pursued by the local authorities; that they could take citizens of the united states into custody as prisoners, and carry them to a "hill-top fastness," and maintain themselves there without supplies of either food, water, shelter, or munitions of war, other than what they carried upon their persons. they know little of brown's plans and of his intentions, who criticize his strategy, in occupying harper's ferry, and his tenacious defense of the position. and they know nothing of the agreements at which he had arrived, and the engagements which he had entered into with the slaves of that section, whom he had taken into his confidence, during the preceding three months, and who were to launch the insurrection he had planned, and who were to constitute the rank and file of his army of invasion. the author of _fifty years after_ seems to have no clearer conception of the subject herein, than the author of fifty years before assumed to have. accepting, almost at par, mr. redpath's deceptive vagaries, he formulates a plan of campaign to conform with the conditions of his absurd conclusions; and then criticizes brown because he did not execute his conceptions. the plans for their operations, whatever they may have been, were satisfactory to brown and to the veteran adventurers who followed his flag. "the man of blood and iron" and the "hard-headed americans" had the plans under consideration during the two years preceding, and had placed the seal of their approval upon them. if they were satisfactory to those who made them, and understood them, and staked their lives upon the successful execution of them, they should not be denounced too confidently, not to say flippantly, by those who do not know, or who assume not to know, what the plans were. the details which brown made from his command were not to "garrison various parts of the town" and "hold the bridges"; the assignments were made in pursuance of his well defined plan to organize and equip there the _army_ which was to garrison the town and which was thereafter to _burn_ the bridges and hold the approaches to it; the army that was to invade the southern states; the army that was to "start from here" (harper's ferry) "and go through the state of virginia and on south," conquering and to conquer. the dispositions that he made of his forces were in harmony with the theory of the insurrection, which was the key-note of the invasion. the slaves from the east side of the potomac--the neighborhoods of sharpsburg, boonsboro, and hagerstown--after declaring their right to freedom, by assassinating their owners, were to report to owen brown at the "school-house," there to be organized into a battalion under his command, and, be armed with the rifles and supplied with the ammunition that were to be deposited there for that purpose. in the same way the slaves who were to arrive from the middletown valley, and from the frederick country, through pleasant valley and sandy hook, were to report to watson brown at the potomac bridge and by him, or by taylor who was stationed there with him, taken to the arsenal, where hazlett was in charge as quartermaster and ordnance officer, and there be armed and equipped from the "precious tools stored there," belonging to the united states, which were to be seized for this purpose. in a similar manner, the slaves from loudoun valley and the west side of the shenandoah were to report to oliver brown and william thompson and newby at the shenandoah bridge; while the slaves coming from the country lying between the shenandoah and the potomac were to report to kagi, at the rifle-works, and by him and his assistants--copeland and leary--taken to the arsenal for their equipment. brown had said to his friend douglass: "when i strike the bees will swarm and i shall want you to help me hive them." in this manner they were to be hived, _and furnished with stings_. this being true, brown defied no canons when he crossed the potomac nor did he thereby place a river between himself and his base of supplies. he had, in general orders, designated harper's ferry as his headquarters. _harper's ferry_, with its millions of dollars' worth of military stores, was thenceforth to be his base of supplies, and the state of virginia and the south the field of his operations. having paralyzed the south with the insurrection, the potomac was to be his front, and behind its banks he intended to entrench his army. he appointed no place for his men to _retreat_ to, nor made any provisions for retreating, for the word had no place in his vocabulary. he fixed no hour for his withdrawal from the town, because he did not intend to withdraw from it. he was not executing a raid. why should his captains proudly march to harper's ferry; "their sharp's rifles hung from their shoulders, their commissions duly signed and officially sealed in their pockets," if they were to trudge back again to the kennedy farm in demoralizing retreat, with no booty, and without having seen an enemy, and before a hostile shot had been fired; and then "take to the hills," there to be hunted by dogs and men, as wild beasts are hunted, and be shot down as wild beasts are shot, by slave-catchers, patrols, and marshals. their campaign was serious, heroic, and desperate beyond the comprehension of brown's biographers. rarely in history have men voluntarily stood to win or die as these men stood at harper's ferry. there was no place on the earth where they could retreat to and live. when brown and his captains crossed the potomac, the die was cast; the _invasion_ was on. thenceforth they might advance but not retreat; they might fight but not run. if they came back, it would have to be "with their shields or upon them." there was no violation of military principles in brown's occupation of harper's ferry, or in the dispositions which he made of his men, nor in his tenacious defense of his position. the military principles which he violated are not referred to in the charges and specifications preferred against him by this recent biographer. these violations were fatal to his enterprise, but they all antedate the night of october 16, 1859. if the hundreds of slaves whom brown secretly armed with the collinsville spears, with which to assassinate their masters and their masters' families, had done their bloody work as they had promised to do; then the fifteen hundred men that brown believed would report to him for duty by 12 o'clock on the 17th,[415] and the 5,000 men whom cook, at 4 o'clock, thought had already reported and were in action, would have arrived, and the story of harper's ferry would have been different. there would have been no violations of military principles then in brown's tactics and strategy, to criticise by any authority whatever. "another general, with the same purpose in view," and with the same forces at his disposal, would not have improved very much upon brown's plans. the hint at a hill-top fastness, where another general would have established his camp before he "swooped" down upon the town, is a modification of mr. redpath's invention of an "inaccessible fastness." it is a delusion none the less, a delusion that was shot to pieces within two years after mr. redpath framed it. such a position has no existence, except it be in authors' imaginations. there is not now, and there never was a position upon either maryland heights or loudoun heights that cannot be "stormed at with shot and shell." during the war between the states, the union generals fortified mr. redpath's inaccessible fastness. half way up the tangled steeps of maryland heights, on a small bit of plateau--less than an acre--they placed a battery of siege guns: two 9-inch columbiads, a 50-pounder parrott, and two or three field pieces. also, they reã«nforced the natural defenses of the "hill-top fastness" by formidable breastworks, built of rocks and trunks of trees, and protected them by abatis. on the 12th of september, 1862, the confederate infantry swarmed all over these inacessible fastnesses. during the 13th and 14th, the front of the "hill-top fastness," on the summit of maryland heights, was a sheet of flame and lead, enveloped in clouds of smoke. the rifle fire from the opposing lines stripped the bark from the trunks of all the trees, within a hundred and fifty yards of the front of these breastworks, as clean as though they had been girdled with an ax. not only did jackson's infantry penetrate these fastnesses, but during the morning of the 14th they took two pieces of artillery to the top of these "inaccessible" heights and "turned loose" with shot and shell upon the hill-top fastness. during the night of the 14th, the union commander abandoned the inaccessible fastness, dismounted and spiked the guns on the mountain side, and joined the forces at harper's ferry, on bolivar heights. on the 20th, a detachment from what had been mansfield's corps, of mcclellan's army--crawford's brigade[416]--then in command of col. joseph f. knipe of the forty-sixth pennsylvania, with a section of artillery, also climbed these inaccessible heights to drive the confederates from the position.[417] there are many persons living who remember having marched or "tramped" or "climbed" or "trudged" or "stumbled" or "hoofed it" up and down and over these mountains, on campaign and on picket duty, during the years of the great war; but it is doubtful if any of them ever heard of a detachment that executed such maneuvers by "swooping." the real movement is different, especially so if it be executed at night. in behalf of a patient public that has long been grievously imposed upon by partisan biographers, the writer asks unanimous consent that references to "fastnesses," with which brown is said to have been "familiar for seventeen years" be barred, henceforth, from the literature of this subject; the inhibition to include all the patterns of fastnesses which have been exploited; from the inaccessible kind of 1859 down through the intervening years, ending with the hill-top variety of fifty years after. chapter xv his great adventure _all merit comes_ _from daring the unequal,_ _all glory comes from daring to begin._ --eugene ware beginning with january, 1857, one thing is clearly disclosed and made conclusive by the record of brown's subsequent activities: that he contemplated an armed invasion and conquest of the southern states. his correspondence, and the long line of historical incidents which touch his life, during the time intervening between that date and the collapse of his fortunes at harper's ferry, show that his mind was preoccupied with plans for the accomplishment of that stupendous purpose. he believed that the slaves could be induced to rise against their masters; assassinate them and their families, and declare their freedom. from the ranks of the freedmen, he planned to recruit an army for the occupation of the territory affected by the insurrection, and for further invasion; and to establish and maintain the authority of a provisional government. his scheme for conquest was probably a result of his relations with hugh forbes. together the two adventurers planned the details for the undertaking. it was in pursuance of their plans for this purpose that brown engaged forbes's services, at a salary of a hundred dollars a month; ordered the thousand spears; published the _manual of the patriotic volunteer_; planned to lure the soldiery of the union from their "service with satan to the service of god"; planned to drive a nail into captain kidd's treasure-chest--whatever that meant; planned the war college, whereat the prospective generals for the prospective army, and the prospective members for the prospective cabinet of the prospective provisional government, were to be instructed, under the direction of forbes, in the science of war, and in the science of civil government. it was for his civil and military leaders that he engaged stevens, cook, kagi, tidd, parsons, realf, gill, and others, and placed them in the school of instruction. to hedge against treason, he met with his embryonic generals and secretaries at chatham, canada, and in convention assembled adopted a "constitution and ordinances" for the provisional government, which, among its provisions, declared the confiscation of the "entire personal and real property of all persons known to be acting with or for the enemy, or found wilfully holding slaves." this constitution had been printed and copies of it were available at the kennedy farm. every man who marched with brown to harper's ferry had read it, or had heard it read, and had sworn allegiance to the government it represented. december 23, 1858, merriam wrote to brown: "i have heard vaguely of your contemplated action and now mr. redpath and mr. hinton have told me your contemplated action, in which i earnestly wish to join you in any capacity you wish to place me as far as my small capacities go."[418] he spent the winter in hayti in company with redpath, and knew how brown intended to "assail the slave power."[419] the message that brown requested conductor phelps to communicate to the management of the baltimore and ohio railroad, interdicting further traffic over the road, was a declaration of war. it was the first and only "proclamation" issued by the commander-in-chief of the army of the provisional government. at the time he gave out this declaration--1:25 a. m., october 17, 1859--he and his captains confidently believed their insurrection to be in the full tide of successful initiation; that the country in the vicinity was then in the throes of a slaughter that spared neither sex nor age; that hordes of black fiends, like furies, were surging over the land in a riot of unimaginable proportions. these adventurers believed that their dreams of conquest were about to be realized; and that the rioting thousands, excited into a frenzy by the bloody deeds which had set them free, were already pressing in bands to join them at the appointed rendezvous to fill the ranks of the "army of liberation"; that it was solely a question of time--a few hours at most--until these allies would be arriving, and they would have control of an army sufficiently strong to establish and maintain their authority. that the slaves' sole way to freedom lay over the dead bodies of their masters, was a self-evident proposition. the slaves knew by tradition and by experience, and brown and his captains knew, that if they--the slaves--ran away from their masters to join his forces, the masters, reã«nforced by the citizen soldiery, would pursue them immediately, and recover them before they could organize for either defensive or aggressive warfare. the problem of harper's ferry had been solved by the philosophy of the pottawatomie. the same questions were involved in each venture: how to get the "goods" and keep them--how to get the slaves for the provisional army and forestall pursuit. it was the pottawatomie amplified. brown intended to create the "provisional army" in the enemy's country; hence, it was essential for him to commence the undertaking by striking the most crushing blow that it was possible for him to deliver. the success of the movement depended upon his ability to strike a blow so terrible that the survivors of the carnage, dazed and paralyzed by the horrors of the existing conditions, would be incapable of organizing and sending any opposing force to attack him. therefore the assassinations--the destruction of the persons who, otherwise, would pursue. that was the central feature of the movement, the base of the scheme, the blow which he intended to strike. it was the only blow which he could strike; the only weapon that he could use of which any one stood in awe. the blow which he would have to strike if he would win, was the blow which he had told his eastern friends he could strike: a blow that would shake the slave system to its foundation--the blow which he had promised gerrit smith he would strike, and doubtless, told him how he intended to strike it. to the men from the pottawatomie, a massacre was simply a means to an end. brown and his sons harbored no feelings of animosity toward the doyles, the shermans, and wilkinson; but they knew that these men would not give up to them, peaceably, the property which they coveted, therefore they murdered them and took their horses. they knew that the owners of slaves and lands in the southern states would not, peaceably, relinquish their ownership of this property; therefore they planned to incite the slaves to kill their masters while they slept--and having _thus emancipated_ the slaves, confiscate the estates of the slave-holders, and put the assassins and themselves in possession of them. this massacre, the most horrible that was ever seriously contemplated in the brain of man, was to be executed under the pretense that it was an humanitarian measure. in the name of humanity, they proposed to undertake the midnight assassination of millions of men, women, and children, and to contend for justification for their actions. the word, with brown, was a convenience, or an interchangeable term. a definition of it, in the sense in which he used the word, is found in his personal understanding, or interpretation rather, of its co-relation, "the golden rule." he is quoted by sanborn and others as having stated "more than once": "i believe in the golden rule and the declaration of independence. i think that both mean the same thing; and it is better that a whole generation should pass off the face of the earth--men, women and children--by a violent death than that one jot of either should fail _in this country_. i mean exactly _so_, sir."[420] the possibility that the blacks in the south might attempt to gain their freedom by a general massacre of the whites, was a condition co-existent with their enslavement. after 1831 that possibility became a fixed impending probability; and the question of means to prevent the inevitable cataclysm of blood, was a matter of constant concern in the economy of the southern states; with the result that various preventive measures were adopted to discourage the possibility of attempts, by the slaves, to organize for such undertakings, or to fit themselves, by education or otherwise, to promote such organizations. in the philosophy of john brown, what nat turner had done in a section of southampton county, virginia, could, if properly promoted, be done in any other section or locality; and, if in any locality, then in every locality, or throughout the whole south. therefore, an insurrection by the slaves, having for its object the overthrow of the existing state governments of the south, was a venture, from his point of view, which might be undertaken with reasonable prospects for success; the ultimate result depending largely upon his ability to organize the slaves effectively for revolt; to equip them for the initial uprising, and thereafter to capably direct the movement. no disaster that ever befell our country, war not excepted, was in any respect comparable with the horrors which would be incidental to a slave insurrection; yet our people lived during more than half a century in the shadow of that menace. they lived in a state of continual apprehension that it, the most stupendous of conceivable calamities, might at any time overwhelm them. for years patrols had ridden the roads and men had watched of night lest the negroes turn upon their masters. it was, an ever present fear. that the abolitionists wished the slaves to rise and kill their masters in their beds was a belief widely held in the south and often publicly expressed, and no happening that could be imagined contained a greater possibility of horror and bloodshed.[421] it has been said, and there is great force in the statement, that the "underground railroad," instead of working hardship and great loss to slave-holders, was, in reality "the safety-valve to the institution." it was the sluice for the overflow of the dangerous class--the able and discontented. the underground was organized at the close of the eighteenth century, and had on its rolls more than 30,000 "employees." it carried away from the south, probably 75,000 slaves of the value of more than $30,000,000. the slaves who thus sought and obtained their liberty, taking the risk of arrest and punishment in their attempts to gain it, were the ablest and the most influential among them. had they remained in slavery, these men would have further developed and become leaders among the slaves, and would have organized them and led them into insurrection. "had they remained, the direful scenes of san domingo would have been enacted, and the hot, vengeful breath of massacre would have swept the south as a tornado and blanched the cheek of the civilized world."[422] brown knew about the hot vengeful breath which had swept the white population from the fair face of san domingo. and he was familiar with the attempts which had been made to relight its fires in this country, and to start the tornado of death. he was familiar with what his predecessors in the insurrection business had done, and with what they had tried to do. he knew, too, or thought he knew, why they had failed. naturally he sought to avoid the mistakes which they had committed, and to safeguard his operations by improving upon their methods. the seizure of harper's ferry was not a "foray into virginia," as mr. sanborn chooses to call it: neither was it a "raid" as mr. villard, with conspicuous persistence, seeks to make it appear to have been; nor was it either an "attack" upon the town or a "blow" or any other specious form of movement. brown selected the place and "occupied" it as the base for his military operations, because he intended to use the generous supplies of war material, which were then in store there, for the equipment of the army that he planned to organize. the occupation was to be permanent. it was a stratagem of his campaign, an incident in his main design. by the logic of the assassinations, brown believed he would secure immunity from an immediate, or counter assault. instead of being compelled to defend his position against attack by the militia, and by companies of armed citizens, which might be improvised for the occasion, he contemplated spending the first "few weeks" of the campaign in comparative security; publishing, far and wide, the proclamation of the provisional government, with its lure for adventurers in civil and military life; debauching the citizenship of the country and the soldiery of the union. he also contemplated having leisure to attend such diplomatic functions as might be incidental to the situation, including negotiations with foreign nations, and the problems of "foreign intervention," northern conventions, etc.[423] forbes's letter of may 14, 1858, heretofore quoted, discloses brown's theory of the invasion: it deals with the facts of brown's secret movement then pending in the untried future. these two men had agreed upon an invasion of the south under cover of an "insurrection." the opinion forbes gave dr. howe therein is a dissenting one, for personal reasons, from his agreement with brown. in the revised opinion, forbes stated his belief that the insurrection would fail; that it would be "either a flash in the pan, or it would leap beyond his control or any control," and after having spent its force in a riot of blood would be stamped out. brown thought otherwise; he was "sure of a response," and believed that he could safeguard against "a flash in the pan." with the question of "losing control" of the insurrection he was not concerned; that was a bridge which he would cross when he came to it. under his control, a whole generation was to pass off the face of the earth by a violent death, and nothing much could occur in excess of that if the insurrection did happen to get beyond it. the hurricane of horrors which he proposed to unloose, could not sweep too far for his purposes; he would have it spread to every southern state, and in the language of jeremiah goldsmith anderson, "make this land of liberty and equality shake to the center."[424] that brown expected to be strongly supported by a secret colored military organization existing in the north, and "that had its ramifications extended through most or nearly all of the slave states," is more than probable. this organization was represented at the chatham convention by g. j. reynolds, of sandusky, ohio, "a colored man (very little colored, however)"; and after the convention adjourned, geo. b. gill was sent to oberlin, berlin heights, and milan, ohio, to verify the statements which reynolds had made concerning its forces. gill met him and "under the pledge of secrecy which we gave to each other at the chatham convention," he says. reynolds took him to the room where they held their meetings, and used as their arsenal, and showed him "a fine collection of arms." "on my return to cleveland," continues gill, "he passed me, through the organization, first to j. j. pierce, colored, at milan, who paid my bill one night at the eagle hotel, and gave me some money, and a note to e. moore at norwalk; who in turn paid my hotel bill, and purchased a railroad ticket through to cleveland for me." reynolds asserted that they were "only waiting for brown or some one else to make a successful initiative move, when their forces would be put in motion."[425] it must not be assumed, because brown did not _publish_ a transcript of his plans for the insurrection and invasion, that he was "without any clear and definite plan of campaign," and that the consequences of his plans had not been anticipated, and provided for in minutest detail, for he was methodical. also, secrecy was characteristic of his methods. salmon brown said:[426] "father had a peculiarity for insisting on _order_.... he would insist on getting everything arranged just to suit him before he would consent to make a move." and to kagi brown wrote july 10th:[427] "_do not_ use much paper to put names of persons & plans upon." the nature of brown's plans, and of his intentions, and of his engagements, must therefore be drawn from the documentary evidence obtainable, and from such reasonable inferences as can be derived from the actions of the invaders: from the things which they did while they were free to do as they pleased; while they were yet unrestrained by the forces which later overcame them; and from such contemporaneous testimony, relating to the subject, as may be available. what they said when in prison, and in view of the impending gallows, about what they intended to do, is not the best evidence of what their intentions were. on the 19th of august, mr. frederick douglass met john brown, by appointment, at an old stone quarry in the vicinity of chambersburg. at that interview, brown disclosed to mr. douglass his intention to seize harper's ferry. mr. douglass said:[428] the taking of harper's ferry, of which brown had merely hinted before, was now declared his settled purpose, and he wanted to know what i thought of it. i opposed it with all the arguments at my command.... he was not to be shaken but treated my views respectfully, replying that even if surrounded he would find means to cut his way out.... in parting, he put his arms around me in a manner more than friendly, and said, "come with me, douglas; i will defend you with my life. i want you for a special purpose. when i strike the bees will begin to swarm, and i shall want you to help hive them...." the project that brown had in view was clearly foreshadowed by jeremiah c. anderson, in a letter which he wrote, late in september, to a brother in iowa. he said:[429] our mining company will consist of between twenty-five and thirty men well equipped with tools. you can tell uncle dan it will be impossible for me to see him before next spring. if my life is spared i will be tired of work by that time, and i shall visit my relatives and friends in iowa, if i can get leave of absence. at present i am bound by all that is honorable to continue in the course. we go in to win, at all hazards. so if you should hear of failure, it will be after a desperate struggle, and loss of capital on both sides. but this is the last of our thoughts. everything seems to work to our hands, and victory will surely perch upon our banner. the old man has had this in view for twenty years, and last winter was just a hint and trial of what could be done. this is not a large place but a very precious one to uncle sam, as he had a great many tools here. i expect (when i start again travelling) to start at this place and go through the state of virginia and on south, just as circumstances require; mining and prospecting, and carrying the ore with us. i suppose this is the last letter i shall write you before there is something in the wind. whether i shall have an opportunity of sending letters then, i do not know, but when i have an opportunity i shall improve it. but if you don't get any from me, don't take it for granted that i am _gone up_ till you know it to be so. i consider my life about as safe in one place as another. the following interesting and instructive document discloses the formation of andersen's mining company, and indicates the character of the "mining" which the operators intended to engage in. it reads as follows: headquarters war department, provisional army. _harper's ferry, october 10, 1859._ general orders no. 1. organization the divisions of the provisional army and the coalition are hereby established as follows: 1--_company._ a company will consist of fifty-six privates, twelve non-commissioned officers, (eight corporals, 4 sergeants) three commissioned officers, (two lieutenants, a captain,) and a surgeon. the privates shall be divided into bands or messes of seven each numbering from one to eight, with a corporal to each, numbered like his band. two bands shall comprise a section. sections shall be numbered from one to four. a sergeant shall be attached to each section and numbered like it. two sections shall comprise a platoon. platoons will be numbered one and two, and each commanded by a lieutenant designated by like number. 