The Answer to the appeal expounded
1680
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The Answer to the appeal expounded
L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. Answer to the Appeal from the country to the city.
[2], 34 p.
s.n.],
[London :
1680.
Place of publication from Wing.
Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York.
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eng
Catholic Church -- Controversial literature.
Popish Plot, 1678.
Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685.
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THE
ANSWER
TO
THE
APPEAL
,
Expounded
.
Printed
in
the
Year
1680.
Union
Theol.
Sem.
Library
MCALPIN
THE
PREFACE
.
THis
Answerer
of
the
Appeal
were
his
Politicks
as
strong
as
his
Passions
,
I
should
think
him
a
Jesuit
;
but
they
are
so
far
from
being
so
,
that
I
should
disgrace
that
Order
,
if
I
should
imagine
him
to
be
one
of
them
:
He
is
only
an
outragious
and
over-vehement
Papist
,
and
differs
from
a
Jesuit
as
a
Wasp
does
from
a
Hornet
,
much
of
the
same
nature
,
but
not
so
vigorous
;
he
would
pass
for
a
Member
of
the
Church
of
England
,
(
I
mean
)
as
far
as
relates
to
the
Crown
and
Episcopacy
,
but
furiously
rails
in
effect
at
the
Protestants
.
But
(
thanks
be
to
God
)
things
are
not
yet
come
to
that
pass
,
as
that
he
dares
do
it
under
that
Name
;
therefore
he
terms
them
Presbyterians
,
Fanaticks
,
Schismaticks
,
Rebels
,
&c.
and
then
belyes
them
freely
.
Mark
through
this
whole
Treatise
,
and
you
shall
find
his
main
design
is
to
shift
away
the
real
Popish
Plot
,
which
the
Justice
of
our
Laws
have
already
found
out
,
and
instead
thereof
would
substitute
to
the
Executioner
innocent
Protestants
;
much
like
the
wicked
Jews
,
who
to
save
the
Murderer
Barrabas
from
publick
Justice
,
did
substitute
,
and
by
false
witness
condemn
Jesus
Christ.
But
not
to
trouble
you
with
a
separate
Confutation
of
his
whole
Discourse
,
wherein
he
may
pretend
false
Quotation
,
I
will
only
annex
to
his
own
Text
some
marginal
Notes
,
and
leave
them
to
the
Reader
's
use
,
like
Salt
upon
the
brims
of
the
Dish
.
THE
ANSWER
to
the
APPEAL
,
EXPOUNDED
.
THis
Appeal
has
made
a
mighty
noise
about
the
Town
;
and
yet
,
Heaven
knows
,
there
is
neither
Good
Faith
in
it
,
nor
Argument
:
But
all
things
mis-apply'd
,
or
mis-reported
,
to
bring
an
Odium
upon
the
Government
,
and
to
inflame
the
Multitude
.
The
pretended
Reasonings
of
it
are
no
more
than
fallacies
and
non-sequiturs
,
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
;
and
yet
it
serves
in
a
Coffee-house
for
a
(a)
Test
of
Honest
Men
and
Mutiniers
.
Taking
it
barely
in
it self
,
it
is
scarce
worth
an
Answer
:
But
in
the
circumstances
of
the
Boldness
and
the
Malice
,
it
is
but
reasonable
to
bestow
such
a
Reply
upon
it
,
as
may
give
it
a
Recommendation
to
publique
Justice
;
Especially
(b)
having
already
taken
notice
of
it
by
the
By
,
in
another
place
.
It
is
a
wonderful
thing
,
the
Confidence
of
this
Audacious
Pamphlet
,
in
Addressing
it self
to
the
City
,
after
so
Fresh
,
so
Loyal
,
and
so
Generous
an
instance
of
their
scorn
,
and
detestation
of
any
thing
that
looks
like
a
seditious
practice
.
(c)
Why
should
a
Wat
Tyler
expect
better
Quarter
from
a
Lord
Mayor
under
Charles
the
Second
,
than
he
had
from
a
Lord
Mayor
under
Richard
the
Second
?
Nay
,
that
very
Rebellion
of
(d)
Forty-one
is
most
injuriously
(e)
charg'd
upon
the
City
of
London
;
for
Gournay
,
Ricaut
,
Garraway
,
and
the
most
considerable
of
the
Citizens
,
were
not
only
against
it
in
their
Opinions
,
but
oppos'd
it
to
the
utmost
with
their
Estates
and
Persons
.
And
that
Honourable
Society
has
not
yet
forgotten
either
the
Calamities
of
the
War
,
or
the
Methods
and
Instruments
which
brought
so
great
a
Reproach
upon
the
City
.
Beside
,
that
it
is
as
much
their
Interest
as
their
Duty
,
and
as
much
their
Inclination
as
either
,
to
support
the
Government
.
(f)
For
by
a
War
they
must
of
necessity
suffer
doubly
:
And
not
only
in
the
loss
or
abatement
of
their
Trade
,
but
in
the
deep
proportion
of
their
Taxes
toward
the
publique
Charge
.
So
that
these
are
not
a
sort
of
people
to
be
Wheedled
out
of
their
Honour
and
Allegiance
.
But
we
shall
now
take
a
view
of
the
Pamphlet
it self
.
An
Appeal
from
the
Country
to
the
City
.
IT
begins
;
Most
brave
and
noble
Citizens
:
And
a
little
lower
;
With
you
we
stand
,
and
with
you
we
fail
;
your
example
directs
our
Conduct
,
&c.
Now
if
the
greeting
had
been
to
the
Club
of
Subscribers
,
that
which
follows
would
have
been
much
more
Consequent
;
for
it
is
a
great
Truth
,
that
the
Conspirators
of
both
sides
must
expect
to
stand
and
fall
together
;
and
that
the
Factions
in
the
Country
can
never
make
any
thing
on
't
,
without
a
Tumult
in
the
City
,
to
lead
the
Dance
;
which
(
God
be
prais'd
)
there
is
no
fear
of
,
and
then
for
the
Credit
which
this
busie
Mutineer
can
pretend
to
under
this
present
Government
,
with
the
Noble
Citizens
(
as
he
claws
them
)
I
am
perswaded
,
if
the
Author
of
the
Appeal
were
but
known
to
the
Court
of
Aldermen
and
Common
Councel
,
it
might
cost
him
Dear
,
the
very
Complement
.
Not
but
that
in
so
(a)
great
a
body
,
there
may
be
some
few
little
Fellows
a
float
too
,
that
cry
out
with
the
Horse-turds
among
the
Apples
,
in
the
Emblem
,
How
we
Apples
swim
.
In
the
next
clause
,
the
Scriber
gives
to
understand
that
he
has
read
Hodge
upon
the
Monument
;
and
writing
after
that
Copy
,
he
follows
the
phansie
of
the
Citizens
looking
about
them
from
the
top
of
the
Pyramid
.
Now
to
match
this
dismal
prospect
of
Imaginary
Calamities
to
come
,
we
shall
give
you
a
Parallel
in
a
brief
Summary
of
what
this
Nation
has
really
suffer'd
in
Fact
;
and
in
Truth
brought
upon
it self
,
by
(b)
believing
such
stories
as
these
,
without
either
Foundation
or
Effect
.
First
(
says
he
)
Imagine
you
see
the
whole
Town
in
a
flame
;
occasioned
this
second
time
by
the
same
Popish
malice
which
set
it
on
fire
before
.
(c)
First
(
say
I
)
Imagine
you
see
the
whole
Nation
in
a
Flame
,
and
brought
to
the
extremities
of
Fire
and
Sword
,
occasioned
this
second
time
by
the
same
Schismatical
and
Republican
Malice
which
embroil'd
it
before
.
At
the
same
instant
phansie
that
amongst
the
distracted
Crowd
,
you
behold
Troops
of
Papists
ravishing
your
Wives
and
Daughters
,
dashing
your
little
Childrens
brains
out
against
the
Walls
,
Plundering
your
Houses
,
and
cutting
your
own
Throats
,
by
the
name
of
Heretique
Dogs
.
At
the
same
instant
,
Phansie
Decemb.
1659
,
once
over
again
;
whole
droves
of
Coblers
,
Dray-men
,
Ostlers
,
upon
Free-quarter
with
you
,
till
some
of
your
Wives
and
Daughters
are
forc'd
to
Prostitute
themselves
for
Bread
;
your
Councels
affronted
by
Armed
Troops
,
and
your
fellow
Citizens
knockt
on
the
head
,
like
Dogs
,
at
their
own
doors
,
for
not
so
much
as
barking
;
your
Apprentices
discharg'd
of
their
Indentures
by
an
Arbitrary
Power
;
your
Houses
Rifled
;
your
Account-books
examin'd
;
your
*
Servants
corrupted
to
Betray
their
Masters
;
your
Persons
clapt
under
Hatches
,
transplanted
or
thrown
into
nasty
Dungeons
;
or
(
in
mercy
perhaps
)
your
Throats
cut
,
by
the
Name
of
Popish
Dogs
and
Cavaliers
:
And
all
this
only
for
refusing
to
Renounce
God
and
your
Soveraign
.
Then
represent
to
your selves
the
Tower
playing
off
its
Cannon
,
and
battering
down
the
Houses
about
your
ears
Then
represent
to
your selves
the
Thimble-maker
,
once
again
Lieutenant
of
the
Tower
;
your
Citizens
clapt
up
;
St.
Pauls
and
Gresham-Colledge
turn'd
into
Garrisons
;
orders
for
the
demolishing
of
your
Gates
and
Chains
;
and
nothing
less
than
Military
Execution
threaten'd
you
,
unless
you
will
redeem
your selves
with
100000
l.
a
(d)
month
Contribution
,
towards
the
perpetuating
of
your
Slavery
.
Also
casting
your
Eye
toward
Smithfield
,
Imagine
you
see
your
Father
,
or
your
Mother
,
or
some
of
your
nearest
and
dearest
Relations
ty'd
to
a
Stake
in
the
midst
of
flames
;
when
with
bands
and
eyes
lifted
up
to
Heaven
,
they
scream
and
cry
out
to
that
God
,
for
whose
cause
they
die
;
which
was
a
frequent
spectacle
the
last
time
Popery
Reign'd
amongst
us
.
Also
casting
your
eye
toward
Cheap-side
,
Cornhil
,
Charing-cross
,
Palace-yard
,
Tower-hill
,
nay
,
Whitehall
it self
:
Imagine
you
see
your
Father
,
or
some
of
your
nearest
Relations
,
your
Citizens
,
the
Nobility
,
Gentry
;
nay
,
the
King
himself
,
and
his
best
Friends
,
under
the
hand
of
the
Common
Executioner
,
appealing
to
God
,
in
whose
Cause
they
dy'd
,
which
was
a
frequent
spectacle
,
when
Rebels
and
Vsurpers
,
under
the
title
of
Reformers
,
reign'd
last
amongst
us
.
Phansie
ye
behold
those
Beautiful
Churches
,
erected
for
the
true
Worship
of
God
,
abused
and
turn'd
into
Idolatrous
Temples
,
to
the
dishonour
of
Christ
,
and
scandal
of
Religion
:
The
Ministers
of
God's
Holy
Word
,
torn
in
pieces
before
your
eyes
,
and
their
best
Friends
not
daring
even
to
speak
in
their
behalf
.
Phansie
you
behold
those
Beautiful
Churches
erected
for
the
true
Worship
of
God
,
abused
and
turned
into
Stables
;
the
Pulpits
into
Juggling
boxes
to
Hocus
your
Wives
and
Daughters
out
of
their
Bodkins
and
Thimbles
;
and
nothing
to
be
heard
there
but
Heresie
and
Sedition
,
to
the
dishonour
of
Christ
,
and
scandal
of
Religion
.
The
Ministers
of
Gods
Holy
Word
cast
out
of
their
Livings
by
hundreds
,
and
their
Children
expos'd
to
the
wide
World
to
beg
their
Bread
;
and
not
a
Friend
that
dares
open
his
mouth
for
them
.
Women
running
with
their
Hair
about
their
ears
;
Men
cover'd
with
Bloud
,
and
Children
sprawling
under
Horses
feet
,
and
only
the
Walls
of
Houses
left
standing
.
Your
Women
running
with
their
Hair
about
their
ears
,
one
half
to
the
Works
like
Pioniers
,
the
other
dancing
Attendance
at
some
Merciless
Committee
,
to
put
in
Bail
perhaps
for
some
Malignant
Friend
or
Husband
;
Men
cover'd
with
Bloud
,
lost
Limbs
,
and
mangled
Bodies
,
from
Edghill
,
Branford
,
&c.
and
with
horror
of
Conscience
over
and
above
;
Altars
Robb'd
,
Churches
Demolish'd
,
and
only
the
Walls
left
standing
.
In
Fine
,
What
the
Devil
himself
would
do
,
were
he
here
upon
Earth
,
will
in
his
absence
infallibly
be
acted
by
his
Agents
the
Papists
:
Those
who
had
so
much
Ingratitude
and
Baseness
to
attempt
the
Life
of
a
Prince
,
so
Indulgent
to
them
,
will
hardly
be
less
cruel
to
any
of
his
Protestant
Subjects
.
(e)
In
Fine
,
What
the
Devil
himself
would
do
,
were
he
here
upon
Earth
,
will
in
his
absence
infallibly
be
acted
(
if
they
may
have
their
will
)
by
his
Agents
,
the
Perjurious
and
Hypocritical
Regicides
;
that
Betray'd
their
Prince
and
their
Country
by
the
Solemnity
of
a
Covenant
,
and
Poyson'd
the
unwary
People
in
that
very
Sacrament
.
Those
who
had
so
much
Ingratitude
and
Baseness
,
not
only
to
attempt
,
but
take
away
the
Life
of
a
Prince
so
Indulgent
to
them
as
the
late
King
was
,
who
deny'd
them
nothing
but
his
Crown
,
and
his
Blood
,
which
afterward
they
took
:
These
,
I
say
again
,
that
are
so
ungrateful
to
our
present
Soveraign
,
as
after
so
much
Mercy
and
Bounty
to
the
Murtherers
of
his
Father
,
and
of
his
Friends
,
have
now
enter'd
into
fresh
attempts
upon
his
Life
,
his
Crown
and
Dignity
,
will
hardly
be
less
Cruel
to
any
of
his
Majesties
obedient
Subjects
.
