generously made available by internet archive (https://archive.org) note: project gutenberg also has an html version of this file which includes the more than 200 original illustrations. see 42893-h.htm or 42893-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42893/42893-h/42893-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/42893/42893-h.zip) images of the original pages are available through internet archive. see https://archive.org/details/guardiansofcolu00willrich transcriber's note: text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). the guardians of the columbia * * * * * the mountain i hold above a careless land the menace of the skies; within the hollow of my hand the sleeping tempest lies. mine are the promise of the morn, the triumph of the day; and parting sunset's beams forlorn upon my heights delay. --edward sydney tylee * * * * * [illustration: copyright dr. u. m. lauman dawn on spirit lake, north side of mt. st. helens. "night's candles are burnt out, and jocund day stands tiptoe on the misty mountain tops." shakespeare.] the guardians of the columbia mount hood, mount adams and mount st. helens by john h. williams author of "the mountain that was 'god'" _and mountains that like giants stand to sentinel enchanted land._ scott: "the lady of the lake." with more than two hundred illustrations including eight in colors tacoma john h. williams 1912 [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister climbing the last steep slope on mount hood, from cooper's spur, with ropes anchored on summit.] copyright, 1912, by john h. williams [illustration: willamette river at portland, with ships loading wheat and lumber for foreign ports.] foreword in offering this second volume of a proposed series on western mountain scenery, i am fortunate in having a subject as unhackneyed as was that of "the mountain that was 'god.'" the columbia river has been described in many publications about the northwest, but the three fine snow-peaks guarding its great canyon have received scant attention, and that mainly from periodicals of local circulation. these peaks are vitally a part of the vast cascade-columbia scene to which they give a climax. hence the story here told by text and picture has necessarily included the stage upon which they were built up. and since the great forests of this mountain and river district are a factor of its beauty as well as its wealth, i am glad to be able to present a brief chapter about them from the competent hand of mr. h. d. langille, formerly of the united states forest service. a short bibliography, with notes on transportation routes, hotels, guides and other matters of interest to travelers and students, will be found at the end. accuracy has been my first aim. i have tried to avoid the exaggeration employed in much current writing for the supposed edification of tourists. it has seemed to me that simply and briefly to tell the truth about the fascinating columbia country would be the best service i could render to those who love its splendid mountains and its noble river. a mass of books, government documents and scientific essays has been examined. this literature is more or less contradictory, and as i cannot hope to have avoided all errors, i shall be grateful for any correction of my text. in choosing the illustrations, i have sought to show the individuality of each peak. mountains, like men, wear their history on their faces,--none more so than hood's sharp and finely scarred pyramid; or adams, with its wide, truncated dome and deeply carved slopes; or st. helens, newest of all our extinct volcanoes--if, indeed, it be extinct,--and least marred by the ice, its cone as perfect as fujiyama's. each has its own wonderful story to tell of ancient and often recent vulcanism. let me again suggest that readers who would get the full value of the more comprehensive illustrations will find a reading glass very useful. thanks are due to many helpers. more than fifty photographers, professional and amateur, are named in the table of illustrations. without their co-operation the book would have been impossible. i am also indebted for valued information and assistance to the librarians at the portland and tacoma public libraries, the officers and members of the several mountaineering clubs in portland, and the passenger departments of the railways reaching that city; to prof. harry fielding reid, the eminent geologist of johns hopkins university; fred g. plummer, geographer of the united states forest service; dr. george otis smith, director of the united states geological survey; judge harrington putnam, of new york, president of the american alpine club; messrs. rodney l. glisan, william m. ladd, h. o. stabler, t. h. sherrard, judge w. b. gilbert, h. l. pittock, george h. himes, john gill, c. e. rusk, and others in portland and elsewhere. the west has much besides magnificent scenery to give those who visit it. here have been played, upon a grander stage, the closing acts in the great drama of state-building which opened three hundred years ago on the atlantic coast. the setting has powerfully moulded the history, and we must know one if we would understand the other. europe, of course, offers to the american student of culture and the arts something which travel here at home cannot supply. but every influence that brings the different sections of the united states into closer touch and fuller sympathy makes for patriotism and increased national strength. this, rather than regret for the two hundred millions of dollars which our tourists spend abroad each year, is the true basis of the "see america first" movement. according to his capacity, the tourist commonly gets value for his money, whether traveling in europe or america. but eastern ignorance of the west is costing the country more than the drain of tourist money. this volume is presented, therefore, as a call to better appreciation of the splendor and worth of our own land. its publication will be justified if it is found to merit in some degree the commendation given its predecessor by prof. w. d. lyman, of whitman college, whose delightful book on the columbia has been consulted and whose personal advice has been of great value throughout my work. "i wish to express the conviction," writes prof. lyman, "that you have done an inestimable service to all who love beauty, and who stand for those higher things among our possessions that cannot be measured in money, but which have an untold bearing upon the finer sensibilities of a nation." tacoma, june 15, 1912. [illustration: mount adams, seen from south slope of mount st. helens, near the summit, showing the cascade ranges below. note the great burn in the forest cover of the ridges. "steamboat mountain" is seen in the distance beyond. elevation of camera, nearly 9,000 feet.] [illustration: looking up the columbia at lyle, washington.] contents i. the river. dawn at cloud cap inn--the geological dawn--cascade-sierra uptilt--rise of the snow-peaks--an age of vulcanism--origin of the great columbia gorge--dawn in indian legend--the "bridge of the gods"--victory of young chinook--dawn of modern history--the pioneers and the state builders 15 ii. the mountains. portland's snowy sentinels--ruskin on the mountains--cascades vs. alps--mount hood and its retreating glaciers--the mazamas--a shattered crater--mount adams--lava and ice caves--mount st. helens--the struggle of the forest on the lava beds--adventures of the climbers--the mazamas in peril--an heroic rescue 57 iii. the forests, by harold douglas langille. outposts at timber line--the alpine parks--zone of the great trees--douglas fir--from snow-line to ocean beach--conservation and reforestation 123 notes 140 illustrations the * indicates engravings from copyrighted photographs. see notice under the illustration. three-color halftones. title photographer page *dawn on spirit lake, north side of mount st. helens dr. u. m. lauman frontispiece *st. peter's dome, with the columbia and mount adams g. m. weister 20 *nightfall on the columbia kiser photo co. 37 *columbia river and mount hood, from white salmon, washington kiser photo co. 56 *mount hood, with crevasses of eliot glacier g. m. weister 73 *ice castle and crevasse, eliot glacier g. m. weister 92 *columbia river and mount adams, from hood river, oregon benj. a. gifford 109 an island of color--rhododendrons and squaw grass asahel curtis 127 one-color halftones. title photographer page *climbing to summit of mount hood from cooper spur g. m. weister 6 willamette river and portland harbor g. m. weister 7 mount adams, from south slope of mount st. helens g. m. weister 8 columbia river at lyle william r. king 9 mount hood, seen from the columbia at vancouver l. c. henrichsen 14 trout lake and mount adams prof. harry fielding reid 15 mount st. helens, seen from the columbia, with railway bridge c. s. reeves 15 *view up the columbia, opposite astoria g. m. weister 16 astoria in 1813 from an old print 16 *view north from eliot glacier g. m. weister 17 columbia slough, near mouth of the willamette george f. holman 18 *cape horn kiser photo co. 19 mount hood, seen from columbia slough l. c. henrichsen 21 *campfire of yakima indians at astoria centennial frank woodfield 21 sunset at mouth of the columbia frank woodfield 22 portland, the willamette, and mounts hood, adams and st. helens angelus photo co. 22 "the coming of the white man" l. c. henrichsen 23 "sacajawea" g. m. weister 23 sunset on vancouver lake jas. waggener, jr. 24 fort vancouver in 1852 from an old lithograph 24 *rooster rock g. m. weister 25 seining for salmon on the lower columbia frank woodfield 25 *the columbia near butler, looking across to multnomah falls kiser photo co. 26 captain som-kin, chief of indian police lee moorehouse 26 *multnomah falls in summer and winter (2) kiser photo co. 27 *view from the cliffs at multnomah falls kiser photo co. 28 *the broad columbia, seen from lone rock kiser photo co. 29 castle rock, seen from mosquito island kiser photo co. 29 *the columbia opposite oneonta gorge and horsetail falls kiser photo co. 30 an original american c. c. hutchins 30 *view from elevation west of st. peter's dome kiser photo co. 31 *oneonta gorge g. m. weister 32 looking up the columbia, near bonneville h. j. thorne 33 salmon trying to jump the falls of the willamette jas. waggener, jr. 33 *in the columbia canyon at cascade kiser photo co. 34 *the cascades of the columbia g. m. weister 35 *fishwheel below the cascades, with table mountain g. m. weister 36 *sunrise on the columbia, from top of table mountain kiser photo co. 36 looking down the columbia below the cascades l. j. hicks 38 *wind mountain and submerged forest g. m. weister 39 steamboat entering cascades locks g. m. weister 39 moonlight on the columbia, with clouds on wind mountain c. s. reeves 40 *white salmon river and its gorge (2) kiser photo co. 41 looking down the columbia canyon from white salmon, washington s. c. reeves 42 an oregon trout stream l. c. henrichsen 42 looking up the columbia from hood river, oregon f. c. howell 43 *hood river, fed by the glaciers of mount hood benj. a. gifford 43 a late winter afternoon; the columbia from white salmon c. c. hutchins 44 *memaloose island g. m. weister 44 "gateway to the inland empire;" the columbia at lyle kiser photo co. 45 "grant castle" and palisades of the columbia below the dalles g. m. weister 46 *the dalles of the columbia, lower channel g. m. weister 47 cabbage rock lee moorehouse 47 a true fish story of the columbia frank woodfield 48 the zigzag river in winter t. brook white 48 *the dalles, below celilo g. m. weister 49 the "witch's head," an indian picture rock lee moorehouse 50 village of indian tepees, umatilla reservation lee moorehouse 50 mount adams, seen from eagle peak asahel curtis 51 a clearing in the forest; mount hood from sandy, oregon l. c. henrichsen 51 an indian madonna and child lee moorehouse 52 finished portion of canal at celilo ed. ledgerwood 52 *sentinels of "the wallula gateway" g. m. weister 53 *tumwater, the falls of the columbia at celilo kiser photo co. 54 *summit of mount hood, from west end of ridge g. m. weister 55 north side of mount hood, from ridge west of cloud cap inn george r. miller 57 winter on mount hood rodney l. glisan 57 *watching the climbers, from cloud cap inn g. m. weister 58 lower end of eliot glacier, seen from cooper spur e. d. jorgensen 59 snout of eliot glacier prof. w. d. lyman 59 cone of mount hood, seen from cooper spur f. w. freeborn 60 cloud cap inn george r. miller 60 *portland's white sentinel, mount hood g. m. weister 61 *ice cascade on eliot glacier, mount hood g. m. weister 62 portland snow-shoe club members on eliot glacier in winter rodney l. glisan 62 *snow-bridge over great crevasse, eliot glacier g. m. weister 63 *coasting down east side of mount hood, above cooper spur. g. m. weister 63 *mount hood, from hills south of the dalles g. m. weister 64 *mount hood, from larch mountain l. j. hicks 65 butterfly on summit of mount hood shoji endow 66 portland snow-shoe club and club house (2) rodney l. glisan 66 fumarole, or gas vent, near crater rock l. j. hicks 66 looking across the head of eliot glacier shoji endow 67 mount hood at night, from cloud cap inn william m. ladd 67 climbing mount hood; the rope anchor (2) george r. miller and shoji endow 68 north side of mount hood, from moraine of coe glacier prof. harry fielding reid 69 *looking west on summit, with mazama rock below g. m. weister 70 summit of mount hood, from mazama rock f. w. freeborn 70 mount hood, from sandy canyon l. j. hicks 71 crevasses of coe glacier (2) mary c. voorhees 72 *crevasse and ice pinnacles on eliot glacier g. m. weister 74 mount hood, seen from the top of barret spur prof. harry fielding reid 75 ice cascade, south side of mount hood prof. j. n. leconte 75 little sandy or reid glacier, west side of mount hood elisha coalman 76 portland y. m. c. a. party starting for the summit a. m. grilley 76 crater of mount hood, seen from south side l. j. hicks 77 south side of