2--_battalion._ the battalion will consist of four companies complete. the commissioned officers of the battalion will be a chief of battalion, and a first and second major, one of whom shall be attached to each wing. 3--_the regiment._ the regiment will consist of four battalions complete. the commissioned officers of the regiment will be a colonel and two lieutenant colonels, attached to the wings. 4--_the brigade._ the brigade will consist of four regiments complete. the commissioned officer of the brigade will be a general of brigade. 5--_each general staff._ each of the above divisions will be entitled to a general staff, consisting of an adjutant, a commissary, a musician, and a surgeon. 6--_appointment._ non-commissioned officers will be chosen by those whom they are to command. commissioned officers will be appointed and commissioned by this department. the staff officers of each division will be appointed by the respective commanders of the same. (this document is in the handwriting of j. h. kagi.)[430] oliver brown and jeremiah g. anderson were captains in the provisional army. a copy of brown's commission is published herewith: greeting: headquarters war department. near harper's ferry maryland. whereas _oliver brown_ has been nominated a _captain_ in the army established under the provisional constitution, now, therefore, in pursuance of the authority vested in us by said constitution, we do hereby appoint and commission the said _oliver brown a captain_. given at the office of the secretary of war, this day, october 15, 1859. john brown, _commander in chief_. j. h. kagi. _secretary of war_. (this document is printed in the original, with the exception of the words in italics and the figures, which are in the handwriting of kagi, with the exception of the signature of john brown, which is in his own hand.)[431] except as to mr. sanborn and mr. stearns, it is hard to believe that the members of brown's war committee were ignorant of his intention to incite a slave insurrection, and invade the south. rev. theodore parker said: i should like of all things to see an insurrection of the slaves. it must be tried many times before it succeeds, as at last it must.[432] dr. howe also knew of the impending insurrection. mr. sanborn says:[433] dr. howe, returning from cuba, (whither he accompanied theodore parker in february 1859), journeyed through the carolinas, and there accepted the hospitality of wade hampton, and other rich planters; and it shocked him to think that he might be instrumental in giving up to fire and pillage their noble mansions. thaddeus hyatt, of new york, too, seems to have known what brown intended to do, and from whence he derived his inspirations. also the indiscriminate massacre of non-combatants, white women and children, by the negroes of hayti seems to have had his approbation. he presented to the black republic a portrait[434] of the man, john brown, who in 1859 sought to incite the negroes of the southern states to do what the negroes of san domingo did, when "one august night, in the year 1791 the whole plain of the north was swept with fire and drenched with blood. five hundred thousand negro slaves in the depths of barbarism revolted, and the horrors of the massacre made europe and america shudder."[435] august 27, 1859, gerrit smith wrote the following letter to the "jerry rescue committee":[436] it is, perhaps, too late to bring slavery to an end by peaceable means,--too late to vote it down. for many years i have feared, and published my fears, that it would go out in blood. these fears have grown into a belief. so debauched are the white people by slavery that there is not virtue enough left in them to put it down.... the feeling among the blacks that they must deliver themselves gains strength with fearful rapidity. no wonder, then, is it that intelligent black men in the states _and in canada_ should see no hope for their race in the practice and policy of white men.... whoever he may be that foretells the horrible end of american slavery, is held at the north and the south to be a lying prophet,--another cassandra. the south would not respect her own jefferson's prediction of servile insurrection; how then can it be hoped that she will respect another's?... and is it entirely certain that these insurrections will be put down promptly, and before they can have spread far? will telegraphs and railroads be too swift for the swiftest insurrections? remember that telegraphs and railroads can be rendered useless in an hour. remember too that many who would be glad to face the insurgents would be busy in transporting their wives and daughters to places where they would be safe from the worst fate that husbands and fathers can imagine for their wives and daughters. i admit that but for this embarrassment southern men would laugh at the idea of an insurrection and would quickly dispose of one. but trembling as they would for beloved ones, i know of no part of the world, where, so much as in the south, men would be like, in a formidable insurrection, to lose the most important time, and be distracted and panic stricken. commenting upon this letter, mr. sanborn, after quoting from mr. smith's biographer the expression "this cassandra spoke from certainty," says that he (smith) "knew what brown's purpose was; and his last contribution to brown's campaign was made about the time the syracuse letter was written." referring to the same letter, his biographer, frothingham, says: it is hard to believe that the writer of these passages had not had john brown's general plan in mind. there was no visible sign of peril. the blacks, north and south, were to all appearances quiet.... but for the whole-handed destruction of documents immediately on the failure of the project, mr. smith's participation in john brown's general plans could be made to appear still closer. as late as 1867, mr. smith disclaimed having any knowledge of brown's plans or of his intentions. he denied that he gave money with the purpose of aiding the insurrection. concerning this mr. frothingham continues: did gerrit smith really think that this was a complete and truthful statement of his relations with john brown? a statement in which nothing true was suppressed, and nothing untrue suggested? a statement that would be satisfactory to edward morton, and f. b. sanborn and dr. howe and other friends of the martyr?... we must believe that his insanity obliterated a certain class of impressions, while another class of impressions on the same subject remained distinct. the theory of brown's operations being the conquest of the south through an insurrection of the slaves, the collapse of the scheme was coincident with the failure of the slaves to execute the part assigned to them in the plan of the invasion. it is herein that brown's leadership may be criticised. the creation of the army depended upon the success of the insurrection. the latter, therefore, should have been made safe--beyond the possibility of failure--before he committed any subordinate irremediable acts. at cleveland, brown took credit for never having killed anybody, but said, in a self conscious manner, referring to his kansas successes, that on "some occasions he had _shown his young men with him_ how some things might be done as well as others and that they had done them." brown plainly attributed the failure of the insurrection, and his consequent failure, to a cause which he could have controlled--to his failure to do things which he could have done, and which he then reproached himself for not having done. "it is my own fault," he said, october 18th, "that i have been taken. i could easily have saved myself from it, had i exercised my own better judgment rather than yielded to my feelings." "you mean if you had escaped immediately?" inquired mr. mason. "no," he said, "i had the means to make myself secure without any escape, but i allowed myself to be surrounded by a force by being too tardy." brown had planned how to prevent being surrounded, and continuing said: "i do not know that i should reveal my plans. i am here a prisoner and wounded because i foolishly allowed myself to be so. you overrate yourself in supposing i could have been taken if i had not allowed it." nat turner had shown his followers how to start an insurrection. he personally spilled the first blood, the blood which turned loose the furies in southampton county, and brown now saw, too late, that if he and his captains had each led a party of negroes, as turner had led; and shown them how to kill, as turner had shown his followers; they too might have turned loose the furies of which brown and forbes dreamed, and launched the hurricane of death. then, with thousands of rioting slaves, brandishing their bloody spears, the occupation of harper's ferry would have been but an incident of minor importance in this history. forbes perceived the weak link in the chain of brown's forecast, and made the point, that unless the slaves were "already in a state of agitation, there might be no response, or a feeble one." but brown, carried away by an enthusiasm inspired by a continuous contemplation of the grandeur of his scheme, failed to give the warning the consideration which its importance deserved. he dismissed forbes's caution with the confident assertion that he "_was sure of a response_" his over-confidence led to his immediate undoing. upon the rock that forbes had pointed out foundered the new-born ship of state. the great uprising of the blacks upon which he relied, failed to materialize; the thousands of reã«nforcements which he looked for, appeared not at all.[437] the plans for the conquest of the southern states, and for the establishment of the provisional government miscarried. concerning brown and his plans mr. vallandigham said: it is in vain to underestimate the man or the conspiracy. captain john brown is as brave and resolute a man as ever headed an insurrection, and, in a good cause, and with a sufficient force, would have been a consummate partisan commander. he has coolness, daring, persistency, the stoic faith and patience, and a firmness of will and purpose unconquerable. he is the farthest possible removed from the ordinary ruffian, fanatic or madman. certainly it was the best planned and best executed conspiracy that ever failed.[438] john brown was not a pioneer in the slave insurrection business, nor does his plan of procedure at harper's ferry suggest any novelties or anything original in the way of such insurrections. he had before him a long line of precedents and examples which he studied; and ideals, written in blood, which he sought to emulate. his heroes were toussaint l'ouverture and nat turner, their hands red with the blood of innocence. turner had killed between fifty and sixty white people, mostly women and children, and mr. redpath tells us that brown "admired this negro patriot equally with george washington." turner was his most recent and most direct example. it was from what turner had done, that brown and forbes formed their estimates of what they could do. from the example furnished by this ideal patriot, they framed the maryland-virgina equation. they reasoned in this way: if an ignorant slave, with a score of poorly armed negro followers, who were also slaves, could kill sixty white people in a day, how many white people could a thousand negroes, who are well equipped for midnight slaughter, kill in a single night? their solution of that problem found expression in the order which they placed, in march, 1857, with the collinsville blacksmith. it was brown's answer to this question, expanded as brown sought to expand it at harper's ferry, that was to "make slavery totter from its foundations." upon several occasions--notably, once in south carolina, and twice in virginia--the slaves of this country had engaged in conspiracies against their masters. in each instance the men who promoted the revolt were themselves slaves. in two instances the insurgents planned to seize the arsenals, and public arms and ammunition, as brown planned to do, and did, at harper's ferry. in each instance the revolt was to be accomplished by a general massacre of the white inhabitants. brown and forbes, in 1857, studied the trails that had been blazed on these occasions, and planned with reference to the experiences of the men who had directed the efforts. the first attempt at insurrection in this country was led by "general" gabriel in september, 1800. the date agreed upon was saturday [monday], september 1st. the place of rendezvous was on a brook six miles from richmond, virginia. the force was to comprise eleven hundred men, divided into three divisions. the attack was to have been made upon richmond, then a town of eight thousand population, under cover of the night.[439] the plan for the occupation of richmond was similar in some respects to brown's plans at harper's ferry. one of the divisions of the army was to take the penitentiary, which had been improvised into an arsenal. another division was to seize the powder-house. a statement of the trouble was published in the _united states gazette_ of philadelphia, september 8, 1800: the penitentiary held several thousand stand of arms; the powder-house was well stocked; the capitol contained the state treasury; the mills would give them bread; the control of the bridge across the james river would keep off enemies from beyond. thus secured and provided, they planned to issue proclamations, summoning to their standard "their fellow negroes and the friends of humanity throughout the continent." in a week they estimated they would have 50,000 men on their side, when they would possess themselves of other towns.[440] a formidable insurrection was attempted in 1822 by denmark vesey. the slaves involved in this plot were distributed over a territory of forty-five to fifty miles in extent around charleston, south carolina. vesey's plan of revolt contemplated the wholesale slaughter of the white population and the occupation of the country by the blacks. "every slave enlisted was sworn to secrecy. household servants were rarely trusted. talkative and intemperate persons were not enlisted. women were excluded from participation in the affair that they might take care of the children. peter poyas, it is said, had enlisted six hundred without assistance. "during the excitement and the trial of the supposed conspirators, rumor proclaimed all, and doubtless more than all the horrors of the plot. the city was to be fired in every quarter. the arsenal, in the immediate vicinity, was to be broken open, and the arms distributed to the insurgents and an universal massacre of the white inhabitants was to take place. nor did there seem to be any doubt in the minds of the people that such would actually have been the result, had not the plot, fortunately, been detected before the time appointed for the outbreak. it was believed, as a matter of course, that every black in the city would join in the insurrection, and that, if the original design had been attempted and the city taken by surprise, the negroes would have achieved an easy victory, nor does it seem at all impossible that such might have been, or yet may be the case, if any well arranged and resolute rising should take place." the plot failed because a negro, william paul, "made enlistments without authority, and revealed the scheme to a house servant. the leaders of this attempt at insurrection died as bravely as they had lived; and it is one of the marvels of the remarkable affair, that none of this class divulged any of the secrets to the court. the men who did the talking were those who knew but little."[441] two promoters of slave insurrections were born during the year 1800: john brown and nat turner. the latter was born in southampton county, virginia, october 2d. turner became a preacher, and later, saw visions. he saw visions of conflicts "between white spirits and black spirits engaged in battle; and the sun was darkened, the thunder rolled in the heavens, and blood flowed in the streams...." afterward he had another vision in which an angel told him that "the time is fast approaching when the 'first shall be last and the last first'"; which he interpreted as foreshadowing the promotion of the blacks to control in public affairs, and the subordination of the whites. encouraged by his conclusion, he determined to attempt the promotion of the blacks by eliminating the whites. in pursuance of this he planned a general uprising of the slaves and massacre of their white masters. his blow was struck on the night of august 21, 1831, near jerusalem court house, virginia. turner trusted his plans to four men: sam edwards, hark travis, henry porter, and nelson williams. after the plans had been completed. turner made a speech appropriate to the occasion. he said: "our race is to be delivered from slavery, and god has appointed us as the men to do his bidding; and let us be worthy of our calling. i am told to slay all the whites we encounter without regard to age or sex. we have no arms or ammunition but we will find these in the homes of our oppressors; and, as we go on, others can join us. remember we do not go for the sake of blood and carnage, but it is necessary that in the commencement of this revolution, all the whites we meet should die, until we have an army strong enough to carry on the war on a christian basis. remember that ours is not war for robbery nor to satisfy our passions; it is a _struggle for freedom_. ours must be deeds, not words. then let us away to the scene of action." in his confession after sentence of death had been passed upon him, turner described the scenes of the murders which they committed. of the attack upon the home of joseph travis, his master, he said:[442] on returning to the house, hark went to the door with an axe, for the purpose of breaking it open, as we knew we were strong enough to murder the family, should they be awakened by the noise; but, reflecting that it might create an alarm in the neighborhood, we determined to enter the house secretly, and murder them whilst sleeping. hark got a ladder and set it against the chimney, on which i ascended, and, hoisting a window, entered and came down stairs, unbarred the doors, and removed the guns from their places. it was then observed that i must spill the first blood, on which, armed with a hatchet and accompanied by will, i entered my master's chamber. it being dark, i could not give a death blow. the hatchet glanced from his head. he sprang from the bed and called his wife. it was his last word. will laid him dead with a blow of his axe. after they had taken the lives of the travis family, "they went from plantation to plantation, dealing death blows to every white man, woman and child they found." a list of the "dead that have been buried" was published august 24th: at mrs. whitehead's, 7; mrs. waller's, 13; mr. williams's, 3; mr. barrow's, 2; mr. vaughn's, 5; mrs. turner's, 3; mr. travis's, 5; mr. j. williams's, 5; mr. reece's, 4; names unknown, 10; total, 57. the news of the massacre spread rapidly, and the excited whites quickly armed themselves to suppress the insurrection. as a result, "arms and ammunition were dispatched in wagons to the county of southampton. the four volunteer companies of petersburg, the dragoons and lafayette artillery company of richmond, one volunteer company from norfolk and one from portsmouth, and the regiments of southampton and sussex, were at once ordered out. the cavalry and infantry took up their line of march on tuesday evening, while the artillery embarked on the steamer 'norfolk' and landed at smithfield."[443] a mr. gray, to whom turner made his confession, said of him: ... i shall not attempt to describe the effects of his narrative, as told, and commented on by himself, in the condemned hole of the prison; the calm, deliberate composure with which he spoke of his late deeds and intentions; the expression of his fiend-like face, when excited by enthusiasm; still bearing the stains of the blood of helpless innocence about him, clothed with rags and covered with chains, yet daring to raise his manacled hands to heaven with a spirit soaring above the attributes of man. and yet, such were the phenomenal inconsistencies occurring in the philosophy of persons who professed, and who, perhaps, believed themselves to be humane, this negro's crime was exultingly approved of by brown's eastern supporters. mr. william lloyd garrison, at a meeting called to witness "john brown's resurrection" said in his speech: ... as a peace man--an "ultra" peace man--i am prepared to say: "success to every slave insurrection at the south, and in every slave country." and i do not see how i compromise or stain my peace profession in making that declaration....[444] chapter xvi a soldier of the cross _no man can produce great things who is not thoroughly sincere in dealing with himself._ --lowell the regular semi-annual term of the court of jefferson county, virginia, began october 20th. brown was taken into custody on tuesday, october 18th, and on tuesday morning, october 25th, he was put on trial for his life. for this unseemly haste the virginia authorities have been censured. the spectacle of an old man, physically incapacitated, and suffering because of recent wounds, being rushed to trial without reasonable time and opportunity to even secure friendly counsel, justified harsh criticism, and did not fail to win sympathy for brown from right thinking men in all sections of the country. also, that wrong had much to do with promoting his "martyrdom." it was, however, his right to the courtesies of judicial procedure, in such cases, rather than any of his legal rights, that was infringed. in his efforts to explain his purpose for being at harper's ferry he had not only, in effect, confessed his guilt of all the charges upon which he was being held for trial, but had sought to justify his conduct in relation to them. mr. greeley, in the _tribune_ of october 25th, wrote:[445] as the grand jury of jefferson county is already in session, the trial of brown and his confederates may be expected to take place at once, unless delay should be granted to prepare for trial, or a change of venue to some less excited county should be asked for. neither of these is probable. the prisoners in fact have no defense, and their case will be speedily disposed of. the jurisdiction of the federal courts in the premises, was not seriously considered. the state had never ceded to the united states its jurisdiction over the territory that brown had taken possession of, in behalf of the provisional government, and from which he had directed his operations. the question was raised as an expedient, because the federal court afforded better facilities for incriminating brown's northern supporters, the men "higher up," than did the state courts. later, it was agreed upon that stevens should be surrendered to the united states for trial. mr. hunter, for the prosecution, announced the fact, in court, november 7th, saying, that they were now after "higher and wickeder game."[446] but when, on december 15th, the president inquired by wire whether stevens had been so surrendered, the prosecution hesitated; mr. hunter replying: stevens has not been delivered to the authorities of the united states. undetermined as yet whether he will be tried here.[447] december 8th, governor wise wrote to mr. hunter: in reply to yours of the 15th, i say definitely that stevens ought not to be handed over to the federal authorities for trial.... i hope you informed the president of the status of his case before the court.[448] the political necessity for trying stevens in the federal court, was obviated by congress. december 14th, a select committee of the senate was appointed to "inquire into the late invasion and seizure of public property at harper's ferry." it was clothed with authority to investigate the whole subject. the members were mason, of virginia, chairman; davis, of mississippi; fitch, of indiana; doolittle, of wisconsin; and collamer, of vermont; the majority being pro-slavery. the findings of the committee constitute the _mason report_, referred to in this book. at the preliminary examination, the presiding justice of the peace, mr. braxton davenport, appointed as counsel for brown mr. charles j. faulkner and mr. lawson botts. mr. faulkner was present at harper's ferry during the trouble, and thought it would be improper for him to represent the prisoners as counsel. he was therefore excused, and mr. thomas g. green was appointed in his stead. mr. villard states that in "messrs. green and botts, john brown had assigned to him far abler counsel than would have been given to an ordinary malefactor." brown's reply to the court when asked if he had counsel is deserving of a place in this history. it was worthy of a leader of a lost cause. though feebly rising to his feet, he said with defiant spirit:[449] virginians: i did not ask for any quarter at the time i was taken. i did not ask to have my life spared. the governor of the state of virginia tendered me his assurance that i should have a fair trial, but under no circumstances whatever, will i be able to attend to my trial. if you seek my blood you can have it at any moment without this mockery of a trial. i have had no counsel. i have not been able to advise with any one. i know nothing about the feelings of my fellow-prisoners, and am utterly unable to attend in any way to my own defense. my memory don't serve me, my health is insufficient; although improving. if a fair trial is to be allowed us, there are mitigating circumstances, that i would urge in our favor. but, if we are to be forced with a mere form,--a trial for execution,--you might spare yourselves that trouble. i am ready for my fate. i do not ask a trial, i beg for no mockery of a trial--no insult--nothing but that which conscience gives, or cowardice drives you to practice. i ask again to be excused from a mockery of a trial. i do not know what the special design of this examination is. i do not know what the benefit of it is to this commonwealth. i have now little further to ask, other than that i may be not foolishly insulted, only as cowardly barbarians insult those that fall into their power. when the question relating to counsel was submitted to stevens, he promptly accepted the gentlemen named and the examination was proceeded with. at 2 o'clock the preliminary court of examination reported its findings, and the presiding judge, hon. richard parker, of the circuit court, at once submitted the case to the grand jury in an able and dispassionate address. at noon the next day, the 26th, a true bill was returned against each of the prisoners on the following counts: for "treason to the commonwealth"; for "conspiring with slaves to commit treason"; and for "murder." after the noon hour the defendants were brought into court to plead to the indictments. brown, refusing to appear voluntarily, was carried into the court room on a cot. he then made a plea for delay. mr. hunter objected to consideration of brown's plea until after the arraignment had been made. the court held that the indictment should first be read, so that the prisoners could plead guilty or not guilty; after that he would consider brown's request. each prisoner pleaded not guilty and having demanded separate trials, the state chose to try brown first. the court did not take the question of brown's guilt or innocence seriously. the trial was simply to be a dignified conformance with the laws of the commonwealth relating to the subject. except as to respect for this formality, it was not considered important whether brown had any counsel at all. on the 22d of october, mr. hunter, in a letter to governor wise said: the judge is for observing all the judicial decencies; so am i, but in double quick time.... stephens will hardly be fit for trial. he will probably die of his wounds if we don't hang him promptly.[450] immediately upon the announcement by the court that brown should have a fair trial, arrangements were made to provide friendly counsel for his defense. first, mr. j. w. le barnes, of boston, at his personal expense, employed mr. george h. hoyt, a young lawyer of athol, massachusetts, to go to charlestown and represent brown in the dual capacity of counsel and spy. his instructions were, "first, to watch and be able to report proceedings, to see and talk with brown, and be able to communicate with his friends anything brown might want to say; and second, to send me (le barnes) an accurate and detailed account of the military situation at charlestown, the number and the distribution of the troops, the location and defences of the jail; the opportunities for a sudden attack and the means of retreat, with the location and situation of the room in which brown is confined," etc.