(f)
Now
to
shew
you
that
this
way
of
Incentive
,
to
the
Multitude
is
only
the
Old
story
new
furbish'd
,
and
not
our
Appellants
Mother-wit
and
Contrivance
,
as
he
would
have
the
World
imagine
.
See
his
Majesties
Declaration
of
Aug.
12.
1642.
Husbands
Collection
,
pag.
540.
One
day
the
Tower
of
London
is
in
danger
to
be
taken
;
and
Information
given
that
Great
Multitudes
,
at
least
a
Hundred
,
had
that
day
resorted
to
visit
a
Priest
,
then
a
Prisoner
there
by
Order
of
the
Lords
:
and
that
about
the
time
of
the
Information
,
about
fifty
or
sixty
were
then
there
;
and
a
Warder
dispatcht
of
purpose
to
give
that
notice
:
Upon
Inquiry
,
but
four
persons
were
then
found
to
be
There
,
and
but
eight
all
that
day
,
who
had
visited
the
Priest.
Another
day
a
Taylor
in
a
Ditch
over-hears
two
passengers
to
Plot
the
Death
of
Mr.
Pym
,
and
of
many
other
Members
of
Both
Houses
.
Then
Libellous
Letters
found
in
the
Streets
,
without
Names
,
(
probably
contrived
by
themselves
;
and
by
Their
Power
,
Published
,
Printed
,
and
Enter'd
in
their
Journals
)
and
Intimations
given
of
the
Papists
Training
under
ground
,
and
of
notable
Provision
of
Ammunition
in
Houses
;
where
,
upon
Examination
,
a
Single
Sword
,
and
a
Bow
and
Arrows
are
found
.
A
Design
of
the
Inhabitants
of
Covent-Garden
to
Murther
the
City
of
London
News
from
France
,
Italy
,
Spain
,
Denmark
,
of
Armies
ready
to
come
for
England
.
And
again
,
Pag.
536.
they
cause
Discourses
to
be
Published
,
and
Infusions
to
be
made
of
Incredible
Dangers
to
the
City
and
Kingdom
,
by
that
our
coming
to
the
House
:
(
in
the
case
of
the
five
Members
.
)
An
Alarm
was
given
to
the
City
in
the
Dead
time
of
the
Night
,
that
we
were
coming
with
Horse
and
Foot
thither
,
and
thereupon
the
whole
City
put
in
Arms
:
And
howsoever
the
Envy
seem'd
to
be
cast
upon
the
Designs
of
the
Papists
,
mention
was
only
made
of
Actions
of
our
own
.
Upon
a
fair
understanding
of
the
whole
,
(g)
this
supposition
of
his
is
no
more
than
the
Counterpart
of
the
old
Story
:
and
the
Declamatory
dangers
that
he
foresees
in
Vision
,
were
outdone
by
those
sensible
Cruelties
and
Oppressions
that
this
poor
Kingdom
suffer'd
in
very
deed
.
If
it
be
true
,
that
these
and
fourty
times
more
Cruelties
were
committed
:
And
that
the
People
were
frighted
into
these
Precipices
only
by
shadows
:
If
it
be
true
again
,
that
those
Glorious
Pretenders
,
when
they
had
the
King
and
his
Papists
(
as
they
call'd
his
most
Orthodox
Friends
)
under
foot
;
that
these
People
,
I
say
,
never
lookt
further
after
Religion
;
but
fell
presently
to
the
(h)
sharing
of
the
Church
and
Crown
Revenues
among
themselves
,
It
will
concern
every
sober
man
to
look
well
about
him
,
and
to
make
use
of
his
Reason
,
as
well
as
of
his
Faith
,
for
(i)
these
Fore-boders
seldom
Croak
but
before
a
Storm
.
We
in
the
Country
(
says
he
)
have
done
our
parts
,
in
chusing
,
for
the
generality
,
Good
Members
to
serve
in
Parliament
.
But
if
(
as
our
two
last
Parliaments
were
)
they
must
be
Dissolv'd
or
Prorogued
,
when
ever
they
come
to
redress
the
Grievances
of
the
Subject
,
we
may
be
Pitied
,
but
not
Blam'd
.
If
the
Plot
takes
effect
,
as
in
all
probability
it
will
,
our
Parliaments
are
not
then
to
be
Condemn'd
,
for
that
their
not
being
suffer'd
to
sit
,
occasion'd
it
▪
Fol.
1.
There
are
just
as
many
Affronts
put
upon
the
Government
in
these
two
Periods
,
as
(
in
the
Printed
Folio
)
there
are
Lines
in
't
.
First
,
Upon
the
House
of
Commons
;
for
a
Representative
constituted
,
for
the
generality
,
of
(k)
such
men
as
our
Appealer
calls
Good
Members
,
would
lay
the
Kingdom
in
Bloud
,
(
which
is
manifestly
the
drift
of
the
Libel
from
the
one
end
of
it
to
the
other
.
)
Secondly
,
The
Appellant
Usurps
upon
the
King's
Authority
;
(l)
as
if
his
Majesty
were
bound
to
give
an
Account
to
every
Libeller
,
why
he
Prorogues
or
Dissolves
his
Parliaments
(
which
is
a
Priviledge
inseparable
from
the
Supreme
Power
)
in
all
forms
of
Government
.
Thirdly
,
(m)
It
is
a
Tacit
Charge
of
Tyranny
upon
the
King
;
for
it
is
done
(
he
says
)
whenever
they
come
to
redress
the
Grievances
of
the
Subject
.
And
lastly
,
He
makes
the
King
a
Promoter
of
the
Plot
;
but
whether
with
more
Indignity
or
Folly
,
it
is
hard
to
determine
,
either
in
the
Intimation
,
or
in
the
Supposal
of
his
Majesty
to
be
Felo
de
se
,
and
a
Party
to
the
Conspiracy
against
his
own
Life
.
(n)
The
Plot
(
he
says
)
will
in
all
Probability
take
effect
,
and
he
is
the
occasion
of
it
,
that
would
not
suffer
these
Parliaments
to
sit
.
The
Plot
is
now
got
so
far
out
of
our
Enemies
reach
,
that
no
subtle
Evasion
or
Trick
can
ever
hope
to
extinguish
it
.
Wherefore
they
must
either
suffer
all
to
come
out
,
or
begin
by
force
to
justifie
it
,
which
we
see
they
are
going
to
do
,
by
their
endeavouring
to
get
those
Worthy
and
Brave
Commanders
Banished
,
who
(
as
they
think
)
are
the
most
likely
Persons
to
conduct
and
lead
us
up
against
any
Popish
Army
.
Fol
1.
The
Appellants
meaning
is
,
that
the
Popish
Plot
is
so
notoriously
Publique
,
there
's
no
Concealing
of
it
,
and
so
far
we
are
agreed
:
(o)
For
we
have
had
Legal
Tryals
,
Proofs
,
Verdicts
,
Sentences
,
and
Legal
Executions
in
the
Case
.
But
yet
to
my
thinking
,
we
have
had
also
as
Competent
(p)
Evidences
of
another
Plot
under
that
,
as
a
body
would
wish
.
But
whoever
crosses
the
second
Plot
,
is
presently
Libell'd
,
as
a
Friend
to
the
former
.
What
do
we
hear
,
what
do
we
read
,
what
do
we
see
,
but
Seditious
Discourses
,
Scandalous
Invectives
,
and
Mutinous
Practices
against
the
Government
?
Is
not
the
King's
Administration
,
and
his
Authority
publickly
Arraigned
?
And
is
not
his
Sacred
Life
struck
at
in
this
way
of
Proceeding
?
First
,
(q)
They
expresly
tell
the
World
that
his
Majesty
Misgoverns
.
Secondly
,
They
lay
it
down
for
a
Maxim
,
that
the
People
may
call
him
to
Account
,
in
case
he
does
Misgovern
.
And
this
being
admitted
,
the
next
point
is
,
directly
(
by
an
undeniable
Consequence
)
to
Arraign
him
as
a
Traytor
to
the
Sovereign
People
.
But
the
Faction
it self
expounds
its
own
meaning
.
(r)
What
have
they
to
say
for
that
Inhumane
and
Execrable
Murther
acted
upon
the
late
Arch-Bishop
of
St.
Andrews
in
Scotland
,
and
to
their
Declaration
against
the
King
himself
;
which
was
follow'd
with
an
Open
,
Actual
,
and
Form'd
Rebellion
?
(s)
This
is
a
Plot
that
,
me-thinks
,
a
Man
may
see
without
his
Spectacles
;
and
according
to
our
Appellant's
conceipt
,
they
began
by
force
to
justifie
it
,
for
fear
all
should
come
out
.
To
follow
him
in
his
Politiques
,
he
tells
us
further
in
the
passage
above-recited
,
that
to
facilitate
the
Papists
work
,
(t)
his
Majesty
Banishes
the
Persons
most
capable
of
Opposing
it
.
So
that
he
makes
his
Majesty
evidently
a
Party
to
the
Plot
;
or
at
best
,
no
more
than
a
King
upon
a
Chess-board
,
to
be
turn'd
and
carry'd
which
way
the
Gamester
pleases
:
Beside
;
the
putting
of
the
Illustrious
Duke
of
Monmouth
in
the
head
of
Popish
Troops
,
in
contradiction
to
himself
.
But
(
for
all
this
yet
)
Gentlemen
(
says
he
)
be
not
dismaid
;
the
Lord
of
Hosts
will
be
of
your
sides
;
for
so
long
as
you
fight
his
Cause
,
he
will
fight
your
Battels
:
And
if
God
be
for
you
,
who
dares
be
against
you
?
Fear
nothing
,
but
as
your
Interests
are
United
,
so
let
your
Resolutions
be
the
same
;
and
the
first
hour
wherein
you
hear
of
the
King
's
Untimely
End
,
let
no
other
noise
be
heard
among
you
,
but
that
of
Arm
,
Arm
,
to
Revenge
your
Sovereign's
Death
,
both
upon
his
Murtherers
,
and
their
whole
Party
,
for
that
there
is
no
such
thing
as
an
English
Papist
,
who
is
not
in
the
Plot
,
at
least
in
his
good
Wishes
.
Fol
2.
And
why
[
be
not
dismaid
]
Where
's
the
danger
,
I
beseech
you
?
(u)
The
Popish
Plot
is
Master'd
;
and
there
's
hardly
a
Roman
Catholique
dares
shew
his
head
:
Nay
,
and
for
want
of
Popish
matter
to
work
upon
,
the
Church
of
England
it self
is
made
Papal
and
Antichristian
.
And
whoever
looks
narrowly
into
this
business
,
will
find
these
Bugbears
to
be
of
the
Appellant's
own
making
.
What
is
all
this
,
but
Curse
ye
Meroz
over
again
:
He
claps
the
Rabble
on
the
backs
,
and
spits
in
their
mouths
,
and
without
more
adoe
,
turns
them
loose
upon
the
Government
?
The
first
hour
(
says
he
)
&c.
(w)
Here
's
no
Supposition
of
the
King's
Murther
to
qualifie
the
matter
▪
but
the
thing
so
Positively
pronouns'd
,
as
if
he
himself
were
of
the
Conspiracy
.
(x)
So
that
without
any
Ifs
or
And
's
,
the
Murther
is
given
for
Granted
;
and
upon
this
Instigation
,
the
least
Rumour
in
the
world
that
way
,
puts
the
People
upon
a
General
Massacre
,
which
the
bare
report
lately
of
the
French
appearing
before
the
Isle
of
Purbeck
,
had
like
to
have
done
in
several
places
.
Now
if
they
should
Arm
upon
such
a
mistake
,
or
but
an
hour
too
soon
,
it
were
enough
to
put
the
whole
Nation
in
Bloud
again
:
And
then
his
Orders
to
the
City
,
to
be
ready
with
their
Arms
at
an
hours
warning
,
are
as
Peremptory
,
as
if
he
had
the
Command
of
the
Militia
:
(y)
Beside
that
,
if
a
Fanatique
should
Murther
the
King
,
the
Papists
are
to
be
Punish'd
for
't
.
Because
(
says
he
)
every
English
Papist
is
in
the
Plot
,
at
least
in
his
good
wishes
.
And
it
is
no
less
probable
on
the
other
side
,
that
(z)
every
Unrepenting
Covenanter
is
in
the
Counterplot
;
for
upon
that
Covenant
it
was
,
that
they
founded
the
Destruction
,
and
the
Dissolution
of
the
Government
:
And
it
behoves
us
to
beware
of
King-killers
on
the
one
hand
,
as
well
as
on
the
other
.
Now
see
how
he
goes
on
.
Think
not
to
fare
better
than
the
rest
,
by
meddling
less
;
for
the
Conquerors
Promises
are
never
kept
,
especially
coming
from
that
sort
of
People
,
whose
Maxim
it
is
,
never
to
keep
their
word
with
Heretiques
,
Fol.
2.
What
a
wonderful
strain
of
Logick
is
this
?
Draw
your
Swords
(
says
he
)
and
go
to
the
Devil
for
Company
,
for
the
Papists
keep
no
Faith
with
Heretiques
.
This
was
the
Song
of
41
:
and
he
that
would
see
what
Faith
the
Covenanters
kept
,
either
with
God
,
King
,
Church
,
or
People
,
has
no
more
to
do
than
to
compare
their
Leagues
and
Protestations
with
their
actions
.
Now
Gentlemen
(
says
he
)
left
any
amongst
you
should
be
ignorant
,
either
of
your
Enemies
,
or
their
Designs
,
both
against
the
King
and
Kingdom
,
—
they
are
young
Beggarly
Officers
,
Courtiers
;
over-hot
Church-men
,
and
Papists
.
The
Young
Officer
,
or
Souldiers
Interest
,
makes
him
wish
for
a
Standing
Army
;
the
Courtier
endeavours
to
advance
Taxes
,
Oppressive
and
Illegal
Impositions
.
The
over-hot
Church-men
wish
well
to
Popery
,
in
hope
of
a
Cardinals
Cap
,
or
at
least
the
Command
of
some
Abby
,
Priory
,
or
other
Ecclesiastical
Preferment
,
whereof
the
Roman
Church
hath
so
great
plenty
.