mount hood, from tom-dick-and-harry ridge l. e. anderson 78 crag on which above view was taken h. j. thorne 78 part of the "bergschrund" above crater rock g. m. weister 79 prof. reid and party exploring zigzag glacier asahel curtis 79 mazamas near crater rock (2) asahel curtis 80 portland ski club on south side of mount hood e. d. jorgensen 81 mount hood lily william l. finley 81 mazama party exploring white river glacier (2) asahel curtis 82 newton clark glacier, seen from cooper spur shoji endow 83 looking from mount jefferson to mount hood l. j. hicks 83 *shadow of mount hood g. m. weister 84 snout of newton clark glacier prof. harry fielding reid 84 *mount hood and hood river benj. a. gifford 85 lava flume near trout lake ray m. filloon 86 y. m. c. a. party from north yakima at red butte eugene bradbury 86 ice cave in lava bed near trout lake ray m. filloon 87 *mount adams, from northeast side of mount st. helens g. m. weister 88 mount adams, from trout creek at guler l. j. hicks 89 climbers on south butte ray m. filloon 89 dawn on mount adams, telephotographed from guler at 4 a.m. l. j. hicks 90 foraging in the snow crissie cameron 90 *steel's cliff, southeast side of mount hood g. m. weister 91 mazamas climbing mount adams asahel curtis 93 mount adams from lake, with hotel site above ed. hess 93 climbing from south peak to middle peak l. j. hicks 94 mount adams, seen from happy valley asahel curtis 94 mount adams, from snow-plow mountain ed. hess 95 *wind-whittled ice near summit of mount adams s. c. smith 95 mazama glacier and hellroaring canyon (2) william r. king 96 nearing the summit of mount adams, south side shoji endow 97 ice cascade, above klickitat glacier ray m. filloon 97 an upland park h. o. stabler 97 mount adams and klickitat glacier prof. harry fielding reid 98 storm on klickitat glacier, seen from the ridge of wonders prof. w. d. lyman 99 snow cornice and crevasse, head of klickitat glacier (2) h. v. abel and ray m. filloon 100 mount adams, from the northeast prof. harry fielding reid 101 *mount adams, from sunnyside, washington asahel curtis 102 crevasse in lava glacier eugene bradbury 102 north peak, with the mountaineers starting for the summit w. m. gorham 103 snow-bridge over killing creek w. h. gorham 103 route up the cleaver, north side of mount adams eugene bradbury 104 looking across adams glacier carlyle ellis 104 "the mountain that was 'god'" seen from mount adams asahel curtis 105 northwest slope of mount adams prof. harry fielding reid 106 mount adams from the southwest prof. w. d. lyman 107 scenes in the lewis river canyon (3) jas. waggener, jr. 108 *mount adams from trout lake kiser photo co. 110 scenes on lava bed, south of mount st. helens (3) jas. waggener, jr. 111 lava flume, south of mount st. helens jas. waggener, jr. 112 entrance to lava flume rodney l. glisan 112 mount st. helens, seen from portland l. c. henrichsen 113 *mount st. helens, from chelatchie prairie jas. waggener, jr. 114 mount st. helens, seen from twin buttes ray m. filloon 115 canyons of south toutle river u. s. forest service 116 lower toutle canyon jas. waggener, jr. 116 northeast side of mount st. helens dr. u. m. lauman 117 mazamas on summit of mt. st. helens shortly before sunset marion randall parsons 117 mount st. helens in winter dr. u. m. lauman 118 mount st. helens, north side, from near the snow line dr. u. m. lauman 119 glacier scenes, east of the "lizard." (2) dr. u. m. lauman 120 *finest of the st. helens glaciers g. m. weister 121 *road among the douglas firs asahel curtis 122 ships loading lumber at one of portland's mills the timberman 123 outposts of the forest shoji endow 123 alpine hemlocks at the timber line ray m. filloon 124 mazamas at the foot of mount st. helens e. s. curtis 124 a lowland ravine e. s. curtis 125 *the noble fir kiser photo co. 125 dense hemlock forest g. m. weister 126 mount hood, from ghost-tree ridge george r. miller 126 *a group of red cedars asahel curtis 128 road to government camp a. m. grilley 129 firs and hemlocks, in clarke county, washington jas. waggener, jr. 130 *where man is a pigmy g. m. weister 130 hemlock growing on cedar log asahel curtis 131 tideland spruce frank woodfield 131 sugar pine, douglas fir and yellow pine jas. waggener, jr. 132 yellow cedar, with young silver fir h. d. norton 133 *one of the kings of treeland benj. a. gifford 133 *firs and vine maples jas. waggener, jr. 134 log raft benj. a. gifford 134 a "burn" on mount hood, overgrown with squaw grass asahel curtis 135 *a noble fir benj. a. gifford 136 western white pine unknown 136 a clatsop forest h. d. langille 137 carpet of firs j. e. ford 137 winter in the forest, near mount hood e. d. jorgensen 138 rangers' pony trail a. p. cronk 138 forest fire on east fork of hood river william m. ladd 139 reforestation; three generations of young growth h. d. langille 139 klickitat river canyon william r. king 144 maps. the scenic northwest 13 mount hood 58 mount adams 87 mount st. helens 107 [illustration: the scenic northwest relief map to accompany "the guardians _of the_ columbia" by john h. williams designed by g. h. mulldorfer.--portland.] [illustration: a gray day on the columbia. telephotograph of mount hood from the river opposite vancouver barracks.] [illustration: trout lake and mount adams.] the guardians of the columbia i. the river the columbia, viewed as one from the sea to the mountains, is like a rugged, broad-topped picturesque old oak, about six hundred miles long, and nearly a thousand miles wide, measured across the spread of its upper branches, the main limbs gnarled and swollen with lakes and lake-like expansions, while innumerable smaller lakes shine like fruit among the smaller branches.--_john muir._ on a frosty morning of last july, before sunrise, i stood upon the belvedere of the delightful cloud cap inn, which a public-spirited man of portland has provided for visitors to the north side of mount hood; and from that superb viewpoint, six thousand feet above sea level, watched the day come up out of the delicate saffron east. behind us lay eliot glacier, sloping to the summit of the kindling peak. before us rose--an ocean! [illustration: mount st. helens, seen from the columbia at vancouver, with railway bridge in foreground.] never was a marine picture of greater stress. no watcher from the crags, none who go down to the sea in ships, ever beheld a scene more awful. ceaselessly the mighty surges piled up against the ridge at our feet, as if to tear away the solid foundations of the mountain. towers and castles of foam were built up, huge and white, against the sullen sky, only to hurl themselves into the gulf. far to the north, dimly above this gray and heaving surface were seen the crests of three snow-mantled mountains, paler even than the undulating expanse from which they emerged. all between was a wild sea that rolled across sixty miles of space to assail those ghostly islands. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister view up the columbia on north side, opposite astoria. noon rest of the night fishermen. much of the fishing on the lower columbia is done at night with gill-nets from small boats. the river is here six miles wide.] yet the tossing breakers gave forth no roar. it was a spectral and pantomimic ocean. we "had sight of proteus rising from the sea," but no triton of the upper air blew his "wreathed horn." cold and uncanny, all that seething ocean was silent as a windless lake under summer stars. it was a sea of clouds. [illustration: astoria in 1813, showing the trading post established by john jacob astor.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister looking north from lower end of eliot glacier on mount hood, across the cascade ranges and the columbia river canyon, twenty-five miles away, to mount adams (right), mount rainier-tacoma (center), and mount st. helens (left). these snow-peaks are respectively 60, 100, and 60 miles distant.] swiftly the dawn marched westward. the sun, breaking across the eastern ridges, sent long level beams to sprinkle the cloud-sea with silver. its touch was magical. the billows broke and parted. the mists fled in panic. cloud after cloud arose and was caught away into space. the tops of the cascade ranges below came, one by one, into view. lower and lower, with the shortening shadows, the wooded slopes were revealed in the morning light. here and there some deep vale was still white and hidden. scattered cloud-fleeces clung to pinnacles on the cliffs. northward, the snow-peaks in washington towered higher. great banks of fog embraced their forested abutments, and surged up to their glaciers. but the icy summits smiled in the gladness of a new day. the reign of darkness and mist was broken. never did sun more beautifully steep in his first splendor valley, rock or hill. clearer and wider the picture grew. below us, the orchards of hood river caught the fresh breezes and laughed in the first sunshine. the day reached down into the nearer canyons, and saluted the busy, leaping brooks. noisy waterfalls filled the glens with spray, and built rainbows from bank to bank, then hurried and tumbled on, in conceited haste, as if the ocean must run dry unless replenished by their wetness ere the sun should set again. rippling lakes, in little mountain pockets, signaled their joy as blankets of dense vapor were folded up and quickly whisked away. [illustration: columbia slough in winter, near the mouth of the willamette.] [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. cape horn, tall basaltic cliffs that rise, terrace upon terrace, on the north side of the columbia, twenty-five miles east of portland. lone rock is seen in the distance.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister st. peter's dome, an 800-foot crag on the south bank of the columbia; mt. adams in the distance "uplift against the blue walls of the sky your mighty shapes, and let the sunshine weave its golden network in your belting woods; smile down in rainbows from your falling floods, and on your kingly brows at morn and eve set crowns of fire."--whittier.] [illustration: mount hood, seen from columbia slough.] [illustration: copyright, frank woodfield campfire of yakima indians gathered at the astoria centennial, 1911, to take part in "the bridge of the gods," a dramatization of balch's famous story. the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the astor trading post at the mouth of the columbia was made noteworthy by a revival of indian folk lore, in which the myth of the great tamahnawas bridge held first place.] thirty miles northeast, a ribbon of gold flashed the story of a mighty stream at the dalles. far beyond, even to the uplands of the umatilla and the snake, to the blue mountains of eastern washington and oregon, stretched the wheat fields and stock ranges of that vast "inland empire" which the great river watered; while westward, cut deep through a dozen folds of the cascades, the chasm it had torn on its way to the sea was traced in the faint blue that distance paints upon evergreen hills. out on our left, beyond the mountains, the willamette slipped down its famous valley to join the larger river; and still farther, a hundred and fifty miles away, our glasses caught the vague gray line of the pacific. within these limits of vision lay a noble and historic country, the lower watershed of the columbia. earth has not anything to show more fair. [illustration: sunset at the mouth of the columbia. cape hancock on right, point adams on left. view from river off astoria.] [illustration: northern part of portland, showing the willamette river flowing through it, and indicating relative position of the three snow-peaks. mount hood (right) and mount st. helens (left) are each about fifty miles away, while mount adams, seen between, is twenty miles farther.] [illustration: "the coming of the white man" and "sacajawea," statues in portland city park which commemorate the aboriginal americans.] wide as was the prospect, however, it called the imagination to a still broader view; to look back, indeed,--how many millions of years?--to an earlier dawn, bounded by the horizons of geological time. let us try to realize the panorama thus unfolded. as we look down from some aerial viewpoint, behold! there is no mount hood and no cascade range. the volcanic snow-peaks of oregon and washington are still embryo in the womb of earth. we stand face to face with the beginnings of the northwest. far south and east of our castle-in-the-air, islands rise slowly out of a pacific that has long rolled, unbroken, to the rocky mountains. we see the ocean bed pushed above the tide in what men of later ages will call the siskiyou and the blue mountains, one range in southwestern, the other in eastern, oregon. a third uptilt, the great okanogan, in northern washington, soon appears. all else is sea. upon these primitive uplands, the date is written in the fossil archives of their ancient sea beaches, raised thousands of feet above the former shore-line level. at a time when all western europe was still ocean, and busy foraminifers were strewing its floor with shells to form the chalk beds of france and england, these first lands of our northwest emerged from the great deep. it is but a glimpse we get into the immeasurable distance of the paleozoic. its time-units are centuries instead of minutes. [illustration: sunset on vancouver lake, near vancouver, washington.] [illustration: fort vancouver in 1852.] another glance, as the next long geological age passes, and we perceive a second step in the making of the west. it is the gradual uplift of a thin sea-dike, separating the two islands first disclosed, and stretching from the present lower california to our alaska. it is a folding of the earth's crust that will, for innumerable ages, exercise a controlling influence upon the whole western slope of north america. at first merely a sea-dike, we see it slowly become a far-reaching range of hills, and then a vast continental mountain system, covering a broad region with its spurs and interlying plateaus. "the highest mountains," our school geographies used to tell us, "parallel the deepest oceans." so here, bordering its profound depths, the pacific ocean, through centuries of centuries, thrust upward, fold on fold, the lofty ridges of this colossal sierra-cascade barrier, to be itself a guide of further land building, a governor of climate, and a reservoir of water for valleys and river basins as yet unborn. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister rooster rock, south bank of the columbia.] [illustration: seining for salmon on the lower columbia.] behind this barrier, what revolutions are recorded! the inland sea, at first a huge body of ocean waters, becomes in time a fresh-water lake. in its three thousand feet of sediment, it buries the fossils of a strange reptilian life, covering hundreds of thousands of years. cycle follows cycle, altering the face of all that interior basin. its vast lake is lessened in area as it is cut off from the utah lake on the south and hemmed in by upfolds on the north. then its bed is lifted up and broken by forces of which our present-day experiences give us no example. instead of one great lake, as drainage proceeds, we behold at last a wide country of many lakes and rivers. their shores are clothed in tropical vegetation. under the palms, flourish a race of giant mammals. the broad-faced ox, the mylodon, mammoth, elephant, rhinoceros, and mastodon, and with them the camel and the three-toed horse, roam the forests that are building the coal deposits for a later age. this story of the eocene and miocene time is also told in the fossils of the period, and we may read it in the strata deposited by the lakes. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. the columbia near butler, looking across to multnomah falls.] [illustration: captain som-kin, chief of indian police, umatilla reservation.] [illustration: multnomah falls in summer and winter. this fascinating cascade, the most famous in the northwest, falls 720 feet into a basin, and then 130 feet to the bank of the columbia below. photos copyright, kiser] age succeeds age, not always distinct, but often overlapping one another, and all changing the face of nature. the coast range rises, shutting in vast gulfs to fill later, and form the valleys of the sacramento and san joaquin in california and the willamette in oregon, with the partly filled basin of puget sound in washington. centering along the cascade barrier, an era of terrific violence shakes the very foundation of the northwest. elevations and contours are changed. new lake beds are created. watersheds and stream courses are remodeled. dry "coulees" are left where formerly rivers flowed. strata are uptilted and riven, to be cross-sectioned again by the new rivers as they cut new canyons in draining the new lakes. most important of all, outflows of melted rock, pouring from fissures in the changing earth-folds, spread vast sheets of basalt, trap and andesite over most of the interior. innumerable craters build cones of lava and scori㦠along the cascade uptilt, and scatter clouds of volcanic ashes upon the steady sea winds, to blanket the country for hundreds of miles with deep layers of future soil. a reign of ice follows the era of tropic heat. stupendous glaciers grind the volcanic rocks, and carving new valleys, endow them with fertility for new forests that will rise where once the palm forests stood. with advancing age, the earth grows cold and quiet, awakening only to an occasional volcanic eruption or earthquake as a reminder of former violence. the dawn of history approaches. the country slowly takes on its present shape. landscape changes are henceforth the work of milder forces, erosion by streams and remnant glaciers. man appears. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. view from the cliffs at multnomah falls (seen on right). castle rock is in distance on north side.] [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. the broad columbia, seen from lone rock, a small island east of cape horn. shows successive ranges of the cascades cut by the river, with archer and arrowhead mountains and castle rock in distance on north side.] [illustration: castle rock, a huge tower of columnar basalt, 1146 feet high, on north bank of the columbia, forty miles east of portland. view from mosquito island.] throughout the cycles of convulsion and revolution which we have witnessed from our eyrie in the clouds, the vital and increasing influence in the building of the northwest has been the cascade upfold. first, it merely shuts in a piece of the pacific. rising higher, its condensation of the moist ocean wind feeds the thousand streams that convert the inland seas thus enclosed from salt to fresh water, and furnish the silt deposited over their floors. the fractures and faults resulting from its uptilting spread an empire with some of the largest lava flows in geological history. it pushes its snow-covered volcanoes upward, to scatter ashes far to the east. finally, its increasing height converts a realm of tropical verdure into semi-arid land, which only its rivers, impounded by man, will again make fertile. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. the columbia, opposite oneonta bluffs and gorge, and horsetail falls.] [illustration: an original american--"jake" hunt, former klickitat chief, 112 years old. he is said to be the oldest indian on the columbia.] in all this great continental barrier, throughout the changes which we have witnessed, there has been only one sea-level pass. for nearly a thousand miles northward from the gulf of california, the single outlet for the waters of the interior is the remarkable canyon which we first saw from the distant roof of cloud cap inn. here the columbia, greatest of western rivers, has cut its way through ranges rising more than 4,000 feet on either hand. this erosion, let us remember, has been continuous and gradual, rather than the work of any single epoch. it doubtless began when the cascade mountains were in their infancy, a gap in the prolonged but low sea-dike. the drainage, first of the vast salt lake shut off from the ocean, and then of the succeeding fresh-water lakes, has preserved this channel to the sea, cutting it deeper and deeper as the earth-folds rose higher, until at last the canyon became one of the most important river gorges in the world. thus nature prepared a vast and fruitful section of the continent for human use, and provided it with a worthy highway to the ocean. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. view from 2,300 foot elevation, west of st. peter's dome. the columbia here hurries down from the cascades with a speed varying in different seasons from six to ten miles per hour. mosquito island lies below, with castle rock opposite. beyond, the beautiful wooded ridges rise to 4,100 feet in arrowhead and table mountains, and the snowy dome of mount adams closes the scene, fifty miles away.] over this beautiful region we may descry yet another dawn, the beginnings of the northwestern world according to indian legend. the columbia river indian, like his brothers in other parts of the country, was curious about the origin of the things he beheld around him, and oppressed by things he could not see. the mysteries both of creation and of human destiny weighed heavily upon his blindness; and his mind, pathetically groping in the dark, was ever seeking to penetrate the distant past and the dim future. so far as he had any religion, it was connected with the symbols of power in nature, the forces which he saw at work about him. these forces were often terrible and ruinous, so his gods were as often his enemies as his benefactors. feeling his powerlessness against their cunning, he borrowed a cue from the "animal people," watetash, who used craft to circumvent the malevolent gods. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister oneonta gorge, south side of the columbia, thirty-three miles east of portland.] these animal people, the indian believed, had inhabited the world before the time of the first grandfather, when the sun was as yet only a star, and the earth, too, had grown but little, and was only a small island. the chief of the animal people was speelyei, the coyote, not the mightiest but the shrewdest of them all. speelyei was the friend of "people". he had bidden people to appear, and they "came out." [illustration: looking up the columbia, near bonneville. the main channel of the river is on right of the shoal in foreground.] [illustration: salmon trying to jump the falls of the willamette at oregon city.] one of the most interesting attempts to account for the existence of the red man in the northwest is the okanogan legend that tells of an island far out at sea inhabited by a race of giant whites, whose chief was a tall and powerful woman, scomalt. when her giants warred among themselves, scomalt grew angry and drove all the fighters to the end of the island. then she broke off the end of the island, and pushing with her foot sent it floating away over the sea. the new island drifted far. all the people on it died save one man and one woman. they caught a whale, and its blubber saved them from starving. at last they escaped from the island by making a canoe. in this they paddled many days. then they came to the mainland, but it was small. it had not yet grown much. here they landed. but while they had been in the canoe, the sun had turned them from white to red. all the okanogans were their children. hence they all are red. many years from now the whole of the mainland will be cut loose from its foundations, and become an island. it will float about on the sea. that will be the end of the world. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. in the columbia canyon at cascade, with train on the "north bank" road.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister the cascades of the columbia. the narrow, rock-filled channel has a fall of thirty-seven feet in four miles. here the river meets the tides from the ocean, 160 miles away. on the opposite bank, at right, is seen table mountain, 4,100 feet, the north abutment of the legendary "bridge of the gods."] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister fishwheel below the cascades, with table mountain on north side of river.] to the aboriginal americans in the northwest the great river, "wauna" in their vocabulary, was inevitably a subject of deep interest. it not only furnished them a highway, but it supplied them with food. their most fascinating myths are woven about its history. one of these told of the mighty struggle between speelyei and wishpoosh, the greedy king beaver, which resulted in breaking down the walls of the great lakes of the interior and creating a passage for their waters through the mountains. thus the indians accounted for the columbia and its canyon. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. sunrise on the columbia; view at 4 a. m. from top of table mountain.] [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. nightfall on the columbia. "o love, they die in yon rich sky, they faint on hill or field or river: our echoes roll from soul to soul, and grow forever and forever."--tennyson.] but first among the river myths must always be the klickitat legend of the famous natural bridge, fabled to have stood where the cascades of the columbia now are. this is one of the most beautiful legends connected with the source of fire, a problem of life in all the northern lands. further, it tells the origin of the three snow-peaks that are the subject of this book. [illustration: looking down the columbia below the cascades, showing many ranges cut by the river. on the left of the scene is "sliding mountain," its name a reminder that the hillsides on both banks are slowly moving toward the stream and compelling the railways occasionally to readjust their tracks.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister wind mountain and remnant of submerged forest, above the cascades, at low water.] [illustration: steamboat entering cascade locks.] in the time of their remote grandfathers, said the klickitats, tyhee saghalie, chief of the gods, had two sons. they made a trip together down the river to where the dalles are now. the sons saw that the country was beautiful, and quarrelled as to its possession. then saghalie shot an arrow to the north and an arrow to the west. the sons were bidden to find the arrows, and settle where they had fallen. thus one son settled in the fair country between the great river and the yakima, and became the grandfather of the klickitats. the other son settled in the willamette valley and became the ancestor of the large multnomah tribe. to keep peace between the two tribes, saghalie raised the great mountains that separate those regions. but there were not yet any snow-peaks. the great river also flowed very deep between the country of the klickitats and the country of the multnomahs. that the tribes might always be friendly, saghalie built a huge bridge of stone over the river. the indians called it the tamahnawas bridge, or bridge of the gods. the great river flowed under it, and a witch-woman, loowit, lived on it. loowit had charge of the only fire in the world. [illustration: moonlight upon the columbia, with clouds on wind mountain. looking up the river from the cascades.] [illustration: white salmon river and its gorge, south of mount adams. photos copyright, kiser] loowit saw how miserable the tribes were without fire. therefore she besought saghalie to permit her to give them fire. saghalie granted her request. thus a fire was kindled on the bridge. the indians came there and obtained fire, which greatly improved their condition. saghalie was so much pleased with loowit's faithfulness that he promised the witch-woman anything she might ask. loowit asked for youth and beauty. so saghalie transformed her into a beautiful maiden. [illustration: looking down the columbia canyon from the cliffs at white salmon, washington.] [illustration: an oregon trout stream.] many chiefs fell in love with loowit because of her beauty. but she paid heed to none till there came two other chiefs, klickitat from the north, wiyeast from the west. as she could not decide which of them to accept as her husband, they and their people went to war. great distress came upon the people because of this fighting. saghalie grew angry at their evil doing, and determined to punish them. he broke down the tamahnawas bridge, and put loowit, wiyeast and klickitat to death. but they had been beautiful in life, therefore saghalie would have them beautiful in death. so he made of them the three famous snow-peaks. wiyeast became the mountain which white men call mount hood; klickitat became mount adams; loowit was changed into mount st. helens. always, said saghalie, they should be clothed in garments of snow. [illustration: looking up the columbia from hood river, oregon.] thus was the wonderful tamahnawas bridge destroyed, and the great river dammed by the huge rocks that fell into it. that caused the cascade rapids. above the rapids, when the river is low, you can still see the forests that were buried when the bridge fell down and dammed the waters. [illustration: copyright, b. a. gifford hood river, fed by the glaciers of mount hood.] this noteworthy myth, fit to rank with the folk-lore masterpieces of any primitive people, greek or gothic, is of course only a legend. the indian was not a geologist. true, we see the submerged forests to-day, at low water. but their slowly decaying trunks were killed, perhaps not much more than a century ago, by a rise in the river that was not caused by the fall of a natural bridge, but by a landslide from the mountains. [illustration: a late winter afternoon. view across the columbia from white salmon to the mouth of hood river, showing the hood river valley with mount hood wrapped in clouds.