[451] hoyt arrived at charlestown on thursday night, and on friday morning, october 28th, reported to the court and asked to be made additional counsel. his youth and his evident inefficiency, aroused a suspicion, on the part of mr. hunter, that he came as a spy rather than as counsel.[452] he accordingly asked that hoyt be excluded from participating in the trial. in this he was overruled. the same day he reported to governor wise that a "beardless boy came in last night as brown's counsel." and that he thought "he is a spy."[453] october 21st, brown wrote letters, similar in character, to judge daniel tilden, of cleveland, ohio, and to hon. thomas russell, of boston, asking them to appear for him as counsel, saying: "i am here a prisoner, with several sabre-cuts on my head and bayonet stabs in my body."[454] in response to his request, judge tilden secured the services of mr. hiram griswold, of cleveland, to appear in his stead. the latter arrived at charlestown, saturday morning, october 29th. at the same time mr. samuel chilton, of washington, d. c., also arrived, and upon reporting to the court, these two distinguished lawyers were assigned as counsel to brown's staff. mr. chilton came upon the solicitation of mr. john a. andrew, of boston.[455] judge russell did not arrive until november 2d. on thursday morning, october 27th, the trial was begun with a surprise for the prosecution--mr. botts reading a telegram, which stated that insanity was hereditary in brown's family; that his mother's sister had died while insane, and that a daughter of that sister had been two years in a lunatic asylum, and citing other instances of insanity in the family.[456] mr. botts then stated, "that upon receiving the above dispatch he went to the jail, with his associate, mr. green, and read it to brown, and was desired by him to say that in his father's family there has never been any insanity at all. on his mother's side there have been repeated instances of it.... brown also desires his counsel to say that he does not put in a plea of insanity."[457] his counsel again moved for a continuance, and, doubtless, pleaded the insanity phase of the question in support of the motion. upon the conclusion of mr. botts's remarks, brown raised up on his couch and said: i will add, if the court will allow me, that i look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext of those who ought to take a different course in regard to me, if they took any at all, and i view it with contempt more than otherwise. insane persons, so far as my experience goes, have but little ability to judge of their own sanity; and if i am insane, of course i should think i knew more than all the rest of the world. but i do not think so. i am perfectly unconscious of insanity, and i reject, so far as i am capable, any attempts to interfere in my behalf on that score.[458] mr. griswold, however, after coming into the case, revived the question of brown's sanity, and on november 7th, enclosed to the governor a petition and an affidavit affirming the claim that brown was insane.[459] replying to this letter, mr. villard states that the governor replied that "a plea of insanity could be filed at any time before conviction or sentence, and wrote an admirable letter to dr. stribbling, superintendent of the lunatic asylum at staunton, virginia, ordering him to proceed to charlestown and examine the prisoner, saying: 'if the prisoner is insane he ought to be cured; and if not insane the fact ought to be vouched for in the most reliable form, now that it is questioned under oath and by counsel since conviction.' unfortunately, the impetuous governor countermanded these instructions and the letter was never sent." later, acting upon the advice of mr. montgomery blair, the defence secured nineteen affidavits made by friends living at akron, cleveland, and hudson, ohio, in support of the plea. these affidavits were delivered to governor wise by mr. hoyt, on the 23d day of november. mr. villard states that "these people in their efforts to save brown laid bare some sad family secrets." however, upon this very important phase of brown's condition governor wise had an opinion of his own. to the virginia legislature he said: "i know that he was sane, if quick and clear perception, if assumed rational premises and consecutive reasoning from them, if cautious tact in avoiding disclosures and in covering conclusions and inferences, if memory and conception and practical common sense, and if composure and self-possession are evidence of a sound state of mind. he was more sane than his prompters and promoters, and concealed well the secret which made him seem to do an act of mad impulse, by leaving him, without his backers, at harper's ferry."[460] brown's line of defense is set forth in a memorandum of suggestions which he personally prepared for the guidance of his counsel.[461] it reads as follows: john brown's directions to his counsel we gave to numerous prisoners perfect liberty. _get all the names._ we allowed numerous other prisoners to visit their families, to quiet their fears. _get all their names._ we allowed the conductor to pass his train over the bridge with all his passengers, i myself crossing the bridge with him, and assuring all the passengers of their perfect safety. _get that conductor's name, and the names of the passengers, so far as may be._ we treated all our prisoners with the utmost kindness and humanity. _get all their names, so far as may be._ our orders from the first and throughout, were, that no unarmed person should be injured under any circumstances whatever. prove that by all the prisoners. we committed no destruction or waste of property. _prove that._ the defense began friday afternoon. mr. villard states that messrs. botts and green, following john brown's suggestion, "essayed to prove, the kindness with which brown treated his prisoners," which drew from mr. hunter the "caustic and truthful comment that testimony as to brown's forbearance in not shooting other citizens had no more to do with the case than had the dead languages." mr. hunter's objections being overruled, a number of brown's witnesses were examined to show that he had not only not killed his prisoners and everybody else who came within the range of his rifles, but that he had treated all courteously, notwithstanding the fact that his enemies had fired upon his flag of truce, and had killed one of his men, william thompson, while he was a prisoner in their hands. a scene was precipitated at the trial when the names of some of his witnesses were called and it was found that they were not present; brown thereupon arose and, denouncing his counsel, demanded that the proceedings be deferred until the next morning. a _herald_ correspondent stated:[462] when brown rose and denounced his counsel, declaring that he had no confidence in them, the indignation of the citizens scarcely knew bounds. he was stigmatized as an ungrateful villain, and some declared he deserved hanging for that act alone. his counsel, messrs. botts and green, had certainly performed the unpleasant task imposed upon them by the court in an able, faithful and conscientious manner; and only the evening before brown had told mr. botts that he was doing even more for him than he had promised. mr. hoyt, of brown's counsel, added to the interest of the scene by asking that the case be postponed. anticipating that his colleagues would withdraw from the case as a result of brown's speech, he said that he was utterly unable to go on with the case alone and that judge tilden, of ohio, was coming to assist the defense, and would arrive during the night. counsel botts and green, after asserting that they had done everything possible for their client, announced, that since the prisoner had no confidence in them they could no longer act in his behalf. judge parker thereupon released them, as counsel, and adjourned the trial until the next day at 10 o'clock.[463] when court convened saturday morning, mr. griswold and mr. chilton appeared for brown, and asked for delay--a few hours only--in which to make some preparation for the defense, which was refused. "this term will end very soon," the judge said, "and it is my duty to endeavor to get through with all the cases if possible, in justice to the prisoners and to the state." with the examination of a few additional witnesses, the testimony for the defense closed and the battle of wits began with a motion by mr. chilton, that the state be compelled to elect one count in the indictment and abandon the others. that brown was charged with treason, and with conspiracy and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and with murder in the first degree. he contended, and cited authorities to sustain his contention, that in a case of treason, different descriptions of treason could not be united in the same indictment; high treason could not be associated with other treason. if an inferior grade of the same character could not be included in separate counts, still less could offense of higher grade, etc., etc., etc. mr. harding, associate counsel for the prosecution, of course, could not see the force of the objection made by the learned counsel on the other side. the separate offenses charged were but different parts of the same transactions. "murder arose out of the treason as the natural result of the bloody conspiracy." mr. hunter said the discretion of the court on one count in the indictment is only exercised where great embarrassment would otherwise result to the prisoner. the court held that the point might be taken advantage of to move an arrest of judgment; but since the jury had been charged, and had been sworn to try the prisoners on the indictment as drawn, the trial must go on.... the very fact that the defense can be charged in different counts, varying the language and circumstances, is based upon the idea that distinct offenses may be charged in the same indictment. the prisoners are to be tried on the various counts as if they were various circumstances, etc. mr. chilton then said he would reserve the motion as a basis for a motion in arrest of judgment.[464] mr. griswold then stated that the prisoner desired that the case be argued, and that while he had not been present at the trial, counsel could obtain sufficient knowledge of the evidence by reading the notes; and since it was nearly dark, he supposed argument for the commonwealth would engage the attention of the court until the usual hour of adjournment; and asked that the court adjourn after the opening argument by the prosecution. mr. hunter opposed opening the argument "unless the case was to be finished to-night," and protested against any further delay. the court ordered the trial to proceed, but at the close of mr. hunter's speech, of forty minutes' duration, adjournment was had until monday. brown sought by all the means in his power on saturday, to delay the trial, and when court convened after noon he sent word from the jail that he was sick; whereupon the jail physician. dr. mason, was summoned in the case. he reported that brown was feigning illness. the court then directed that he be brought into court on a cot. mr. hunter states that after the adjournment was procured, the "crafty old fiend was well enough to walk." on monday, at 1:30 p. m., the argument was completed. mr. chilton asked the court to instruct the jury that if they believed the prisoner was not a citizen of virginia, but of another state, they could not convict on a count of treason. the court declined, saying the constitution did not give rights and immunities alone, but also imposed responsibilities. at 2:15 the jury returned their verdict of guilty. it was received in respectful silence; no demonstration of satisfaction or evidence of elation greeted the announcement. of its reception by the people in waiting mr. villard says: "it is to the credit of the charlestown crowd and of virginia that not a single sound of elation or triumph assailed the dignity of the court, when the jury sealed brown's doom. in solemn silence the crowd heard mr. chilton make his formal motion for an arrest of judgment, because of errors in the indictment and in the verdict, and it filed out equally silent when judge parker ordered the motion to stand over until the next day." one person was dissatisfied with brown's trial; not the prisoner--for he acknowledged the deep sense of his obligation, to both court and counsel, for the treatment he had received--but mr. james redpath. he said: i do not intend to pollute my pages with any sketch of the lawyers' pleas. they were able, without doubt, and erudite, and ingenious; but they were founded, nevertheless, on an atrocious assumption. for they assumed that the statutes of the state were just; and, therefore if the prisoner should be proven guilty of offending against them, that it was right that he should suffer the penalty they inflict. this doctrine every christian heart must scorn; john brown, at least, despised it; and so also, to be faithful to his memory, and my own instincts, must i.[465] on november 1st the court heard mr. chilton's motion in arrest of judgment; reserving its decision upon it until the next day. during the afternoon of november 2d, brown was brought into court for the final scene of the trial. after mr. chilton's motion had been overruled. brown was ordered to rise, and when asked by the clerk if he had anything to say why sentence should not be pronounced upon him, he delivered the following address:[466] i have, may it please the court, a few words to say. in the first place, i deny everything but what i have all along admitted,--the design on my part to free the slaves. i intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter, as i did last winter, when i went into missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in canada. i designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale. that was all i intended. i never did intend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection. i have another objection: and that is, it is unjust that i should suffer such a penalty. had i interfered in the manner which i admit, and which i admit has been fairly proved (for i admire the truthfulness and candor of the greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this case),--had i so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends,--either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that class,--and suffered and sacrificed what i have in this interference, it would have been all right; and every man in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. this court acknowledges, as i suppose, the validity of the law of god. i see a book kissed here which i suppose to be the bible, or at least the new testament. that teaches me that all things whatsoever i would that men should do to me, i should do even so to them. it teaches me, further, to "remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them." i endeavored to act up to that instruction. i say, i am yet too young to understand that god is any respecter of persons. i believe that to have interfered as i have done--as i have always freely admitted i have done--in behalf of his despised poor, was not wrong, but right. now, if it is deemed necessary that i should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments,--i submit; so let it be done! let me say one word further. i feel entirely satisfied with the treatment i have received on my trial. considering all the circumstances, it has been more generous that i expected. but i feel no consciousness of guilt. i have stated from the first what was my intention, and what was not. i never had any design against the life of any person, nor any disposition to commit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any general insurrection. i never encouraged any man to do so, but always discouraged any idea of that kind. let me say, also, a word in regard to the statements made by some of those connected with me. i hear it has been stated by some of them that i have induced them to join me. but the contrary is true. i do not say this to injure them, but as regretting their weakness. there is not one of them but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part of them at their own expense. a number of them i never saw, and never had a word of conversation with, till the day they came to me; and that was for the purpose i have stated. now i have done. judge parker then pronounced the sentence of death upon brown, fixing the 2d of december, 1859, as the date for the execution of it, and directing that the execution should be public. he then ordered all persons present to remain in their seats until the prisoner was removed. "there was prompt obedience and john brown reached his cell unharmed, without even hearing a taunt."[467] there is conflict between the "authorities" as to the manner in which brown delivered his speech to the court. in describing the scene, mr. villard gave rein to his bias in this choice flight: drawing himself up to his full stature, with flashing eagle eyes and calm, clear and distinct tones, john brown again addressed, not the men who surrounded him but the whole body of his countrymen, north, south, east and west.[468] mr. redpath, who has not, in this history, overlooked any favorable opportunity to indulge his _penchant_, is not a bit dramatic in his statement of what occurred. he says that when the clerk directed brown to stand and say why sentence should not be passed upon him, that "he rose and leaned slightly forward, his hands resting on the table. he spoke timidly--hesitatingly, indeed--and in a voice singularly gentle and mild. but his sentences came confused from his mouth, and he seemed to be wholly unprepared to speak at this time. types can give no intimation of the soft and tender tones, yet calm and manly withal, that filled the court room, and, i think touched the hearts of many who had come only to rejoice at the heaviest blow their victim was to suffer."[469] it appears then, that mr. villard has framed and given out an exaggeration of the performance; but it is unfortunate that the subject-matter of the speech, fails to measure up to the height of the exalted standard which has been set for the occasion. when one to whom a prodigal biographer has attributed a pair of flashing eagle eyes, drawls himself up to his full stature, and addresses the whole body of his countrymen, he ought to be truthful as well as dramatic. it is bad form for an orator under such circumstances, to make statements which are not true; it mars the dignity of his utterances, and dwarfs the stateliness of his eloquence. also, it is embarrassing for a hero to be compelled to retract his more heroic periods, as in this case, after they have "thrilled the world." on the 18th of october, brown, in answer to a question, had distinctly stated to governor wise and others, that it was not his purpose to run the slaves out of the country; but that he "designed to put arms in their hands to defend themselves against their masters, and to maintain their position in virginia and in the south. that, in the first instance, he expected they and the non-slave-holding whites would flock to his standard as soon as he got a footing there, at harper's ferry; and, as his strength increased, he would gradually enlarge the area under his control, furnishing a refuge for the slaves, and a rendezvous for all whites who were disposed to aid him, until eventually he overrun the whole south...."[470] later, when governor wise called brown's attention to the discrepancy between these statements and the statement which he had made in the opening paragraph of his speech to the court on november 2d, he retracted what he had said to the court, and wrote the following letter, to mr. hunter, explaining the dereliction:[471] charlestown, jefferson county, va. november 22, 1859. dear sir: i have just had my attention called to a seeming confliction between the statement i made to governor wise and that which i made at the time i received my sentence, regarding my intentions respecting the slaves we took _about the ferry_. there need be no such confliction, and a few words of explanation will, i think, be quite sufficient. i had given governor wise a _full and particular_ account of that, and when called in court to say whether i had anything further to urge, i was taken wholly by surprise, as i did not expect my sentence before the others. in the hurry of the moment, i forgot much that i had before _intended to say_, and did _not_ consider the full bearing of what _i then said_. i intended to convey the idea, that it was my object to place the slaves in a condition to defend their liberties, if they would, _without any bloodshed, but not_ that i intended _to run them out of the slave states_. i was not _aware_ of any such apparent confliction until my attention _was called_ to it, and i do not suppose that a man in _my then circumstances_ should be _superhuman_ in respect to the _exact purport_ of every word he might utter. what i said to governor wise was spoken with all the deliberation i was master of, _and was intended for the truth_; and what i said in court was _equally intended for truth_, but required a more full explanation _than i then gave_. please make such use of this as you think calculated to correct any _wrong_ impressions i may have given. very respectfully yours, john brown. _andrew hunter, esq., present._ mr. emerson, in his oration at the funeral services of abraham lincoln, held at concord, april 19th, 1865, saw fit to compare brown's discredited speech with the greatest orations of time. he said: his speech at gettysburg will not easily be surpassed by words on any recorded occasion. this and one other american speech, that of john brown to the court that tried him, and a part of kossuth's speech at birmingham, can only be compared with each other, and with no fourth.[472] but is this comparison really relevant? will the historian accept mr. emerson's comparison of this exhibit of brown's prevarication, with the immortal words of the immortal lincoln? the speeches are characteristic of the men who uttered them. mr. lincoln did not begin his sublime oration with a falsehood. brown made a speech october 25th, which was truly an heroic utterance and deserving of a place in history.[473] his words on that occasion, were hurled at his enemies, the "virginians" whom he addressed. that speech was as characteristic of his splendid courage, as his speech of november 2d, was of his craftiness, for john brown was as brave as he was crafty. in a letter to governor wise, mr. fernando wood commended him for the firmness and moderation which had characterized the governor's course in the emergency, and asked, if he dared to "do a bold thing and temper justice with mercy? have you nerve enough to send brown to state's prison instead of hanging him?" he thought brown should not be hung, "though seward should, and would be if he could catch him." the governor replied that he had nerve enough to send him to prison and would do so if he didn't think he ought to be hung and that he would be inexcusable for mitigating his punishment. "i could do it," he said, "without flinching, without a quiver of a muscle against a universal clamor for his life." continuing he said: "he shall be executed as the law sentences him, and his body shall be delivered over to surgeons, and await the resurrection without a grave in our soil. i have shown him all the mercy which humanity can claim."[474] immediately after brown's incarceration, a movement was started by mr. higginson to have mrs. brown go to harper's ferry to visit her husband. but when the information reached brown, he peremptorily forbade her coming; wiring mr. higginson: "for god's sake don't let mrs. brown come. send her word by telegraph wherever she is."[475] this arbitrary action should not excite surprise. there was no atonement that brown could make for the ruin which he had wrought: for the dead who would never return. there were no words that he could say which would carry consolation to this woman's stricken heart, nor was it possible for him to make any rift in the clouds of her unutterable woe. he shrank, instinctively, from a presence of the bleeding heart of the woman whom he had wronged. november 9th, he wrote to mr. higginson: if my wife were to come here just now it would _only tend_ to distract _her mind_ ten fold; and would only add to my affliction; and _can not possibly_ do me _any good_. it will also use up the scanty means she has to supply bread & cheap but comfortable clothing, fuel, &c. for herself & children through _the winter_. do persuade her to remain _at home_ for a time (at least) till she can learn further from me. she will receive a thousand times the consolation at home that she can possibly find elsewhere. i have just _written_ her there & will write her constantly. her presence _here_ would deepen my affliction a thousand fold. i beg of her to be _calm_ and _submissive_; & not to go _wild_ on my account. i lack _for nothing_ & was feeling quite cheerful before i heard she talked of _coming on_--i ask her to _compose her mind_ & to remain _quiet_ till the last of _this month_; out of pity to me. i can certainly judge better in the matter than _any one_ else. my warmest thanks to yourself and _all other_ kind friends. _god bless you all._ please _send this line_ to _my afflicted wife_ by first possible conveyance.[476] in a letter addressed to his wife and children, dated november 8th, he said:[477] ... i wrote most earnestly to my dear and afflicted wife not to come on for the present, at any rate. i will now give her my reasons for doing so. first, it would use up all scanty means she has, or is at all likely to have, to make herself and children comfortable hereafter. for let me tell you that the sympathy that is now aroused in your behalf may not always follow you. there is but little more of the romantic about helping poor widows and their children than there is about trying to relieve poor "niggers." again, the little comfort it might afford us to meet again would be dearly bought by the pains of a final separation. we must part; and i feel assured for us to meet under such dreadful circumstances would only add to our distress. if she comes on here, she must be only a gazing-stock throughout the whole journey, to be remarked upon in every look, word, and action, and by all sorts of creatures, and by all sorts of papers, throughout the whole country. again, it is my most decided judgment that in quietly and submissively staying at home vastly more of generous sympathy will reach her, without such dreadful sacrifice of feeling as she must put up with if she comes on. the visits of one or two female friends that have come on here have produced great excitement, which is very annoying; and they cannot possibly do me any good. oh, mary! do not come, but patiently wait for the meeting of those who love god and their fellow-men, where no separation must follow. "they shall go no more out forever." i greatly long to hear from some one of you, and to learn anything that in any way affects your welfare. i sent you ten dollars the other day; did you get it? i have also endeavored to stir up christian friends to visit and write to you in your deep affliction. i have no doubt that some of them, at least, will heed the call. write to me, care of captain john avis, charlestown, jefferson county, virginia.... the thirty days ensuing november 2d, were days of great anxiety for the virginia authorities. it was natural that they should suspect that schemes would be formed to rescue brown from his impending fate. in this they were not mistaken. in fact the planning to effect his rescue was begun as soon as it became known that he was not seriously wounded; and it is probable that something in this direction might have been attempted, if the schemers had received any encouragement from the prisoner. but to the man who had planned and dreamed of conquest, as brown had planned, and dreamed, their scheming was the merest of trifling; they had no conception of daring and striving, as he had dared and striven. as to heroics, he was blasã©. in the collapse of his great undertaking he had had a surfeit of tragedies and disappointments. the heart of the man of iron was subdued. and there can be no doubt that, at this supreme hour in his life, the world looked small to john brown. he had toyed with it as with a bauble, and was ready to throw it away. besides, he had too often measured situations, and calculated the chances for success against formidable odds, to waste any time with adventures such as, in his opinion, his rescuers were capable of executing. hence, when mr. hoyt informed brown, october 28th, that a plan was being formed to storm the jail and set the prisoners free, he promptly refused to encourage the attempt. conveying brown's reply to mr. le barnes, october 30th, mr. hoyt wrote: _there is no chance of_ his (brown's) ultimate escape: there is nothing but the most unmitigated failure, and the saddest consequences which it is possible to conjure, to ensue upon an attempt at _rescue_. the country all around is guarded by armed patrols and a large body of troops are constantly under arms. if you hear anything about such an attempt, for heaven's sake do not _fail to restrain the enterprise_. the planning for his rescue, however, did not cease because brown disapproved of any attempt being made to execute such plans. mr. villard, on pages 511 to 528, gives a full and very interesting account of various schemes that were proposed to accomplish something, by force, in brown's behalf; as well as of the precautionary measures that were taken by the virginians to prevent the possibility of a rescue. mr. stearns, thinking that charles jennison was a co-philanthropist, sought to enlist him and james stewart in one of these schemes. naturally he received no reply. the plan for another kansas rescue measure was to be communicated to brown by a young kansas woman--miss mary partridge. she was to visit brown in his cell at charlestown; embrace him affectionately and, incidentally, put a paper containing the plan of the rescue into his mouth.