These
are
the
men
who
exclaim
against
our
Parliaments
Proceedings
,
in
relation
to
the
Plot
,
as
too
Violent
;
calling
these
times
by
no
other
name
,
but
that
of
Forty
or
Forty-one
,
when
to
amuse
his
Sacred
Majesty
,
and
his
good
People
,
they
again
threaten
us
with
another
Forty-eight
:
And
all
this
is
done
under-hand
,
to
Vindicate
the
Catholique
Party
,
by
throwing
a
Suspicion
on
the
Fanatiques
.
These
are
the
Episcopal
Tantivies
,
who
make
even
the
very
Scriptures
Pimp
for
the
Court
;
who
out
of
Urim
and
Thummim
can
extort
a
Sermon
to
prove
the
not
paying
of
Tyths
and
Taxes
to
be
the
Sin
against
the
Holy
Ghost
:
And
had
rather
see
the
Kingdom
run
down
with
Blood
,
than
part
with
the
least
Hem
of
a
Consecrated
Frock
,
which
they
themselves
made
Holy.
Here
's
a
very
fair
and
round
distribution
of
the
Cities
Enemies
,
into
a
Younger
Brothers
,
Dependants
upon
the
King
;
Friends
to
the
Church
,
and
into
Profest
Papists
:
And
the
b
whole
Kingdom
it self
is
again
split
into
Two
Parties
,
the
one
consisting
of
Mutiniers
and
Schismatiques
;
the
other
of
the
Loyal
Servants
and
Subjects
of
the
Government
,
which
under
the
three
first
Heads
,
he
brands
as
the
Cities
Enemies
.
These
Men
he
Charges
with
lessening
the
Plot
,
with
resembling
the
present
times
to
Forty-one
,
and
talking
of
another
Forty-eight
.
Now
how
is
it
possible
but
the
Positions
of
Forty-one
,
should
put
us
in
mind
of
the
Rebellion
of
Forty-one
;
and
the
Regicidal
Principles
of
Seventy-nine
,
mind
us
of
the
Regicide
it self
of
Forty-eight
.
For
these
Principles
and
Practices
are
nothing
in
the
World
but
the
Venom
of
the
Old
Cause
swallow'd
and
Spew'd
up
again
:
and
c
all
the
Treasons
of
the
Consistory
are
cast
upon
the
Conclave
:
As
if
the
Murther
of
Charles
the
First
,
by
the
Treachery
of
Mock-Protestants
,
were
ever
the
less
Detestable
,
because
the
Two
Harries
of
France
were
Assassinated
by
Profest
Papists
.
These
are
the
Puritan
Iesuits
,
that
turn
the
Bible
into
a
Nose
of
Wax
;
that
make
God
the
Author
of
Sin
;
that
Depose
and
Murther
Kings
by
a
Text
;
and
Intitle
their
Sacrilege
and
Treason
to
the
Inspirations
of
the
Holy
Ghost
.
d
These
are
the
Straight-lac'd
Christians
,
that
make
less
scruple
of
Robbing
the
Altar
,
than
of
Kneeling
at
the
Communion
:
They
can
swallow
the
Blood
of
Widows
and
Orphans
,
and
yet
Puke
at
a
Surplice
.
Let
me
ask
the
worthy
Gentlemen
of
the
City
now
,
which
of
the
two
carry'd
them
the
easier
,
the
Schismatical
and
Sacrilegious
,
or
the
Episcopal
Tantivy
?
Or
which
they
take
for
the
more
dangerous
Enemies
,
our
Appellants
young
Beggarly
Officers
,
or
their
Old
Acquaintances
,
Pen
,
Fulks
,
and
their
Fellows
,
who
violently
thrust
out
the
gravest
and
most
Substantial
of
their
Citizens
,
(
as
the
late
King
has
it
)
and
took
in
Persons
of
desperate
Fortunes
and
Opinions
,
in
their
places
.
Let
them
compare
the
Appellants
Courtiers
too
,
with
the
Old
Sequestring
,
Plundring
,
and
Decimating
Committees
;
with
their
Court-Marshals
,
and
Major-Generals
:
when
London
was
made
little
better
then
a
Shambles
;
and
their
Merchants
only
Cash-keepers
to
the
Tyrants
at
Westminster
;
and
then
against
his
Over-hot
Church-men
,
we
'l
set
the
Mechanique
Pulpiteers
and
Tub-Preachers
;
that
not
only
divided
the
People
from
their
Soveraign
,
but
e
Wives
from
their
Husbands
,
Children
from
their
Parents
;
and
Preacht
away
Apprentices
,
by
Droves
into
Rebellion
:
Carrying
the
Schism
through
Church
and
State
,
into
private
Families
.
This
is
the
Blessed
change
that
is
now
propounded
,
and
laid
before
us
.
Lastly
,
(
says
he
)
the
chief
and
most
dangerous
of
your
Enemies
are
Papists
,
who
to
make
sure
of
their
own
Game
,
allure
all
the
three
forementioned
Parties
to
their
side
,
by
the
Arguments
aforesaid
.
Their
design
is
to
bring
in
Popery
,
which
they
can
no
ways
effect
,
but
either
by
a
Popish
Successor
,
or
by
the
French
Arms.
There
is
no
doubt
of
the
danger
of
the
Papists
;
but
still
while
the
Government
has
One
Enemy
in
Front
,
it
is
good
to
secure
the
Flank
and
Rear
,
from
another
:
So
that
the
Cities
only
safety
lies
in
the
mean
,
betwixt
the
two
Extremes
of
Popery
,
on
the
One
hand
,
and
Libertinism
on
the
Other
.
The
Former
(
he
says
)
can
never
be
effected
,
but
by
a
Popish
Successor
,
or
the
French
Arms.
See
now
how
this
hangs
together
:
the
same
Faction
clamour'd
against
the
late
King
just
at
this
rate
;
f
and
yet
there
was
no
prospect
at
that
time
,
of
a
Popish
Successor
,
but
yet
Popery
was
charg'd
(
most
injuriously
,
as
all
the
World
can
witness
)
upon
the
King
himself
.
And
then
for
the
French
Arms
,
so
far
was
his
Majesty
from
calling
them
in
to
his
assistance
,
that
upon
the
Scottish
Rebellion
they
were
Sollicited
and
Implor'd
into
a
Confederacy
against
him
.
And
yet
we
remember
to
our
griefs
,
that
those
very
Rumours
and
Apprehensions
of
Popery
,
even
when
there
was
not
any
Danger
of
it
,
cast
us
all
into
Confusion
.
And
now
our
Appellant
,
to
shew
how
good
an
English-man
he
is
,
as
well
as
a
Subject
,
enters
his
Protestation
a
little
lower
in
the
same
Paragraph
,
that
he
would
rather
of
the
Two
,
Live
under
a
French
Conqueror
,
then
the
Duke
as
Successor
.
I
must
acknowledge
(
says
he
in
the
next
clause
)
that
there
is
some
Coherence
between
the
Beginning
of
the
Late
Civil
Wars
,
and
this
our
present
Age
:
For
as
well
then
as
now
,
the
Ambitious
Papists
,
and
French
Faction
were
the
chief
,
nay
the
only
Incendiaries
,
which
set
us
all
in
flame
.
That
the
French
Cardinal
did
Artificially
improve
the
Turbulent
Humour
of
the
English
and
Scottish
Schismaticks
,
to
the
advancing
of
the
Interest
of
France
,
and
to
the
Embroyling
of
these
Kingdoms
,
I
make
no
question
:
But
to
call
them
the
g
Only
Incendiaries
,
is
to
give
the
Lye
to
the
constant
current
of
History
,
and
the
known
Certainty
of
Fact
,
even
within
our
own
remembrance
.
How
were
the
Papists
and
French
Factions
concern'd
in
the
Scottish
Uproar
of
1637.
and
a
hundred
Sacrilegious
Tumults
,
after
that
,
in
the
course
of
the
Rebellion
?
and
to
set
him
right
now
in
his
Calculation
of
his
Majesties
French
friends
,
we
shall
inform
him
,
that
the
King
's
Principal
supplies
of
Men
,
Arms
,
Money
,
and
Ammunition
,
were
furnished
from
Holland
.
He
tells
us
further
,
that
the
Catholique
Cause
,
like
the
Chesnut
in
the
Fable
,
hath
ever
since
Q.
Marys
days
been
in
the
Fire
:
and
that
both
then
,
and
now
,
the
Papists
make
use
of
the
Episcopal
,
and
Court-parties
claw
,
to
take
it
out
;
the
First
of
these
,
they
allure
to
their
assistance
,
by
the
Fright
of
Presbytery
;
the
Latter
by
the
apprehension
of
a
Republique
,
tho'
nothing
is
less
Designed
,
or
more
Improbable
.
'T
is
a
hard
case
to
have
to
do
with
an
Adversary
that
has
neither
Candor
in
his
Reports
,
nor
any
force
of
Argument
in
his
Reasonings
;
and
yet
it
is
the
more
tolerable
here
,
because
it
is
all
that
either
the
Story
or
the
Cause
will
bear
.
h
He
makes
the
Episcopal
and
Court-Party
to
be
the
Passive
Instruments
of
the
Church
of
Rome
,
for
the
advance
of
Popery
,
ever
since
the
Reign
of
Queen
Mary
:
which
is
so
notorious
a
mistake
,
that
Queen
Elizabeth
,
and
the
Hierarchy
in
Her
Reign
oppos'd
the
Errours
,
and
the
power
of
that
Church
,
with
all
possible
constancy
,
and
Resolution
.
King
James
made
himself
famous
by
his
Pen
,
as
well
as
by
his
Practices
,
upon
the
same
Subject
.
The
Late
King
lost
his
Life
in
the
defence
of
the
Reformed
Religion
,
and
his
Majesty
that
now
is
,
hath
manifested
his
affection
to
the
Church
of
England
,
(
as
by
Law
Establisht
,
)
in
despight
of
all
Calumnies
,
and
through
extream
difficulties
,
with
the
highest
Acts
of
Solemnity
Imaginable
.
And
now
on
the
other
side
,
let
but
any
man
trace
the
History
of
the
Schismatiques
,
from
Queen
Mary
to
this
Instant
;
and
the
restlesness
of
that
Faction
will
appear
,
through
every
step
of
his
way
;
and
that
i
whensoever
the
Papists
prest
upon
the
Government
,
on
the
One
hand
,
the
Separatists
never
fail'd
of
pinching
it
on
the
Other
.
k
And
yet
again
whereas
he
talks
of
the
fright
of
Presbytery
,
and
the
apprehension
of
a
Republique
,
as
neither
designed
,
nor
probable
,
there
's
no
man
of
Thirty
years
of
Age
,
but
knows
the
contrary
;
and
that
this
Nation
was
actually
enslav'd
to
that
Double
Tyranny
,
under
pretence
of
delivering
us
from
the
danger
of
Arbitrary
Power
,
and
Popery
.
Nay
,
and
but
two
lines
further
,
he
charges
the
Late
King
for
countenancing
Papists
,
no
less
than
This
:
which
to
every
honest
man
is
constructively
a
Vindication
of
them
Both.
Nay
,
he
goes
so
far
toward
the
owning
of
a
dislike
for
the
Form
of
our
Government
it self
,
that
he
says
,
no
Government
but
Monarchy
can
in
England
ever
support
,
or
favour
Popery
,
l
as
who
should
say
;
A
Common-wealth
would
put
us
out
of
fear
on
't
.
He
says
again
,
Pag.
3.
that
the
Parliament
Party
never
Entertain'd
any
Papists
,
unless
under
a
Disguise
;
and
yet
we
never
heard
of
any
more
of
them
,
than
the
King's
Headsman
in
a
Masque
.
We
could
shew
him
several
Instances
of
the
contrary
;
but
no
man
is
so
sensless
,
as
to
imagine
that
the
King
was
Depos'd
,
pursu'd
,
rob'd
,
taken
,
condemn'd
and
put
to
Death
,
by
a
hundred
thousand
Priests
in
Visors
:
we
have
nothing
to
say
to
the
Loyalty
of
the
Papists
;
but
yet
m
the
Incongruity
of
our
Appellants
charge
upon
them
,
we
cannot
but
in
Honesty
and
common
reason
,
take
some
notice
of
,
Especially
when
the
Dust
of
his
Objection
flies
in
his
own
Eyes
.
Their
Loyalty
and
Good
service
pay'd
to
the
King
(
says
he
)
was
meerly
in
their
own
defence
;
well
knowing
that
the
Foundation
of
these
Commotions
was
only
in
Opposition
to
their
Party
.
n
Putting
the
Case
now
,
that
they
serv'd
the
King
only
for
their
Own
Ends
:
We
have
an
acknowledgment
yet
,
that
there
was
Loyalty
,
and
good
service
in
it
,
however
qualified
:
and
we
know
that
there
were
o
many
Brave
,
and
Eminent
men
among
them
,
that
lost
their
Estates
and
Lives
in
that
service
.
If
it
lyes
as
a
reproach
upon
them
,
that
they
did
not
serve
the
King
out
of
Loyalty
,
that
which
they
did
,
was
yet
better
than
not
serving
him
at
all
;
and
better
,
in
a
higher
degree
still
,
than
fighting
against
him
.
But
supposing
now
that
they
had
no
known
Papists
in
their
Army
,
the
Case
is
not
one
jot
mended
;
for
they
were
all
Schismatiques
then
;
and
it
is
worth
the
Observation
,
that
not
a
man
drew
his
sword
in
that
Cause
,
who
was
not
a
Known
Separatist
;
and
that
,
on
the
other
side
,
not
one
Schismatique
ever
struck
stroke
in
the
King's
Quarrel
:
The
One
side
contending
according
to
their
Duty
,
in
favour
of
the
Law
,
and
the
Other
against
it
.
Our
Appellant
lyes
open
to
another
Objection
in
the
clause
above-recited
.
He
says
,
p
the
Commotion
was
only
founded
upon
an
Opposition
to
that
Party
.
How
came
it
then
,
that
they
seiz'd
the
Crown
,
and
Church-Lands
;
put
the
King
to
Death
,
plunder'd
,
sequester'd
,
and
beheaded
his
Protestant
Friends
,
if
the
Opposition
was
only
to
Popery
?
But
we
have
seen
their
pretences
,
and
we
have
felt
the
meaning
of
them
.
He
insists
upon
q
the
Papists
desiring
Oliver
to
accept
of
the
Crown
.
There●s
a
little
Book
that
will
inform
us
better
concerning
that
transaction
.