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister memaloose island, or island of the dead, last resting place of thousands of indians. the lone monument is that of maj. victor trevitt, a celebrated pioneer, who asked to be buried here among "honest men."] there is a slow and glacier-like motion of the hillsides here which from time to time compels the railways on either bank to readjust their tracks. the rapids at the cascades, with their fall of nearly forty feet, are doubtless the result of comparatively recent volcanic action. shaking down vast masses of rock, this dammed the river, and caused it to overflow its wooded shores above. but to the traveler on a steamboat breasting the terrific current below the government locks, as he looks up to the towering heights on either side of the narrowed channel, the invention of poor lo's untutored mind seems almost as easy to believe as the simpler explanation of the scientist. [illustration: "gateway to the inland empire." towering cliffs of stratified lava that guard the columbia on each bank at lyle, washington.] remarkable as is this fire myth of the tamahnawas bridge, the legend inspired by the peculiarities of northwestern climate is no less beautiful. this climate differs materially, it is well known, from that of eastern america in the same latitude. the japan current warms the coast of oregon and washington just as the gulf stream warms the coast of ireland. east of the cascade mountains, the severe cold of a northern winter is tempered by the "chinook" winds from the pacific. a period of freezing weather is shortly followed by the melting of the snow upon the distant mountains; by night the warm chinook sweeps up the columbia canyon and across the passes, and in a few hours the mildness of spring covers the land. [illustration: "grant castle" and palisades of the columbia, on north side of the river below the dalles.] such a phenomenon inevitably stirred the indian to an attempt to interpret it. like the ancients of other races, he personified the winds. the yakima account of the struggle between the warm winds from the coast and the icy blasts out of the northeast will bear comparison with the homeric tale of ulysses, buffeted by the breezes from the bag given him by the wind-god aeolus. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister the dalles of the columbia, lower channel, east of dalles city. the river, crowded into a narrow flume, flows here at a speed often exceeding ten miles an hour.] five chinook brothers, said the yakima tradition, lived on the great river. they caused the warm winds to blow. five other brothers lived at walla walla, the meeting place of the waters. they caused the cold winds. the grandparents of them all lived at umatilla, home of the wind-blown sands. always there was war between them. they swept over the country, destroying the forests, covering the rivers with ice, or melting the snows and causing floods. the people suffered much because of their violence. [illustration: cabbage rock, a huge freak of nature standing in the open plain four miles north of the dalles. apparently, the lava core of a small extinct crater.] then walla walla brothers challenged chinook brothers to wrestle. speelyei, the coyote god, should judge the contest. he should cut off the heads of those who fell. [illustration: a true fish story of the columbia, where fourand even five-foot salmon are not uncommon.] the crafty speelyei secretly advised the grandparents of chinook brothers that if they would throw oil on the ground, their sons would not fall. this they did. but speelyei also told the grandparents of walla walla brothers that if they would throw ice on the ground, their sons would not fall. this they did. so the chinook brothers were thrown one after another, and speelyei cut off their heads, according to the bargain. so the five chinook brothers were dead. but the oldest of them left an infant son. the child's mother brought him up to avenge the killing of his kinsmen. so the son grew very strong, until he could pull up great fir trees as if they were weeds. then walla walla brothers challenged young chinook to wrestle. speelyei should judge the contest. he should cut off the heads of those who fell. secretly speelyei advised young chinook's grandparents to throw oil on the ground last. this they did. so walla walla brothers were thrown one after another by young chinook, until four of them had fallen. only the youngest of them was left. his heart failed him, and he refused to wrestle. speelyei pronounced this sentence upon him: "you shall live, but you shall no longer have power to freeze people." to young chinook, he said: "you must blow only lightly, and you must blow first upon the mountains, to warn people of your coming." [illustration: the zigzag river in winter, south side of mount hood.] [illustration: copyright g. m. weister the dalles. this name, meaning literally flat stones, was given by the early french-canadian voyageurs to the twelve-mile section below celilo, where, the columbia has cut through the level lava strata, forming a channel in some places less than 200 feet wide and nearly 200 feet deep at low water. at higher stages the river fills many lateral channels and roars past many islands of its own carving.] the last dawn of all opens upon the white man's era. on the columbia, recorded history is recent, but already epic. its story is outside the purpose of this volume. but it is worth while, in closing our brief glance at the field, to note that this story has been true to its setting. rich in heroism and romance, it is perhaps the most typical, as it is the latest, chapter in the development of the west. for this land of the river, its quarter-million square miles stretching far northward to canada, and far eastward to the yellowstone, built about with colossal mountains, laced with splendid waterways, jeweled with beautiful lakes, where upheaval and eruption, earthquake and glacier have prepared a home for a great and happy population, has already been the scene of a drama of curious political contradictions and remarkable popular achievement. [illustration: the "witch's head," an indian picture rock at the old native village of wishram, north side of the columbia near celilo falls. the indians believe that if an unfaithful wife passes this rock, its eyes follow her with mute accusation.] [illustration: village of indian tepees, umatilla reservation, near pendleton, oregon. many of these indians are rich landowners, but they prefer tents to houses.] the columbia river basin, alone of all the territories which the united states has added to its original area, was neither bought with money nor annexed by war. its acquisition was a triumph of the american pioneer. many nations looked with longing to this northwest, but it fell a prize to the nation that neglected it. spain and russia wished to own it. great britain claimed and practically held it. the united states ignored it. for nearly half a century after the discovery of the river by a yankee ship captain, robert gray, in 1792, and its exploration by jefferson's expedition under lewis and clark, in 1805, its ownership was in question. for several decades after an american merchant, john jacob astor, had established the first unsuccessful trading post, in 1811, the country was actually ruled by the british through a private corporation. the magic circle drawn about it by the hudson's bay company seemed impenetrable. held nominally by the american and british governments in joint occupancy, it was in fact left to the halfbreed servants of a foreign monopoly that sought to hold an empire for its fur trade, and to exclude settlers because their farms would interfere with its beaver traps. congress deemed the region worthless. [illustration: mount adams, seen from eagle peak in the rainier national park. view shows some of the largest earth-folds in the cascade range, with the great canyon of the cowlitz, one of the tributaries of the columbia river. elevation of camera 6,000 feet.] [illustration: a clearing in the forest. mount hood from sandy, twenty-five miles west of the peak.] but while sleepy diplomacy played its game of chess between washington and london, the issue was joined, the title cleared and possession taken by a breed of men to whom the united states owes more than it can ever pay. from far east came the thin vanguard of civilization which, for a century after the old french and indian war, pushed our boundaries resistlessly westward. it had seized the "dark and bloody ground" of kentucky. it had held the ohio valley for the young republic during the revolution. it had built states from the alleghanies to the mississippi. and now, dragging its wagons across the plains and mountains, it burst, sun-browned and half-starved, into oregon. missionaries and traders, farmers, politicians and speculators, it was part of that army of restless spirits who, always seeing visions of more fertile lands and rising cities beyond, stayed and long in no place, until at last they found their way barred by the pacific, and therefore stayed to build the commonwealths of oregon, washington and idaho. [illustration: an indian madonna and child. umatilla reservation.] [illustration: finished portion of canal at celilo, which the government is building around tumwater falls and the dalles.] the arena of their peaceful contest was worthy of their daring. "'a land of old upheaven from the abyss,' a land of deepest deeps and highest heights, of richest verdure here, and barest desolation there, of dense forest on one side, and wide extended prairies on the other; a land of contrasts, contrasts in contour, hues, productions, and history,"--thus professor lyman describes the stage which the pioneers found set for them. the tremendous problems of its development, due to its topography, its remoteness, its magnificent distances, and its lack of transportation, demanded men of sturdiest fiber and intrepid leading. no pages of our history tell a finer story of action and initiative than those which enroll the names of mcloughlin, the great company's autocratic governor, not unfitly called "the father of oregon," and whitman, the martyr, with the frontier leaders who fashioned the first ship of state launched in the northwest, and their contemporaries, the men who built the first towns, roads, schools, mills, steamboats and railways. [illustration: copyright g. m. weister the grim sentinels of "the wallula gateway," huge basaltic pillars that rise on the south bank of the river, where it crosses the washington-oregon line. view looking south.] [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. tumwater, the falls of the columbia at celilo; total drop, twenty feet at low water. in summer, when the snow on the bitter root and rocky mountains is melting, the river rises often more than sixty feet. steamboats have then passed safely down. wishram, an ancient indian fishing village, was on the north bank below the falls, and indians may often still be seen spearing salmon from the shores and islands here.] macaulay tells us that a people who are not proud of their forebears will never deserve the pride of their descendants. the makers of old oregon included as fair a proportion of patriots and heroes as the immigrants of the mayflower. we who journey up or down the columbia in a luxurious steamer, or ride in a train _de luxe_ along its banks, are the heirs of their achievement. honor to the dirt-tanned ox-drivers who seized for themselves and us this empire of the river and its guardian snow-peaks! a lordly river, broad and deep, with mountains for its neighbors, and in view of distant mountains and their snowy tops. [illustration: copyright. g. m. weister summit of mount hood, viewed from western end of the ridge, showing north side of the peak in july.] [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. columbia river and mt. hood, seen from white salmon, washington. "beloved mountain, i thy worshiper, as thou the sun's, each morn my dawn, before the dawn, receive from thee; and think, as thy rose-tinted peak i see, that thou wert great when homer was not born, and ere thou change all human song shall die."