[478] mr. lysander spooner, of boston, proposed to kidnap governor wise, carry him out to sea on a fast-going boat, and hold him as a hostage for brown. mr. le barnes worked out the scheme. he found the man who would undertake to execute the job; and a boat that would steam fifteen to eighteen knots an hour could be had for $5,000 to $7,000. the expedition would cost $10,000 to $15,000. but the necessary funds were not forthcoming and the scheme failed. another plan was for an open invasion of jefferson county, virginia. the volunteer forces that were coming from kansas under colonel hinton, as reported by rumor, were to be consolidated with smaller forces that were being organized in ohio, under john brown, jr., and to these were to be added the "volunteers from new york city and boston." they were all to unite near charlestown; "make a cross country rush on that town and, after freeing the prisoners, they were to seize the horses of the cavalry companies and escape." "dr. howe," it is said, "suggested that they be armed with 'orisini' bombs and hand-grenades, in lieu of artillery." money was wanted for this campaign, "fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars by tuesday morning the 29th, and five hundred or a thousand dollars the day after." mr. le barnes, mr. james redpath, and mr. sanborn seem to have been at the front, in the promotion of these visionary schemes. mr. hoyt, in the meantime, returned from a fruitless mission to ohio, to raise funds, and reported that no money could be had in that quarter. upon receiving this report mr. sanborn "gave up the undertaking and wired le barnes to return." october 31st, brown wrote the following letter to his family:[479] my dear wife, & children every one i suppose you have learned before this by the newspapers that two weeks ago today we were fighting for our lives at harpers ferry: that during the fight watson was mortally wounded; oliver killed, wm. thompson killed, & dauphin slightly wounded. that on the following day i was taken prisoner immediately after which i received several sabre-cuts in my head; & bayonet stabs in my body. as nearly as i can learn watson died of his wound on wednesday the 2d or on thursday the 3d day after i was taken. dauphin was killed when i was taken; & anderson i suppose also. i have since been tried, & found guilty of treason, etc; and of murder in the first degree. i have not yet received my sentence. no others of the company with whom you were acquainted were, so far as _i can learn_, either killed or taken. under all these terrible calamities; i feel quite cheerful in the assurance that god reigns; & will overrule all for his glory; & the best possible good. i feel _no_ consciousness of _guilt_ in the matter; nor even mortification on account of my imprisonment; & irons; & i feel perfectly sure that very soon no member of my family will feel any possible disposition to "blush on my account." already dear friends at a distance with kindest sympathy are cheering me with the assurance that _posterity_ at least will do me justice. i shall commend you all together, with my beloved; but bereaved daughters in law, to their sympathies which i do not doubt will reach you. i also commend you all to him "whose mercy endureth forever:" to the god of my _fathers_ "whose i am; & whom i serve." "he will never leave you nor forsake you," unless you forsake him. finally my dearly beloved be of good comfort. be sure to remember & _to follow my advice_ & my example too: so far as it has been consistent with the holy religion of jesus christ in which i remain a most firm, & humble believer. never forget the poor nor think anything you bestow on them to be lost, to you even though they may be as _black_ as ebedmelch the ethiopean eunuch who cared for jeremiah in the pit of the dungeon; or as _black_ as the one to whom phillip preached christ. be sure to entertain strangers, for thereby some have--"remember them that are in bonds as bound with them." i am in charge of a jailor _like_ the one who took charge of "paul & silas"; & you may rest assured that both _kind hearts & kind faces_ are more or less about me; whilst thousands are thirsting for my blood. "these _light_ afflictions which are but _for a moment_ shall work out for us a _far more exceeding & eternal weight_ of glory." i hope to be able to write you again. my wounds are doing well. copy this and send it to your sorrow stricken brothers, ruth; to comfort them. write me a few words in regard to the welfare of all. god allmighty bless you all; & "make you joyful in the midst of all your tribulations." write to john brown charlestown jefferson co. va, care of capt john avis. your affectionate husband and father, john brown. p. s. yesterday nov 2d. i was sentenced to be hanged on decem 2d next. do not grieve on my account. i am still quite cheerful. god bless you all. yours ever j. brown. this letter is written in the soft language and in the apparently consecrated spirit that is characteristic of brown's domestic and social correspondence. but the beauty of his lines is marred, and the sincerity of his purpose in putting them forth, as well as his claims to a christian character, are discredited by the falsehoods contained in the opening paragraph. brown was not seriously hurt at harper's ferry. he received two wounds, a light dress-sword cut, on the neck and head, and a sword thrust in the body[480] and these he received, not after he had been taken prisoner, but while he was yet bravely fighting. evidence of what he was doing, when he was struck down, appears in a letter which he wrote november 29th, to mr. j. g. anderson concerning one of his captains. he said:[481] jeremiah g. anderson was fighting bravely by my side at harper's ferry up to the moment when i fell wounded, and i took no further notice of what passed for a little time.... brown may have written "the truth concerning his own spirit and composure, in this his first letter from the jail to his family,"[482] but he did not write the truth concerning the character of his wounds, and the conditions under which he received them. with the freedom of correspondence that was granted to him came brown's great opportunity, and the masterful manner in which he quickly turned it to his advantage is one of the marvels of this history. equipped with a vocabulary of devotional phrases and an ample magazine of biblical quotations, this caged soldier of fortune, the would-be catiline of his generation, stormed the heights of public opinion; and disarming righteousness of its opposition to wrong, won a moral victory as marvelous as it was triumphant. these beautifully devotional letters, that stand as monuments, certifying to an humble christian character, like flights in oratory, were written with regard for the effect which he desired to accomplish, but without regard for the truth of what he uttered. the opinion that the letters, which crowned brown's character with a dignity akin to sanctity, were artfully written, and were not characteristic of him, is not based merely upon a vulgar suspicion. it finds ample justification in the reckless disregard for the truth which prevails throughout the entire series; and in direct evidence. the invasion had failed. wounded, and a prisoner in irons, with the gallows for his portion, brown had the opportunity which solitude affords, to contemplate the terrible disaster which had befallen him: the wreck of his hopes; the ruin of his family; their utter wretchedness, and the shame and humiliation which they suffered because of him. in his extremity, he planned how best to meet the problems of his environment; and, substituting the mightier pen for the sword of the great frederick, which had been stricken from his hand, he began a systematic campaign for a martyr's crown, and for pecuniary assistance for his family, whenever a favorable opportunity presented itself. november 10th, he disclosed to his wife the plan of this, his final conception: "i have been whipped as the saying _is_," he said, "but i am sure i can recover all the lost capital occasioned by the disaster; by only hanging a few moments by the neck; & i feel determined to make the utmost possible out of a defeat. i am dayly & hourly striving to gather up what little i may from the wreck."[483] in reply to a letter from a kinsman, the rev. dr. humphrey of pottsfield, massachusetts, he wrote november 25th:[484] i discover that you labor under a mistaken impression as to some important facts which my peculiar circumstances will in all probability prevent the possibility of my removing; and i do not propose to take up any argument to prove that any motion or act of my life is right. but i will here state that i know it to be wholly my own fault as a leader that caused our disaster.... if you do not believe i had a murderous intention (while i _know_ i had not) why grieve so terribly on my account? the scaffold has but few terrors for me. god has often covered my head in the day of battle, and granted me many times deliverances that were almost so miraculous that i can scarce realize the truth; and now, when it seems quite certain that he intends to use me shall i not most cheerfully go? i may be deceived, but i humbly trust that he will not forsake me "till i have showed his favor to this generation and his strength to every one that is to come...." october 27th, a quaker lady wrote to brown from newport, rhode island:[485] captain john brown. dear friend:--since thy arrest i have often thought of thee, and have wished that, like elizabeth fry toward her prison friends, so i might console thee in thy confinement. but that can never be; and so i can only write thee a few lines which, if they contain any comfort, may come to thee like some little ray of light.... oh, i wish i could plead for thee as some of the other sex can plead, how i would seek to defend thee! if i now had the eloquence of portia, how i would turn the scale in thy favor! but i can only pray "god bless thee!" god pardon thee and through our redeemer give thee safety and happiness now and always! from thy friend, e. b. posing as if in the shadow of the sheltering wings of the almighty, answering this letter, brown asserted that he had been the special instrument on earth of a militant christ, to execute the divine will in kansas; and incidentally solicited a contribution for his family. he said:[486] ... you know that christ once armed peter. so also in my case i think he put a sword into my hand and there continued it so long as he saw best, and then kindly took it from me. i mean when i first went to kansas. i wish you could know with what cheerfulness i am now wielding the "sword of the spirit" on the right hand and on the left. i bless god that it proves "mighty to the pulling down of strongholds." i always loved my quaker friends and i commend to their regard my poor bereaved widowed wife and my daughters and daughters-in-law, whose husbands fell at my side. one is a mother and the other likely to become so soon. they, as well as my own sorrow stricken daughters, are left very poor, and have much greater need of sympathy than i, who through infinite grace, and the great kindness of strangers, am "joyful in all my tribulations." dear sister, write to them at north elba, essex county, n. y., to comfort their sad hearts. direct to mary a. brown, wife of john brown.... it may be said of this unsophisticated woman, whose heart was touched by a sympathy undeserved, that if she had known what took place at the humble cabin of the doyles on the night of may 24, 1856, when the murderous sword, which brown says christ placed in his hands, was run through doyle's breast, (while others of the party secured the helpless widow's and orphans' horses) she would not have made her contribution to this history. also, brown's letter to this woman may be taken as an exhibit or sample of the sacrilege and artful dissimulation that is characteristic of his prison correspondence. and, since his claims to sincerity of purpose, and a devotion to humanity depend largely upon this correspondence, it discloses the fiction, wherewith his fame has been promoted. november 29th he wrote to his friend, mrs. george l. stearns:[487] my dear friend,--no letter i have received since my imprisonment here, has given me more satisfaction, or comfort, than yours of the 8, instant. i am quite cheerful; & was never more happy. have only time to write a word. may god forever reward you _& all yours_. _my love to all_ who love their neighbors. i have asked to be _spared_ from having any _mock; or hypocritical prayers made over me_, when i am publicly _murdered_: & that my _only religious attendants_ be poor _little, dirty, ragged, bareheaded & barefooted_ slave boys; & girls led by some old _gray-headed_ slave _mother_. farewell. farewell. the last paper written by john brown was handed to one of his guards in the jail on the morning of his execution. it read:[488] i john brown, am now quite _certain_ that the crimes of this _guilty land_ will never be purged away but with _blood_. i had as i now think, vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done. november 24th governor wise wrote to general taliaferro, giving him directions as follows: keep full guard on the line of the frontier from martinsburg to harpers ferry, on the day of 2d. dec. warn the inhabitants to arm and keep guard and patrol on that day and for days beforehand. these orders are necessary to prevent seizures of hostages. warn the inhabitants to stay away and especially to keep the women and children at home. prevent all strangers, and especially all parties of strangers, from proceeding to charlestown on 2d of dec. to this end station a guard at harper's ferry sufficient to control crowds on the cars from the east and west. form two concentric squares around the gallows, and have a strong guard at the jail and for escort to execution. let no crowd be near enough to the prisoner to hear any speech he may attempt. allow no more visitors to be admitted to the jail.[489] appealing to the president for troops governor wise stated that he had reason to believe that an attempt would "be made to rescue the prisoners, and if that fails then to seize citizens of this state as hostages and victims in case of execution."[490] in addition to the virginia militia assembled at charlestown december 2d, were a detachment, 264 men, from the artillery corps, united states army, and the corps of cadets from the virginia military institute at lexington. these organizations were commanded, respectively, by two men who were soon to win great renown; whose names were to become famous in the world's history for deeds of military glory: colonel robert e. lee and prof. thomas j. jackson. from the home of mr. j. m. mckim, in philadelphia, november 21st, mrs. brown addressed a letter to the governor asking for the "mortal remains of my husband and his sons" for burial, to which he replied as follows:[491] i am happy, madam, that you seem to have the wisdom and virtue to appreciate my position of duty. would to god that "public considerations could avert his doom," for the omniscient knows that i take not the slightest pleasure in the execution of any whom the laws condemn. may he have mercy on the erring and the afflicted. enclosed is an order to major genl. wm. b. taliaferro, in command at charlestown, va. to deliver to your order, the mortal remains of your husband "when all shall be over"; to be delivered to your agent at harper's ferry; and if you attend the reception in person, to guard you sacredly in your solemn mission. with tenderness and truth, i am very respectfully, your humble servant, henry a. wise. under the authority of this letter, mrs. brown, in company with mrs. mckim and mr. hector tyndale, arrived at harper's ferry, november 30th. there she received a telegram from the governor giving her permission to visit her husband, alone, on the following day, stipulating that she return to harper's ferry the same evening. she was, accordingly, driven to charlestown the next afternoon in care of an escort--a sergeant and eight men--of the fauquier cavalry, a captain of infantry occupying a seat beside her. when the time came for her to return. brown begged that her visit might be extended until morning, but, under his orders, the general in command could not grant this request. the hour for the final parting had come; the heart-broken woman, with her grief, returned to harper's ferry to await the tragedy of the tomorrow. december 2d, about an hour before his execution. brown disposed of the wreckage of his campaign supplies in a "will and codicil" which were written for him by mr. hunter.[492] it provided that all his property, being personal property, "which is scattered about in the states of virginia and maryland," should be carefully gathered up by his executor and "disposed of to the best advantage and the proceeds thereof paid over to his beloved wife, mary a. brown." he trusted that his right to such articles as were not of a "war-like character" and all other property that he might be entitled to might be respected. he appointed sheriff james w. campbell, "executor of this my true last will, hereby revoking all others." the document was sealed, and witnessed by john avis, the jailer, and andrew hunter. at 10:30 brown was notified by the sheriff to prepare for the execution. he then visited his late companions in arms. to all, except hazlett and cook, he gave such adieux as he could, in view of the painful circumstances into which he had led them. hazlett he had refused to recognize when he was first brought before him in the prison, and continued to the end to deny that he had been a member of his band. as to cook, the relations between them were not cordial. he had stated in his "confession" that brown had sent him to harper's ferry in june, 1858. this brown denied; and charged cook with having made false statements, saying, "you know i protested against your coming." to which cook replied: "captain brown, you and i remember differently." cook may have asked for the harper's ferry detail, but brown must have consented to the arrangement, for he furnished the money to defray the expenses of his going thereto. cook secured valuable information there, which he reported to brown, including, among other things, a census of the slave population of that vicinity.[493] the spectacle which met brown's gaze as he stepped upon the porch from the door of the jail on his way to the scaffold, could not otherwise than recall to his mind the dreams of conquest and of military glory which he had cherished. three thousand men--infantry, cavalry, and artillery--were under arms. in admiration of the display--for the "street was full of marching men," he said: "i had no idea that governor wise considered my execution so important,"[494] and for that reason, mr. villard says, "no little slave-child was held up for the benison of his lips, for none but soldiery was near." the undertaker's wagon, a two seated vehicle, drawn by two white horses, stood near, the driver and undertaker occupying the front seat. brown took his place in the second seat between the sheriff--campbell--and his jailer, avis. the party then moved to the place of execution. the escort, under the command of colonel t. p. august, consisted of a company of cavalry under captain scott, and a battalion of infantry under major loring. on the way to the field, brown spoke only of unimportant things, the weather and the scenery. "this is a beautiful country," he is reported to have said, "i never had the pleasure of seeing it before." it was a solemn procession, and was void of any effects in heroic phraseology. the time was ripe for the final metamorphosis of john brown. a blow of a hatchet cut the cord that linked him to earthly things: the soldier of fortune became the historical soldier of the cross. chapter xvii "yet shall he live" _much ado about nothing._ --shakespeare john brown's fame is an unearned increment. it was secured by misrepresentations put forth by himself and members of his family, and by the disunionists--"union-splitters"--of his time, who inspired his final actions. through these agencies he acquired a creditable rating in history; not because of the things which he did; nor because of the things which he sought to do; but because of the things which were said about him; and because of the things which were done to him. his fame is the result of an exploitation, in eloquent phrases, of virtues, purposes, and motives, which were attributed to him. it has thus been overcapitalized. the stock was watered. in respect to the truth of history, his fame is all "water." it was not based upon fact, but upon fancy; upon untenable conclusions concerning his character, and wildly extravagant and irrelevant assumptions concerning his emotions. these are the sole assets to be found in the appraisement of his public estate. of him mr. redpath said, _in part_: he was too large a man to stand on any platform. he planted his feet on the rock of ages--the eternal truth--and was therefore never shaken in his policy or principles. he scouted the idea of rest while he held a commission direct from god almighty to act against slavery.... where the republicans said, halt! john brown shouted, forward! to the rescue! he was an abolitionist of the bunker hill school. it did not concern mr. redpath that the "bunker hill" school of abolitionists were themselves slave-holders. mr. thoreau, who was also a union-splitter, said: no man in america has ever stood up so persistently for the dignity of human nature, knowing himself for man and the equal of any and all governments. he could not have been tried by his peers, for his peers did not exist.... he did not go to harvard. he was not fed on the pap that is there furnished, but he went to the university of the west where he studied the science of liberty, and having taken his degree, he finally commenced the practice of humanity in kansas. of thoreau, mr. alcott wrote in his diary, saturday. november 5, 1859: ... thoreau talks freely and enthusiastically about brown, denouncing the union, the president, the states, and virginia particularly; wishes to publish his late speech, and has seen boston publishers, but failed to find any to print it for him.[495] mr. sanborn said: such was the man--of the best new england blood, of the stock of the plymouth pilgrims, and bred up like them "in the nurture and admonition of the lord"--who was selected by god, and knew himself to be so chosen, to overthrow the bulwark of oppression in america. he seems to have declared a definite plan of attacking slavery in one of its strongholds, by force, as early as 1839; and it was to obtain money for this enterprise that he engaged in land-speculations and wool-merchandise for the next ten or twelve years.... other men might have been spared but brown was indispensable.[496] said wendell phillips: god makes him the text, and all he asks of our comparatively cowardly lips is to preach the sermon, and say to the american people that, whether this old man succeeded in a worldly sense or not, he stood as a representative of law, of government, of right, of justice, of religion, and they were pirates that gathered about him, and sought to wreak vengeance by taking his life. the banks of the potomac are doubly dear now to history and to man! the dust of washington rests there; and history will see forever on that river side the brave old man on his pallet, whose dust, when god calls him hence, the father of his country would be proud to make room for beside his own. mr. higginson said: such men as he needed are not to be _found_ ordinarily; they must be _reared_. john brown did not merely look for men, therefore, he reared them in his sons. john a. andrew, who did not believe that brown was present or in any way connected with the robberies and murders on the pottawatomie, said: whatever may be thought of john brown's acts, _john brown himself was right_. the rev. theodore parker, who believed in slave insurrections and their horrors, wrote: let the american state hang his body and the american church damn his soul. still, the blessing of such as are ready to perish will fall on him, and the universal justice of the infinitely perfect god will make him welcome home. the road to heaven is as short from the gallows as from the throne. mr. emerson said: that new saint, than whom none purer or more brave was ever led by love of men into conflict and death--the new saint awaiting his martyrdom, and who, if he shall suffer, will make the gallows glorious like the cross. into a carnival of rhetoric so picturesque, mr. john james ingalls could not fail to enter the lists and compete for the prize. poising his shining lance he delivered this thrust: but the three men of this era who will loom forever against the remotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the voiceless desert, or the mountain peaks above the subordinate plains, are abraham lincoln, ulysses s. grant and old john brown of osawatomie. victor hugo said: the punishment of john brown may consolidate slavery in virginia, but it will certainly shatter the american democracy. you preserve your shame but you kill your glory. similar exhibits, in the hyperbolical optimism that constitutes this promotion by wind, might be added hereto indefinitely; for the output of such fantastical flights was limited only by the boundaries of taste and imagination. probably the best things have been said. but that does not wholly discourage the later generations. emulation in the phrase making competition still places a premium upon inconsistency. mr. villard said fifty years after: in virginia, john brown atoned for pottawatomie by the nobility of his philosophy and his sublime devotion to principle, even on the gallows. perhaps nowhere else than in the peculiar philosophy of those who attribute virtue to brown as a motive for vice, may we find nobility in dissimulation; atonement without reconciliation; and the sublimity of devotion to principle in the denial of the truth. awaiting death in the charlestown jail, brown denied that he had been a party to the murders and the robberies on the pottawatomie; and went from the gallows into the presence of the almighty to answer for both his participation in that horror and for his repeated denials of having been personally concerned in it.[497] december 10, 1911, mr. clyde mcgee, of chicago, said, among many other worked-over things: it grew upon him as he prayed, for john brown was a man who talked with god as confidently as a friend speaketh with friend.[498] when brown and his sons planned, during march and april and may, 1856, to steal doyle's, and wilkinson's, and other settlers' horses and leave the country; they planned, as a precautionary measure, to first make widows and orphans of the wives and children of these men, and then to steal the horses; not from the dead men, but from the weeping women and helpless children. who think you talked with brown and his swaggering sons as "friend speaketh with friend" during the time their plans were being made for these assassinations and robberies, and while they executed them: the almighty, or the devil? brown was not sure who it was that prompted him to incite the slaves to strike for their liberty, by assassinating their masters. he answered mr. vallandigham at harper's ferry: no man sent me here; it was my own prompting and that of my maker, or that of the devil; whichever you please to ascribe it to. i acknowledge no master in human form.