It
's
call'd
Monarchy
asserted
,
consisting
of
a
Collection
of
Speeches
upon
that
debate
.
We
are
at
this
time
(
he
says
)
acting
the
same
Play
still
,
though
an
Old-one
newly
Reviv'd
;
and
as
r
that
which
the
Papists
then
Acted
,
was
laid
upon
the
Fanatiques
,
so
was
the
like
to
have
been
done
,
in
this
present
Plot.
It
will
be
easily
granted
,
that
this
is
in
a
high
degree
the
Old-Play
Reviv'd
,
but
we
are
too
well
acquainted
with
the
circumstances
of
the
present
Plot
,
to
carry
the
resemblance
thorough
.
That
which
the
Fanatiques
then
Acted
,
was
laid
on
the
Papists
;
and
when
they
had
master'd
the
King
,
under
the
Calumny
of
a
Papist
,
they
Murther'd
him
as
a
Protestant
.
The
Question
at
present
is
not
the
Certainty
of
One
Plot
,
but
the
Superfoetation
of
another
:
For
it
is
compossible
enough
,
that
a
Papist
may
be
before
his
Majesty
with
a
Dagger
,
and
some
rank
Enthusiast
behind
him
with
a
Pistol
.
s
He
proceeds
with
a
Story
of
Mr.
Claypool
,
not
at
all
to
our
purpose
;
and
then
gives
us
further
,
an
account
of
the
Papists
design
in
Scotland
;
who
first
by
their
Councels
procured
the
poor
Inhabitants
to
be
Oppress'd
,
and
then
sending
their
disguised
Priests
,
and
Emissaries
amongst
them
,
encourag'd
the
poor
silly
Natives
to
Mutiny
against
those
Oppressions
,
hoping
to
cast
the
Plot
upon
the
Presbyterians
If
the
Power
,
Number
,
and
Industry
of
these
Emissaries
be
such
as
our
Appellant
would
have
us
believe
,
t
a
man
would
think
there
should
hardly
be
a
Rat-trap
in
the
three
Kingdoms
,
without
a
Priest
in
't
.
Let
us
but
lay
together
several
Circumstances
in
this
Appeal
concerning
the
Miraculous
Influences
of
these
men
upon
all
sorts
of
People
,
and
it
will
be
a
hard
matter
to
represent
any
thing
more
Comical
.
First
,
he
says
,
that
the
Papists
have
already
made
sure
of
all
the
Young
Beggarly
Officers
,
or
Souldiers
,
Courtiers
,
and
Over-hot
Church-men
;
Fol.
2.
Secondly
,
he
makes
them
to
have
an
Absolute
Dominion
over
the
King
and
his
Councill
;
for
they
have
made
him
Banish
those
Officers
(
he
says
)
that
should
lead
the
people
up
against
the
Popish
Army
.
Thirdly
,
they
govern
all
the
Conventicles
in
the
Kingdom
,
as
our
Appellant
will
have
it
.
And
Fourthly
,
they
procur'd
the
Scots
to
be
Opprest
,
and
after
that
shifted
hands
,
and
made
them
rebell
;
and
all
this
is
every
man
bound
to
believe
,
as
the
Thirteenth
Article
of
his
Faith.
Now
can
any
thing
be
more
wonderful
,
then
that
these
people
that
can
turn
the
King
and
his
Councill
with
a
Twine
thread
;
that
have
so
absolute
a
Command
of
the
Multitude
;
and
can
set
Governours
and
Subjects
handy-dandy
,
to
Box
one
another
like
Punchinello's
Puppets
,
when
they
please
:
u
is
it
not
a
wonderful
thing
(
I
say
)
that
these
men
with
all
this
Interest
,
are
not
yet
able
to
save
a
Priest
from
the
Gallows
;
or
any
single
person
of
the
Party
from
the
Exact
Rigour
of
the
Law.
Have
they
only
a
Power
to
do
the
Government
Mischief
,
and
themselves
no
Good
?
We
insist
the
more
earnestly
upon
this
Point
,
because
the
comfort
of
Humane
Society
is
totally
destroy'd
,
if
we
come
once
to
be
transported
,
by
these
stories
,
into
a
Common
Diffidence
,
every
man
of
his
Neighbour
;
and
put
into
such
a
condition
,
by
the
Entertainment
of
these
Jealousies
,
that
there
will
be
no
longer
any
Faith
,
or
Confidence
in
Mankind
;
for
fear
of
w
these
Invisible
and
undistinguishable
Enemies
in
our
daily
Conversation
.
Now
to
support
,
and
fortifie
himself
in
his
Opinion
;
he
says
farther
,
that
not
only
Dr.
Oates
mentions
this-in
his
Evidence
,
but
that
the
Papists
themselves
were
so
well
assured
of
the
Scotch
Rising
,
before
it
happen'd
,
that
at
the
Disbanding
of
this
late
Popish
Army
,
many
of
the
Officers
and
Souldiers
had
secret
Orders
not
to
sell
their
Horses
,
but
to
be
in
a
readiness
,
for
that
they
should
have
occasion
to
use
them
again
within
a
Fortnight
,
and
so
it
happen'd
;
for
within
a
Fortnight
after
the
Disbanding
,
the
Rebellion
brake
out
in
Scotland
:
So
well
acquainted
were
the
Authors
of
this
Mischief
,
with
the
time
when
it
would
happen
:
With
the
Appellants
leave
,
x
Dr.
Oates
only
Reports
what
these
Agents
Design'd
to
do
,
and
the
Hopes
of
their
succeeding
in
it
;
but
says
nothing
positively
,
that
I
can
find
,
of
what
they
had
done
:
and
in
his
Thirty
fifth
Deposition
,
expresly
makes
their
Project
to
be
the
weakening
of
both
the
Presbyterian
,
and
Episcopal
Faction
:
As
to
the
casting
of
the
Plot
upon
the
Presbyterians
,
it
was
not
so
well
contriv'd
(
me
thinks
)
as
it
might
have
been
:
For
it
is
no
Clearing
of
the
Papists
from
One
Plot
upon
the
Kings
Life
,
the
charging
of
the
Presbyterians
with
another
.
Then
there
's
another
slip
;
he
will
have
the
Papists
privy
to
the
Scotch
Rising
,
because
at
the
Disbanding
of
the
Popish
Army
,
some
Officers
were
order'd
not
to
sell
their
Horses
,
&c.
First
,
it
is
not
y
prov'd
that
they
had
any
such
Orders
:
Secondly
,
he
calls
it
a
z
Popish
Army
;
and
implies
,
that
these
Orders
were
given
to
Popish
Officers
,
which
Officers
either
went
upon
the
service
or
not
:
If
they
went
,
they
overthrew
their
own
design
;
for
he
makes
it
the
Papists
Interest
to
entertain
those
Tumults
,
and
these
Gentlemen
made
it
their
business
to
suppress
them
.
If
they
did
not
go
,
their
Orders
were
to
no
purpose
.
But
why
does
the
Appellant
call
it
a
Popish
Army
?
He
should
do
well
to
wash
his
Mouth
,
after
so
foul
and
scandalous
an
expression
.
But
now
let
us
change
hands
;
and
see
if
it
be
not
more
probable
that
the
Fanaticks
knew
before-hand
of
that
Rising
,
then
the
Papists
.
For
though
we
had
at
that
time
greater
apprehensions
of
the
French
then
ever
,
a
yet
the
importunities
of
some
people
were
so
violent
for
the
immediate
disbanding
of
the
Army
,
that
it
lookt
like
a
design
to
remove
that
Block
out
of
the
Scots
way
.
The
next
passage
is
a
little
mysterious
.
He
says
,
that
it
was
likely
the
Scots
would
be
beaten
by
the
Kings
Forces
,
that
(
says
he
)
it
might
make
both
Them
and
Us
less
apt
to
Rise
upon
any
account
whatsoever
,
So
that
here
is
a
b
tacit
Confession
,
that
the
Appellant
found
some
inconvenience
in
this
discouragement
to
a
joynt
Rebellion
:
And
so
he
goes
on
,
saying
,
that
if
this
had
been
a
Fanatical
Plot
,
the
same
Party
would
certainly
have
risen
in
England
at
the
same
time
.
But
this
,
under
favour
,
will
not
hold
;
for
the
Scots
tumulted
in
37.
and
appeared
in
actual
Rebellion
in
38.
whereas
their
Brethren
in
England
did
not
take
up
arms
till
41
,
though
privy
to
and
confederate
in
the
Tumults
of
37.
He
lays
it
down
for
granted
in
the
next
Line
,
that
the
Papists
Murthered
the
Late
King
,
and
so
proceeds
in
these
words
.
After
the
Catholiques
had
thus
brought
the
Fathers
head
to
the
Block
,
and
sent
the
young
Princes
into
Exile
;
let
us
reflect
upon
their
Vsage
of
them
in
France
,
&c.
Now
to
give
the
Devil
his
due
,
c
I
cannot
find
so
much
as
One
Papist
in
the
whole
List
of
the
Regicides
;
and
yet
I
have
turn'd
over
all
the
Acts
and
Ordinances
;
Walkers
Independency
;
and
in
one
word
,
the
whole
History
of
those
times
;
and
can
hear
no
news
of
them
.
Take
notice
,
that
it
is
not
the
question
here
whether
or
no
the
Papists
would
have
scrupled
it
upon
a
fair
Occasion
;
but
whether
or
no
,
in
the
Truth
of
the
Fact
,
it
was
the
Papists
that
did
it
:
and
I
do
not
think
it
Fair
,
to
hang
one
Man
,
or
Condemn
one
party
for
anothers
fault
.
d
Put
the
case
one
man
steals
a
Horse
,
and
another
robs
a
Church
,
't
is
no
vindication
of
the
Horse-stealer
,
to
discharge
him
of
the
Sacrilege
;
no
vindication
of
him
that
rob'd
the
Church
,
to
acquit
him
of
the
Horse-stealing
;
but
it
were
a
high
injustice
to
charge
one
offender
with
the
crime
of
another
.
e
His
following
Reflections
upon
the
Ill-usage
the
Royal
Family
received
in
France
when
his
Majesty
was
abroad
,
and
the
good
Offices
which
France
has
received
from
hence
in
requital
,
are
only
meant
for
a
sly
and
invidious
Reproach
upon
the
Government
,
and
there
is
more
of
flourish
in
them
then
matter
of
weight
;
only
he
has
one
speculation
not
to
be
past
over
.
I
cannot
but
ascribe
great
part
of
our
present
Calamities
(
says
he
)
to
his
Highnesses
Education
in
that
Arbitrary
and
Popish
Government
.
Here
he
pretends
to
tell
us
of
our
miseries
,
and
from
whence
in
a
great
measure
they
proceed
;
but
f
it
would
puzzle
a
man
to
find
out
what
these
present
Calamities
are
,
more
then
the
froward
and
fantastical
apprehensions
of
remote
and
imaginary
Evils
:
Nay
,
the
very
fear
it self
is
counterfeited
as
well
as
the
danger
,
and
the
men
that
dress
up
these
goblins
to
fright
the
silly
multitude
,
they
do
but
laugh
at
them
themselves
.
Our
State
Empericks
do
with
our
Politique
,
as
our
Physicians
do
with
our
Natural
Bodies
(
for
there
are
Intoxicating
Opinions
as
well
as
Passions
)
they
make
their
Patients
many
times
stark
raving
mad
with
that
which
they
are
not
one
jot
affected
withall
themselves
.
Do
we
not
live
(
or
if
we
will
,
at
least
,
we
may
)
in
Peace
and
Plenty
,
under
the
protection
of
a
Gracious
&
a
Protestant
Prince
,
and
under
the
blessing
also
of
so
particular
a
providence
,
that
when
all
our
Neighbours
have
been
at
fire
and
sword
round
about
us
,
this
Nation
has
been
yet
exempt
from
the
common
calamities
of
Christendom
?
And
shall
we
now
expose
and
abandon
our
present
quiet
and
security
only
for
future
possibilities
,
and
make
our selves
certainly
miserable
before-hand
for
fear
of
being
miserable
hereafter
?
Whosoever
soberly
considers
what
we
enjoy
on
the
one
hand
,
and
what
we
fear
on
the
other
,
comparing
and
examining
both
parts
with
their
due
and
reasonable
circumstances
,
he
shall
find
all
attempts
and
proposals
of
popular
prevention
of
reformation
,
to
be
as
wild
a
project
,
g
as
if
a
man
should
cut
off
a
leg
or
an
arm
for
fear
of
corns
and
chilblains
.
But
what
if
our
fears
were
yet
juster
then
they
seem
to
be
?
how
many
things
may
yet
intervene
,
according
to
the
ordinary
course
of
humane
affairs
,
to
disappoint
the
danger
?
as
h
Mortality
,
Survivorship
,
change
of
thought
,
&c.
or
can
the
Appellant
prescribe
us
any
Remedy
,
that
is
not
worse
then
the
disease
?
shall
a
man
cast
himself
from
the
top
of
Bow
,
for
fear
of
tumbling
down
stairs
?
shall
we
destroy
Protestantism
for
fear
of
Popery
?
or
a
Good
Government
for
fear
of
a
bad
One
?
shall
we
run
the
hazzard
of
Damnation
,
for
fear
of
Oppression
?
Nay
,
what
if
our
present
apprehensions
were
Gratify'd
?
New
ones
would
yet
succeed
into
their
places
:
For
the
Rage
of
Jealousy
is
boundless
and
Incurable
.
And
so
we
found
it
i
in
the
Late
Rebellion
,
which
was
built
upon
the
same
Foundation
.
Never
so
mean
and
so
despicable
a
slavery
,
as
that
which
we
then
brought
upon
our selves
for
fear
of
slavery
.
Never
was
any
Papacy
so
Tyrannical
,
and
so
Ridiculous
together
,
as
that
Persecuting
,
and
Non-sensical
Presbytery
,
which
we
had
in
Exchange
for
the
best
temper'd
Ecclesiastical
Government
upon
the
face
of
the
Earth
.
Were
not
Those
blessed
days
when
our
Divines
had
Salesmen
,
and
Mechaniques
for
their
Tryers
;
and
the
Laity
a
supercilious
Company
of
Classical
,
and
Congregational
Noddies
for
the
Inspectors
of
our
Lives
and
Manners
:
When
Tone
,
and
Lungs
,
without
either
Learning
,
or
Honesty
,
were
the
distinguishing
Marks
of
a
Gifted
Brother
?