--helen hunt jackson.] [illustration: north side of mount hood, from ridge several miles west of cloud cap inn. view shows gorges cut by the glacier-fed streams. cooper spur is on left sky line. barret spur is the great ridge on right, with ladd glacier canyon beyond. coe glacier is in center.] ii. the mountains. silent and calm, have you e'er scaled the height of some lone mountain peak, in heaven's sight? --_victor hugo._ there stood mount hood in all the glory of the alpen glow, looming immensely high, beaming with intelligence. it seemed neither near nor far.... the whole mountain appeared as one glorious manifestation of divine power, enthusiastic and benevolent, glowing like a countenance with ineffable repose and beauty, before which we could only gaze with devout and lowly admiration.--_john muir._ [illustration: winter on mount hood. the roof of the club house of the portland snow-shoe club is seen over the ridge.] from the heights which back the city of portland on the west, one may have a view that is justly famous among the fairest prospects in america. below him lies the restless city, busy with its commerce. winding up from the south comes the willamette, its fine valley narrowed here by the hills, where the river forms portland's harbor, and is lined on either side with mills and shipping. ten miles beyond, the columbia flows down from its canyon on the east, and turns northward, an expanding waterway for great vessels, to its broad pass through the coast range. in every direction, city and country, farm and forest, valley and mountain, stretches a noble perspective. from the wide rivers and their shining borders, almost at sea level, the scene arises, terrace upon terrace, to the encircling hills, and spreads across range after range to the summits of the great cascades. [illustration: copyright g. m. weister watching the climbers from the plaza at cloud cap inn, northeast side of mount hood. immediately in front, eliot glacier is seen, dropping into its canyon on the right. on the left is cooper spur, from which a sharp ascent leads to the summit of the peak.] dominating all are the snow-peaks, august sentinels upon the horizon. on a clear day, the long line of them begins far down in central oregon, and numbers six snowy domes. but any average day includes in its glory the three nearest, hood, adams, and st. helens. spirit-like, they loom above the soft oregon haze, their glaciers signaling from peak to peak, and their shining summits bidding the sordid world below to look upward. [illustration: mount hood, elevation 11,225 feet] nature has painted canvases more colorful, but none more perfect in its strength and rest. here is no flare of the desert, none of the flamboyant, terrible beauty of the grand canyon. it is a land of warm ocean winds and cherishing sunshine, where the emeralds and jades of the valleys quickly give place to the bluer greens of evergreen forests that cover the hill country; and these, in turn, as distance grows, shade into the lavenders and grays of the successive ranges. the white peaks complete the picture with its most characteristic note. they give it distinction. [illustration: lower end of eliot glacier, seen from cooper spur, and showing the lateral moraines which this receding glacier has built in recent years.] [illustration: snout of eliot glacier, its v-shaped ice front heavily covered with morainal debris.] such a panorama justifies ruskin's bold assertion: "mountains are the beginning and end of all natural scenery." without its mountains, the view from council crest would be as uninteresting as that from any tower in any prairie city. but all mountains are not alike. in beginning our journey to the three great snow-peaks which we have viewed from portland heights, it is well to define, if we may, the special character of our northwestern scene. we sometimes hear the cascade district praised as "the american switzerland." such a comparison does injustice alike to our mountains and to the alps. as a wild, magnificent sea of ice-covered mountain tops, the alps have no parallel in america. as a far-reaching system of splendid lofty ranges clothed in the green of dense forests and surmounted by towering, isolated summits of snowy volcanoes, the cascades are wholly without their equal in europe. this is the testimony of famous travelers and alpinists, among them ambassador bryce, who has written of our northwestern mountain scenery: we have nothing more beautiful in switzerland or tyrol, in norway or in the pyrenees. the combination of ice scenery with woodland scenery of the grandest type is to be found nowhere in the old world, unless it be in the himalayas, and, so far as we know, nowhere else on the american continent. [illustration: cone of mount hood, seen from cooper spur on northwest side. a popular route to the summit leads along this ridge of volcanic scori㦠and up the steep snow slope above.] [illustration: cloud cap inn, north side of mount hood. elevation 5,900 feet.] in his celebrated chapter of the "modern painters" which describes the sculpture of the mountains, ruskin draws a picture of the alps that at once sets them apart from the cascades: the longer i stayed among the alps, the more i was struck by their being a vast plateau, upon which nearly all the highest peaks stood like children set upon a table, removed far back from the edge, as if for fear of their falling. the most majestic scenes are produced by one of the great peaks having apparently walked to the edge of the table to look over, and thus showing itself suddenly above the valley in its full height. but the raised table is always intelligibly in existence, even in these exceptional cases; and for the most part, the great peaks are not allowed to come to the edge of it, but remain far withdrawn, surrounded by comparatively level fields of mountain, over which the lapping sheets of glacier writhe and flow. the result is the division of switzerland into an upper and lower mountain world; the lower world consisting of rich valleys, the upper world, reached after the first steep banks of 3,000 to 4,000 feet have been surmounted, consisting of comparatively level but most desolate tracts, half covered by glacier, and stretching to the feet of the true pinnacles of the chain. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister portland's white sentinel, mount hood. telephoto view from city park, showing a portion of the city, with modern buildings and smoke of factories.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister ice cascade on eliot glacier, mount hood.] nothing of this in the cascades! instead, we have fold upon fold of the earth-crust, separated by valleys of great depth. the ranges rise from levels but little above the sea. for example, between portland and umatilla, although they are separated by the mountains of greatest actual elevation in the united states, there is a difference of less than two hundred and fifty feet, umatilla, east of the cascades, being only two hundred and ninety-four feet above tide. trout lake, lying below mount adams, at the head of one of the great intermountain valleys, has an elevation of less than two thousand feet. [illustration: portland snow-shoe club members on eliot glacier in winter.] thus, instead of the northwestern snow-peaks being set far back upon a general upland and hidden away behind lesser mountains, to be seen only after one has reached the plateau, thousands of feet above sea level, they actually rise either from comparatively low peneplanes on one side of the cascades, as in the case of st. helens, or from the summit of one of the narrow, lofty ridges, as do hood and adams. but in either case, the full elevation is seen near at hand and from many directions--an elevation, therefore, greater and more impressive than that of most of the celebrated alpine summits. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister snow-bridge over great crevasse, near head of eliot glacier.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister coasting down east side of mount hood, above cooper spur. mount adams in distance.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister mount hood from the hills south of the dalles, showing the comparatively timberless country east of the cascades. compare this treeless region, as well as the profile of mount hood here shown, with the view from larch mountain.] famous as is the valley of chamonix, and noteworthy as are the glaciers to which it gives close access, its views of mont blanc are disappointing. not until the visitor has scaled one of the neighboring _aiguilles_, can he command a satisfactory outlook toward the monarch of the alps. and nowhere in switzerland do i recall a picture of such memorable splendor as greets the traveler from the columbia, journeying either southward, up the hood river valley toward mount hood, or northward, up the white salmon valley toward trout lake and mount adams. here is unrolled a wealth of fertile lowlands, surrounded by lofty ranges made beautiful by their deep forests and rising to grandeur in their snow-peaks. [illustration: copyright, l. j. hicks mount hood, seen from larch mountain, on the columbia river. view looking southeast across the heavily forested ranges of the cascades to the deep canyons below ladd and sandy glaciers.] [illustration: butterfly on the summit of mount hood.] leaving the canyon of the columbia, in either direction the road follows swift torrents of white glacial water that tell of a source far above. it crosses a famous valley, among its orchards and hayfields, but always in view of the dark blue mountains and of the snow-covered volcanoes that rise before and behind, their glaciers shining like polished steel in the sunlight. so the visitor reaches the foot of his mountain. losing sight of it for a time, he follows long avenues of stately trees as he climbs the benches. in a few hours he stands upon a barren shoulder of the peak, at timber line. a new world confronts him. the glaciers reach their icy arms to him from the summit, and he breathes the winds that sweep down from their fields of perennial snow. [illustration: members of portland snow-shoe club on way to mount hood in winter, and at their club house, near cloud cap inn.] [illustration: fumarole, or gas vent, near crater rock.] it is all very different from switzerland, this quick ascent from bending orchards and forested hills to a mighty peak standing white and beautiful in its loneliness. but it is so wonderful that americans who love the heights can no longer neglect it, and each year increasing numbers are discovering that here in the northwest is mountain scenery worth traveling far to see, with very noble mountains to climb, true glaciers to explore, and the widest views of grandeur and interest to enjoy. such sport combines recreation and inspiration. [illustration: looking across the head of eliot glacier from near the summit of mount hood.] the traveler from portland to either mount hood or mount adams may go by rail or steamer to hood river, oregon, or white salmon, washington. these towns are on opposite banks of the columbia at its point of greatest beauty. thence he will journey by automobile or stage up the corresponding valley to the snow-peak at its head. if he is bound for mount hood his thirty-mile ride will bring him to a charming mountain hotel, cloud cap inn, placed six thousand feet above the sea, on a ridge overlooking eliot glacier, hood's finest ice stream. [illustration: mount hood at night, seen from cloud cap inn. this view is from a negative exposed from nine o'clock until midnight.] if mount adams be his destination, a ride of similar length from white salmon will bring him merely to the foot of the mountain. the stages run only to guler, on trout lake, and to glenwood. each of these villages has a comfortable country hotel which may be made the base for fishing and hunting in the neighborhood. each is about twelve miles from the snow-line. at either place, guides, horses and supplies may be had for the trip to the mountain. glenwood is nearer to the famous hellroaring canyon and the glaciers of the southeast side. guler is a favorite point of departure for the south slope and for the usual route to the summit. another popular starting point for mount adams is goldendale, reached by a branch of the north bank railway from lyle on the columbia. this route also leads to the fine park district on the southeastern slope, and it has a special attraction, as it skirts the remarkable canyon of the klickitat river. many parties also journey to the mountain from north yakima and other towns on the northern pacific railway. hitherto, all such travel from either north or south has meant a trip on foot or horseback over interesting mountain trails, and has involved the necessity of packing in camp equipment and supplies. during the present summer, a hotel is to be erected a short distance from the end of mazama glacier, at an altitude of about sixty-five hundred feet, overlooking hellroaring canyon on one side, and on the other a delightful region of mountain tarns, waterfalls and alpine flower meadows. its verandas will command the mazama and klickitat glaciers, and an easy route will lead to the summit. with practicable roads from goldendale and glenwood, it should draw hosts of lovers of scenery and climbing, and aid in making this great mountain as well known as it deserves to be. [illustration: climbing mount hood, with ropes anchored on the summit and extending down on east and south faces of the peak.] [illustration: north side of mount hood, seen from moraine of coe glacier. this glacier flows down from the summit, where its snow-field adjoins that of eliot glacier (left). west of the coe, the ladd glacier is seen, separated from the former by pulpit rock, the big crag in the middle distance, and barrett spur, the high ridge on the right.] visitors going to mount hood from portland have choice of a second very attractive hotel base in government camp, on the south slope at an altitude of thirty-nine hundred feet. this is reached by automobiles from the city, over a fair road that will soon be a good road, thanks to the portland automobile club. the mountain portion of this highway is the historic barlow road, opened in 1845, the first wagon road constructed across the cascades. as the motor climbs out of the sandy river valley, and grapples the steep moraines built by ancient icefields, the traveler gets a very feeling reminder of the pluck of captain barlow and his company of oregon "immigrants" in forcing a way across these rugged heights. but the beauty of the trip makes it well worth while, and government camp gives access to a side of the peak that should be visited by all who would know how the sun can shatter a big mountain with his mighty tools of ice. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister looking west on summit of mount hood, with mazama rock below.] [illustration: summit of mount hood, from mazama rock, showing the sun-cupped ice of midsummer.] [illustration: mount hood, seen from sandy river canyon, six miles west of snow line. this important picture begins with barrett spur and ladd glacier on the north sky line (left). on the northwest face of the peak is the main sandy glacier, its end divided by a ridge into two parts. the forested "plowshare" projecting into the canyon is yocum ridge. south of it the south branch of the sandy river flows down from a smaller glacier called the little sandy, or reid. the broad bottom of this canyon and the scored cliffs on its sides show that it was formerly occupied by the glacier.] the hotel here was erected in 1900 by o. c. yocum, under whose competent guidance many hundreds of climbers reached the summit of mount hood. the hotel is now owned by elisha coalman, who has also succeeded to his predecessor's office as guide. during the last year he has enlarged his inn, and he is now also building comfortable quarters for climbers at a camp four miles nearer the snow line, on the ridge separating white river glacier from zigzag glacier. mount hood. mount hood is the highest mountain in oregon, and because of a general symmetry in its pyramidal shape and its clear-cut, far-seen features of rock and glacier, it has long been recognized as one of the most beautiful of all american snow peaks. rising from the crest of the cascades, it presents its different profiles and variously sculptured faces to the entire valley of the columbia, east and west, above which it towers in stately magnificence, a very king of the mountains, ruling over a domain of ranges, valleys and cities proud of their allegiance. [illustration: crevasses on coe glacier.] on october 20, 1792, lieutenant broughton, of vancouver's exploring expedition in quest of new territories for his majesty george iii., discovered from the columbia near the mouth of the willamette, "a very distant high snowy mountain, rising beautifully conspicuous," which he strangely mistook to be the source of the great river. forthwith he named it in honor of rear admiral samuel hood, of the british admiralty who had distinguished himself in divers naval battles during the american and french revolutions. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister mount hood, with crevasses of eliot glacier in foreground. "evermore the wind is thy august companion; yea, thy peers are cloud and thunder, and the face sublime of the blue mid-heaven."--henry clarence kendall.] the mountain has been climbed more often than any other american snow-peak. the first ascent was made on august 4, 1854, from the south side, by a party under captain barlow, builder of the "immigrant road." one of the climbers, editor dryer of _the oregonian_, published an account of the trip in which, with more exactness than accuracy, he placed the height of the mountain at 18,361 feet! the most notable ascent by a large party took place forty years later, when nearly two hundred men and women met on the summit, and there, with parliamentary dispatch bred of a bitter wind, organized a mountain club which has since become famous. for its title they took the name "mazama," mexican for the mountain goat, close kin to the alpine chamois. membership was opened to those who have scaled a snow-peak on foot. by their publications and their annual climbs, the mazamas have done more than any other agency to promote interest in our northwestern mountains. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister crevasses and ice pinnacles on eliot glacier, mount hood.] [illustration: mount hood, seen from the top of barrett spur. on the left, cascading down from the summit, is coe glacier; on the right, ladd glacier. the high cliff separating them is "pulpit rock."] [illustration: ice cascade, south side of mount hood, near head of white river glacier.] mount hood stands, as i have said, upon the summit of the cascades. the broad and comparatively level back of the range is here about four thousand feet above the sea. upon this plane the volcano erected its cone, chiefly by the expulsion of scori㦠rather than by extensive lava flows, to a farther height of nearly a mile and a half. there is no reason to suppose that it ever greatly exceeded its present altitude, which government observations have fixed at 11,225 feet. its diameter at its base is approximately seven miles from east to west. [illustration: little sandy or reid glacier, west side of mount hood.] compared with mount adams, its broken and decapitated northern neighbor, mount hood, although probably dating from miocene time, is still young enough to have retained in a remarkable degree the general shape of its original cone. but as we approach it from any direction, we find abundant proof that powerful destructive agents have been busy during the later geological ages. already the summit plateau upon which the peak was built up has been largely dissected by the glaciers and their streams. the whole neighborhood of the mountain is a vastly rugged district of glacial canyons and eroded water channels, trenched deep in the soft volcanic ashes and the underlying ancient rock of the range. the mountain itself, although still a pyramid, also has its story of age and loss. its eight glaciers have cut away much of its mass. on three sides they have burrowed so deeply into the cone that its original angle, which surviving ridges show to have been about thirty degrees, has on the upper glacial slopes been doubled. this is well illustrated by the views shown on pages 58, 61, 69 and 71. [illustration: portland y. m. c. a. party starting for the summit at daybreak. south side of mount hood.] [illustration: crater of mount hood, seen from south side. its north rim is the distant summit ridge. steel's cliff (right) and illumination rock (left) are parts of east and west rims. the south wall has been torn away, but the hard lava core remains in crater rock, the cone rising in center. note the climbers ascending the "hog-back" or ridge leading from crater rock up to the "bergschrund," a great crevasse which stretches across the crater at head of the glaciers. the ridge in foreground is triangle moraine. on its right is white river glacier; on left, the fan-shaped zigzag glacier.] this cutting back into the mountain has greatly lessened the area of the upper snow-fields. the reservoirs feeding the glaciers, are therefore much smaller than of old, but, by way of compensation, present a series of most interesting ice formations on the steeper slopes. in this respect, mount hood is especially noteworthy among our northwestern snow-peaks. while larger glaciers are found on other mountains, none are more typical. the glaciers of hood especially repay study because of their wonderful variety of ice-falls, terraces, seracs, towers, castles, pinnacles and crevasses. winter has fashioned a colossal architecture of wild forms. ye ice-falls! ye that from the mountain's brow adown enormous ravines slope amain,- torrents, methinks, that heard a mighty voice, and stopped at once amid their maddest plunge! motionless torrents! silent cataracts! [illustration: south side of mount hood, seen from crag on tom-dick-and-harry ridge, five miles from the snow-line. a thousand feet below is the hotel called "government camp," with the barlow road, the first across the cascades. on left are zigzag and sand canyons, cut by streams from zigzag glacier above.] [illustration: crag on which above view was taken.] the visitor who begins his acquaintance with mount hood on the north side has, from cloud cap inn, four interesting glaciers within a radius of a few miles. immediately before the inn, eliot glacier displays its entire length of two miles, its snout being only a few rods away. west of this, coe and ladd glaciers divide the north face with the eliot. all three have their source in neighboring reservoirs near the summit, which have been greatly reduced in area. this, with the resulting shrinkage in the glaciers, is shown by the high lateral moraines left as the width of the ice streams has lessened. on the east slope is a fine cliff glacier, the newton clark, separated from the eliot by cooper spur, a long ridge that furnishes the only feasible north-side route for climbers to the summit. [illustration: part of the "bergschrund" above crater rock. a bergschrund is a crevasse of which the lower side lies much below its upper side. it is caused by a sharp fall in the slope, or by the ice at the head of a glacier pulling away from the packed snow above.] climbing cooper spur is a tedious struggle up a long cinder slope, but it has its reward in fine views of the near-by glaciers and a wide outlook over the surrounding country. a tramp of three miles from the inn covers the easier grade, and brings the climber to a height of eight thousand feet. a narrow, snow-covered chine now offers a windy path to the foot of the steeper slope (see p. 60). the climb ends with the conquest of a half-mile of vertical elevation over a grade that tests muscle, wind and nerve. this is real mountaineering, and as the novice clutches the rocks, or carefully follows in the steps cut by the guide, he recalls a command well adapted to such trying situations: "prove all things; hold fast that which is good." but the danger is more apparent than real, and the goal is soon reached. [illustration: prof. harry fielding reid and party exploring zigzag glacier, south side of mount hood. illumination rock is seen beyond.] the south-side route, followed by the barlow party of 1854, was long deemed the only practicable trail to the summit. many years later, william a. langille discovered the route up from cooper spur. the only accident charged against this path befell a stranger who was killed in trying to climb it without a guide. its steepness is, indeed, an advantage, as it requires less time than the other route. climbers frequently ascend by one trail and descend by the other, thus making the trip between cloud cap inn and government camp in a day. [illustration: mazamas climbing the "hog-back," above crater rock, and passing this rock on the descent.] the actual summit of mount hood is a narrow but fairly level platform, a quarter of a mile long, which is quickly seen to be part of the rim of the ancient crater. below it, on the north, are the heads of three glaciers already mentioned, the eliot, coe and ladd; and looking down upon them, the climber perceives that here the mountain has been so much cut away as to be less a slope than a series of precipices, with very limited benches which serve as gathering grounds of snow. (see pp. 55, 67 and 70.) these shelves feed the lower ice-streams with a diet of avalanches that is year by year becoming less bountiful as this front becomes more steep. soon, indeed, geologically speaking, the present summit, undermined by the ice, must fall, and the mountain take on a new aspect, with a lower, broader top. thus while the beautiful verse which i have quoted under the view of mount hood from white salmon (p. 56) is admirable poetry, its last line is very poor geology. this, however, need not deter any present-day climbers! on the south side of the summit ridge a vastly different scene is presented. looking down over its easy slope, one recognizes even more clearly than from the north-side view that mount hood is merely a wreck of its former graceful cone, a torn and disintegrating remnant, with very modest pretensions to symmetry, after all, but still a fascinating exhibit of the work of such gargantuan forces as hew and whittle such peaks. [illustration: portland ski club on south side of mount hood, above government camp.] the crater had a diameter of about half a mile. its north rim remains in the ridge on which our climber stands. all the rest of its circumference has been torn away, but huge fragments of its wall are seen far below, on the right and left, in "cleavers" named respectively illumination rock and steel's cliff. one of these recalls several displays of red fire on the mountain by the mazamas. the other great abutment was christened in honor of the first president of that organization. apart from these ridges, the entire rim is missing; but below the spectator, at what must have been the center of its circle, towers a great cone of lava, harder than the andesitic rocks and the scori㦠which compose the bulk of the mountain. this is known as crater rock. it is the core of the crater, formed when the molten lava filling its neck cooled and hardened. around it the softer mass has worn down to the general grade of the south slope, which extends five miles from just below the remaining north rim at the head of the glaciers to the neighborhood of government camp, far down on the cascade plateau. the grade is much less than thirty degrees. over the slope flow down two glaciers, the zigzag on the west, and the white river glacier on the east, of crater rock. [illustration: mount hood lily. (_l. washingtonianum_)] it is sometimes said that the south side of the old summit was