[499] kansas has done much in honor of john brown. an association, organized for the purpose, erected a stately monument at osawatomie, which was dedicated to his memory august 30, 1877, by kansas' most picturesque orator and statesman, the late john james ingalls. later, the patriotic women connected with the society of the grand army of the republic, in kansas, purchased the site of the battle of osawatomie, for a "state park": which was dedicated, as such, by ex-president theodore roosevelt, august 30, 1910. also, the state legislature of 1895, authorized a society to place a statue of brown in the national hall of fame, statuary hall, in the rotunda of the national capitol; thus, to the world, certifying his life and public services to have been the most conspicuous and illustrious of all its citizens. the text of the resolution concerning this statue is as follows: _whereas_, the lincoln sailors' and soldiers' national monument association now has in process of construction a statue or monument of john brown; and _whereas_, said association has made application to the authorities at washington to have such monument put in statuary hall in the capitol building, and has been advised by the general government that before this permission could be granted a request from the legislature of the state of kansas would be necessary: therefore, be it _resolved by the house of representatives, the senate concurring therein_, that we hereby request the proper authorities in charge of the united states statuary hall, at washington, d. c., to permit such monument to be placed therein; be it further _resolved_, that a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to each of our senators and representatives in washington, d. c. for a reason unexplained by his later biographers, the authority to confer this honor upon brown--the highest honor within the power of the state to bestow--was never exercised; a delinquency which excites a suspicion that the resolution stated conditions, as existing, which did not exist. at the head of the schedule of assumptions concerning the innocence of brown's intentions, the purity of his motives, and the exaltation of his devotion to humanity, is his "martyrdom." this item has been illuminated with a halo of holiness. as "christ died to make men holy," so brown is said to have died to "make men free." no one has claimed that hugh forbes was an humanitarian, or other than an adventurer. yet in relation to brown's insurrection, the minds of the two men--john brown and hugh forbes--met in full accord; there was agreement between them. together they planned the invasion of the south, for the promotion of their personal fortunes. their aims, their ambitions, and their hopes were identical. if brown's exchequer had been ample, forbes too would have appeared at harper's ferry and there would have been a pair of martyrs there: "two of a kind." the logic of the fiction of his martyrdom is founded upon the assumption that brown held an option upon his life which he elected to forfeit; and that he offered it as a sacrifice: that he chose to die, as the redeemer of men died; and in thus dying made "the gallows glorious like the cross." brown did not contemplate dying at harper's ferry any more than did hugh forbes, or stevens, or cook, or kagi: and he would not have died at charlestown if he could have controlled the event. these men knew that some of them would, probably, die, but each passed the subject over lightly, believing that in some inscrutable way, if fatalities occurred, it would be some of the others who would fall. men of their type "die but once." brown accepted the chances of war as did his followers, and as forbes sought the opportunity of doing. men who have similarly risked their lives, times almost without number, are not impressed by such martyrdoms. to his faithful sanborn, brown wrote: "i am now rather anxious to live for a few years."[500] he desired to live to organize, and to command the army of the provisional government: and to be the head of a new nation: a new "united states." he hoped for longevity, that he might wear the honors and enjoy the fame and the emoluments of his prospective achievement. the years of brown's life were a constant, persistent, strenuous struggle to get money. as to the means which should be employed in the getting of it, he was indifferent. in his philosophy, results were paramount; the means to the end were of no consequence. a stranger to honor, he violated every confidence that should be held sacred among men: and in his avarice trampled upon every law, moral and statute, human and divine. consistent with the speculative instinct so distinctly characteristic of his life, his greatest or principal object was to get money, and to get it quickly. mr. villard asserts that brown's greatest or principal object was to assault slavery, and so entitles an important chapter in the recent biography. assuming his premises to be correct, he commences the chapter with this inquiry: when was it that john brown, practical shepherd, tanner, farmer, surveyor, cattle expert, real-estate speculator and wool merchant, first conceived what he calls in his autobiography "his greatest or principal object" in life--the forcible overthrow of slavery in his native land? the question is not an idle one, etc.[501] the question, nevertheless, is an idle one. during the interview which brown gave out at harper's ferry, october 18th, mr. vallandigham asked him this pointed question: "how long have you been engaged in this business?"[502] to which brown replied: from the breaking out of the difficulties in kansas. four of my sons had gone there to settle and they wanted me to go.[503] also, brown stated over his signature, in march, 1859, that it was "since 1855" that it had been his judgment that the way to successfully oppose slavery "would be to meddle directly with the peculiar institution."[504] that he had the subject under consideration prior to 1845 is expressly discredited by brown, in his autobiography, in the statement that he was "averse to military affairs"; that he refused to "train _or drill_; but paid fines & got along like a quaker until his age finally cleared him of military duty."[505] the record of brown's life, prior to 1857, is barren of any contemporaneous expression by him or by any member of his family which even remotely suggests the possibility that he might have contemplated attempting a forcible _assault_ against slavery. if his mind had been preoccupied with a desire of such overshadowing importance the fact would have shone in the letters which he wrote to his children january 23, and august 6, 1852, relating to the conduct of their lives.[506] there is much, however, in this history which discredits the assumption that he gave the subject any consideration whatever. a man whose life was a "burning" devotion to an ambition so heroic as to become the "david of the goliath of slavery,"[507] ought to have shown some personal interest in the matter; he should not have left it wholly to his panegyrists. it appears however that the peaceful "tanner and shepherd" was so unconscious of having any object in life worth living for that he "felt," during this time, "a strong and steady desire to die";[508] a condition of mind wholly inconsistent with heroism or with one "burning" to bear arms, or with a "man of war emerging from the chrysalis of peace."[509] the assumptions upon which mr. villard relies for the relevancy of his question are gratuitous. the chapter is a scholarly example, put forth by a scholar, of the art of making "much ado about nothing." it would be proper to say that the conquest of the southern states was the greatest or principal undertaking in brown's career, and that it was in 1857 that he first planned to attempt it. his capture of pate's horses and mules at black jack in june; and the days which he spent in stealing cattle, at and around osawatomie, during the last days of august, 1856; and his plundering in missouri and kansas in 1858, may be called meddling with slavery; though grafting upon the anti-slavery sentiment of the time, would more accurately describe the relation, if any, of his operations to slavery. there was this difference between nat turner and john brown: the negro was a religious fanatic; he was sincere and consistent. falsehood, deception, greed, selfishness, are not attributes of fanaticism, but they are characteristic of brown's life. the sincerity of his "death-bed" professions of godliness, and of sympathy for the men in bondage, is discredited by the actions of a lifetime as conspicuous for its turpitude as it was barren of virtues. neither charitable deed, nor manifestation of a benevolent, or of a patriotic spirit, appears, even incidentally, along the lines of his life, to break the monotone of selfishness that distinguishes it. in public affairs he took no part worthy of consideration. mr. gill gave up a view of his natural or unassumed personality that is consistently discreditable, and brown's correspondence is a confirmation of that estimate. it teaches the lesson that he administered his deportment to suit the circumstances of the occasion existing at the time; and that it covered the entire range of the various phases of human intercourse; from that of a coarse, brutal vulgarity, to the saintliness of his latest metamorphosis; from the use of language so distinctly vulgar and obscene, as to be, in the opinion of the writer, unprintable,[510] to the crafty assumptions of godliness contained in his letter to the innocent quakeress.[511] brown was crafty in the sublimest degree of the art. his craftiness was a distinction. it will be difficult to find in our literature a more interesting example of the refinements of the art than the piece which he set for mrs. stearns: his "old brown's farewell: to the plymouth rocks; bunker hill monuments; charter oaks; and uncle toms cabbins." in the setting, and in the dramatic execution of the play, he exhibited the perfection of the actor. the paper was not drawn for mr. parker to read to his congregation. brown was not "casting his pearls before swine." it was for mrs. stearns personally that the paper was written; it was her heart that he intended to touch, and her generous emotions that he intended to prey upon. how successfully he played the part she has related.[512] of brown, it may be truthfully said that within the limits of his resources, he did nothing in a small way, nor did he move with a faint heart. with him, there was neither halting nor trifling in action. he was consistently an adventurer. his theology scorned all creeds. without capital he was a plunger among speculators. the deception which he practiced upon the new england woolen company netted him a fortune little below the average of that period. in the commission business he was an acrobat, rather than a merchant: his operations were a series of feats in commercial gymnastics. chafing because of the restrictions of an extreme poverty that kept him "like a toad under a harrow," he determined to burst the bands of his environment, and there was a massacre in the valley of the pottawatomie out of which he rode with a herd of horses. and he would have ridden away from black jack with pate's horses and mules, if pate had not deceived him, and led him to believe that he held his sons--john and jason--prisoners, as hostages. a guerrilla leader for six days, he drove two hundred and fifty head of cattle into his camp at osawatomie, and in 1858, as a kansas raider, he dwarfed the operations of james montgomery. in the east, as a crafty imposter and grafter, he secured $30,000 in cash and plunder, and attempted a _coup_ upon the legislatures of massachusetts and new york for $200,000 more. and then, within one year from the date of the outburst of his determination to be freed from poverty, he indulged hopes of a successful conquest: hopes of riches and of fame. an habitual cruelty in his domestic life, which is more than hinted at by his friend and confidant, george r. gill, nerved his hand to execute the ferocious butchery of his neighbors on the pottawatomie, and steeled his heart to incite the slaves at harper's ferry to emulate the example of southampton. his attempt at revolution was not the result of a previous conviction and consecration to duty and to the cause of humanity, but of a growth--the indulgence and development of an abnormal passion for speculation: the culmination downward of his speculative and criminal instincts. closing a commercial sas indulging the reasonable hope that in the new country he would find opportunity to improve his condition. in the horses owned by the shermans, and by other well-to-do neighbors, he saw, and grasped, the opportunity--a desperate one--to make a "coup to restore his fortunes." out of that plunge in robbery and murder came the leader of a gang of horse thieves--the chrysalis of the guerrilla captain of osawatomie. driven out of the territory by the establishment of order, the crafty marauder raided the east as the militant defender of kansas. in the practice of his impositions there, he met and established confidential relations with men who plotted against the life of the nation; men who planned how to provoke a revolution; how best to "split the union";[513] men who wished "success to every slave insurrection." from this atmosphere, pregnant with the sentiment of disloyalty to the union, brown derived the inspiration which encouraged him to plan to do what his mentors had not the courage to undertake. out of his negotiations with them came money; munitions of war; hugh forbes, the revolutionist; mutual planning for a revolution, and a dream of empire. john brown will live in history; but his name will not be found among the names of those who have wrought for humanity and for righteousness; or among the names of the martyrs and the saints who "washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the lamb." "yet shall he live": but it will be as a soldier of fortune, an adventurer. he will take his place in history as such: and will rank among adventurers as napoleon ranks among marshals: as captain kidd among pirates: and as jonathan wild among thieves. appendices appendix i correspondence with the late d. w. wilder concerning john brown topeka, kansas, dec. 18th, 1902. general d. w. wilder, hiawatha, kansas. my dear general: i would like to have you kindly tell me something valuable about john brown. i listened to your tribute to his memory, read before the historical society on the 2nd inst. it recalled the admiration which i entertained for the "old hero" throughout the many years of my life; from young manhood up to about four years ago; when i attempted to write a sketch of his life. it was in reading up to obtain data for this sketch that the idol, which my credulity, i suppose, or imagination had set up, went utterly to pieces in my hands. i read faithfully what his biographers, sanborn, and redpath, and the other fellows, have written about him, but none of them give up any valuable facts. they all seem to be long on eulogy. they do overtime on that. the whole performance is a continuous eulogium; but historical facts, upon which to predicate a story, or upon which his "immortal fame" is supposed to rest, are painfully lacking.... these are some of the things which i went up against when i tried in good faith to write about him, and they broke me all up, so i had to quit. john brown, the "hero" and "martyr," is a creation--charlestown furnished a simple text and the genius of his generation did the rest. the brilliant minds of this age have exploited him in literary effects, in prose, in poetry and oratory. they have placarded him "upon the walls of time"; but i am compelled to believe that his fame thus acquired, will not survive. the "why" may "repel the philosophic searcher," but it cannot "defy" the historical searchers. history has no enigmas. i will be very glad indeed to have your opinions on this business. very truly yours, hill p. wilson. in this letter the writer asked mr. wilder for his opinion upon brown's motives in their relation to several incidents that occurred in his life. his reply is as follows:[514] hiawatha, kansas, dec. 20, 1902. my dear wilson: ... you have stood on various platforms and made many political speeches. did any of them endorse the sentiments you now hold? the elder booth, a man of genius, once staggered up to the footlights and said to the crowded house: "you are all drunk," and staggered off. you think the people of your county, your state, your country and of the civilized world, including its noblest spirits, do not know a hero, an emancipator--first of his state, then of his nation. only one kansan has made a speech that thrilled the world and is immortal. you never read it. only one kansan lives in poetry, in song, in human hearts, and is the constant theme of the historian, the dramatist, the man of letters. you think he was a fool. the whole world has pronounced its verdict on john brown. yours truly, d. w. wilder. to this letter the writer replied: topeka, kans., january 3, 1903. my dear general: your letter of the 20th ult., is received. i told you that i had gone the limit of my vocabulary in expressing my admiration of john brown. i read the "speech that thrilled the world." i have read the poetry and have sung the songs. i make the point that the speeches, the poetry, and the songs are all there is behind john brown. when i asked you about some historical facts, you gave me more oratory. it seems to have become a habit. if you ever analyze this man's character, you will reverse your estimate of him. the world sees brown fighting, heroically, in the engine-house at harper's ferry, but it does not inquire how he came to be there. it was his death, and not his life, that gave him renown. usually it is a man's life--his actions, that determine his place among men. if it be true that one unimpeachable fact will set aside the most plausible opposing theory, then brown's fame will not survive. the facts of his life impeach the popular verdict. very truly yours, hill p. wilson. general d. w. wilder, hiawatha, kansas. appendix ii recollections of the john brown raid by the hon. alexander r. boteler, a virginian who witnessed the fight _taken from the century_ on entering the room where john brown was, i found him alone, lying on the floor on his left side, and with his back turned toward me. the right side of his face was smeared with blood from a sword cut on his head, causing his grim and grizzled countenance to look like that of some aboriginal savage with his war-paint on. approaching him i began the conversation with the inquiry: "captain brown, are you hurt anywhere except on the head?" "yes, in my side, here," said he, indicating the place with his hand. i then told him that a surgeon would be in presently to attend to his wounds, and expressed the hope that they were not very serious. thereupon he asked me who i was, and on giving him my name he muttered as if speaking to himself. "yes, yes--i know you now--member of congress--this district." i then asked the question: "captain, what brought you here?" "to free your slaves," was the reply. "how did you expect to accomplish it with the small force you brought with you?" "i expected help." "where, whence, and from whom, captain, did you expect it?" "here and from elsewhere," he answered. "did you expect to get assistance from whites here as well as from the blacks?" was my next question. "i did," he replied. "then," said i, "you have been disappointed in not getting it from either?" "yes," he muttered, "i have--been--disappointed." then i asked him who planned his movement on harper's ferry, to which he replied: "i planned it all myself," and upon my remarking that it was a sad affair for him and the country, and that i trusted no one would follow his example by undertaking a similar raid, he made no response. i next inquired if he had any family besides the sons who accompanied him on his incursion, to which he replied by telling me he had a wife and children in the state of new york at north elba, and on my then asking if he would like to write to them and let them know how he was, he quickly responded: "yes, i would like to send them a letter." "very well," i said, "you doubtless will be permitted to do so. but, captain," i added, "probably you understand that, being in the hands of the civil authorities of the state, your letters will have to be seen by them before they can be sent." "certainly," he said. "then, with that understanding," continued i. "there will, i am sure, be no objection to your writing home; and although i have no authority in the premises, i promise to do what i can to have your wishes in that respect complied with." "thank you--thank you, sir," he said repeating his acknowledgment for the proffered favor and, for the first time, turning his head toward me. in my desire to hear him distinctly, i had placed myself by his side, with one knee resting on the floor; so that, when he turned, it brought his face quite close to mine, and i remember well the earnest gaze of the gray eye that looked straight into mine. i then remarked: "captain, we, too, have wives and children. this attempt of yours to interfere with our slaves has created great excitement and naturally causes anxiety on account of our families. now, let me ask you: is this failure of yours likely to be followed by similar attempts to create disaffection among our servants and bring upon our homes the horrors of a servile war?" "time will show," was his significant reply. just then a catholic priest appeared at the door of the room. he had been administering the last consolations of religion to quinn, the marine, who was dying in the adjoining office; and the moment brown saw him he became violently angry, and plainly showed, by the expression of his countenance, how capable he was of feeling "hatred, malice, and all uncharitableness." "go out of here--i don't want you about me--go out!" was the salutation he gave the priest, who, bowing gravely, immediately retired. whereupon i arose from the floor, and bidding brown good-morning, likewise left him. in the entry leading to the room where brown was, i met major russell, of the marine corps, who was going to see him, and i detailed to him the conversation i had just had. meeting the major subsequently he told me that when he entered the apartment brown was standing up--with his clothes unfastened--examining the wound in his side, and that, as soon as he saw him, forthwith resumed his former position on the floor; which incident tended to confirm the impression i had already formed, that there was a good deal of vitality left in the old man, notwithstanding his wounds--a fact more fully developed that evening after i had left harper's ferry for home, when he had his spirited and historic talk with wise, hunter and vallandigham. appendix iii the constitution adopted at chatham, canada copy of the constitution, adopted at chatham, canada, may 8, 1858. _mason report_, p. 48. provisional constitution and ordinance for the people of the united states preamble whereas, slavery throughout its entire existence in the united states, is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its citizens upon another portion, the only conditions of which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude or absolute extermination; in utter disregard of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our declaration of independence: therefore, we, citizens of the united states, and the oppressed people, who, by a decision of the supreme court are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect; together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being ordain and establish for ourselves, the following provisional constitution and ordinances, the better to protect our persons, property, lives and liberties; and to govern our actions: article i qualifications for membership all persons of mature age, whether proscribed, oppressed, and enslaved citizens, or of the proscribed or oppressed races of the united states, who shall agree to sustain and enforce the provisional constitution and ordinance of this organization, together with all minor children of such persons, shall be held to be fully entitled to protection under the same. article ii branches of government the provisional government of this organization shall consist of three branches, viz.: legislative, executive, and judicial. article iii legislative the legislative branch shall be a congress or house of representatives, composed of not less than five, or more than ten members, who shall be elected by all the citizens of mature age and of sound mind, connected with this organization; and who shall remain in office for three years, unless sooner removed for misconduct, inability, or death. a majority of such members shall constitute a quorum. article iv executive the executive branch of this organization shall consist of a president and vice-president, who shall be chosen by the citizens or members of this organization, and each of whom shall hold his office for three years, unless sooner removed by death, or for inability or misconduct. article v judicial the judicial branch of this organization shall consist of one chief-justice of the supreme court, and of four associate judges of said court; each constituting a circuit court. they shall each be chosen in the same manner as the president, and shall continue in office until their places have been filled in the same manner by election of the citizens. said court shall have jurisdiction in all civil or criminal causes, arising under this constitution, except breaches of the rules of war. article vi validity of enactments all enactments of the legislative branch shall, to become valid during the first three years, have the approbation of the president and the commander-in-chief of the army. article vii commander-in-chief a commander-in-chief of the army shall be chosen by the president, vice-president, a majority of the provisional congress, and of the supreme court, and he shall receive his commission from the president, signed by the vice-president, the chief justice of the supreme court, and the secretary of war: and he shall hold his office for three years, unless removed by death, or on proof of incapacity of misbehavior. he shall, unless under arrest (and till his place is actually filled as provided by the constitution) direct all movements of the army, and advise with any allies. he shall, however, be tried, removed, or punished, on complaint by the president, by, at least, three general officers, or a majority of the house of representatives, or of the supreme court; which house of representatives (the president presiding); the vice president, and the members of the supreme court, shall constitute a court-martial, for his trial; with power to remove or punish, as the case may require; and to fill his place as above provided. article viii officers a treasurer, secretary of state, secretary of war, and secretary of the treasury, shall each be chosen for the first three years, in the same way and manner as the commander-in-chief; subject to trial or removal on complaint of the president, vice-president, or commander in chief, to the chief justice of the supreme court; or on complaint of the majority of the members of said court, or the provisional congress. the supreme court shall have power to try or punish either of those officers; and their places shall be filled as before. article ix secretary of war the secretary of war shall be under the immediate directions of the commander in chief; who may temporarily fill his place, in case of arrest, or of any inability to serve. article x congress or house of representatives the house of representatives shall make ordinances for the appointment (by the president or otherwise) of all civil officers except those already named; and shall have power to make all laws and ordinances for the general good, not inconsistent with this constitution and these ordinances. article xi appropriation of money, etc. the provisional congress shall have power to appropriate money or other property actually in the hands of the treasurer, to any object calculated to promote the general good, so far as may be consistent with the provisions of this constitution; and may in certain cases, appropriate, for a moderate compensation of agents, or persons not members of this organization, for important service they are known to have rendered. article xii special duties it shall be the duty of congress to provide for the instant removal of any civil officer or policeman, who becomes habitually intoxicated, or who is addicted to other immoral conduct, or to any neglect or unfaithfulness in the discharge of his official duties. congress shall also be a standing committee of safety, for the purpose of obtaining important information; and shall be in constant communication with the commander-in-chief; the members of which shall each, as also the president and vice-president, members of the supreme court, and secretary of state, have full power to issue warrants returnable as congress shall ordain (naming witnesses etc) upon their own information, without the formality of a complaint. complaint shall be made immediately after arrest, and before trial; the party arrested to be served with a copy at once. article xiii trial of president and other officers the president and vice president may either of them be tried, removed, or punished, on complaint made by the chief justice of the supreme court, by a majority of the house of representatives, which house, together with the associate