Methinks
the
very
Memory
of
these
servile
and
profane
Indignities
should
put
the
bare
thought
of
the
Second
part
of
it
out
of
Countenance
.
And
he
seems
as
much
out
in
the
pretended
Cause
of
our
Calamities
,
as
he
was
in
the
Calamities
themselves
.
k
There
were
no
Princes
Educated
abroad
in
the
Late
Kings
time
,
and
yet
the
same
clamour
to
a
Tittle
.
But
if
the
Appellant
had
been
so
minded
,
he
might
have
given
us
a
much
more
Rational
account
of
our
misfortunes
,
then
he
has
done
.
He
might
have
charg'd
them
upon
those
people
,
who
in
truth
,
first
sent
the
young
Princes
into
Exile
,
and
then
kept
them
there
;
and
have
at
present
a
design
upon
the
Exercise
of
the
same
Arbitrary
power
again
,
which
they
would
be
thought
to
fear
.
They
began
with
a
cry
against
Popery
,
but
they
concluded
in
the
l
Murther
of
the
King
;
the
dislution
of
the
Monarchy
,
and
the
perpetual
Exclusion
of
the
Royal
Family
,
as
may
be
seen
in
their
Proclamation
of
Jan.
30.48
.
for
Inhibiting
any
person
to
be
King.
Whereas
Charles
Stuart
King
of
England
,
(
say
they
)
being
for
the
Notorious
Treasons
,
Tyrannies
,
and
Murthers
,
committed
by
Him
in
the
Late
Unnatural
and
cruel
Wars
,
condemned
to
Death
,
&c.
It
is
remarkable
,
that
though
they
possest
the
people
against
his
Majesty
,
as
a
Papist
,
there
is
not
one
word
of
Religion
in
the
Reasons
,
of
their
putting
him
to
death
.
The
Appellant
comes
now
to
shew
his
Reading
,
in
two
passages
out
of
Philip
de
Comines
,
with
an
application
of
his
Observations
upon
them
.
The
former
concerning
certain
English
Pensioners
;
which
Lewis
the
Eleventh
of
France
kept
in
Pay.
Now
though
I
cannot
agree
the
hundreth
part
of
those
Persons
to
be
Pensioners
,
which
out
of
an
envy
to
the
Government
,
the
Common
people
are
instructed
to
call
so
;
yet
I
shall
never
differ
with
him
upon
this
point
,
that
the
Money
of
Lewis
the
Fourteenth
may
perhaps
have
been
current
in
England
,
as
well
as
that
of
Lewis
the
Eleventh
was
.
The
other
story
is
that
of
Lewis
the
Eleventh
to
Charles
Duke
of
Burgundy
in
the
Case
of
Campobache
.
The
French
King
advertizes
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
(
they
being
then
in
hostility
)
that
the
Count
Campobache
was
a
Traytor
to
him
:
But
the
Duke
would
not
believe
it
.
And
there
was
one
Cifron
also
,
who
was
of
the
Plot
with
Campobache
:
This
same
Cifron
,
being
taken
prisoner
by
the
Duke
before
Nancy
,
and
condemned
to
dye
;
gave
the
Duke
to
understand
,
that
he
had
a
most
Important
secret
to
communicate
to
him
.
But
the
Duke
neither
giving
admittance
to
Cifron
,
nor
credit
to
the
King
;
lost
his
Life
afterward
,
and
his
Dominions
,
by
being
too
incredulous
.
m
The
Appellant
applies
this
to
his
Majesties
Case
,
in
Language
so
course
and
scandalous
,
that
there
is
no
repeating
of
it
.
And
what
does
all
this
amount
to
,
but
that
a
n
Prince
may
as
well
be
undone
by
believing
too
much
,
as
too
little
?
If
he
had
Trusted
either
less
to
Campobache
,
or
more
to
the
King
,
it
had
come
all
to
a
purpose
.
He
will
have
his
Majesty
in
danger
for
not
believing
enough
of
the
Popish
Plot
:
But
his
Royal
Father
was
Ruin'd
on
the
other
side
,
by
not
believing
enough
of
the
Presbyterian
Plot.
And
God
grant
that
his
present
Majesty
may
only
believe
so
much
of
that
Plot
over
again
,
as
may
stand
with
his
honour
and
safety
.
But
it
appears
in
this
place
,
by
the
coursness
of
the
Appellants
Expressions
,
and
by
the
byass
of
the
whole
Libel
throughout
,
that
he
is
not
so
much
concern'd
for
the
Kings
believing
or
not
believing
,
as
o
to
fasten
a
scandal
upon
his
Majesty
,
by
perswading
the
People
,
that
the
King
does
not
believe
it
;
and
consequently
to
possess
them
,
that
his
Majesty
is
a
favourer
of
Popery
,
though
never
any
Prince
in
Christendom
gave
more
Convincing
and
Irrefragable
Proofs
of
the
contrary
.
This
passage
of
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
(
he
says
Fol.
4.
)
may
be
very
much
to
our
purpose
,
to
shew
you
,
p
that
when
God
designs
the
destruction
of
a
King
or
People
,
he
makes
them
deaf
to
all
discoveries
be
they
never
so
obvious
.
And
having
Levelled
the
Application
in
particular
,
he
speculates
in
general
terms
(
toward
the
bottom
of
the
leaf
)
upon
the
whole
matter
.
There
are
four
several
Arguments
(
he
says
)
which
many
times
prevail
with
Princes
to
be
incredulous
of
all
pretended
Conspiracies
against
themselves
.
The
First
is
drawn
from
their
being
in
,
or
made
privy
themselves
to
Part
of
the
Plot
,
but
not
to
the
whole
.
The
Second
,
from
their
own
good
nature
,
and
Clemency
.
The
Third
,
from
the
nature
of
the
Evidence
.
And
the
Fourth
from
the
nature
and
Interest
of
the
pretended
Conspirators
.
To
begin
then
with
the
First
,
when
the
Prince
hath
been
made
acquainted
with
a
Design
of
Introducing
a
New
Government
,
or
a
New
Religion
,
but
not
with
the
Design
of
taking
away
his
own
life
,
this
sometimes
hath
prevailed
with
him
not
to
believe
,
that
the
same
party
with
whom
he
himself
is
in
a
Conspiracy
,
should
have
any
such
other
Plot
against
his
Life
.
But
this
I
hope
is
not
Our
Case
,
For
&c.
—
And
then
he
Reasons
that
his
Majesty
could
get
nothing
by
it
.
Fol.
3.
We
shall
put
him
together
now
,
and
make
English
of
him
,
First
,
he
makes
the
Duke
of
Burgundies
Case
,
in
his
Deafness
to
Discoveries
,
to
be
the
Kings
.
Secondly
,
He
infers
from
that
Deafness
,
that
God
has
Design'd
his
Majesty
to
Destruction
.
Thirdly
,
he
takes
upon
him
to
Philosophize
upon
the
Reasons
of
Princes
Incredulity
in
such
Cases
;
and
very
fairly
represents
his
Majesty
as
a
Party
in-the
Conspiracy
,
and
consenting
to
the
Introduction
of
a
New
Government
and
a
New
Religion
,
though
not
privy
to
the
Plot
of
taking
away
his
Own
Life
.
Only
he
concludes
with
a
[
But
this
I
hope
is
not
Our
Case
]
in
such
a
way
of
q
Doubting
as
implies
Believing
.
And
so
much
for
the
first
point
.
The
Second
Motive
(
he
says
Fol.
5.
)
which
may
incline
a
Prince
to
disbelieve
the
Report
of
a
Plot
,
is
,
from
his
Own
Good
Nature
,
and
Clemency
;
which
makes
him
not
believe
any
ill
of
those
to
whom
he
has
been
so
kind
.
But
this
is
a
fallacious
way
of
arguing
.
Now
by
his
Favour
,
This
is
not
so
much
an
Argument
from
Good
Nature
,
on
the
One
side
,
as
from
the
Tye
of
Gratitude
,
on
the
Other
:
but
whether
way
soever
it
be
taken
,
the
Late
King
found
it
indeed
a
very
fallacious
way
of
arguing
:
for
almost
all
his
Acts
of
Grace
,
and
bounty
,
turn'd
to
his
mischief
,
as
appears
in
his
Majesties
Declaration
,
of
Aug.
12.
1642.
when
after
delivering
up
his
Ministers
to
Impeachments
,
his
Concessions
in
the
business
of
the
Star-Chamber
,
High-Commission
Court
,
Ship-Money
,
Forest-Laws
,
Stannery-Courts
,
Tonnage
and
Poundage
,
Continuance
of
the
Parliament
,
&c.
they
improv'd
all
these
Trusts
,
and
Condescensions
even
to
the
formal
taking
away
his
Authority
,
Revenue
,
and
Life
.
And
those
particularly
whom
his
Late
Majesty
Oblig'd
to
the
highest
degree
,
laid
the
foundation
of
his
Ruine
.
Nor
is
the
ingratitude
of
the
same
party
to
the
Son
less
notorious
,
then
the
other
was
to
the
Father
:
None
flying
so
fiercely
in
the
face
of
the
Kings
Authority
and
person
,
as
those
that
stand
indebted
to
the
King
for
their
Lives
and
Estates
;
who
yet
act
as
confidently
,
as
if
one
Rebellion
might
be
placed
in
Justification
of
another
.
For
they
do
now
afresh
and
in
publick
avow
the
methods
and
practises
of
the
late
Times
;
while
the
true
sons
and
servants
both
of
the
English
r
Church
and
State
,
lie
in
the
dust
,
waiting
for
the
righteous
Judgment
of
the
Lord
in
want
,
and
patience
.
Now
if
according
to
the
Appellants
Rule
those
are
the
most
dangerous
,
to
whom
the
King
has
been
most
kind
,
that
danger
must
be
understood
of
the
Fanatiques
;
for
otherwise
the
Appealer
runs
the
Hazzard
of
a
Premunire
,
upon
the
Act
for
the
safety
of
the
Kings
Person
,
in
scandalizing
his
Majesty
for
a
favourer
of
Popery
.
It
is
not
yet
that
the
general
Rule
fails
,
because
of
this
Exception
:
For
the
greater
the
Obligation
,
the
greater
in
reason
ought
to
be
the
confidence
,
though
the
Appellant
seems
to
be
of
another
opinion
.
Who
betrays
you
in
your
Beds
?
(
says
he
)
your
Friend
;
for
your
Enemy
is
not
admitted
to
your
House
.
Who
betrays
you
in
your
Estate
?
your
Friend
;
for
your
Enemy
is
not
made
your
Trustee
.
So
that
nothing
is
more
dangerous
then
a
blind
friendship
.
This
is
an
admirable
fetch
of
his
,
to
prove
his
Royal
Highness
dangerous
to
his
Majesty
,
because
he
is
both
a
Friend
and
a
Brother
;
and
still
the
Nearer
,
the
more
dangerous
:
as
if
the
King
were
safer
in
the
hands
of
his
Enemies
,
then
of
his
Friends
.
But
he
expounds
himself
,
that
they
are
more
dangerous
,
in
respect
of
greater
Confidence
,
and
fairer
Opportunities
.
There
is
no
fence
against
that
danger
,
but
utterly
to
cast
off
and
renounce
all
the
Bonds
,
and
Dictates
of
Society
and
Good
Nature
.
s
We
must
contract
no
Friendships
,
and
trust
no
Relations
,
for
fear
they
should
cut
our
Throats
.
How
much
more
wretched
then
the
very
Beasts
,
has
our
Appealer
at
this
rate
made
Mankind
,
by
poysoning
the
very
Fountain
of
Humane
Comforts
?
Nor
is
it
a
Friend
that
betrays
us
;
but
an
Enemy
,
under
that
appearance
:
By
which
Rule
an
Episcopal
,
a
Fanatical
,
a
Popish
Friend
,
are
all
equally
dangerous
:
For
a
Man
has
no
more
security
of
a
Friend
under
one
denomination
,
then
under
another
.
But
the
Appellant
in
this
place
speaks
of
the
danger
of
a
blind
Friendship
;
that
is
to
say
,
a
kindness
that
is
taken
up
without
any
consideration
,
or
Choice
,
and
runs
on
without
fear
or
wit
:
which
in
this
application
,
must
either
be
very
little
respectfull
,
or
altogether
Impertinent
..
He
produces
instances
of
perfidious
Favourites
and
Relations
:
as
if
there
were
no
other
to
be
found
in
Nature
.
By
his
Argument
,
because
One
Woman
poyson'd
her
Husband
,
all
men
should
destroy
their
Wives
:
Because
One
Son
supplanted
his
Father
,
all
Parents
should
drown
their
Children
like
Kitlins
.
Because
One
Younger
Brother
offer'd
violence
to
his
Elder
,
there
should
be
no
longer
any
Confidence
,
or
Faith
maintain'd
among
Brethren
.
If
little
petty
Interests
(
says
he
)
make
one
Brother-wish
the
others
Death
,
how
much
more
prevalent
will
the
Interest
of
a
Crown
be
?
Nay
of
two
Crowns
,
viz.
One
here
,
and
another
hereafter
in
Heaven
,
promis'd
him
by
an
Old
fellow
with
a
bald
pate
,
and
a
spade-beard
.
As
to
the
Argument
,
this
is
only
the
Second
Part
to
the
same
Tune
;
and
a
Particular
Instance
improv'd
into
an
Universal
Exception
.
t
There
are
Wicked
Husbands
,
Wives
,
Children
;
Let
there
be
no
more
Marrying
.
Men
have
been
poyson'd
in
the
Sacrament
,
in
their
Cups
,
and
Dishes
;
shall
we
therefore
never
receive
the
Communion
,
nor
Drink
,
nor
Eat
?
There
have
been
Tyrants
in
all
forms
of
Governments
,
shall
we
therefore
have
no
Government
at
all
?
And
moreover
,
as
this
way
of
Reasoning
Lessens
all
the
Bonds
of
Humane
Trust
,
and
Concord
,
and
runs
us
back
again
into
Mr.
Hobb's
Original
State
of
War
,
so
does
it
as
little
serve
the
Appellants
purpose
,
even
if
it
were
admitted
.
First
,
The
Temptation
of
a
Crown
does
not
work
upon
any
Man
,
either
as
a
Brother
,
or
as
a
stranger
:
but
equally
upon
Both
;
and
more
,
or
less
,
as
the
man
is
more
,
or
less
Consciencious
or
Ambitious
.