blown away by a terrific explosion. that is improbable, in view of crater rock, which indicates a dormant volcano when the south side was destroyed. the mountain was doubtless rent by ice rather than by fire. the mass of ice and snow in and upon the crater broke apart the comparatively loose wall, and pushed its shattered tuffs and cinders far down the slopes. forests were buried, old canyons were filled, and the whole southwest side of the mountain was covered with the fan-shaped outwash from the breach. through this debris of the ancient crater the streams at the feet of the glaciers below are cutting vast ravines which can be seen from the heights above. (see illustrations, pp. 77-81.) [illustration: mazama party exploring white river glacier, mount hood.] the central situation of mount hood makes the view from its summit especially worth seeking. from the pacific to the blue mountains, south almost to the california line, and north as far, it embraces an area equal to a great state, with four hundred miles of the undulating cascade summits and a dozen calm and radiant snow-peaks. the columbia winds almost at its foot, and a multitude of lakes, dammed by glacial moraines and lava dikes, nestle in its shadow. this view "covers more history," as lyman points out, than that from any other of our peaks. about its base the indians hunted, fished and warred. across its flank rolled the great tide of oregon immigration, in the days of the ox-team and settler's wagon. it has seen the building of two states. it now looks benignly down upon the prosperous agriculture and growing cities of the modern columbia basin, and no doubt contemplates with serenity the time when its empire shall be one of the most populous as it is one of the most beautiful and fertile regions in america. no wonder the shapely mountain lifts its head with pride! [illustration: newton clark glacier, east side of mt. hood, seen from cooper spur, with mt. jefferson fifty miles south.] returning to the glaciers of the north side, we note that all three end at an altitude close to six thousand feet. none of them has cut a deep, broad bed for itself like the great radiating canyons which dissect the rainier national park and protect its glaciers down to a level averaging four thousand feet. instead, these glaciers lie up on the side of mount hood, in shallow beds which they no longer fill; and are banked between double and even triple border moraines, showing successive advances and retreats of the glaciers. (see illustration, top of p. 59.) the larger moraines stand fifty to a hundred feet above the present ice-streams, thus indicating the former glacier levels. no vegetation appears on these desolate rock and gravel dikes. the retreat of the glaciers was therefore comparatively recent. [illustration: looking from mount jefferson, along the summits of the cascades, to mount hood.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister shadow of mount hood, seen from newton clark glacier shortly before sunset. view shows two branches of east fork of hood river, fed by the glacier, and the canyon of the east fork, turning north. beyond it (left) are tygh hills and wheat fields of the dufur country. on the right is juniper flat, with the deschutes canyon far beyond.] [illustration: snout of newton clark glacier.] [illustration: copyright, b. a. gifford mount hood and hood river, seen from a point twenty miles north of the mountain.] eliot glacier has been found by measurement near its end, to have a movement of about fifty feet a year. on the steeper slope above, it is doubtless much greater. all the three glaciers are heavily covered, for their last half mile, with rocks and dirt which they have freighted down from the cliffs above, or dug up from their own beds in transit. none of the lateral moraines extends more than two or three hundred yards below the snout of its glacier. each glacier, at its end, drops its remnant of ice into a deep v-shaped ravine, in which, not far below, trees of good size are growing. hence it would not seem that these north-side glaciers have ever extended much farther than they do at present. the ravine below eliot glacier, however, half a mile from the snout, is said to show glacial markings on its rocky sides. it is evident, in any case, that the deep v cuttings now found below the glaciers are work of the streams. if these glaciers extended farther, it was at higher levels than their present stream channels. as the glaciers receded, their streams have cut the deep gorges in the soft conglomerates. between eliot and coe glaciers are large snow-fields, ending much farther up than do the glaciers; and below these, too, the streams have trenched the slope. (see illustration, p. 57.) [illustration: lava flume near trout lake, about thirty feet wide and forty feet high.] [illustration: y. m. c. a. party from north yakima at red butte, an extinct volcano on north side of mount adams.] between coe and ladd glaciers is a high rocky ridge known as barrett spur, from which, at nearly 8,000 feet, one may obtain glorious views of the peak above, the two glaciers sweeping down its steep face and the sea of ranges stretching westward. (see illustrations, pp. 69 and 75.) barrett spur may have been part of the original surface of the mountain, but is more likely the remnant of a secondary cone, ice and weathering having destroyed its conical shape. from its top, the climber looks over into the broad-bottomed canyon of sandy river, fed by the large and small sandy glaciers of the west slope. (see pp. 71 and 76.) this canyon and that of the zigzag river, south of it, from zigzag glacier, are "plainly glacier-sculptured," as sylvester declares. the same is true of the canyon lying below the white river glacier, on the southeast slope. in journeying to government camp, one may see abundant evidence of the glacial origin of the sandy and zigzag canyons. the white river canyon has been thoroughly explored and described by prof. reid. all three of these wide u-shaped canyons were once occupied by great glaciers, which left their record in the scorings upon the sides of the gorges; in the mesas of finely ground moraine which they spread over the bottoms and through which the modern rivers have cut deep ravines; in trees broken and buried by the glaciers in this drift; in the fossil ice lying beneath it, and in huge angular boulders left standing on the valley floors, several miles from the mountain. [illustration: ice cave in lava beds near trout lake.] sandy glacier extends three hundred feet farther down the slope than do the north-side glaciers, but the zigzag and white river glaciers, flowing out of the crater, end a thousand feet higher. this is due not only to the smaller reservoirs which feed them and to their southern exposure, but also doubtless to the easier grade, which holds the ice longer on the slope. on the east side of the peak is a broad ice-stream, the newton clark glacier, which also ends at a high altitude, dropping its ice over a cliff into deep ravines at the head of east fork of hood river. this glacier, well seen from cooper spur, completes the circuit of the mountain. (see pp. 83 and 84.) [illustration: mount adams, elevation 12,307 feet.] sylvester suggests that mount hood may not be extinct but sleeping. for this, however, there is little more evidence that may be discovered on other northwestern peaks. about crater rock, steam jets are found, gas escapes, and the rocks are warm in many places. "fumaroles" exist, where the residuary heat causes openings in the snow bed. sylvester reports dense smoke and steam issuing from crater rock by day and a brilliant illumination there at night, in august, 1907. but volcanoes sometimes contradict prophecy, and no further intimations of trouble having since been offered, this display may be deemed the last gasp of a dying monster rather than an awakening toward new life. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister telephoto view of mount adams, from the northeast side of mount st. helens, at elevation of 7,000 feet, overlooking the densely timbered ranges of the cascades.] mount adams. [illustration: mount adams from trout creek, at guler, near trout lake; distance twelve miles.] [illustration: climbers on south butte, the hard lava neck of a crater on south slope, left by weathering of the softer materials of its cone. elevation, 7,800 feet. the usual route to summit leads up the talus on right.] going up the white salmon valley toward mount adams, the visitor quickly realizes that he is in a different geological district from that around mount hood. the oregon peak is mainly a pile of volcanic rocks and cinders ejected from its crater. little hard basalt is found, and in all its circumference i know of only one large surface area of new lava. this is a few miles north of cloud cap, and so recent that no trees grow on it. but north of the columbia, one meets evidences of comparatively recent lava sheets in many parts of the valley. some obviously have no connection with mount adams; they flowed out of fissures on the ridges. but these beds of volcanic rock become more apparent, and are less covered with soil, as we approach the mountain, until, long before timber line is reached, dikes and streams of basalt, as yet hardly beginning to disintegrate, are found on all sides of the peak. [illustration: dawn on mount adams, telephotographed from guler, at 4 a. m., showing the three summit peaks, of which the middle one is the highest. the route of the climbers is up the south slope, seen on right.] [illustration: foraging in the snow. the mount adams country supports hundreds of large flocks of sheep.] [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister steel's cliff, southeast side of mount hood. in the distance is seen juniper flat, in eastern oregon.] the form and slope of mount adams tell of an age far greater than mount hood's, but its story is not, like that of hood, the legible record of a simple volcanic cone. it wholly lacks the symmetry of such a pile. viewed from a distance, it sits very majestically upon the summit of one of the eastern ranges of the cascades. as we approach, however, it is seen to have little of the conical shape of hood, still less that of graceful st. helens, which is young and as yet practically unbroken. its summit has been much worn down by ice or perhaps by explosions. some of its sides are deeply indented, and all are vastly irregular in angle and markings--here a face now too steeply cut to hold a glacier, but showing old glacial scorings far down its slope; there another terraced and ribbed with waves and dikes of lava. the mountain is a long ridge rather than a round peak, and close inspection shows it to be a composite of several great cones, leaning one upon another,--the product of many craters acting in successive ages. on its ancient, scarred slopes, a hundred modern vents have added to the ruggedness and interest of the peak. many of these blowholes built parasitic cones, from which the snows of later centuries have eroded the loose external mass, leaving only the hard lava cores upstanding like obelisks. other vents belched out vast sheets of rock that will require a century more of weathering to make hospitable even to the sub-alpine trees most humble in their demands for soil. [illustration: copyright, g. m. weister. ice castle and great crevasse, near the head of eliot glacier, mt. hood. "touched by a light that hath no name, a glory never sung, aloft on sky and mountain wall are god's great pictures hung."--whittier.] [illustration: mazamas climbing a 40â° stairway of shattered basalt, north side of mount adams.] [illustration: mount adams from one of the many lakes on its southeast slope. on ridge above, near the end of mazama glacier, a hotel is to be erected.] mount adams therefore presents a greater variety of history, a more complex and fascinating problem for the student to unravel, than any of its neighbors. this interest extends to the district about it, a country of new lava flows covering much of the older surface. the same conditions mark the region surrounding the newer peak, st. helens, thirty miles west. in each district, sheets of molten rock have been poured across an ancient and heavily forested land. thus as we travel up the rich valleys leading from the columbia to either peak, we meet everywhere the phenomena of vulcanism. [illustration: climbers ascending from south peak to middle peak on mount adams, with the "bergschrund" above klickitat glacier on right. this central dome is about 500 feet higher than south peak.] [illustration: mount adams, seen from happy valley, south side. elevation about 7,000 feet. mazama glacier is on right.] the lava sheet flowing around or over a standing or fallen tree took a perfect impression of its trunk and bark. thousands of these old tree casts are found near both adams and st. helens. where the lava reached a watercourse, it flowed down in a deeper stream, a river of liquid rock. lava is a poor conductor of heat; hence the stream cooled more quickly on the surface than below. soon a crust was formed, like the ice over a creek in winter. under it the lava flowed on and out, as the flood stopped, leaving a gallery or flume. later flows filled the great drain again and again, adding new strata to its roof, floor and sides, and lessening its bore. long after the outflows ceased, weathering by heat and frost broke openings here and there. many of the flumes were choked with drift. but others, in the newer lava beds, may be explored for miles. it was from the lava caves of northern california that the modoc indians waged their famous war in the seventies. [illustration: mount adams, from snow-plow mountain, three miles southeast of the snow line; elevation 5,070 feet, overlooking the broad "park" country west of hellroaring canyon.] [illustration: copyright, s. c. smith wind-whittled ice near the summit of mount adams.] the disintegration of the lava galleries in the mount adams field has of course produced caves