judges of the supreme court, the whole to be presided over by the chief justice in the cases of the trial of the vice president, shall have full power to try such officers, to remove, or punish as the case may require, and to fill any vacancy so occurring, the same as in the case of the commander-in-chief. article xiv trial of members of congress the members of the house of representatives may, any and all of them, be tried, and on conviction, removed or punished on complaint before the chief justice of the supreme court, made by any number of members of said house, exceeding one third, which house, with the vice president and associate judges of the supreme court, shall constitute the proper tribunal, with power to fill such vacancies. article xv impeachment of judges any member of the supreme court, tried, convicted, or punished by removal or otherwise, on complaint to the president, who shall, in such case, preside; the vice-president, house of representatives, and other members of the supreme court, constituting the proper tribunal (with power to fill vacancies); on complaint of a majority of said house of representatives, or of the supreme court; a majority of the whole having power to decide. article xvi duties of president and secretary of state the president, with the secretary of state, shall immediately upon entering on the duties of their office, give special attention to secure, from amongst their own people, men of integrity, intelligence, and good business habits and capacity; and above all, of first rate moral and religious character and influence, to act as civil officers of every description and grade, as well as teachers, chaplains, physicians, surgeons, mechanics, agents of every description, clerks and messengers. they shall make special effort to induce at the earliest possible period, persons and families of that description, to locate themselves within the limits secured by this organization; and shall, moreover, from time to time, supply the names and residence of such persons to the congress, for their special notice and information, as among the most important of their duties, and the president is hereby authorized and empowered to afford special aid to such individuals, from such moderate appropriations as the congress shall be able and may deem it advisable to make for that object. the president and secretary of state, and in case of disagreement, the vice-president shall appoint all civil officers, but shall not have power to remove any officer. all removals shall be the result of a fair trial, whether civil or military. article xvii further duties it shall be the duty of the president and secretary of state, to find out (as soon as possible) the real friends, as well as the enemies of this organization in every part of the country; to secure among them, innkeepers, private postmasters, private mail contractors, messengers and agents: through whom may be obtained correct and regular information, constantly; recruits for the service, places of deposit and sale; together with needed supplies: and it shall be matter of special regard to secure such facilities through the northern states. article xviii duties of the president it shall be the duty of the president, as well as the house of representatives, at all times, to inform the commander-in-chief of any matter that may require his attention, or that may affect the public safety. article xix duty of president--continued it shall be the duty of the president to see that the provisional ordinances of this organization, and those made by congress, are properly and faithfully executed; and he may in cases of great urgency call on the commander-in-chief of the army, or other officers for aid; it being, however, intended that a sufficient civil police shall always be in readiness to secure implicit obedience to law. article xx the vice-president the vice-president shall be the presiding officer of the provisional congress and in case of tie shall give the casting vote. article xxi vacancies in case of death, removal, or inability of the president, the vice-president, and next to him, the chief justice of the supreme court, shall be the president during the remainder of the term: and the place of chief-justice thus made vacant shall be filled by congress from some of the members of said court; and places of the vice-president and associate justice thus made vacant, filled by an election by the united action of the provisional congress and members of the supreme court. all other vacancies, not heretofore specially provided for, shall, during the first three years, be filled by the united action of the president, vice-president, supreme court, and commander-in-chief of the army. article xxii punishment of crimes the punishment of crimes not capital, except in the case of insubordinate convicts or other prisoners, shall be (so far as may be) by hard labor on the public works, roads, etc. article xxiii army appointments it shall be the duty of all commissioned officers of the army to name candidates of merit for office or elevation to the commander-in-chief, who, with the secretary of war, and, in cases of disagreement, the president, shall be the appointing power of the army: and all commissions of military officers shall bear the signatures of the commander-in-chief and the secretary of war. and it shall be the special duty of the secretary of war to keep for constant reference of the commander-in-chief a full list of names of persons nominated for office, or elevation, by officers of the army, with the name and rank of the officer nominating, stating distinctly but briefly the grounds for such notice or nomination. the commander-in-chief shall not have power to remove or punish any officer or soldier; but he may order their arrest and trial at any time, by court-martial. article xxiv court-martials court martials for companies, regiments, brigades, etc., shall be called by the chief officer of each command, on complaint to him by any officer, or any five privates, in such command, and shall consist of not less than five nor more than nine officers, and privates, one-half of whom shall not be lower in rank than the person on trial, to be chosen by the three highest officers in the command, which officers shall not be a part of such court. the chief officer of any command shall, of course be tried by a court-martial of the command above his own. all decisions affecting the lives of persons, or office of persons holding commission, must, before taking full effect, have the signature of the commander-in-chief, who may also, on the recommendation of, at least, one-third of the members of the court martial finding any sentence, grant a reprieve or commutation of the same. article xxv salaries no person connected with this organization shall be entitled to any salary, pay, or emoluments, other than a competent support of himself and family, unless it be from an equal dividend, made of public property, on the establishment of peace, or of special provision by treaty; which provision shall be made for all persons who may have been in any active civil or military service at any time previous to any hostile action for liberty and equality. article xxvi treaties of peace before any treaty of peace shall take effect, it shall be signed by the president and vice-president, the commander-in-chief, a majority of the house of representatives, a majority of the supreme court, and a majority of all general officers of the army. article xxvii duty of the military it shall be the duty of the commander-in-chief, and all officers and soldiers of the army, to afford special protection when needed, to congress, or any member thereof; to the president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary of state, secretary of treasury and secretary of war; and to afford general protection to all civil officers, other persons having right to the same. article xxviii property all captured or confiscated property, and all property the product of the labor of those belonging to this organization and their families, shall be held as the property of the whole, equally, without distinction; and may be used for the common benefit, or disposed of for the same object; and any person, officer or otherwise, who shall improperly retain, secrete, use, or needlessly destroy such property, or property found, captured, or confiscated, belonging to the enemy, or shall willfully neglect to render a full and fair statement of such property by him so taken or held, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and, on conviction, shall be punished accordingly. article xxix safety or intelligence fund all money, plate, watches or jewelry, captured by honorable warfare, found, taken or confiscated, belonging to the enemy, shall be held sacred, to constitute a liberal safety or intelligence fund; and any person who shall improperly retain, dispose of, hide, use, or destroy such money or other article above mentioned, contrary to the provisions and spirit of this article, shall be deemed guilty of theft, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished accordingly. the treasurer shall furnish the commander-in-chief at all times with a full statement of the condition of such fund and its nature. article xxx the commander-in-chief and the treasury the commander-in-chief shall have power to draw from the treasury the money and other property of the fund provided for it in article twenty-ninth, but his orders shall be signed also by the secretary of war, who shall keep strict account of the same; subject to examination by any member of congress, or general officer. article xxxi surplus of the safety or intelligence fund it shall be the duty of the commander-in-chief to advise the president of any surplus of the safety or intelligence fund; who shall have power to draw such surplus (his order being also signed by the secretary of state) to enable him to carry out the provisions of article seventeenth. article xxxii prisoners no person, after having surrendered himself or herself a prisoner, and who shall properly demean himself or herself as such, to any officer or private connected with this organization, shall afterward be put to death, or be subject to any corporal punishment, without first having had the benefit of a fair and impartial trial: nor shall any prisoner be treated with any kind of cruelty, disrespect, insult, or needless severity: but it shall be the duty of all persons, male and female, connected herewith, at all times and under all circumstances, to treat all such prisoners with every degree of respect and kindness the nature of the circumstances will admit of; and to insist on a like course of conduct from all others, as in the fear of almighty god, to whose care and keeping we commit our cause. article xxxiii voluntaries all persons who may come forward and shall voluntarily deliver up their slaves, and have their names registered on the books of the organization, shall, so long as they continue at peace, be entitled to the fullest protection of person and property, though not connected with this organization, and shall be treated as friends, and not merely as persons neutral. article xxxiv neutrals the persons and property of all non-slaveholders who shall remain absolute neutral, shall be respected so far as the circumstances can allow of it; but they shall not be entitled to any active protection. article xxxv no needless waste the needless waste or destruction of any useful property or article, by fire, throwing open of fences, fields, buildings, or needless killing of animals, or injury of either, shall not be tolerated at any time or place, but shall be promptly and properly punished. article xxxvi property confiscated the entire and real property of all persons known to be acting either directly or indirectly with or for the enemy, or found in arms with them, or found wilfully holding slaves, shall be confiscated and taken, whenever and wherever it may be found, in either free or slave states. article xxxvii desertion persons convicted, on impartial trial, of desertion to the enemy after becoming members, acting as spies, or of treacherous surrender of property, arms, ammunition, provisions, or supplies of any kind, roads, bridges, persons or fortifications shall be put to death and their entire property confiscated. article xxxviii violation of parole of honor persons proven to be guilty of taking up arms after having been set at liberty on parole of honor, or, after the same, to have taken an active part with or for the enemy, direct or indirect, shall be put to death and their entire property confiscated. article xxxix all must labor all persons connected in any way with this organization, and who may be entitled to full protection under it, shall be held as under obligation to labor in some way for the general good, and any persons refusing, or neglecting so to do, shall on conviction receive a suitable and appropriate punishment. article xl irregularities profane swearing, filthy conversation, indecent behavior, or indecent exposure of person, or intoxication, or quarreling, shall not be allowed or tolerated, neither unlawful intercourse of the sexes. article xli crimes persons convicted of the forcible violation of any female prisoner shall be put to death. article xlii the marriage relation--schools--the sabbath the marriage relation shall be at all times respected, and the families kept together as far as possible, and broken families encouraged to re-unite, and intelligence offices established for that purpose, schools and churches established, as soon as may be, for the purpose of religious and other instructions; and the first day of the week regarded as a day of rest and appropriated to moral and religious instruction and improvement; relief to the suffering, instruction of the young and ignorant, and the encouragement of personal cleanliness; nor shall any person be required on that day to perform ordinary manual labor, unless in extremely urgent cases. article xliii carry arms openly all persons known to be of good character, and of sound mind and suitable age, who are connected with this organization, whether male or female, shall be encouraged to carry arms openly. article xliv no person to carry concealed weapons no person within the limits of the conquered territory, except regularly appointed policemen, express officers of the army, mail carriers, or other fully accredited messengers of the congress, president, vice-president, members of the supreme court, or commissioned officers of the army--and those only under peculiar circumstances--shall be allowed, at any time, to carry concealed weapons; and any person not specially authorized so to do, who shall be found so doing, shall be deemed a suspicious person, and may be at once arrested by any officer, soldier, or citizen, without the formality of a complaint or warrant, and may at once be subject to thorough search, and shall have his or her case thoroughly investigated; and be dealt with as circumstances, or proof, may require. article xlv persons to be seized persons within the limits of the territory holden by this organization, not connected with this organization, having arms at all, concealed or otherwise, shall be seized at once, or taken in charge of by some vigilant officer; and their case thoroughly investigated: and it shall be the duty of all citizens and soldiers, as well as officers, to arrest such parties as are named in this and the preceding section or article, without formality of complaint or warrant: and they shall be placed in charge of proper officer for examination or for safe keeping. article xlvi these articles not for the overthrow of government the foregoing articles shall not be construed so as in any way to encourage the overthrow of any state government of the united states: and look to no dissolution of the union, but simply to amendment and repeal. and our flag shall be the same as our fathers fought under in the revolution. article xlvii no plurality of offices no two offices specially provided for, by this instrument, shall be filled by the same person at the same time. article xlviii oath every officer, civil or military, connected with this organization, shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, make solemn oath or affirmation, to abide by and support this provisional constitution and these ordinances. also, every citizen and soldier, before being fully recognized as such, shall do the same. appendix iv john brown's autobiography _written to henry l. stearns, son of george l. stearns, and bearing date red rock, iowa, july 7, 1857._[515] john was born may 9th, 1800, at torrington, litchfield county, connecticut; of poor but respectable parents: a descendant on the side of his father of one of the company of the _mayflower_ who landed at plymouth 1620. his mother was descended from a man who came at an early period to new england from amsterdam, in holland. both his father's & mother's fathers served in the war of the revolution: his father's father died in a barn at new york while in the service, in 1776. i cannot tell you of anything in the first four years of john's life worth mentioning save that at that _early age_ he was tempted by three large brass pins belonging to a girl who lived in the family & _stole them_. in this he was detected by his mother; & after having a full day to think of the wrong: received from her a thorough whipping. when he was five years old his father moved to ohio; then a wilderness filled with wild beasts, & indians. during the long journey which was performed in part or mostly with an _ox team_; he was called on by turns to assist a boy five years older (who had been adopted by his father & mother) & learned to think he could accomplish _smart things_ in driving the cows, and riding the horses. some times he met with rattle snakes which were very large; & which some of the company generally managed to kill. after getting to ohio in 1805 he was for some time rather afraid of the indians, & of their rifles; but this soon wore off; & he used to hang about them quite as much as was consistent with good manners; & learned a trifle of their talk. his father learned to dress deer skins, & at 6 years old john was installed a young buck skin--he was perhaps rather observing as he ever after remembered the entire process of deer skin _dressing_; so that he could at any time dress his own leather such as squirl, raccoon, cat, wolf, or dog skin; & also learned to make whip lashes: which brought him some change at times; & was of considerable service in many ways. at six years old john began to be quite a rambler in the wild new country finding birds & squirels, and sometimes a wild turkey's nest. but about this period he was placed in the school of _adversity_: which my young friend was a most necessary part of his early training. you may _laugh_ when you come to read about it; but these were _sore trials_ to john: whose earthly treasures were very _few & small_. these were the beginnings of a severe but _much needed course_ of discipline which he afterwards was to pass through; & which it is to be hoped has learned him before this time that the heavenly father sees it best to take all the little things out of his hand which he has ever placed in them. when john was in his sixth year a poor _indian boy_ gave him a yellow marble the first he had ever seen. this he thought a great deal of; & kept it a good while; but at last he lost it beyond recovery. _it took years to heal the wound_; & i _think_ he cried at times about it. about five months after this he caught a young squirrel tearing off his tail in doing it; & getting severely bitten at the same time himself. he however held _to the little bob tail_ squirrel; & finally got him perfectly tamed, so that he almost idolized his pet. _this too he lost_; by wandering away; or by getting killed: & for a year or two john was _in mourning_; and looking at all the squirrels he could see to try and discover bobtail if _possible_, i must not neglect to tell you of a very _bad & foolish_ habbit to which john was somewhat addicted. i mean _telling lies_: generally to screen himself from blame; or from punishment. he could not well endure to be reproached; & i now think had he been oftener encouraged to be entirely frank; _by making frankness a kind of atonement_ for some of his faults; he would not have been so often guilty of this fault; nor have been obliged to struggle _so long_ in after life with _so mean_ a habit. john was _never quarrelsome_; but was _excessively_ fond of the _hardest & roughest_ kind of plays; & could _never get enough_ [of] them. indeed when for a short time he was sometimes sent to school the opportunity it afforded to wrestle & snow ball & run & jump & knock off old seedy wool hats; offered to him almost the only compensation for the confinement & restraints of school. i need not tell you that with such a feeling & but little chance of going to school _at all_: he did not become much of a schollar. he would always choose to stay at home & work hard rather than be sent to school; & during the warm season might generally be seen _barefooted & bareheaded_: with buck skin breeches suspended often with one leather strap over his shoulder but sometimes with two. to be sent off through the wilderness alone to very considerable distances was particularly his delight; & in this he was often indulged so that by the time he was twelve years old he was sent off more than a hundred miles with companies of cattle; & he would have thought his character much injured had he been obliged to be helped in any such job. this was a boyish kind of feeling but characteristic however. at eight years old john was left a motherless boy which loss was complete & permanent, for notwithstanding his father again married to a sensible, inteligent, & on many accounts a very estimable woman: _yet he never adopted her in feeling_: but continued to pine after his own mother for years. this opperated very unfavorably uppon him: as he was both naturally fond of females; & withall extremely diffident; & deprived him of a suitable link between the different sexes; the want of which might under some circumstances have proved his ruin. when the war broke out _with england_, his father soon commenced furnishing the troops with beef cattle, the collecting & driving of which _afforded_ him some opportunity for the chase (on foot) of wild steers & other cattle through the woods. during this war he had some chance to form his own boyish judgement of _men & measures_: & to become somewhat familiarly acquainted with some who have figured before the country since that time. the effect of what he saw during the war was to so far disgust him with military affairs that he would neither train, _or drill_: but paid fines; and got along like a quaker untill his age had finally cleared him of military duty. during the war with england a circumstance occurred that in the end made him a most _determined abolitionist_: & led him to declare, _or swear_: _eternal war with slavery_. he was staying for a short time with a very gentlemanly landlord once a united states marshal who held a slave boy near his own age very active, intelligent and good feeling; & to whom john was under considerable obligation for numerous little acts of kindness. _the master_ made a great pet of john: brought him to table with his first company; & friends; called their attention to every little smart thing he _said or did_: & to the fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home with a company of cattle alone; while the _negro boy_ (who was fully if not more than his equal) was badly clothed, poorly fed: & _lodged in cold weather_; & beaten before his eyes with iron shovels or any other thing that came first to hand. this brought john to reflect on the wretched; hopeless condition, of _fatherless & motherless_ slave _children_: for such children have neither father nor mothers to protect, & provide for them. he would sometimes raise the question _is god their father_? at the age of ten years an old friend induced him to read a little history; & offered him the free use of a good library; by which he acquired some taste for reading: which formed the principle part of his early education: & diverted him in a great measure from bad company, & conversation of old & inteligent persons. he never attempted to dance in his life; nor did he ever learn to know _one_ of a pack of _cards_ from _another_. he learned nothing of grammar; nor did he get at school so much knowledge of common arithmetic as the four ground rules. this will give you some idea of the first fifteen years of his life; during which time he became very strong and large of his age and ambitious to perform the full labour of a man; at almost any kind of hard work. by reading the lives of great, wise & good men their sayings, and writings; he grew to a dislike of vain & frivolous _conversation_ & _persons_; & was often greatly obliged by the kind manner in which older & more intelligent persons treated him at their houses: & in conversation; which was a great relief on account of his extreme bashfulness. he very early in life became ambitious to excell in doing anything he undertook to perform. this kind of feeling i would recomend to all persons both _male & female_: as it will certainly tend to secure admission to the company of the more intelligent & better portion of every community. by all means endeavor to excell in some laudable pursuit. i had like to forgotten to tell you of one of john's misfortunes which set rather hard on him while a young boy. he had by some means _perhaps_ by gift of his father become the owner of a little ewe lamb which did finely till it was about two thirds grown; and then sickened & died. this brought another protracted _mourning season_: not that he felt the pecuniary loss so much: for that was never his disposition: but so strong and earnest were his attachments. john had been taught from earliest childhood to fear god and keep his commandments; & though quite skeptical he had always by turns felt much serious doubt as to his future well being & about this time became to some extent a convert to christianity & ever after a firm believer in the divine authenticity of the bible. with this book he became very familiar, & possessed a most unusual memory of its entire contents. now some of the things i have been _telling of_; were just such as i would recomend to you: & i wd like to know that you had selected these out; & adopted them as part of your own plan of life; & i wish you to have _some definite plan_. many seem to have none; & others never stick to any that they do form. this was not the case with john. he followed up with _tenacity_ whatever he set about so long as it answered his general purpose: & hence he rarely failed in some good decree to effect the things he undertook. this was so much the case that he _habitually expected to succeed_ in his undertakings. with this feeling _should be coupled_; the consciousness that our plans are right in themselves. during the period i have named john had acquired a kind of ownership to certain animals of some little value but as he had come to understand that the _title of minor's_ might be a little imperfect: he had recource to various means in order to secure a more _independent_; & perfect right of property. one of those means was to exchange with his father for something of far less value. another was trading with other persons for something his father had never owned. older persons have some times found difficulty with _titles_. from fifteen to twenty years old, he spent most of his time working at the tanner & currier's trade keeping bachelors hall; & he was acting as cook; & for most of the time as foreman of the establishment under his father. during this period he found much trouble with some of the bad habits i have mentioned & with some that i have not told you of: his conscience urging him forward with great power in this matter: but his close attention to _business_; & success in his management; together with the way he got along with a company of men; & boys; made him quite a favorite with the serious & more intelligent portion of older persons. this was so much the case; & secured for him so many little notices from those he esteemed; that his vanity was very much fed by it; & he came forward to manhood quite full of self-conceit; & self-confidence; notwithstanding his _extreme_ bashfulness. a younger brother used sometimes to remind him of this: and to repeat to him _this expression_ which you may somewhere find, 'a king against whome there is no rising up.' the habit so early formed of being obeyed rendered him in after life too much disposed to speak in an imperious & dictating way. from fifteen years & upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn; but could only read and study a little; both for want of time; & on account of inflammation of the eyes. he however managed by the help of books to make himself tolerably well acquainted with common arithmetic; & surveying; which he practiced more or less after he was twenty years old. at a little past twenty years led by his own inclination & _prompted also_ by his father, he married a _remarkably plain_; but