So
that
the
danger
arises
from
the
u
Humour
of
the
Person
,
not
from
the
Relation
.
Nay
Secondly
,
The
Danger
is
Greater
,
from
a
Popular
Faction
that
has
no
Right
at
all
to
a
Crown
,
than
from
a
Legal
Pretendent
to
it
,
upon
a
Claim
of
Descent
.
For
the
One
only
waits
his
Time
,
according
to
the
course
of
Nature
,
whereas
the
Other
presses
his
end
by
the
ways
of
Bloud
and
Violence
,
having
no
other
way
to
compass
it
:
He
makes
it
yet
a
stronger
argument
,
where
there
is
but
One
Life
betwixt
a
Successor
and
Three
Kingdoms
:
w
But
does
not
this
Argument
hold
as
strong
on
the
other
side
?
There
was
only
the
King's
Life
betwixt
the
Faction
of
1641
,
and
the
Three
Kingdoms
,
which
Life
they
took
away
,
and
so
possest
themselves
of
his
Dominions
.
Their
pretence
was
only
a
Reformation
of
Abuses
;
with
Horrid
,
and
Multiply'd
Oaths
,
that
they
designed
Only
the
Glory
of
God
,
the
Honour
of
the
King
,
the
Preservation
of
the
Protestant
Religion
His
Majesty
(
they
said
)
was
misled
by
Popish
Counsels
;
and
their
Business
was
no
more
than
to
rescue
him
out
of
the
hands
of
Papists
,
and
bring
him
home
to
his
Parliament
.
And
what
was
the
Event
of
all
?
A
Gracious
Prince
was
Murther'd
,
and
500
Tyrants
set
up
in
his
stead
:
Our
Religion
,
and
Our
Laws
were
Trampled
upon
;
and
the
Free-born
English-men
subjected
to
a
Bondage
,
below
that
of
Gaily-slaves
:
The
whole
Nation
becoming
a
Scandal
,
a
Hissing
,
and
a
Scorn
,
to
all
our
Neighbours
,
round
about
us
.
But
what
were
these
People
,
all
this
while
?
If
we
may
credit
the
Appellant
,
they
were
Priests
and
Iesuits
;
Or
at
least
,
Papists
:
But
the
King
tells
us
,
they
were
Brownists
,
Anabaptists
,
and
Other
Sectaries
;
Preaching
Coachmen
,
Felt-makers
,
&c.
The
Act
for
Indempnity
gives
us
a
List
of
the
Regicides
:
The
Act
of
Uniformity
stiles
them
Schismatiques
,
and
throughout
the
whole
History
of
their
Acts
,
and
Ordinances
,
there
appear
none
but
Dissenting
Protestants
:
The
Church
of
England
being
the
Only
Sufferer
,
betwixt
the
Two
Extreams
.
And
these
People
had
the
Interest
of
the
Two
Crowns
in
prospect
too
;
which
the
Appellant
descants
so
Jollily
upon
:
x
Almost
every
Pulpit
promising
Salvation
to
the
Fighters
of
the
Lords
Battels
against
the
Lords
Anointed
,
with
a
Cursed
be
He
(
at
the
End
on
't
,
)
that
doth
the
work
of
the
Lord
Negligently
.
Upon
the
Third
Head
he
says
,
that
most
Princes
Believe
,
or
Disbelieve
the
Information
which
is
given
them
of
a
Plot
,
according
to
the
Nature
of
the
Evidence
,
and
Credit
of
the
Informants
.
There
is
no
more
in
This
,
than
that
most
Princes
Believe
,
upon
the
Common
Inducements
that
move
all
men
of
Reason
whatsoever
,
to
Believe
;
Viz
The
Probability
of
the
matter
in
Question
,
and
the
Credit
of
the
Witnesses
.
Now
as
to
the
Popish
Plot
;
we
shall
give
him
these
Two
Points
for
Granted
,
but
without
discharging
a
Plot
likewise
,
on
the
Other
hand
,
upon
the
same
Principles
,
and
no
less
pregnant
Evidence
.
y
We
do
not
speak
here
of
the
Popish
Plot
,
which
the
Papists
would
most
sillily
have
turn'd
upon
the
Presbyterians
;
(
the
shallowest
Contrivance
certainly
that
ever
was
hatch'd
,
and
the
most
palpable
Imposture
:
)
But
we
speak
of
a
Plot
that
was
Bred
and
born
in
the
Fanatical
party
;
z
whereof
we
have
as
many
Witnesses
almost
as
Readers
;
in
Forty
Libels
of
That
Leaven
,
and
Extraction
:
Beside
several
Open
and
Violent
attempts
upon
the
Government
,
which
do
unanimously
bear
Testimony
against
them
.
The
Following
parts
of
This
Paragraph
are
wrought
into
such
a
Complication
of
Zeal
and
Scandal
(
one
Snap
at
the
King
,
and
another
at
the
Plot
)
that
every
period
is
a
Bait
:
And
whoever
touches
upon
it
,
is
sure
of
a
Hook
in
his
Nostrils
.
Under
Colour
of
Asserting
and
making
out
the
Truth
of
the
Plot
,
(
which
no
sober
man
doubts
of
)
he
throws
Dirt
upon
his
Majesty
and
his
Ministers
,
for
dodging
,
and
Imposing
upon
the
People
,
in
favour
of
it
.
One
while
too
Much
comes
out
,
another
while
too
Little.
The
Frequent
Dissolutions
and
Prorogations
of
Parliaments
(
he
says
expresly
)
a
were
to
prevent
the
Tryal
of
the
Lords
:
And
so
the
Squib
runs
sputtering
on
,
from
the
King
to
his
Privy
Councel
;
Thence
,
to
his
Courts
of
Justice
;
and
in
One
word
,
b
the
whole
Story
comes
to
no
more
than
a
Political
abstract
out
of
Harris's
Domestick
Intelligence
.
But
why
these
Pamphlets
to
the
Multitude
?
First
,
There
's
no
fear
of
the
peoples
running
into
Popery
:
For
't
is
their
Horrour
and
Aversion
.
Secondly
,
There
's
no
need
of
Convincing
Them
of
the
Truth
of
the
Plot
:
c
But
rather
to
keep
them
from
Extravagances
,
upon
the
Jealousies
and
apprehensions
they
conceive
of
it
already
.
Thirdly
,
There
's
no
need
neither
of
calling
Them
to
our
assistance
,
toward
the
suppressing
of
it
:
For
the
sifting
and
Examining
of
this
Conspiracy
,
with
the
bringing
of
the
Confederates
to
Publique
Justice
,
is
a
great
part
of
the
business
of
the
Government
.
So
that
these
Libels
cannot
be
reasonably
understood
to
have
any
Other
than
these
Two
ends
.
First
,
To
Teaze
and
Chafe
the
Rabble
into
a
Rage
,
disposing
and
preparing
them
to
entertain
any
occasion
for
uproar
and
Tumult
.
Secondly
,
When
their
Bloud
is
up
against
d
This
Detestable
Plot
,
with
the
Contrivers
,
Promoters
,
and
abetters
of
it
;
what
does
he
,
but
turn
the
Rancour
of
That
Outragious
Humour
upon
the
King
,
Privy
Councel
,
Courts
of
Justice
;
and
Briefly
,
all
his
Friends
;
by
marking
Them
out
for
Parties
in
the
Treason
:
And
so
rendring
his
Majesty
,
and
his
Government
Odious
,
by
these
Malicious
Insinuations
,
and
endangering
the
Peace
of
the
Publique
,
to
the
Highest
Degree
?
The
Fourth
and
Last
Argument
(
says
he
)
which
may
sometimes
prevail
with
the
Prince
to
disbelieve
any
report
of
a
Conspiracy
,
is
taken
from
the
Nature
and
Principles
,
and
from
the
In●erest
,
of
the
Pretended
Conspiratours
.
But
neither
of
these
Motives
can
pretend
to
Influence
Our
Prince
into
a
Disbelief
of
This
Popish
Plot
,
Fol.
7.
The
Appellants
Observation
and
Inference
is
this
,
that
the
Popish
Plot
is
to
be
Believ'd
,
because
it
squares
with
the
Principles
and
Interest
of
the
Party
.
We
are
better
informed
in
the
History
and
Doctrine
of
Massacres
,
and
Regicides
,
then
to
question
the
Malice
of
the
Jesuitical
Positions
,
or
the
credibility
of
the
Plot
here
in
Debate
:
and
so
we
shall
yield
him
in
the
Hellish
Tenet
,
which
he
insists
upon
,
of
Murthering
KINGS
,
and
a
Hellish
Tenet
it
is
indeed
;
and
as
Hellish
undoubtedly
in
a
Schismatique
,
as
in
a
Jesuit
.
For
his
Quarrel
otherwise
is
to
the
Faction
,
not
to
the
Maxim
,
which
is
equally
Dangerous
and
detestable
in
all
Factions
.
Now
wheresoever
we
find
the
same
Principles
,
we
have
the
Appellants
leave
honestly
to
suspect
the
same
Designs
.
Was
not
this
the
Doctrine
of
the
Fanatiques
from
Forty
,
to
Sixty
?
And
did
they
not
make
good
their
Doctrine
by
their
Practise
?
Did
they
not
declare
the
King
Accountable
to
the
People
?
And
did
they
not
put
him
to
Death
,
upon
that
Foundation
?
We
have
the
very
Journals
themselves
of
those
Times
,
to
prove
what
we
say
:
beside
the
Damned
Harmony
of
their
best
received
Authors
to
that
purpose
.
e
We
propound
(
say
the
Remonstrants
)
that
the
Person
of
the
King
may
be
speedily
brought
to
Justice
,
for
the
Treason
,
Bloud
and
Mischief
he
is
Guilty
of
.
An
Act
(
says
another
)
agreeing
with
the
Laws
of
God
,
Consonant
to
the
Laws
of
Men
,
and
the
Practices
of
all
Well-order'd
States
and
Kingdoms
.
Let
Justice
and
Reason
blush
(
says
another
)
and
Traytors
and
Murtherers
,
Parricides
and
Patricides
put
on
white
Garments
and
Rejoyce
as
Innocent
ones
,
if
this
man
(
speaking
of
the
Late
King
)
should
escape
the
hands
of
Justice
and
Punishment
.
The
Government
of
England
(
says
a
Fourth
)
is
a
Mixt
Monarchy
,
and
Govern'd
by
the
Major
Part
of
the
Three
Estates
assembled
in
Parliament
.
Whensoever
a
King
(
says
a
Fifth
)
or
other
Superior
Authority
,
Creates
an
Inferior
,
they
invest
it
with
a
Legitimacy
of
Magistratical
Power
,
to
punish
themselves
also
,
in
case
they
prove
Evil
Doers
.
It
is
Lawful
(
says
a
Sixth
)
for
any
,
who
have
the
Power
,
to
call
to
account
a
Tyrant
or
wicked
King
;
and
after
due
Conviction
,
to
Depose
and
put
him
to
Death
,
if
the
Ordinary
Magistrate
have
deny'd
to
do
it
.
Detrahere
Indigno
,
&c.
It
is
not
for
private
persons
to
Depose
a
wicked
Governour
;
but
that
the
Universality
of
the
People
may
Lawfully
do
it
,
I
think
no
body
questions
.
These
Seditious
Positions
,
with
many
more
,
(
and
some
worse
,
perhaps
)
were
publiquely
Printed
and
avow'd
before
his
Majesties
Return
.
And
the
very
same
Principles
,
with
Pestilent
Additions
to
them
,
have
been
expos'd
by
the
same
Party
,
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
since
his
Majesties
Restauration
.
And
there
is
scarce
a
Pamphlet
without
something
of
this
Mixture
,
that
comes
from
any
of
the
Private
and
Pragmatical
Intermeddlers
in
the
present
Controversie
.
So
that
the
Principles
are
the
very
same
,
as
to
the
Quality
and
Ingredients
,
under
several
Colours
.
And
so
much
for
their
Principles
:
Now
to
their
Interests
.
In
his
following
way
of
Reasoning
;
under
the
Countenance
of
proving
it
to
be
the
Papists
Interest
to
Murther
the
King
,
he
does
all
he
can
in
the
world
,
by
a
side-wind
,
to
possess
them
with
the
Necessity
of
doing
it
;
and
consequently
,
to
force
them
upon
it
:
Only
,
as
good
luck
is
,
the
Arguments
will
not
bear
that
stress
.
I
should
not
dare
to
speak
his
words
after
him
,
if
it
were
not
,
f
First
,
that
the
Libell
is
already
,
by
several
Impressions
of
it
,
made
as
Publique
as
a
News-Book
.
And
Secondly
,
that
his
Propositions
are
erected
upon
a
false
Bottom
▪
Upon
which
two
Considerations
,
we
shall
presume
to
insert
only
two
Periods
of
his
,
upon
this
Subject
.
Their
Interest
(
says
he
)
does
unavoidably
excite
them
to
Murther
his
Sacred
●ajesty
;
For
First
,
they
know
he
cannot
long
subsist
without
a
Considerable
Sum
of
Money
,
which
he
must
Receive
either
from
the
Party
,
or
from
the
Parliament
:
Now
for
them
to
supply
him
with
so
vast
a
Sum
,
is
a
Charge
,
that
(
you
may
well
imagine
)
they
would
desire
to
get
rid
of
it
,
if
they
could
,
tho
by
the
Kings
Death
.
On
the
other
side
,
for
the
Parliament
to
supply
him
with
money
,
that
,
they
know
,
cannot
be
done
but
by
taking
off
the
Heads
of
their
Faction
;
excluding
their
Succession
,
and
consenting
to
such
Laws
as
must
of
Necessity
ruine
them
:
Besides
,
his
Majesty
hath
already
permitted
the
Executing
so
many
of
their
Party
,
as
they
never
can
or
will
forgive
it
.
It
falls
out
Happily
that
the
force
of
his
Argument
does
not
come
up
to
the
Drift
of
it
.
But
the
Weakness
of
the
One
,
takes
off
the
Edge
of
the
Other
.
g
He
tells
the
whole
world
,
that
the
Papists
have
no
way
in
the
Earth
to
save
themselves
,
but
by
the
Murther
of
the
King.