neat industrious & economical girl; of excellent character; earnest piety; & good practical common sense; about one year younger than himself. this woman, by her mild, frank, & _more than all else_: by her very consistent conduct; acquired & ever while she lived maintained a most powerful; & good influence over him. her plain but kind admonitions generally had the right effect; without arousing his hauty obstinate temper. john began early in life to discover a great liking to fine cattle, horses, sheep, & swine; & as soon as circumstances would enable him he began to be a practical _shepherd_: _it being_ a calling for which _in early_ life he had a kind of _enthusiastic longing_: with the idea that as a business it bid fair to afford him the means of carrying out his greatest or principle object. i have now given you a kind of general idea of the early life of this boy; & if i believed it would be worth the trouble; or afford much interest to any good feeling person: i might be tempted to tell you something of his course in after life; or manhood. i do not say that i _will do it_. you will discover that in using up my _half sheets to save paper_; i have written two pages, so that one does not follow the other as it should. i have no time to write it over; & but for unavoidable hindrances in traveling i can hardly say when i should have written what i have. with an honest desire for your best good, i subscribe myself, your friend, j. brown p. s. i had like to have forgotten to acknowledge your contribution in aid of the cause in which i serve. god allmighty _bless you_; my son. j. b. index abbott, maj. j. b., 143, 175, 219, 274, 279 adair, rev. s. l., 77, 108, 146, 152, 221, 234, 264, 273 adams, mrs. anne brown, quoted, 82, 290, 291, 292, 293 adams, henry, history of u. s., 353 alcott, amos b., 284, 396 alburtis, capt. e. g., 302, 306 alderman, amos, 160 allstadt, john h., 298, 300 anderson, capt. geo. t., u. s. army, 260 anderson, jeremiah goldsmith, capt. prov. army, 295; killed at harper's ferry, 312; quoted, 333, 387; 262, 269, 284, 285, 348 anderson, osborne p., colored, m. c., 250; private prov. army, 295; escaped from h. f., 305; 298 andrew, hon. john a., of boston, quoted, 397; 369 army of liberation, 343 arny, wm. f., quoted, 43, 82, 83, 188 artillery corps u. s. army, 392 astor house, n. y., 187 atchison, david r., u. s. senator, major general, 51, 52, 55, 65, 66, 69, 163, 174, 176 atlantic monthly, 16, 17, 359, 360 august, col. t. p., commands b.'s escort, 394 austin freeman, 160 avery, dr., 158 avis, capt. john, b.'s jailor, 302, 304, 382, 394 "b. e.," mrs., letter to b., 389; 404 bacon, cook & co., 214 baltimore american, quoted, 320 baltimore greys, 321 ball, a. m., master machinist at h. f., prisoner, 306 bank of wooster, 39 barber, thomas w., murdered, 69, 88 barbour, alfred w., 301 barnes, wm., letters from b., 211, 190 barrow, mr., killed turner's massacre, 362 baylor, col. robt. w., 307, 308, 309 beckham, fontaine, killed at h. f., 305; 312 bell, james m., colored, 248 belshazzar, 326 benjamin, jacob, at pottawatomie, 110; 20, 135, 159, 170, 172, 182 bernard, j. m., store robbed by b., 137 bickerton, capt. thomas w., 155, 158, 173 biggs, dr., 317 bishop, adam, 262 blair, charles, makes 1,000 spears for b., 223, 224 blair, montgomery, 370 blake, maj. george a. h., u. s. army. 237 black jack, battle of, 110, 135, 141, 144, 149, 157, 223, 403, 405 black warrior, 60 blakesley, levi, 44, 46 blunt, john, 114 blood, james, 156 boerly, thomas, killed at h. f., 302; 312 bolivar heights, 301, 303, 304, 328, 339 bondi, august, with brown in kansas, 136, 159, 160, 168, 170, 171, 172, 182 booth, edwin, 412 border ruffians, 81, 197, 199 boetler, hon. alexander r., b. not severely wounded at h. f., 414; 387 botts, capt., 302, 304 botts, lawson, 366, 369, 371, 372 brockett, w. b., lieut., 143, 277 brooks, paul r., 91, 211 brown, anne, daughter of b. (see adams), 286 brown, dianthe (lusk). b.'s first wife, 28 brown, frederick, son of b., killed at osawatomie, 170; 72, 136, 161, 165, 169, 171, 182 brown, frederick. b.'s bro., 47 brown, g. w., editor, 147, 211, 276 brown, jason, son of b., 45, 72, 116, 125, 144, 146, 159, 179, 182, 207, 405 brown, john (the name appears so frequently that a complete index would result in an epitome of the book: therefore, only pages containing the more important incidents are herein referred to), character not prejudged, 9; his principal biographers, 15; picturesque figure an historical myth, 26; birth, not a mayflower descendant, 27; successful as a tanner, 28; contractor, speculates in town-sites and farm lands, failure, fraudulent practices, 29; in jail at akron, o., 30; sportsman, breeds race horses, obtains money under false pretense, 31; letter concerning, 32; proceedings in bankruptcy, letters concerning, 33, 34; negotiates for 1,000 acres of land in va., 35, 36; shepherd in o., 36; perkins & brown wool merchants, springfield, mass., business methods lax, complaints, 37; ships wool to london, eng., heavy losses, in liquidation, sued for large sums, wine making for commercial purposes, 38; obtains land at north elba, n. y., extensive litigation, bad record, 39; penniless, thoughts of kansas, 40; religious belief problematical, 41, skeptical? 42; indifferent concerning the sabbath, a non-resistant, 43; summary of anti-slavery activities given, 44, 52; intended to become a southern planter, 52, letter concerning, did he intend to own slaves? 53; a dilemma for his biographers, 54; to kansas, collects money at syracuse, n. y., akron and cleveland, o., 75, 76; at osawatomie, in distress, 76; at free state election oct. 9, 78; not bellicose, 79; as he impressed mr. redpath, 80; as he impressed mr. villard, 80, 81; as he impressed his son salmon, 81; "his object in going to kansas," 82; intended to settle, his claim "jumped," 83; captain of the liberty guards, 86; shannon treaty satisfactory, 89; mythical speech, 90; not heard by redpath, 92; first and last appearance at a public meeting, 93; chairman district convention, 94; disbands liberty guards and plans to leave neighborhood, extreme poverty, 94; an ominous letter, desires recrudescence of pro-slavery aggressions, 97, 98; robbery and murder, 99, 114: exchanges stolen horses, 109; self, unmarried sons and henry thompson plan robbery and murder, 99; to go to louisiana, 111; his motives, 121; secrecy a characteristic, 124; grinding of sabers a myth, 125; motives not altruistic, 129; personality, 130; not a "misplaced crusader," 131; motives selfish, 135; midnight flight, 136; robbery, 137; his secret camp, 139; encouraged by redpath, sought for by capt. pate, joins forces with capt. shore, 140; captures pate at black jack, bands dispersed by col. sumner, 141; john e. cook a guest, 144; original company disbanded, 146; whereabouts unknown during fifty days, 147; stealing horses, 149, 150; profited by his operations, 151; forced to leave kansas, 152, 153; returns from nebraska, 154; not to fight, 155, 156; at lawrence, 158; to engage in robbery on a large scale, 159; captain of industry, 160; osawatomie a cattle raid, 161; refused to join lane for the defense of lawrence, 162; his "report" of osawatomie, 165, 167, 168; band not a military company, 169; in hiding, 170; end of get-rich-quick adventure, 171; abandoned son's body, 172; the loki of osawatomie, 173; well received at lawrence, 174; declined command of a company, 171; left lawrence to its fate, 176; secures congratulatory letters from gov. robinson by dissimulation, 177, 178; leaves kansas to work the east for large sums of money, files claim for losses, 181, 184; stores arms at tabor, 184; en route east collects money, 185; meets mr. sanborn and unfolds scheme to raise $30,000, cash, 185; in "green pastures," 186; discredits free state leaders, 187; asks national com. for $5,000 cash, speech, 188; disappointment, 190; asks mass. legislature for $100,000, speech, 191, 195; would have new york appropriate $100,000 for him, 196, 197; eulogized, 198, 199; advertises for contributions, 200, 201; contributions, value $30,000; works friends for $1,000, 202, 203; offers kansas leadership to gov. reeder, 204; shamming, 205, 206; contempt for the gullible, 207; works mrs. stearns, 207, 210; suggestive name for his make-believe troopers, 211; autobiography written for a special purpose, 212; destination conditional, 214; report to stearns, 215; failure of pretensions, 216; vocabulary intact, 217; hopes for "disturbance" nourished by lane, 219; brigadier-general, 220; in kansas but not to assist lane, 221; draft for $7,000, cancelled, to return east, 222; orders 1,000 spears, 223; meets hugh forbes, 224; plans conquest of southern states, 225, 226; a disunionist, 227; plans to seduce soldiery of union, duty of the soldier, 228; important use for spears, 230; a law unto himself, 231; wants money with no questions asked, 233; stranded at tabor, war college at ashtabula, o., 234; matriculates tyros in kansas, 236; opens war college at springdale, iowa, 238; drops forbes from pay-roll, 239; war council at gerrit smith's home, 244; a war committee, 245; not the "lord's champion," 247; constitutional convention, 248; adopts constitution for provisional government, commander-in-chief of provisional army, 249; collapse of exchequer, 253; menace to rear of communications, 254; gets control of ordinance stores, 255; campaign postponed, 258; in kansas, alias shubel morgan, orders a "doz. whistles," 259; roll of make-believe company, his real men arrive, 262; worked territory in pairs, 263; suffered from exposure, encouraged horse stealing, 265; drafted sugar mound treaty, 267; plans complete for missouri raid except as to date of execution, 268; the raid, 269, 272; sends slaves taken to osawatomie, 273; no published accounting or distribution of stolen property, recruited finances near lawrence, 274; conduct complained of by moneka clergyman, 276; details stevens and tidd to "replevin" pair of horses, 278; successful trip with slaves from kansas to canada, 278, 282; "battle of the spurs," 279; arrest not desired by dept. of justice, 282; never killed anybody, 284; revolution financed, 285; hd. qrs. near harper's ferry, 286; panic on bourse, 287; army mobilized, 289; muster roll, 294; forward movement, 296; occupies h. f., 297; declaration of intentions, 298; armed with sword of frederick and washington, 299; stops train b. & o. ry., 300; proclamation, this is the last train that shall pass, 301; the struggle, 302, 312; negroes fail to do their part, 303; refuses to surrender, 309; his position carried by assault, 310; wounded while bravely fighting, 311, 387; casualties, 312; interviews, 312, 320; military stores on hand, lodged in jail, 321; found sanborn deficient, 326; his intelligence discredited by biographers, assumptions of not justified, 328; not trifling nor baiting death for trifling purpose, 329; intended to arm slaves and defend position, 330; expected "negroes to rise and swell force to irresistible proportions," 332; plans approved unanimously, 333, 350; distributed 500 spears among negroes, 333, did not intend to retreat to fastness, believed he would write bloodiest chapter in history, 334; intended to equip an army at h. f. and invade south, disposition of his forces at h. f. consistent with theory of insurrection of slaves, 336; defied no canons, was not executing a raid, campaign serious, heroic and desperate, 337; dispositions at h. f. not violations of military principles, 338; to effect conquest of southern states and establish provisional government, believed slaves would assassinate masters and families and declare freedom, 341; hedged against treason, 342; believed insurrection in progress, blow to be most crushing he could deliver, 343; would shake slave system to foundation, assassination means to end, 344; would improve upon turner's methods, 345; seizure of h. f., stratagem, 347; colored military organizations to support, 348; project foreshadowed by anderson, 350; general orders no. 1, 351; collapse of scheme coincident with failure of assassinations, 355; if he and captains had led as turner led, weak link in chain of forecast, 356; overconfident of success; ship of state wrecked upon charted rock, vain to underestimate man or conspiracy, not a pioneer in the insurrection business, 357; placed upon trial, unseemly haste, 365; jurisdiction of federal courts not seriously considered--after "higher and wickeder game," 365; defiant speech, 366; trial a formality, 367; rejects plea of insanity, 369; directions to counsel, 371; denounces his counsel, 372; verdict guilty--received in respectful silence, 374; speech to the court--first paragraph discreditable, 375; sentence pronounced, 377; retracts statements made in speech to court--letter to andrew hunter concerning, 379; speech of oct. 25th characteristic of courage--that of nov. 2nd, of craftiness, as brave as crafty, 380; discourages attempts at rescue--had had surfeit of tragedies, 383; prevarication and craftiness characteristic of prison correspondence, 387-390; statement, 391; military pageant--soldier of the cross, 394; fame due to things done to him, and to things said about him--examples, 395, 399; honored by kansas, 399, 400; martyrdom a fiction, 400, 401; assault upon slavery means to end, first contemplated in 1857, grafting upon anti-slavery sentiment, 1855, 1859, 402, 403; rapacity distinguishing characteristic--deportment, coarse, brutal, vulgar, or saintly as suited purposes, 404; deceived by pate, 405; commercial and political plunger, 405, 406; will live in history as an adventurer, 407; ref. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24; letters to mad. e. b., 389; col. higginson, 381; dr. humphrey, 388; andrew hunter, 379; rev. theo. parker, 229; 234; mr. sanborn, 218, 238, 246, 268; mr. stearns, 215; mrs. stearns, 390; to wife et al, 77, 79, 84, 85, 86, 89, 95, 97, 107, 141, 165, 268, 269, 382, 385, 388 brown, john jr., letters, 73; capt. pottawatomie rifles, 98, 101; statement to sanborn, 108; knew about b.'s plans, 109; dismissed from pottawatomie rifles, 125; quits kansas, 179; 20, 30, 44, 45, 72, 94, 136, 144, 146, 182, 207, 243, 248, 323, 384, 405 brown, mary ann (day), b.'s second wife, 28; 381, 390, 392, 393 brown, oliver, stole horses in nebraska, 150; capt. prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 312; copy of his commission, 352; 76, 102, 136, 149, 183, 295, 337 brown, mrs. oliver, 286 brown, owen, b.'s father, 28 brown, owen, escaped from pottawatomie on "fast kentucky horse," 109; a "vile murderer," 127; treasurer, prov. gov., 250; capt. prov. army, 295; escaped from h. f., 312; 30, 72, 136, 146, 149, 182, 237, 262, 296, 302, 305, 336 brown, peter, windsor, conn., b.'s ancestor, 27 brown, reece, p., murdered, 69 brown, salmon, letter not war-like, 81; father intended to kill seven men, 111; letter, 119; wounded, 143; 21, 72, 102, 136, 149, 151, 182, 190, 265, 349 brown, sarah, daughter of b., quoted, 169 brown, s. b., 159 brown, terrance, prisoner at h. f., 303 brown, watson, son of b.; capt. prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 312; 85, 263, 289, 296, 303, 304, 336 browns, the, not fighting for freedom, 153 browne, peter, of the "mayflower," not b.'s ancestor, 27; 192 brua, joseph a., prisoner at h. f., 304, 306 buchanan, hon. james, president, 60, 279, 307 "buckskin," 158, 159 buford, maj. jefferson, quoted, 155; 106 burgess, john w., middle period, quoted, 66; 56 byrne, terence, 306, prisoner at h. f. cabot, dr. samuel, 186 cadet corps, va. mil. institute, 392 calhoun, hon. john c., 43, 56, 57 callender, w. h. d., cashier, 201 campbell, james w., sheriff, 393, 394 carpenter, a. o., at black jack, 136; 137, 146 carruth, james h., quoted, 127 cass, hon. lewis, 58 castile, a., 114 century magazine, 312 chambers, geo. w., 304 chadwick, rear admiral f. e., 255, 334 chamberlain, amos p., 29, 30 charleston mercury, 70 chicago tribune, 46 chilton, samuel, counsel for b., 369; 372, 373, 374, 375 clark, james freeman, 128 clay, henry, 59 cline, "capt," j. b., 160, 161, 166, 167, 168, 169 cochrane, b. l., at pottawatomie, 183; 20, 110 colby, deputy marshal, 279 colcock, hon. wm. f., 59 coleman, franklin, killed dow, 87 collamer, hon. jacob, mason com., 365 collis, mr., wounded at osawatomie, 167 committee, mass. state kans., 185, 187, 188, 195, 200, 203, 221, 256 committee, national, kans., 181, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 196, 203, 221, 265 committee, vigilance, 116, 221 committee, b.'s war, 245, 252, 254, 256, 325 conant, john, 202 congressional globe, 59 convention at chatham, canada, call, 248 conway, martin f., 187, 204, 211 cook, john e., with b. at pottawatomie, 20, 110; talked too much, 287; capt. prov. army, 295; hanged at charlestown, 305; 139, 144, 214, 235, 236, 253, 258, 286, 288, 292, 296, 298, 302, 321, 328, 331, 332, 333, 342, 393, 401 cooke, john w., 40, 44 cooke, lieut. col. philip st. george. u. s. army, 59 copeland, j. a. jr., colored; private prov. army, 295; hanged at charlestown, 305; 298, 337 coppoc, barclay, private, prov. army, 295; escaped from h. f., 292; 295, 296 coppoc, edwin, first lieutenant, prov. army, 295; hanged at charlestown, 305; 298, 306, 311 corcoran, w. w., 58 cracklin, capt. joseph, 152, 154, 175 crawford, geo. a., 276 crawford, brig. genl. s. w., 339 crittenden, hon. john c., 60 cruise, david, killed in mo. raid, 270; 272 cuba, pearl of the antilles, 60 currie, l. f., quoted, 331 dangerfield, j. e., at h. f., 306 daniels, jim, slave liberated by b. in mo. raid, 271 davis, mr., 138 davis, hon. jefferson, of miss. mason com., 60, 365 davis, william watson. ph.d., 10 day, charles, 28 day, mary anne, b.'s second wife, 28 day, orson, 93, 97 davenport, braxton, 366 dayton, capt. oscar v., 92, 101 de bow's review, 70 deitzler, geo. w., 147, 211 denver, james wilson, acting-governor of kansas ter., 260 denver, treaty, 260, 267 des moines register, 281 dixon, hon. archibald, of kentucky, 61 doolittle, hon. james r., of wis., mason com., 236, 365 dorsey, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 douglas, hon. stephen a., 58 douglas, frederick, 239, 240, 243, 248, 336, 349 dow, charles, murdered, 87 doyle, drury, murdered by b., 103 doyle, john, murdered by b., 99, 100, 102, 103 doyle, mrs. mahala, statement, 103 doyle, william, murdered by b., 103 edwards, sam, slave at southampton, 360 eighteenth conn. infty., 27 ellsworth, alfred m., colored. m. c., 250 elmore, rush, judge, 276 emancipation proclamation, 63 emerson, ralph waldo, 186, 199, 379, 380, 397 faquier cavalry, 392 fastness, "hill-top," myth, 328, 330, 332, 335, 338, 339, 340 fastness, "inaccessible," myth, 323, 339, 340 faulkner, hon. chas. j., 312, 366 fay, john w., 160 fitch. hon. g. n. of ind. mason com., 365 floyd, hon. john b., secy. of war, 288, 289 forbes, col. hugh, soldier of fortune, 224; not a drill master, 226; his letters to b. suppressed, 242; 225, 227, 228, 229, 231, 232, 234, 235, 238, 239, 240, 241, 254, 256, 285, 341, 342, 347, 356, 358, 400, 401, 406 frazee, lieut. noah, 160 frederick the great, 299, 300, 332, 388 frothingham, octavius b., quoted, 353, 355 fugitive slave law, 48 gabriel, "general," slave, insurrection of sept., 1800, 358 galt house, h. f., 304 garibaldi, 224, 225 garnett, rev. henry h., colored, 248 garrett, john w., prest. b. & o. r. rd. co. 301 garrett, thomas, underground railroad, 52 garrison, william lloyd, quoted, 362; 45, 186, 187 garrison, david, killed at osawatomie, 166 gaudeloupe hidalgo, treaty of, 57 gaylord, daniel c., 29, 40 geary, genl. john w., gov. k. t., 69, 70, 174, 176, 184 gileadites, u. s. league of, 48, 50 gill, geo. b., sec. treas. prov. gov., 250; letter not heretofore published, 130; 259, 262-266 inc., 269, 270, 271, 278, 292, 342, 348, 404, 406 gilpatrick, r., 114 glenn, john p., 160 gloucester, dr. j. n., colored, 247 goliath-american, 80 godel, john, 159 golden rule, 199, 344 golding, r., chairman, 114 grant, ulysses s., 398 gray, mr., turner's confessor, 362 greeley, horace, 224, 232 grinnell, josiah b., 282 green, israel, lieut. u. s. marine corps, 308, 309, 310, 320, 321 green, shields, colored, private prov. army, 295; hanged at charlestown, 305, 311 green, thomas g., counsel for b., 366, 369, 371, 372 griswold, hiram, counsel for b., 369, 370, 372, 373 grover, capt. joel, 156, 158 grover, mr., entertains b. near lawrence, 274 gue, david j., author of letter to floyd, 289 "h" co. 7th south carolina, 340 hairgrove, wm., 262 hale, hon. john p., u. s. senator, n. h., 255 hamilton, chas. a., massacre of free state men, 260 hamilton, thomas s., testimony, 137 hammond, c. g., supt. mich. southern ry., 282 hammond, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 hamtrack guards, 302 hand, t. h., 152 harding, chas. b., counsel for prosecution of b., 373 harris, james, testimony, 104 harris, wm. b., 159 harvey, maj. james a., 157, 173 haskell, genl. w. a., 174 hauser, samuel, 160 hawse, alexander g., 163, 170 hazlett, albert, capt. prov. army, 295; hanged at charlestown, 305; 262, 264, 265, 270, 292, 298, 336, 393 hayward, shepherd, colored, killed at h. f., 300, 301, 335 heywood (hayward), 316 herald of freedom, 91, 93, 275 hicklan, harvey b., home plundered by b., 270; statement, 271, 272 higgins, patrick, 300, 335 higgins, hon. william, quoted, 164 higginson, col. thomas wentworth, member of b.'s war com., 254; 51, 52, 185, 217, 244, 257, 325, 381, 397 hinton, richard j., author, 17, 26, 130, 228, 235, 264, 342, 384 hinton papers, 130, 348 history of iowa, gue, 289 holliday, c. k., 211 holmes, "capt." j. h., 160, 161, 162, 170, 171, 172, 179, 213, 214, 235 holt, james h., h. f., 305 homyr, t., 262 hooper, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 howard, hon. w. a., chairman, 100; report quoted, 103, 104, 105, 137, 138 howe, dr. saml. g., member of b.'s war com., 254; 186, 240, 242, 245, 255, 257, 325, 347, 353, 355, 384 hoyt, major david s., murdered, 62 hoyt, geo. h., counsel for b., and spy, 368; 370, 372, 383, 385 humphrey, rev. dr. luther, 388 hunter, andrew, special counsel for va., 312; quoted, 330, 367; 365, 368, 371, 373, 374, 375, 393, 416 hunter, harry, at h. f., 304 hurd, h. b., secy. nat. kan. com., 188, 266 hurlbut, mr., 78 hugo, victor, quoted, 398 hyatt, thaddeus, 245, 353 ingalls, hon. john james, quoted, 397; 399 irwin, mr., 304 jackson, prof. thomas j., 339, 392 jackson, col. zadock, 70 jackson, patrick tracy, 186 jamison, quartermaster genl., 220 jefferson guards, 301, 303 jennison, col. chas. h., 264, 269, 281, 293, 384 johnson, william savage, ph.d., 10 johnston, col. joseph e., 69, 175, 176 jones, john t. (ottawa), 101, 194 kagi, john h., secy. of war, 249, 352; capt. prov. army, 295, 298; "bravest of the brave," 329; killed at h. f., 305; 235, 236, 259, 262, 263, 264, 269, 277, 278, 281, 284, 285, 287, 288, 297, 337, 342, 349, 401 kaiser, charles, 139, 160 kansas conflict, quoted, 277 kansas crusade, quoted, 65, 71 kansas hist. coll., 117 kansas hist soc., 130, 189, 209 kansas house of representatives, resolution concerning statue of b., 400 kellogg, george, agt., 33, 35 kendall, archibald, 214 kennedy, dr. b., deceased, 286 kennedy farm, b.'s headquarters, 286; abandoned, 331; 290, 291, 296, 305, 321, 327 kidd, captain, his treasure chest, 341; 230, 407 king, rev. h. d., 42, 280 kitzmiller. a. m., at h. f., 301, 304 knipe, col. joseph f., 46th pa., 339 lafayette artillery, richmond, va., 362 lane, genl. james h., 90, 91, 92, 154, 155, 158, 162, 163, 173, 211, 219, 220, 264 lane, m. d., 160 larue, john, home plundered by b., 270, 272 lawrence, amos a., quoted, 186; 202, 218 lawrence republican, kansas, 276 learnard, col. o. e., 156, 211 leather and manufacturers bank of new york, 39 leavenworth times, 279 leavitt, rev. joshua, 224 leary, l. s., colored, private prov. army, 295; mortally wounded at h. f., 305; 298, 337 le barnes, j. w., activities in behalf of b., 368, 383, 385 lee, lieut. col. robert e., u. s. army, famous in world's history, 392; declined command of cuban expedition, 60; in command of u. s. troops at h. f., 308, 309, 312; at charlestown, va., 392 leeman, william h., characteristic letter, 288; capt. prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 304; 236, 292, 293, 302, 303, 304, 305 lenhart, charles, 20, 110, 139 liberty guards, 20, 21, 98, 116, 120, 121 lincoln, hon. abraham, 380, 398 lincoln sailors and soldiers national monument association, statue of b., 400 little, j. h., killed at ft. scott, 269 little hornet (holmes), 214, 215, 222, 235 longreen, j. w., colored, 248 lopez, narcisso, expedition against cuba, garroted, 60 loring, major, command of infantry in b.'s escort, 394 loudoun valley, va., 336 loudoun heights, not inaccessible, 339 lusk, miss dianthe, b.'s first wife, 28 mccabe, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 mcdow, w. c., 114 mcgee, clyde, panegyric on b., 398; criticism, 399 mclaren, e. c., 86 mcmaster, 56 mckim, mrs., with mrs. b. at h. f., 392 mckim, j. m., 392 mansfield, major general joseph k., killed at antietam, 339 manual of the patriotic volunteer, stratagem, 341 martin, hugh, home plundered, 270 marcy, hon. wm. l., secy. of state, 60 maryland heights, md., not inaccessible, 338, 339 mason, hon. j. m., u. s. senator, va., chairman, 312, 313, 314, 356, 365 mason report, 42, 82, 83, 188, 200, 224, 236, 242, 249, 255, 256, 288, 300, 309, 312, 321, 330, 331, 342, 352, 365, 369, 378, 394, 404, 417 mason, dr., 374 massachusetts arms co., 203, 317 massachusetts emigrant aid co., 64, 203 massasoit house, springfield, mass., 202 massachusetts legislature, committee addressed by b., 192-195; 106, 181, 184, 191, 405 maxon, wm., lodges the tyros, 238 mass. society of mayflower descendants, 27 mayflower, the, 27, 191, 192, 431 medary, gov. samuel, 276, 279 mendenhall, richard, quoted, 161; 92 meriam, francis j., private, prov. army, 295; gives b. $600, 290; escapes from h. f., 305; 296, 342 mickel, john, 262 mills, dr. lucius, b.'s nephew, 150, 182 mills, owen, 32 mills, lieut. col. s. s., 321 miller, john, testimony, 138 miller, william, 160 missouri compromise, 55, 61 moffet, charles w., a tyro, 236; 235 monroe, s., alias used by b., 285 montgomery, james, 259, 260, 262, 266, 267, 269, 276, 405 morgan, shubel, alias used by b., 257, 261, 262, 276 moore, e., 348 moore, eli, quoted, 117 morris, academy, 42 morse, john f., jr., quoted, 17; 18, 27 morton, edward, 246, 355 murphy, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 napoleon, 237, 238, 407 negro race in america, williams, 346, 358, 361 neighbors, the. thayer to b., 211 newby, dangerfield, colored, private, prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 304; 337 new england woolen co., defrauded by b., 33; 31, 405 north american review, 374 new york courier and inquirer, 61 new york herald, 71, 316, 320 new york legislature, 181, 196, 405 new york tribune, 65, 70, 138, 147, 200, 224 northampton woolen mills co., 37, 38 norton, charles eliot, quoted, 16 oberlin college, 35, 39, 45 "old brown's farewell," 404 oliver. hon. m. n., m. c. from mo., 100 onthank, nathan b., 353 oregon boundary question, 56 organized emigration, 64, 65 osawatomie, battle of, reid's official report, 164, his estimate of, 169; 157, 165, 168 osawatomie state park, battle field, 399 ostend manifesto, 61 oviatt, heman, 30, 36 parker, judge richard, presides at b.'s trial, 367, 372, 374, 377 parker, rev. theodore, knew what b.'s purposes were at h. f., 353; quoted, 353; member of b.'s war committee, 257; encomium, 397; 187, 206, 207, 208, 229, 243, 325 parsons, luke f., in osawatomie cattle raid, 159; tyro, 236; 156, 168, 169, 235, 342 partridge, miss mary, 384 partridge, william, in osawatomie cattle raid, 159; 262 partridge, george w., killed at osawatomie, 167; 169 pate, capt. henry clay, pursues b., 140; surrenders to b. at black jack, 143; deceived b., 405; 135, 139, 141, 145, 223, 403 peace society, boston, addressed by gerrit smith, 257; 275 perkins, simon, jr., opinion of b., 37; 36 perkins and brown, irregular methods of, 37; losses, liquidation and litigation, 38, 39 peter the apostle, a militant, 389; 293 petersburg dragoons, 362 phelps, n. b., in osawatomie cattle raid, 159 phelps, conductor of b. & o. train, 300, 301, 330, 342 phillips, wendell, encomium, 396; 186 phillips, william a., 83, 147, 211, 213 "pickles" in b.'s mo. raid, 264 pierce, j. j., colored, 348 pinkerton, allen, 282 pleasant valley, md., 336 pomeroy, hon. samuel c., 89 pottawatomie, the, 19, 20, 22, 23, 111, 113, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 125, 126, 129, 133, 135, 139, 140, 147, 152, 159, 171, 182, 183, 190, 198, 236, 271, 343, 344 pottawatomie rifles, organized to release b. from command of liberty guards, 98; b. not member of, 132; john b., jr., deposed from command, 125; 20, 21, 101, 107, 126 porter, henry, slave, southampton, 360 powers, mr., killed at osawatomie, 167 poyes, peter, slave, enlisted 600 slaves, 359 prairie city rifles, 140, 160 preston, william j., deputy u. s. marshal, 144 price, c. h., president of meeting at osawatomie, 114 provisional army, gen. order no. 1, 351; casualties of at h. f., 312; 234, 286, 343, 352 provisional constitution and ordinances, appendix; written by b., 243; copies at h. f., 342; 248, 249, 250 provisional government, 254; jurisdiction of to be established over southern states. 