The
One
half
of
this
spoken
in
a
Corner
to
a
Knot
of
Priests
and
Jesuits
,
and
fairly
prov'd
upon
a
man
,
would
be
as
much
as
his
Head
's
worth
.
And
is
the
Crime
ever
the
Lesse
for
doing
the
same
thing
in
Publique
,
where
the
Provocation
is
stronger
?
These
Discourses
are
not
to
pass
for
Simple
Declarations
of
a
mans
Opinion
;
but
Artificial
Encouragements
rather
,
and
Advises
,
toward
the
doing
of
the
thing
;
especially
coming
from
the
Pen
of
a
Person
that
calls
himself
h
Junius
Brutus
,
and
recommends
himself
to
the
City
by
the
Borrow'd
name
of
a
King-killer
.
Tho'
I
cannot
inform
my self
of
any
of
that
Family
that
lives
near
Richmond
.
His
First
Argument
runs
thus
.
The
King
wants
money
;
and
there
's
none
to
be
got
,
but
either
of
the
Papists
,
or
of
the
Parliament
.
The
Parliament
,
he
says
,
will
give
his
Majesty
none
;
and
therefore
the
Papists
will
Murther
him
to
save
Charges
.
This
is
a
Policy
far
fetch'd
:
The
Fathers
Head
(
we
know
)
was
set
at
a
Price
,
but
we
hope
better
of
the
Sons
:
Now
in
his
prejudging
the
Parliament
,
upon
an
Assumption
that
the
King
gets
not
a
penny
of
Mony
of
them
,
but
upon
such
and
such
Terms
;
i
he
does
not
so
much
speak
his
thought
,
as
vent
his
Proposition
;
rather
Desireing
,
then
Foreseeing
that
the
Houss
of
Commons
will
hold
the
King
to
such
unhappy
Conditions
.
And
then
he
finishes
his
Contemplation
with
this
Conclusion
,
that
the
Papists
will
never
forgive
his
Majesty
,
for
what
he
has
done
already
.
Wherein
,
First
,
he
Contradicts
himself
,
in
supposing
the
King
an
En●my
to
the
Papists
,
whom
he
has
hitherto
insinuated
to
be
their
Friend
.
And
Secondly
,
instead
of
proving
the
Papists
Design
against
the
King
in
this
Particular
,
he
advances
One
of
his
Own.
Now
if
he
would
have
come
roundly
up
to
the
Point
of
the
Papists
Interest
,
he
should
have
told
us
of
the
Ecclesiastical
Dignities
and
Preferments
that
the
Church
of
Rome
has
confer'd
upon
their
Emissaries
into
his
Majesties
Dominions
:
And
he
should
have
expounded
it
to
the
people
,
what
pains
they
take
,
and
what
Hazards
they
run
,
only
in
the
playing
of
their
Own
Game
,
and
making
way
to
their
advantages
in
Reversion
.
This
is
so
great
a
truth
,
that
most
of
the
serious
Catholiques
themselves
reflect
familiarly
upon
these
Busie
People
,
as
the
common
troublers
of
the
Peace
of
Christendom
:
But
then
I
should
have
oppos'd
an
Interest
also
on
the
Fanatiques
side
,
to
ballance
this
.
For
they
have
their
Reversionall
prospects
too
:
their
sequester'd
Livings
and
Estates
;
their
plunder'd
goods
,
their
profitable
Offices
and
Commissions
,
Crown
and
Church
Lands
,
&c.
And
they
wait
for
their
day
again
as
impatiently
as
the
Jews
do
for
their
Messias
.
Nay
to
keep
their
title
still
a
foot
,
they
stand
fast
to
their
Old
Covenant
still
,
k
as
the
Fanatiques
Magna
Charta
;
by
which
they
pretend
to
make
out
a
Religious
claim
to
all
the
advantages
they
got
by
sacriledge
and
oppression
.
So
that
their
principles
and
interests
lying
indifferently
against
the
Establisht
Order
both
of
Church
and
State
;
there
will
be
no
need
of
casting
either
faults
upon
the
other
.
After
a
worse
then
Astrological
Determination
upon
the
Kings
Fate
;
he
bestows
another
Cast
of
his
Cunning
upon
the
City
and
Citizens
of
London
,
l
which
(
he
says
)
is
in
danger
to
be
consum'd
by
Fire
.
It
is
a
lewd
and
a
seditious
Hint
,
in
both
these
Cases
,
the
putting
of
it
into
the
head
,
as
it
is
much
in
the
power
of
any
profligate
and
desperate
villain
,
to
verify
his
calculation
.
Besides
that
in
telling
the
Citizens
what
they
are
to
expect
,
he
does
at
the
same
time
,
Counsell
the
Papists
what
to
do
.
They
will
burn
London
;
(
he
says
)
First
,
as
the
only
United
force
,
able
to
withstand
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
without
that
,
Popery
can
never
prevail
,
If
Popery
cannot
come
in
without
Arbitrary
Government
,
if
the
Iesuits
design
the
burning
of
London
,
as
the
only
United
force
that
can
withstand
that
power
:
either
there
is
no
fear
of
Popery
and
Arbitrary
Government
,
and
(
consequently
)
of
such
a
design
taking
place
in
this
King's
Reign
;
or
the
whole
calumny
falls
directly
upon
his
Majesty
himself
:
or
otherwise
,
if
the
Appellants
prospect
looks
forward
into
the
future
,
what
's
the
meaning
of
all
these
Alarms
,
so
unseasonably
,
to
trouble
our
present
peace
with
the
sickly
Visions
of
things
to
come
?
And
he
should
have
done
well
also
to
have
expounded
himself
a
little
upon
the
United
Force
that
should
withstand
,
and
the
Arbitrary
Government
to
be
withstood
?
For
otherwise
,
it
may
be
taken
for
the
sounding
of
a
Trumpet
to
a
Rebellion
.
m
For
the
Arbitrary
Government
which
he
phansies
to
himself
,
must
be
exercised
either
by
a
Lawful
Prince
,
or
by
an
Vsurper
:
If
by
the
Former
▪
his
Tyranny
is
no
Warrant
for
our
opposition
;
if
the
Latter
,
there
's
no
appearance
of
any
other
Vsurpation
,
then
(
as
we
shall
see
presently
)
of
his
own
setting
up
.
Secondly
,
He
says
that
London
is
the
only
place
where
by
reason
of
their
Excellent
Preaching
and
daily
instruction
in
the
Protestant
Religion
,
the
people
have
a
lively
sense
thereof
,
and
doubtless
will
not
part
with
it
,
to
pleasure
a
Prince
;
but
perhaps
rather
lose
their
Lives
by
the
Sword
in
the
Wars
,
than
by
Faggots
,
in
Smithfield
.
The
passage
now
is
plain
English
;
and
as
many
indignities
upon
the
Government
,
crouded
into
one
sentence
,
as
could
well
be
brought
together
.
Here
is
First
,
an
Exhortation
to
a
Rebellion
.
For
the
Prince
here
in
question
,
against
whom
the
sword
is
to
be
drawn
,
can
be
no
other
,
upon
his
supposition
,
n
than
actually
the
King.
And
let
him
take
his
choice
now
whether
it
shall
be
intended
of
his
present
Majesty
,
or
of
his
Successour
.
It
is
a
Rebellion
against
the
King
that
now
is
,
in
the
one
Case
,
and
against
the
Next
King
in
the
other
:
And
Secondly
,
It
is
not
only
a
simple
Rebellion
,
but
(
to
the
scandal
of
the
Reformation
,
and
particularly
of
the
Church
of
England
)
a
Rebellion
founded
upon
the
Doctrine
of
the
Protestant
Religion
:
Thirdly
,
It
is
no
other
then
(
as
he
himself
has
worded
it
)
the
Hellish
Tenet
of
Murthering
Kings
,
in
a
disguise
:
only
a
Jesuitical
Principle
in
Masquerade
.
It
is
,
Fourthly
,
a
Condemnation
of
the
practices
and
submissions
of
the
Primitive
Christians
,
and
the
whole
story
of
our
Protestant
Martyrology
.
He
says
,
Thirdly
,
that
the
City
is
too
powerful
for
any
Prince
that
Governs
not
by
the
love
of
his
people
,
which
no
Popish
Successour
can
expect
to
do
.
This
is
the
very
Translation
of
his
Name-sake
,
Junius
Brutus
,
in
his
Vindiciae
Contra
Tyrannos
.
If
the
Prince
fails
in
his
promise
(
says
he
)
the
people
are
exempt
from
their
obedience
.
The
contract
is
made
void
,
and
the
right
of
obligation
is
of
no
force
.
It
is
therefore
permitted
to
the
Officers
of
a
Kingdom
,
either
all
,
or
some
good
number
of
them
,
to
suppress
a
Tyrant
.
Here
's
a
great
deal
of
virulence
in
his
Discourse
,
without
one
word
of
weight
,
to
countenance
it
.
For
the
well-being
of
this
City
is
so
essentially
requisite
to
the
well-being
of
this
Kingdom
,
that
the
very
charge
of
the
Government
is
not
to
be
defray'd
without
it
.
So
that
it
is
the
interest
of
all
Governours
to
cherish
,
and
support
it
.
Here
he
trifles
away
some
half
a
score
lines
more
about
the
Fire
;
and
then
,
from
the
danger
of
the
City
,
advances
to
the
further
danger
accruing
to
the
Citizens
,
as
well
as
to
the
whole
Kingdom
,
upon
the
King
's
untimely
Death
.
The
greatest
danger
(
says
he
)
will
proceed
from
a
confusion
,
and
want
of
some
Eminent
and
Interested
persons
,
whom
you
may
trust
to
lead
you
up
against
a
French
and
Popish
Army
.
For
which
purpose
no
person
is
fitter
then
his
Grace
the
Duke
of
Monmouth
,
as
well
for
Quality
,
Courage
and
Conduct
;
as
for
that
his
life
and
fortune
depends
upon
the
same
bottom
with
Yours
▪
He
will
stand
by
you
,
therefore
ought
you
to
stand
by
him
:
And
remember
the
old
rule
is
,
He
who
hath
the
worst
Title
,
ever
makes
the
best
King.
Does
he
suppose
this
confusion
upon
the
death
of
the
King
;
or
the
burning
of
the
City
,
or
before
,
or
after
?
o
Or
has
he
consulted
either
the
Illustrious
Person
,
or
the
Honourable
City
(
that
he
makes
so
bold
with
)
to
know
whether
or
not
the
one
would
accept
of
such
a
Commission
upon
the
Appellants
terms
,
or
the
other
offer
it
?
the
Character
that
he
is
pleas'd
to
bestow
upon
his
Grace
,
for
his
Quality
,
Courage
,
and
Conduct
,
is
not
unknown
to
any
man
that
ever
so
much
as
heard
of
his
Name
.
But
the
Appellant
never
considers
that
all
these
glorious
circumstances
are
point
blank
contradictions
to
his
design
.
How
can
he
imagine
that
so
brave
a
Person
can
ever
stoop
to
so
mean
a
thought
;
and
suffer
himself
,
by
a
Prostitute
Libell
,
to
be
inchanted
out
of
his
Honour
,
reason
,
and
Allegiance
?
Or
that
the
most
Eminent
City
of
Christendom
for
purity
of
Religion
,
Loyalty
to
their
Prince
,
Power
,
Good
Government
,
Wealth
and
Resolution
,
should
be
cajol'd
out
of
all
these
blessings
and
advantages
,
by
the
Jesuitical
Fanaticism
of
a
Dark-lanthorn-Pamphlet
?
But
to
what
end
is
all
this
clutter
?
the
Appellant
has
a
mind
(
it
seems
)
to
p
change
his
Master
.
He
who
hath
the
worst
Title
(
he
says
)
ever
makes
the
best
King
;
which
is
a
very
fair
proposition
for
setting
up
of
a
worse
Title
,
in
his
Majesties
place
.
From
hence
he
goes
forward
,
still
computing
upon
his
Majesties
death
,
as
a
thing
to
be
taken
for
granted
;
and
so
recommending
himself
to
the
most
worthy
Citizens
,
he
finishes
his
Appeal
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A25572-e140
(a)
So
that
either
all
Honest
Men
are
Mutiniers
,
or
all
Mutiniers
Honest
Men
:
which
makes
him
joyn
them
together
.
(b)
Here
he
shews
himself
to
be
an
Informer
,
(c)
Wat
Tyler's
endeavour
was
to
destroy
the
Kings
Life
and
Government
,
and
plunder
the
City
:
whereas
the
Appeal
desires
to
save
King
,
City
and
Government
,
or
at
least
to
revenge
their
sufferings
.
(d)
This
year
of
41.
is
indeed
very
remarkable
for
the
Massacre
of
250000
poor
Irish
Protestants
,
by
the
Papists
.
(e)
I
suppose
our
Author
is
the
only
party
that
accuses
the
Honourable
City
.
(f)
Herein
I
must
agree
with
him
,
that
the
City
lost
many
things
by
the
last
Civil
War
;
for
they
lost
the
Star-Chamber
,
High-Commission-Court
,
Knights-Service
,
Court
of
Wards
,
Privy-Seals
,
&c.
(a)
At
first
he
claws
the
City
,
but
here
you
see
his
Complement
does
not
hold
long
,
likening
some
of
them
to
Horse-turds
.
(b)
Here
he
begins
to
withdraw
you
from
believing
or
fearing
a
Popish
Plot.
(c)
This
Parallel
is
no
other
but
an
Harangue
for
Popery
,
and
against
all
the
Protestants
,
under
the
name
of
Schismaticks
*
As
many
times
this
Fidler
hath
done
.
(d)
Given
for
the
Peoples
own
servi●e
and
security
,
th●refore
less
grievous
.
(e)
The
sum
of
this
parallel
is
,
that
he
wrongfully
accuses
another
of
stealing
an
Ox
,
to
justifie
his
own
Theft
of
a
Horse
:
&
since
he
cannot
have
the
impudence
to
clear
his
own
Popish
Party
of
a
Plot
,
yet
he
hopes
at
least
to
extenuate
their
crime
,
by
unjustly
calumniating
the
Protestants
.
(f)
Now
to
shew
that
this
was
written
by
a
Papist
,
examine
the
Catholick
Naked
Truth
,
where
you
may
find
their
usual
way
of
writing
is
to
set
up
their
own
Doctrine
,
by
making
the
Protestants
and
Fanaticks
fall
out
.