227, 329, 341; 130, 227, 234, 249, 251, 289, 290, 330, 347, 401 quick, william, in osawatomie cattle raid, 160 quinn, luke, u. s. marine corps, killed at h. f., 312; 416 quitman, gen. john a., expedition against cuba, 60 realf, richard, secy. of state, prov. govt., 250; 235, 236, 249, 254, 287, 342 recollections of seventy years, sanborn, 82, 396 redpath, james, b.'s first biographer, 15; criticism by charles eliot norton, 16; meets brown, 138; b.'s intentions at h. f., 323; knew how b. intended to assail the slave power, 342; quoted, 92, 93, 110, 139, 192, 332, 357, 375, 395; criticism, 82, 122, 195, 335 reece, mr., killed, southampton massacre, 362 reeder, andrew h., territorial governor of kansas, 67, 204 reid, genl. john w., report battle of osawatomie, 164; "driving out a flock of quail," 170; 163, 168, 169, 174 reynolds, r., in osawatomie cattle raid, 160 reynolds, g. j., colored, negro military organization, 348 revere house, boston, 257, 258 rhodes, james ford, 60, 61 rice, benjamin, 269 richmond enquirer, 362 richardson, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 richardson, richard, colored, 236 ritchie, col. john, at "battle of the spurs," 279 robinson, charles, "no greater hero," 55; challenged the logic of the revolver and bowie-knife, quoted, 67; free state governor, 68; speech, wakarusa war, 91; six cheers for, 92; justifies b., 115; invites him to call, 176; writes congratulations to b., also recommendation, 177; discredited in the east by b., 187; congratulations to b. guarded, 200; revolution in kansas, 225; denver treaty, 260; 10, 46, 63, 66, 69, 90, 204, 211, 213, 222 robinson, mrs. sara t. d., memory of. 7; wife to charles robinson, 10 roosevelt, hon. theodore, dedicates osawatomie state park, 399 ross, "betsy," 290 root, dr. j. p., 184 roving editor, 15 rupert, private, marine, wounded at h. f., 312 russell, judge thomas, 186, 205, 208, 368, 369 russell, major w. w., paymaster marine corps, in the assault at h. f., 416 salathiel, john, in osawatomie cattle raid, 159 sanborn, franklin benjamin, author, life and letters of john brown, 15; criticism by john f. morse, jr., 17; suppressed b.'s letter of june 12, 1839, concerning his intentions to defraud the new england woolen co., 34; abridgement of b.'s letter apr. 27, 1840, from ripley, va. not satisfactory, 53; assumptions concerning b.'s anti-slavery activities not justified by his published letters, 82; exposition of pottawatomie incident disingenuous, 122; secy. mass. state kan. com., 185; promotes measure to secure appropriation of $100,000 for b., address before com., 191; pilgrimage to easton, pa. with b., 204; a disunionist, letter to higginson, 217, 218; member of b.'s war committee, 245; sends b. $50.00, 263; active to effect b.'s escape from prison, 385; encomium, 396; quoted, 34, 37, 154, 155, 185, 224, 225, 247, 250, 254, 256, 257, 258, 325-326. 346; criticism, 53, 109, 123, 154, 247, 325, 326; references of minor importance omitted saunders fort, 155, 156 san domingo, 26, 346, 353 sandy hook, md., 286, 308, 336 schouler, 61, 251 scott, capt., va. cavalry, 394 scott, general winfield, u. s. army, 60 sebastian, st., 17 siebert, w. h., quoted, 330 seward, hon. william h., u. s. senator from n. y., 54, 63, 239, 255 shannon treaty, 106 shannon, wilson, ter. gov. of kan., 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 176 sharpsburg, md., 336 shepherdstown troop, 302 sheridan, mrs., 235 sherman, henry, bro. of william, to have been murdered at pottawatomie, 99, 102, 109, 159 sherman, william, murdered by brown, 99, 103 shermans, henry and william, 112 sherrod, mr., killed in kansas, 157, 319 shombre, capt. samuel, killed at ft. titus, 156; 158 shoppert, a. g., killed leeman, 304 shore, capt. s. t., joins b.'s party at black jack, 140; 101, 137, 142, 143, 145, 160, 163 shriver, col., at h. f., 308 sill, william, colored, 248 sinn, captain, interviews b., 307 smith, gerrit, gives 120,000 acres of land to negroes, 38; conclave at his home, 244; would fight the u. s., 245; member of war com., 254; orator for peace society of boston, and presides as chairman of b.'s war com., 257; knew what b.'s purposes at h. f. were, 354; quoted, 224, 245, 353; contributions, 75, 215, 218, 245, 263, 255, 287; 46, 75, 108, 181, 203, 218, 232, 248, 287, 316, 344, 355 smith, i. and sons, alias of b., 285 smith, rev. stephen, colored, 248 smith, w. p., master of transportation b. & o. r. rd., 301 snyder, elias, 262 snyder, john h., 262 snyder, simon, 262 soldier of the cross, 393 soldier of fortune, 326 southampton massacre, 362 southampton regiment, 362 south carolina, insurrection, 358 south carolina courier, 70 spooner, lysander, would kidnap gov. wise, 384 spring, l. w., quoted, 101 squatter sovereignty, 49, 50, 61, 63, 64 standish, miles, 191, 192 stark, "mollie," 290 starry, dr. john d., 301 statuary hall, washington, d. c., 399, 400 st. bernard, village, 138 stearns, george luther, entertains b., 187; gives b. $7,000; seeks to have n. y. leg. appropriate $100,000 for b.; member of b.'s war com., 254; recalls check for $7,000, 221; letters, 196, 204; 186, 203, 208, 209, 211, 212, 218, 233, 244, 257, 266, 325, 352, 384, 431 stearns, mrs. george luther, statement, 207, 390, 404, 405 stearns, henry l., 212, 431 stephens, hon. alexander h., quoted, 59 stevens, aaron d., alias charles whipple, captures 80 horses, 173; private of vols. in mexico; private 1st dragoons; assaults an officer; sentenced to death; sentence commuted; col. 2nd regt. free-state army, 236, 237; in charge of war college, 238; with b. in kansas, 262; commands division in mo. raid, 269; killed cruise, quoted, 270; with tidd steals span of horses, 278; not an ideal christian character, 293; capt. prov. army, 295, 298; "bravest of the brave," 329; wounded at h. f., 304; hanged at charlestown, 305; "hard headed american," 329; military leader, 342; 226, 272, 289, 299, 312, 315, 365, 401 stevenson, samuel, 262 stewart, geo. h., maj. genl., 302 stewart, james, 384 stratton, h., 155 strider, samuel, summoned b. to surrender, 307 stringfellow, genl. b. f., 66, 174 stribbling, dr., 370 stuart, lieut. j. e. b., volunteer aid to lee at h. f., 308; 309, 310, 312, 314 stultz, capt., 157 sugar mound treaty, 267, 269 sumner, col. e. v., 141, 144, 145, 239, 279 sussex regiment, 362 taft, hon. william howard, 55 taliaferro, maj. genl. w. b., in command at charlestown, va., 391 tappan, arthur, donates land to oberlin college, 45 tator, cyrus, in osawatomie cattle raid, 160 taylor, stewart, private, prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 312; 303, 336 teesdale, john, editor, des moines register, 281 thayer, eli, hero, 55; organized mass. emigrant aid company, 64; quoted, 66; purchases 200 revolvers for b., 204; letter to b., "the neighbors," 210; 63, 65, 205, 276 thompson, dauphin, first lieutenant prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 312; 289, 292 thompson, henry, b.'s son-in-law, 41; member of the "little company of six," 102, 107; plans dependent upon b.'s until "school is out," 99, 116; wounded at black jack, 143; stealing horses, 149; a kansas sufferer, 182; 76, 78, 94, 111, 118, 119, 121, 124, 136, 146, 153, 171 thompson, ruth brown, 41 thompson, william, steals horses in nebraska, 150; capt. prov. army, 295; killed at h. f., 304; 153, 289, 294, 297, 302, 303, 337, 372 thoreau, henry d., quoted, 198, 396; 186 tidd, charles p., tyro, 236; in the mo. raid, 270; steals span of horses, 278; captain prov. army, 295; escaped from h. f., 305; 220, 221, 259, 262, 266, 289, 297, 298 tilden, judge daniel r., 368, 369, 372 titus, col. h. t., wounded at ft. titus, 158; 156, 157, 158 titus, fort, battle of, 156 todd, rev. john, refuses to pray for b., 280, 281 toombs, hon. robert, u. s. senator from georgia, 58 topeka daily capital, 9 toussaint l'ouverture, 249, 357 townsley, james, confession concerning the pottawatomie murders, 101, 103; at black jack, 136; 98, 99, 126 tracy, john t., ry. supt., 282 travis, hark, slave, turner's massacre, 360 travis, joseph, killed, turner's massacre, 361, 362 tucker, captain, 157 tubman, mrs. harriet, 248 turner, geo. w., killed at h. f., 305, 312 turner, mrs., killed, turner's massacre, 362 turner, nat, slave, insurrection of 1831, 360-362; 356, 357, 358, 404 tyndall, hector, 392 underground railroad, safety-valve of slavery, 346; 51, 330 updegraff, dr. william w., wounded at osawatomie, 164, 168, 169 united states gazette, 359 unseld, john c., testimony concerning b.'s intentions at h. f., 330; 386, 320 vallandigham, hon. clement l., m. c. from ohio, quoted, 357, 402; 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 399, 416 vandaman, s. v., 114 varney, moses, revealed b.'s plans, 289 vaughn, mr., killed, turner's insurrection, 362 vesey, denmark, slave, insurrection in south carolina, 359 virginia, two slave insurrections, 358 villard, oswald garrison (since references to mr. villard's book occur so frequently only the more important of them have been indexed), b.'s latest biographer, 15; pledges fidelity to his subject, 18; criticism concerning, 18-25 inc.; b. not mayflower descendant, 27; eulogium concerning b. and his motive for going to kansas, 80-81; criticism of, 81-85; imposed upon by salmon b. and henry thompson, 118; seeks justification for b.'s crime at pottawatomie, 120; suppressed b.'s letter of april 7, 1856, 123; criticism concerning, 123; contradicts authenticated history concerning an important fact, 124; criticism concerning, 124-125; assumes that b.'s motives for robbery and murder were unselfish, criticism, 127; summary of conclusions concerning pottawatomie, 127-129; criticism, 129-234; exposition of b.'s life "in the bush" disingenuous, 147-148; criticism, 148-150; testimony conflicting as to whether b. was in the fighting around lawrence in aug. 1856; criticism, 156-157; concerning b.'s osawatomie cattle raid, 160-161; concerning the battle at osawatomie, 164, 168; criticism, 169; disingenuous concerning death of frederick b., 170-171; criticism, 171; disingenuous concerning b.'s actions after osawatomie, criticism, 172; mystery of b.'s delay at tabor, criticism, 217; concerning hugh forbes, 225; exposition of constitution and ordinances, theory of b.'s intentions concerning h. f., 251-252; criticism, 252-253; logic of exposition, 271; no constructive work to b.'s credit, 278; b.'s battle-worn kansas cap, 296; criticism, 296-297; harper's ferry references, 299 to 309; b.'s wounds not serious, 311; personal conceptions of b.'s plans at h. f., and criticism of b. because he failed to execute them, 327-328; criticism, 327-340; concerning b.'s speech which "thrilled the world," 377; criticism, 278-380; when b. first conceived his greatest or principal object in life not an idle question, 402; criticism, 402-403; quoted, 33, 35, 36, 37, 46, 54, 76, 80, 90, 100, 106, 146, 149, 150, 152, 159, 160, 162, 163, 175-176, 179, 185, 187, 198, 219, 224, 228, 235, 236, 259, 260, 273, 278, 329, 332, 345, 365; criticism, 46, 47, 90-91, 118, 153, 178; references, 29, 30, 39, 44, 99, 200, 207, 218, 227, 263, 267, 270, 271, 281, 283, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 295, 301, 320, 346, 348, 349, 357, 363, 364, 368, 370, 372, 381, 384, 387, 392, 393, 394, 398 von holst, 58, 59, 61, 62, 106, 301 wadsworth, tertius, 31 wager house, h. f., 302 walker, col. samuel, 154, 156, 157, 158 waller, mrs., killed, turner's massacre, 362 walsh, hon. hugh s., acting-governor of kansas ter., 267 war college, 235, 342 "ward, artemus," quoted, 283 ware, eugene f., "ironquill," 341 washington, col. lewis t., 298, 299, 300, 302, 310, 312, 318 washington, george, 237, 299 watertown reformer, n. y., 127 wattles, augustus, 83, 176, 262, 272, 273, 274, 404 webster, hon. daniel, 58, 59 weiner, theodore, 20, 102, 103, 109, 110, 124, 136, 146 wells, mrs., armorer at h. f., 306 wells, joseph, 31 wheelan, daniel, prisoner at h. f., 297, 298, 329 whipple, charles, alias of stevens, 237 whitaker, prof. william asbury, 10 whitehead, mrs., killed, turner's insurrection, 362 white, horace, asst. secy. nat. kan. com., 189, 190 white, rev. martin, 167, 170, 171 whitfield, brig. genl. j. w., 174 whitman, e. b., 182, 184, 191, 219, 220, 221, 259, 265 whittier, j. g., 95 wild, jonathan, 407 wilder, d. w., correspondence with author, 411 wilkinson, hon. allen, murdered by b., 99, 102 wilkinson, mrs. allen, testimony, 104 will, slave, turner's insurrection, 361 williams, mr., killed, turner's insurrection, 362 williams, captain h. h., pottawatomie rifles, 114, 125 williams, j., killed, turner's insurrection, 362 williams, nelson, slave, turner's insurrection, 360 williams, william, prisoner, h. f., 296, 298 wilmot, proviso, 57 wilson, hon. henry, u. s. senator from mass., 239, 254, 255, 256 wilson, joseph e., in the assault on engine house at h. f., 9 wimsett, farm, 269 wise, hon. henry a., gov. of va., 302, 308, 312, 319, 320, 330, 367, 370, 378, 380, 384, 391, 392, 416 wise, o. jennings, 309 wood, a. p., 279 wood, captain thomas j., u. s. army, 173 wood, fernando of new york, 380 wood, samuel n., 147, 211 woodward, b. w., 211 woolet, mr., wounded at h. f., 312 wright, judge j. w., 260 young, mr., wounded at h. f., 31 footnotes: [1] redpath, _roving editor_, 300. [2] atlantic monthly. march, 1860. [3] atlantic monthly. [4] panegyrics or eulogies on brown would more accurately describe these writings. [5] villard, 170. [6] sanborn, 236. [7] villard, vii. [8] sanborn, 230. [9] villard, 673. [10] villard, 148. [11] _ibid._ [12] sanborn, 240. [13] villard, 335. [14] hinton, _john brown and his men_, 66. [15] villard, 10. [16] villard, 591, _note_ 6. [17] villard, 26. [18] _ibid_. [19] villard, 28. [20] villard, 38. [21] for a full account of this, see villard, 37-41. [22] sanborn, 69. [23] villard, 37. [24] villard, 30. [25] villard, 30. [26] sanborn, 55. [27] sanborn, 56. [28] villard, 31. [29] now in doddridge and tyler counties, west virginia. [30] villard, 31. [31] villard, 32-33. [32] villard, 34. [33] sanborn, 64. [34] for an interesting account of this transaction, see sanborn, 67-68. [35] villard, 63. [36] villard, 64-66. [37] sanborn, 78. [38] villard, 36-37. [39] villard, 84. [40] villard, 76. [41] brown relates: "from fifteen to twenty years old, he spent most of his time at the tanner & currier's trade keeping bachelor's hall; & he officiating as cook; & for most of the time as foreman of the establishment under his father. during this time he found much trouble with some of the bad habits i have mentioned:... but his close attention to _business_; & success in its management; together with the way he got along with a company of men & boys made him quite a favorite;... from fifteen years and upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn; but could only read & study a little; both for want of time; & on account of inflamation of the eyes. he however managed by the help of books to make himself tolerably well acquainted with common arithmetic; & surveying: which he practiced more or less after he was twenty years old."--appendix. iv. [42] villard, 299. [43] sanborn, 614. [44] sanborn, 46. [45] villard, 236. [46] _mason report_, 72. testimony of wm. f. arny. [47] villard, 18, and sanborn, 35. [48] villard, 45. [49] _ibid._ [50] villard, 45. [51] villard, 43-44. [52] villard, 659-661. [53] sanborn, 127. [54] sanborn, 124-125. [55] sanborn, 132. [56] villard, 48. [57] redpath, 64. [58] sanborn, 134. [59] villard, 48. [60] schouler, vol. iv, 251. [61] burgess, 302. [62] mcmaster, vol. vi, 481. [63] burgess, 290. [64] _twenty years of congress_, vol. ii, 50. [65] von holst, vol. iii, 479. [66] douglas's speech at cincinnati, september 9, 1859. [67] w. w. corcoran sent mr. webster a check for $10,000 as an expression of thanks and recognition for his speech on this occasion.--von holst, vol. iii, 503. [68] _congressional globe_. 31st cong., 1 sen., 28. [69] von holst, vol. iii, 472. [70] von holst, vol. iii, 482. [71] rhodes, vol. i, 217. [72] rhodes, vol. ii, 33. [73] rhodes, vol. ii, 37. [74] von holst, vol. iv, 61. [75] von holst, vol. iv, 322. [76] the passing off of this obscuration was "hastened and secured" by the initiative of eli thayer and charles robinson. under the able leadership of the latter, the political control of kansas territory passed into the hands of the free-state men at the elections in october, 1857. [77] thayer, _kansas crusade_, 232. [78] burgess, _middle period_, 471-472. [79] sanborn, 248. [80] new york _weekly tribune_, february 22, 1856. [81] de bow's _review_, august, 1856. [82] south carolina _courier_, july 5, 1856. [83] charleston (s. c.) _mercury_. august 5, 1856. [84] _ibid._, january, 1858. [85] new york _herald_, january, 1858. [86] _kansas crusade_, 110. [87] sanborn, 157. [88] villard, 83. [89] villard, 83-84. [90] villard, 85. [91] villard, 88. [92] villard, 108. [93] redpath, 81-82. [94] villard, 77. [95] sanborn, 198. [96] sanborn's _recollections of seventy years_, 152. [97] _mason report_, 86. testimony of wm. f. arny. [98] _mason report_, 225. testimony of augustus wattles. [99] _mason report_, 75. [100] sanborn, 397. [101] sanborn, 203. [102] sanborn, 217. [103] villard, 123. [104] copy in possession of mr. paul brooks, lawrence, kansas. [105] redpath, 103. [106] redpath, 104. [107] _herald of freedom_, december 15, 1855. [108] villard, 127. [109] _ibid._ [110] sanborn, 222. [111] villard, 31. [112] villard, 136. [113] sanborn, 237, _note_ 3. [114] villard, 158. [115] villard, 159. [116] villard, 545. [117] l. w. spring in his _history of kansas_ says of him on page 138: "whatever else may be laid to his charge--whatever rashness, unwisdom, equivocation, bloodiness--no faintest trace of self-seeking stains his kansas life." [118] _howard report_, 1175. [119] _howard report_, 1179. [120] _howard report_, 1177. [121] villard, 171. [122] sanborn, 373, and redpath, 184. [123] von holst, 301. [124] sanborn, 236. [125] italicised by the author. [126] "in the original something has been effaced and this note seems to have been appended: 'there are but very few who wish the real facts about these matters to go out.' then is inserted the date 'june 26' as below."--sanborn, 237. [127] sanborn, 275. [128] sanborn, 271. [129] villard, 175. [130] sanborn, 241. [131] villard, 338. [132] sanborn, 296, _note_ 2. [133] salmon brown died in california during the fall of 1912. [134] villard, 158. [135] sanborn, 272. [136] kansas farmers usually own from twelve to forty head of horse stock. [137] villard, 168. [138] villard, 610, _note_, 54. [139] _kansas historical collections_, vol. xii, 345. [140] villard, 156. [141] _ante_, _note_ 90. [142] _post_, page 138. [143] sanborn, 261. [144] villard, 170. [145] villard, 176. [146] sanborn, 237. [147] villard, 153. [148] villard, 152. [149] villard, 151. [150] _ibid._ [151] it has heretofore been supposed that john brown's career of violence began with the tragedies on the pottawatomie. [152] villard, 153. [153] villard, 165. [154] villard, 185-188. [155] sanborn, 388. [156] kansas historical society, _hinton papers_. [157] sanborn, 293. [158] sanborn, 298. [159] _howard report_. testimony of thomas s. hamilton. [160] _howard report_, 1178. [161] redpath received the information, probably, from either john e. cook or charles lenhart. [162] redpath, 112. [163] the character of salmon's wound and the nature of the exploit on which he was engaged when he received it, have not been made public. [164] villard, 210. [165] villard, 167. [166] villard, 210. [167] villard, 220. [168] villard, 222. [169] villard, 222. [170] villard, 673. [171] villard, 222. [172] villard, 616, _note_ 68. [173] sanborn, 336. [174] villard, 228. [175] villard, 235. [176] villard, 616, _note_ 64. [177] sanborn, 336. [178] sanborn, 314. [179] villard, 673. [180] villard, 231. [181] sanborn, 308. [182] villard, 231. [183] villard, 235. [184] redpath, 285, and sanborn, 569, but omitted by mr. villard from his narrative. [185] villard, 235. [186] villard, 622. [187] villard, 235. [188] villard, 235. [189] villard, 622. [190] villard, 238. [191] villard, 238. [192] villard, 239. [193] villard, 246. [194] letter to the author, date, june 29, 1912. [195] villard, 243. [196] sanborn, 317. [197] sanborn, 318. [198] sanborn, 291. [199] villard, 239. [200] sanborn, 322. [201] villard, 246. [202] villard, 247. [203] villard, 234. [204] villard, 242. [205] villard, 224. [206] villard, 246. [207] villard, 235. [208] hinton, _john brown and his men_, 696. [209] villard, 254. [210] villard, 756. [211] villard, 260. [212] villard, 254. [213] villard, 258. [214] villard, 257. [215] villard, 673. [216] sanborn, 330. [217] villard, 262. [218] villard, 261. [219] sanborn, 241. [220] villard, 271. [221] _ibid._ [222] villard, 272. [223] _mason report_, 245. testimony of h. b. hurd. [224] original in files of kansas historical society. [225] villard, 276. [226] _ibid._ [227] sanborn, 370. [228] redpath, 177-184. [229] sanborn, 386. [230] villard, 274. [231] sanborn, 503. [232] sanborn, 501. [233] _mason report_, 229. [234] villard, 614. [235] sanborn, 379. [236] sanborn, 379. [237] villard, 279. [238] villard, 281. [239] villard, 282. [240] villard, 287. [241] sanborn, 512. [242] _ibid._ [243] villard, 86. [244] villard, 630, _note_ 20. [245] sanborn, 509-510. [246] sanborn, 508. [247] sanborn, 418. [248] see appendix iv. [249] sanborn, 392. [250] _ibid._ [251] sanborn, 396. [252] sanborn, 411. [253] his son owen was the teamster herein referred to. [254] sanborn, 411. [255] sanborn, 412. [256] sanborn, 414. [257] villard, 303. [258] sanborn, 400. [259] villard, 202. [260] villard, 303. [261] sanborn, 412-414. [262] _ante_, _note_ 226. [263] villard, 300. [264] sanborn, 401. [265] sanborn, 402. [266] sanborn, 404. [267] villard, 304. [268] villard, 306. [269] _mason report_, 123-125. testimony of charles blair. [270] villard, 674. [271] villard, 285. [272] sanborn, 398. [273] villard, 303. [274] hinton, _john brown and his men_, 615. [275] villard, 297. [276] villard, 297. [277] villard, 298. [278] sanborn, 448. [279] sanborn, 422. [280] villard, 308. [281] _ibid._ [282] _mason report_, 23. [283] villard, 310. [284] villard, 315. [285] sanborn, 443. [286] sanborn, 431. [287] _mason report_, 176. [288] sanborn, 434. [289] sanborn, 434. [290] sanborn, 439. [291] sanborn, 439. [292] villard, 287. [293] sanborn, 444-445. [294] mr. morton was mr. smith's secretary. he and mr. sanborn had been classmates at harvard. [295] sanborn, 451. [296] _mason report_, 96. [297] redpath, 251. [298] _mason report_, 48. see appendix iii. [299] villard, 335-336. [300] _mason report_, 59-60. [301] villard, 330. [302] _ibid._ [303] sanborn, 470; also villard, 338. [304] sanborn, 458. [305] _ibid._ [306] _mason report_, 176. [307] _ibid._ [308] _ibid._ [309] rear admiral chadwick, _causes of the civil war_, 75-76. [310] sanborn, 456. [311] _mason report_, 231. [312] sanborn, 465-466. [313] sanborn, 464. [314] redpath, 237. [315] villard, 353. [316] villard, 349. [317] villard, 357. [318] villard, 354. [319] sanborn, 478. [320] villard, 363. [321] villard, 634, _note_ 98. [322] _ante_, _note_ 156. [323] villard, 354. [324] villard, 360. [325] villard, 363. [326] villard, 364. [327] villard, 666. [328] sanborn, 477. [329] sanborn, 479. [330] villard, 365. [331] villard, 366. [332] villard, 369. [333] villard, 368. [334] _ibid._ [335] villard, 372. [336] _ibid._ [337] _ibid._ [338] _kansas conflict_, 408. [339] sanborn, 476. [340] villard, 377. [341] _kansas conflict_, 405-407. [342] villard, 379. [343] villard, 378. [344] villard, 382. [345] _ibid._ [346] villard, 383. [347] villard, 384. [348] villard, 385. [349] villard, 385. [350] ibid. [351] villard, 387. [352] villard, 386. [353] it is the personal opinion of the writer that jennison got the "long end" of the loot taken in this raid; an opinion that will not be challenged by anyone who knew him. [354] villard, 389-390. [355] villard, 391. [356] villard, 393. [357] ibid. [358] sanborn, 504. [359] villard, 396. [360] sanborn, 423. [361] villard, 406. [362] villard, 407. [363] _ibid._ [364] villard, 408. [365] _mason report_, 250. testimony of hon. john b. floyd. [366] gue. _history of iowa_, vol. ii., 26-30; villard, 411. [367] villard, 421. [368] villard, 424. [369] villard, 416-420. [370] villard, 338. [371] the writer knew jennison personally, but the acquaintance with him was made "after the war"; after the "red legs" had gone out of commission. jennison had reformed by that time and was running a gambling house at leavenworth, kansas, in a very orderly manner. [372] villard, 678. [373] _ante_, _note_ 191. [374] _mason report_, 22. [375] _mason report_, 22. [376] villard, 431. [377] _mason report_, 29-40. testimony of lewis t. washington. [378] villard, 432. [379] villard, 434. [380] villard, 435. [381] villard, 435. [382] sanborn, 557. [383] villard, 443-444. [384] villard, 447. [385] _mason report_, 43. [386] major russell was in citizen's clothes and unarmed. [387] _north american review_, december, 1885. [388] report of colonel lee to secretary of war, _mason report_, 40. an excellent account of what occurred under brown's immediate direction during the 17th and 18th, was given out by mr. j. e. p. dangerfield and published in the _century magazine_, june, 1885. [389] sanborn, 562-569. [390] sanborn, 571, _note_ 1. [391] villard, 456. [392] _ibid._ [393] _mason report_. testimony of andrew hunter. [394] _mason report_, 63-66. [395] redpath, 269. [396] redpath, 243-246. [397] redpath, 8. [398] sanborn, 556. [399] sanborn, 450. [400] _ante_, _note_ 281. [401] villard, 427, 430. [402] villard, 469. [403] villard, 427. [404] villard, 510. [405] _the underground railroad_, 167. [406] _mason report_, 63-66. testimony of andrew hunter. [407] _mason report_, 1-12. [408] _mason report_, 56. [409] villard, 438. [410] redpath, 244. [411] sanborn, 545. [412] _ante_, _note_ 290. [413] chadwick, _causes of the civil war_, 87. [414] villard, 415. [415] sanborn, 557. [416] mansfield had been killed and crawford wounded, on the 17th, at antietam. [417] a recollection of the scene at the top of maryland heights by a survivor of knipe's column, is of a mound of stones raised over a shallow grave. it was located near where the confederate line of battle had been formed. upon a piece of cracker-box, that was held in place by the stones marking the grave, a comrade's hand had cut in rude letters this tribute to a gallant soul who had met a soldier's death upon these rugged heights. it read: "sergt.--[name forgotten] co. h. 7th. s. c. the brave die but once." [418] _mason report_, 66-67. [419] redpath, 8. [420] sanborn, 122. [421] villard, 436. [422] williams, _history of negro race in america_, 59. [423] villard, 314. [424] villard, 682. [425] _hinton papers_, kansas historical society. [426] villard, 424. [427] villard, 406. [428] sanborn, 539. [429] sanborn, 545. [430] _mason report_, 59-60. [431] _mason report_, 60. [432] frothingham, _parker_, 475. [433] sanborn, 491, _note_ 2. [434] two paintings of brown were made by nathan b. onthank; the other one is in the boston athenaeum. villard, xiii. [435] henry adams, _history of the united states_, vol. i. 380. [436] frothingham, _gerrit smith_, 249. [437] villard, 468. [438] redpath, 285. [439] williams, _history of the negro race in america_, 84. [440] _atlantic monthly_, vol. x. 339. [441] _atlantic monthly_, vol. vii, 737. [442] williams, _history of the negro race in america_, vol. ii, 88. [443] richmond _inquirer_, august 26, 1831. [444] villard, 560. [445] villard, 480. [446] villard, 478. [447] _ibid._ [448] _ibid._ [449] redpath, 292. [450] villard, 485. [451] villard, 484. [452] _ibid._ [453] villard, 485. [454] sanborn, 588. [455] _mason report_, 138. [456] villard, 506. [457] redpath, 509. [458] villard, 507. [459] _ibid._ [460] villard, 509. [461] redpath, 325. [462] villard, 492. [463] _ibid._ [464] redpath, 331-339. [465] redpath, 334. [466] redpath, 340-342. [467] villard, 500. [468] villard, 497. [469] redpath, 340. [470] _mason report_. testimony of andrew hunter. [471] sanborn, 584. [472] villard, 646, _note_ 81. [473] _ante_, _note_ 436. [474] villard, 502. [475] villard, 513. [476] _ibid._ [477] sanborn, 586. [478] villard, 514. [479] villard, 537. [480] see appendix ii. recollection of hon. alexander r. boteler of virginia. [481] sanborn, 611. [482] villard, 537. [483] villard, 540. [484] sanborn, 603. [485] sanborn, 581. [486] sanborn, 582. [487] sanborn, 610. [488] sanborn, 620. [489] villard, 523. [490] villard, 527. [491] villard, 549. [492] villard, 669. [493] _mason report_, 47. [494] villard, 554. [495] sanborn, 506. [496] sanborn, _recollections of seventy years_, 75. [497] villard, 545. [498] the chicago _reminder_, vol. x, no. 5. [499] villard, 457. [500] _ante_, _note_ 281. [501] villard, 42. [502] sanborn, 562. [503] mr. villard omits this question and answer from his account of the interview. [504] _ante_, _note_ 340. [505] autobiography, 433. [506] villard, 69-70. [507] villard, 56. [508] _ante_, _note_ 281. [509] villard, 50. [510] _mason report_, 220. testimony of augustus wattles; letter of april 8, 1857. [511] letter to mrs. e. b., november 1st, _ante_, _note_ 473. [512] _ante_, _note_ 233. [513] sanborn to higginson, _ante_, _note_ 248. [514] original in possession of the author. [515] _ante_ p. 165. 