(g)
Sure
this
Author
is
in
the
Plot
himself
,
that
he
makes
our
present
danger
and
the
Plot
to
be
but
a
Supposition
or
Vision
,
when
both
King
and
Parliament
have
declared
it
real
.
(h)
As
this
Scribler
would
do
our
Abby
Lands
,
were
his
Religion
uppermost
.
(i)
Nor
Papists
,
till
just
before
a
Parliaments
dissolution
.
(k)
Here
he
supposes
the
best
part
of
the
House
of
Commons
would
lay
the
Kingdom
in
bloud
,
whereas
such
men
as
he
calls
Good
Members
would
lay
the
City
in
ashes
.
(l)
Many
things
are
lawful
,
but
not
expedient
;
and
't
is
evident
by
this
,
he
fears
nothing
more
than
a
Sessions
of
Parliament
,
therefore
an
enemy
to
the
Government
by
Parliament
.
(m)
Not
upon
the
King
,
but
such
as
advise
him
to
it
,
for
we
all
know
that
the
King
can
do
no
wrong
.
(n)
Since
the
Appeal
first
came
out
,
hath
not
Dangerfield
discover'd
many
new
Plots
,
in
order
to
the
carrying
on
of
the
old
one
?
(o)
Here
he
disguises
himself
,
and
would
be
thought
a
Protestant
forsooth
(p)
By
this
I
guess
he
had
a
hand
in
the
late
forg'd
Plot.
(q)
None
of
these
Principles
are
in
the
Appeal
,
therefore
not
to
his
purpose
.
(r)
Private
malice
of
some
Relation
of
that
Person
,
whom
the
Bishop
had
hang'd
after
promise
of
pardon
,
revenged
his
bloud
upon
the
Bishop
;
so
as
the
whole
Party
is
not
to
be
blamed
.
(s)
Because
the
unarm'd
Scotch
Rabble
took
up
Arms
against
some
few
that
oppressed
them
,
and
made
a
declaration
of
their
grievances
,
therefore
he
would
have
us
forget
the
Popish
Plot
that
is
in
England
.
(t)
Not
upon
that
score
do
we
think
him
banish'd
,
but
upon
some
false
furmises
suggested
to
his
Majesty
by
his
Popish
Enemies
,
although
they
did
it
with
that
design
.
(u)
Witness
Willoughby's
Relation
:
Witness
the
Priests
daily
taken
.
All
this
is
but
to
lull
us
asleep
,
for
them
to
devour
us
.
(w)
This
is
apparently
false
,
for
the
words
are
,
The
first
hour
you
hear
of
the
King
's
untimely
end
,
which
I
think
▪
supposes
the
King's
Murder
,
and
may
be
so
understood
by
any
but
our
Clodpate
Author
.
(x)
If
King
James
,
when
he
had
secret
notice
of
the
Gunpowder-Treason
,
had
seem'd
to
disbelieve
it
,
this
Answerer
would
have
esteem'd
it
the
part
of
a
good
Subject
to
have
been
quiet
,
and
suffer'd
the
King
and
Parliament
to
have
danced
in
the
Air
,
rather
than
to
have
been
so
presumptuous
a
Presbyterian
,
as
to
prevent
it
by
a
clamour
for
Justice
against
the
Popish
Traitors
.
(y)
Here
he
tells
you
his
design
,
which
is
,
That
when
the
Papists
have
murder'd
the
King
,
it
may
be
laid
upon
the
Presbyteriant
.
(z)
Sure
as
can
be
our
Author
here
was
to
have
been
one
of
the
Evidences
in
this
feign'd
Presbyterian
Plot.
a
I
'le
lay
my
life
he
is
painted
in
some
of
these
Characters
,
if
not
in
all
;
that
make
him
so
out
of
humour
with
this
description
.
b
Here
be
pleas'd
to
observe
,
that
he
divides
the
Kingdom
but
into
two
parts
:
the
on●
(
as
he
says
)
consisting
of
Mutiniers
and
Schismatiques
,
by
whom
he
has
all
along
mean●
no
other
than
Fanatiques
:
the
other
party
,
of
Loyal
Servants
and
Subjects
of
the
Government
,
into
which
Classis
he
must
by
consequence
design
to
rank
the
Papists
,
for
that
he
●e●
no
room
for
them
elsewhere
.
c
See
how
bravely
he
pleads
here
for
our
Client
the
Conclave
?
any
thing
for
money
:
he
can
Fiddle
to
all
Governments
.
d
Polemical
discourse
,
Anglicè
,
Scolding
,
or
Billingsgate
is
the
whole
Argument
of
this
Book
.
e
All
against
poor
Protestants
,
and
not
one
censure
of
the
Papists
:
this
is
too
gross
;
examine
his
Faith
by
his
Works
.
f
He
forgets
Secretary
Windebank's
Orders
in
savour
of
them
.
g
Only
in
that
place
signifies
no
more
but
that
had
it
not
been
for
Popery
,
all
had
been
quiet
.
h
Did
not
Aaron
himself
the
High-Priest
turn
and
comply
with
the
Peoples
Idolatry
,
in
helping
them
to
a
golden
Calf
?
what
has
been
,
may
be
again
.
i
For
that
the
Separatists
(
as
he
calls
them
)
were
then
in
most
danger
.
k
Machiavel
(
who
was
perhaps
as
old
,
though
not
so
wise
as
this
Scribler
)
plainly
shews
,
that
England
can
never
long
continue
a
Republick
,
by
reason
of
the
●oo
great
corruption
and
scarcity
of
publitk
Spirits
in
the
Nation
.
l
As
who
should
say
,
this
Author
loves
Monarchy
for
Popery's
s●ke
.
m
Still
for
the
Papists
.
n
Not
worth
God-a-mercy
.
o
All
this
is
in
behalf
of
Popery
.
p
The
consequence
extended
further
than
at
first
design'd
.
q
Dr.
Du
Moulin
will
satisfie
any
in
this
matter
.
r
Since
this
Appeal
came
forth
,
the
late
feign'd
Plot
justifies
all
this
upon
the
Papists
,
notwithstanding
our
impotent
Scribler
lays
all
upon
the
Fanatiques
,
to
clear
himself
and
his
Party
.
s
This
Story
in
the
Appeal
was
unanswerable
,
and
therefore
not
to
his
purpose
.
t
As
if
half
a
hundred
Priests
would
set
thousands
of
silly
people
together
by
the
ears
.
u
It
may
be
policy
requires
them
to
let
some
few
die
,
rather
than
discover
their
Power
at
present
.
w
He
makes
the
Papists
invisible
and
fictitious
Evidence
,
and
defames
the
Kings
Evidence
.
x
Very
true
,
for
how
could
Dr.
Oates
say
they
had
done
it
,
before
they
had
?
we
all
agree
that
he
only
mentions
their
design
,
which
was
effected
long
since
he
gave
in
his
Evidence
.
y
Because
not
required
;
but
many
can
justifie
it
upon
Oath
.
z
So
call'd
,
because
many
of
the
Officers
were
Papists
.
a
The
Parliament
chiefly
desired
their
disbanding
:
so
as
he
accuses
them
for
being
privy
to
the
Scotch
Insurrection
.
b
This
tacit
Confession
is
as
improper
an
expression
,
as
exposition
.
c
Who
knows
but
many
of
them
were
Papists
in
disguise
,
like
our
Author
?
however
,
they
might
like
Pontius
Pilate
,
deliver
him
up
to
be
crucified
,
and
then
wash
their
hands
of
his
death
.
d
This
is
an
Answer
to
his
own
former
Parallel
,
wherein
he
goes
to
vindicate
the
Papists
,
by
accusing
the
Fanaticks
.
e
Howbeit
he
here
endeavours
to
justifie
the
French's
ill
usage
of
his
Majesty
,
yet
being
unable
to
disprove
our
Civilities
to
the
French
as
false
,
he
takes
no
notice
of
it
.
f
The
danger
of
the
Kings
person
'
,
Religion
,
and
Government
,
by
reason
of
the
Plot
;
together
with
the
many
Jesuitical
Fires
,
loss
of
Trade
,
and
danger
of
the
French
power
,
are
none
of
them
Calamities
to
our
Author
?
who
would
rejoyce
at
them
,
as
being
a
Papist
,
and
would
therefore
have
us
think
them
all
imaginary
and
remote
,
till
they
really
happen
.
g
All
this
page
is
V●x
praet●rea
n●h●l
,
nothing
but
florid
nonsence
,
wherein
he
compares
the
fear
of
his
Majesties
death
,
to
the
fear
of
Corns
and
Chilblains
.
h
Meaning
the
Duke's
death
,
the
King
's
surviving
,
and
the
Duke's
conversion
:
as
if
no
man
must
take
care
for
the
future
,
because
there
is
a
bare
possibility
of
succeeding
without
it
.
i
Still
harping
upon
the
same
string
,
so
that
this
Pamphlet
is
nothing
but
Tautology
and
Popery
.
A
man
would
guess
that
this
Author
was
once
so
near
hanging
,
as
to
have
a
Presbyterian
Rope
about
his
Neck
,
that
makes
him
so
much
inveigh
against
them
.
k
Did
our
Pr●nces
never
live
in
France
?
l
Because
one
King
was
(
as
he
says
)
murder'd
by
Protestants
,
therefore
our
Author
would
have
us
fear
them
more
than
the
Papi●ts
,
who
have
murder'd
many
:
so
partial
is
a
Pap●st
in
his
own
cause
.
m
Male
dum
recitas
,
incipit
esse
tuum
:
you
your self
apply
it
.
n
I
wish
he
had
here
shew'd
us
some
example
of
a
Prince
ruin'd
by
over-caution
;
or
shew'd
us
some
Argument
why
the
Duke
of
Burgundy
had
come
to
the
same
end
,
if
he
had
credited
the
Kings
admonition
:
abund●us
cautela
non
nocet
.
o
Evil
to
him
that
Evil
thinks
,
p
Was
it
not
an
old
observation
of
the
Ancients
,
Quos
Jupiter
vult
perdere
hos
prius
dementa●
q
What
a
way
of
Reasoning
is
this
?
r
Here
he
practises
that
Popish
Doctrine
of
Merit
in
Temporals
,
as
well
as
Spirituals
;
when
vainly
boasting
of
his
own
deserts
,
he
doth
implicitely
tax
both
King
,
Church
and
State
with
ingratitude
.
s
I
think
any
reasonable
man
will
confess
,
that
a
Papist
at
this
time
is
a
dangerous
companion
.
t
This
Argument
in
the
Appeal
holds
only
against
such
Friends
or
Relations
who
are
suspected
to
have
attempted
our
Lives
.
u
And
from
●is
Religion
,
if
Popery
.
w
The
gain
and
expectation
which
is
divided
among
the
populace
,
is
not
of
such
power
,
as
when
united
in
one
single
person
,
who
has
all
by
the
others
death
.
Especially
at
this
time
they
can
wish
nothing
more
than
the
King's
Death
,
a
Papist
being
to
succeed
him
;
for
every
Englishman
ought
to
desire
the
King
should
live
as
long
as
the
Duke
of
York
,
or
any
other
person
:
Now
if
the
King
does
live
as
long
as
the
Duke
,
then
the
Duke
can
never
be
King
;
therefore
every
Englishman
ought
to
desire
the
Duke
may
never
be
their
King.
x
Here
he
takes
no
notice
of
the
Jesuitical
K●ng-killing
Principles
;
all
his
design
being
to
render
Protestants
odious
.
y
But
he
means
it
,
and
blames
nothing
in
the
said
Plot
,
but
the
ill
conduct
of
it
,
calling
it
only
silly
,
but
not
impious
.
z
Witnesses
come
from
St.
Omers
.
a
'T
is
not
said
were
,
but
did
prevent
their
Tryals
,
and
that
no
man
can
deny
.
b
Why
?
because
he
printed
it
.
c
How
fearful
he
is
left
a
Pope
should
be
burnt
;
or
Papist
upon
the
account
of
the
Plot
be
affronted
.
d
'T
is
to
be
supposed
,
he
has
a
dispensation
for
that
word
Detestable
.
e
He
cannot
here
quote
his
Authors
,
because
all
these
Principles
were
taken
out
of
the
Iesuits
Morals
,
which
he
here
fixes
on
the
Fanaticks
.
f
Here
he
does
the
Author
of
the
Appeal
no
small
honour
unawares
,
in
making
his
Book
so
generally
approv'd
of
.
g
Everyman
that
has
but
so
litte
w●t
as
our
Author
,
knew
the
Papists
Interest
before
:
so
that
I
conceive
this
was
written
only
to
demonstrate
the
danger
his
Majesty
is
in
.
h
Why
might
not
the
Author
of
the
Appeal
,
like
some
of
the
Popes
,
take
a
Name
upon
him
contrary
to
his
Nature
.
i
You
are
well
acquainted
sure
with
the
Author
,
to
know
his
thoughts
.
k
I
hope
he
doth
not
esteem
all
that
are
for
Magna
Charta
,
to
be
Fanaticks
.
l
I
think
sad
experience
hath
already
justified
this
hint
,
which
he
calls
malicious
,
as
if
he
thought
himself
concern'd
in
Firing
;
't
is
evident
his
principles
would
let
him
.
m
Here
he
pleads
for
Ar●●trary
Go●●●nment
.
n
The
Sword
is
in
the
Appeal
no
where
bid
to
be
drawn
but
against
a
Popish
Successor
,
and
that
too
when
the
King
is
murdered
.
So
that
at
the
worst
it
is
but
Treason
by
Anticipation
,
which
is
not
mention'd
in
our
Law.
o
Notwithstanding
this
Authors
flattery
of
his
Grace
and
the
City
,
yet
their
wisdom
will
certainly
unmask
him
;
whom
if
I
knew
,
't
is
probable
I
might
get
a
hundred
pound
for
taking
a
Jesuit
.
p
I
cannot
perceive
the
Author
of
the
Appeal
has
any
such
design
against
the
King
,
but
rather
the
contrary
;
since
both
by
the
Title
,
Arguments
against
the
Plot
,
and
Prayer
for
the
King
at
last
,
he
seems
to
aim
at
nothing
more
than
his
Majesties
preservation
,
whom
I
pray
God
defend
from
the
hands
and
counsels
of
all
su●h
evil
men
25
this
Author
.