of all sorts and sizes. where one of these is closed at one end with debris, so that the summer air cannot circulate to displace the heavier cold remaining from winter, the cave, if it has a water supply, becomes an ice factory. the trout lake district has several interesting examples of such _glacieres_, as they have been named, where one may take refuge from july or august heat above ground, and, forty feet below, in a cave well protected from sun and summer breeze, find great masses of ice, with more perhaps still forming as water filters in from a surface lake or an underground spring. the columbia river towns as far away as portland and the dalles formerly obtained ice from the trout lake caves, but at present they supply only some near-by farmers. [illustration: mazama glacier, at head of hellroaring canyon. upper view shows floor of canyon, a mile below the glacier, with the "ridge of wonders" on right. lower view is from ridge west of the canyon, near end of mazama glacier, elevation nearly 7,000 feet. note great lateral moraine which the glacier has built on left.] mount adams is ascended without difficulty by either its north or south slope. on the east and west faces, the cliffs and ice cascades appall even the expert alpinist. as yet, so far as i can learn, no ascents have been made over these slopes. the southern route is the more popular one. it leads by well-marked trails up from guler or glenwood, over a succession of terraces clad in fine, open forest; ascends mcdonald ridge, amid increasing barriers of lava; passes south butte, a decaying pillar of red silhouetted against the black rocks and white snow-fields; crosses many a caldron of twisted and broken basalt,--"devil's half acres" that once were the hot, vomiting mouths of drains from the fiery heart of the peak; scales a giants' stairway tilted to forty degrees, overlooking the west branch of mazama glacier on one side and a small unnamed glacier on the other; and at last gains the broad shoulder which projects far on the south slope. (see illustrations, pp. 89 and 93.) [illustration: nearing the summit, south side.] [illustration: upper ice cascade of klickitat glacier.] here, from a height of nine thousand feet, we look down on the low, wide reservoir of mazama glacier on the east, and up to the ice-falls above klickitat glacier on the higher slopes beyond. the great platform on which we stand was built up by a crater, three thousand feet below the summit. the climb to it has disclosed the fact that the mountain is composed mostly of lava. some of the ravine cuttings have shown lapilli and cinders, but these are rarer than on the other northwestern peaks. the harder structure has resisted the erosion which is cutting so deeply into the lower slopes of hood. on mount adams, not only do the glaciers, with one or two notable exceptions, lie up on the general surface of the mountain, banked by their moraines; but their streams have cut few deep ravines. [illustration: an upland "park," west of hellroaring canyon.] [illustration: mount adams, from the ridge of wonders, showing the great amphitheater or "cirque" of klickitat glacier, fed by avalanches from the summit plateau. this is the most important example of glacial sculpture on the mountain. beyond, on the right, is seen the head of rusk glacier, while on the left is mazama glacier. note the stunted sub-alpine trees scattered thinly over this ridge, even up to an altitude of 7,000 feet.] [illustration: storm on klickitat glacier, seen from the ridge of wonders.] from this point, the route becomes steeper, but is still over talus, until the first of the three summit elevations, known as south peak, is reached. this is only five hundred feet below the actual summit, middle peak, which is gained by a short, hard pull, generally over snow. (see p. 94.) the north-side route is up a long, sharp ridge between lava and adams glaciers (p. 104). like the other path, its grade is at first easy; but its last half mile of elevation is achieved over a slope even steeper, and ending in a longer climb over the snow. neither route, however, offers so hard a finish as that which ends the mount hood climb. from the timber-line on either side, the ascent requires six or seven hours. [illustration: snow cornice above the bergschrund at head of klickitat glacier, with another part of the same crevasse.] the summit ridge is nearly a mile long and two-thirds as wide. it is the gathering ground of the snows that feed klickitat, lyman, adams and white salmon glaciers. (see map, p. 87.) mazama, rusk, lava, pinnacle and avalanche glaciers lie beneath cliffs too steep to carry ice-streams. their income is mainly collected from the slopes, and if they receive snow from the broad summit at all, it is chiefly in the avalanches of early summer. nearly all the glaciers, however, are thus fed in part, the steep east and west faces making mount adams famous for its avalanches. [illustration: mount adams, seen from the northeast, with the lyman glaciers in center, rusk glacier on extreme left, and lava glacier, right. the ridge beyond lava glacier is the north-side route to the summit. the lyman glaciers, like adams glacier on the northwest side, are noteworthy for their cascades of ice.] from the summit on either side, the climber may look down sheer for half a mile to the reservoirs and great ice cascades of the glaciers below. it is seen that with the exception of the rusk and klickitat, which are deeply embedded in canyons, the glaciers spread out, fan-like, on the lower slopes, and are held up by their moraines. most of them end at elevations considerably above six thousand five hundred feet. the difference in this respect between adams and hood is due, no doubt, to lighter rainfall. [illustration: copyright, asahel curtis mount adams from sunnyside, washington, with irrigation "ditch" in foreground.] [illustration: crevasse in lava glacier, north side of mount adams.] of the two glaciers just mentioned the klickitat is the larger and more typical. the rusk, however, is of interest because it flows, greatly crevassed, down a narrow flume or couloir on the east slope. its bed, reid suggests, may have been the channel of "a former lava flow, which, hardening on the surface, allowed the liquid lava inside to flow out; and later the top broke in." the klickitat glacier lies in a much larger canyon, which it has evidently cut for itself. this is one of the most characteristic glacial amphitheaters in america, resembling, though on a smaller scale, the vast carbon glacier _cirque_ which is the crowning glory of the rainier national park. the klickitat basin is a mile wide. into it two steep ice-streams cascade from the summit, and avalanches fall from a cliff which rises two thousand feet between them. (see pp. 98 and 99.) [illustration: north peak of mount adams, with the mountaineers beginning their ascent, in 1911. their route led up the ridge seen here, which divides lava glacier, on the left, from adams glacier, on extreme right.] the glacier is more than two miles long. it ends at an elevation of less than six thousand feet, covered with debris from a large medial moraine formed by the junction of the two tributary glaciers. like the other mount adams glaciers, and indeed nearly all glaciers in the northern hemisphere, it is shrinking, and has built several moraines on each side. these extend half a mile below its present snout, and the inner moraines are underlaid with ice, showing the retreat has been recent. south of the klickitat glacier, a part of the original surface of the peak remains in the great ridge of wonders. rising a thousand feet above the floor of hellroaring canyon, which was formerly occupied by mazama glacier, now withdrawn to the slope above, this is the finest observation point on the mountain. "the wonderful views of the eastern precipices and glaciers," says reid, "the numerous dikes, the well preserved parasitic cone of little mount adams, and the curious forms of volcanic bombs scattered over its surface entirely justify the name mr. rusk has given to this ridge." [illustration: snow bridge over killing creek, north of mount adams.] adams glacier, upon the northwest slope, with a length of three miles, is the largest on the mountain. this and the two beautiful ice streams on the northeast, named after prof. w. d. lyman, are notable for their ice-falls, half-mile drops of tumbling, frozen rivers. the naming of the mountain was a result of the movement started by hall j. kelley, the oregon enthusiast, in 1839. the northwestern snow-peaks, so far as shown in maps of the period, bore the names given by vancouver as part of his annexation for george iii. the utility, beauty and historic fitness of the significant indian place names did not occur to a generation busy in ousting the indian from his land; but our grandfathers remembered george iii. kelley and other patriotic men of the time proposed to call the cascades the "presidents' range," and to christen the several snow-peaks for individual ex-presidents of the united states. but the second quarter of the last century knew little about oregon, and cared less. the well-meant but premature effort failed, and the only names of the presidents which have stuck are adams and jefferson. lewis and clark mistook mount adams for st. helens, and estimated it "perhaps the highest pinnacle in america." the geological survey has found its height to be 12,307 feet. mount adams was first climbed in 1854 by a party in which were col. b. f. shaw, glenn aiken and edward j. allen. [illustration: north-side cleaver, with lava glacier on left. this sharp spine was climbed by the mountaineers and the north yakima y. m. c. a. party in 1911.] mount st. helens. the world was indebted for its first knowledge of mount st. helens to vancouver. its name is one of the batch which he fastened in 1792 upon our northwestern landmarks. these honored a variety of persons, ranging from lord st. helens, the diplomat, and pudgy peter rainier, of the british admiralty, down to members of the explorer's crew. [illustration: looking across adams glacier, northwest side of mount adams, from ridge shown above.] [illustration: "the mountain that was 'god'," the great peak which the indians reverenced and named "tacoma," seen above the clouds of a rainy day, from the summit of mount adams, distant forty miles. "this," said a well-known lecturer, as the picture was thrown upon his screen, "is the scene the angels look down upon!"] the youngest of the cascade snow-peaks, st. helens is also the most symmetrical in its form, and to many of its admirers the most beautiful. unlike hood and adams, it does not stand upon the narrow summit of one of the cascade ranges, but rises west of the main ridges of that system from valley levels about one thousand feet above the sea. surrounded by comparatively low ridges, it thus presents its perfect and impressive cone for almost its entire height of ten thousand feet. [illustration: northwest slope of mount adams, with adams glacier, three miles long, the largest on the mountain. it has an ice-fall of two thousand feet. the low-lying reservoir of pinnacle glacier is on extreme right, and the head of lava glacier on left.] the mountain is set well back from the main traveled roads, in the great forest of southwestern washington. it is the center of a fine lake and river district which attracts sportsmen as well as mountain climbers. a large company visiting it must carry in supplies and camp equipment, but small parties may find accommodation at spirit lake on the north, and peterson's ranch on lewis river, south of the peak. the first is four, the second is eight, miles from the snow line. visitors from portland, tacoma or seattle, bound for the north side, leave the railway at castle rock, whence a good automobile road (forty-eight miles) leads to the south side of spirit lake. peterson's may be reached by road from woodland (forty-five miles) or from yacolt (thirty miles). well-marked trails lead from either base to camping grounds at timber line. the mountain is climbed by a long, easy slope on the south, or by a much steeper path on the north. like mount adams, st. helens is largely built of lava, but the outflows have been more recent here than upon or near the greater peak. the volcano was in eruption several times between 1830 and 1845. the sky at vancouver was often darkened, and ashes were carried as far as the dalles. to these disturbances, probably, are due the great outflows of new lava covering the south and west sides of the mountain, and much of the country between it and the north fork of lewis river. the molten stream flowed westward to goat mountain and the "buttes," of which it made islands; threw a dike across a watercourse and created lake merrill; and turning southward, filled valleys and overwhelmed good forest with sheets of basalt. upon the slope just north of peterson's, a great synclinal thus buried presents one of the latest pages in the volcanic history of the columbia basin. [illustration: mount adams from the southwest, with white salmon glacier (left) and avalanche glacier (right) flowing from a common source, the cleft between north and middle peaks. the latter, however, derives most of its support from slopes farther to right. note the huge terminal moraines built by these glaciers in their retreat. pinnacle glacier is on extreme left.] [illustration: mount st. helens, elevation 10,000 feet.] many hours may be spent with interest upon this lava bed. it is an area of the wildest violence, cast in stone. swift, ropy streams, cascades, whirling eddies, all have been caught in their course. "devil's punch bowl," "hell's kitchen," "satan's stairway" are suggestive phrases of local description. the underground galleries here are well worth visiting. tree tunnels and wells abound. most important of all, the struggle seen everywhere of the forest to gain a foothold on this iron surface illustrates nature's method of hiding so vast and terrible a callus upon her face. it is evident that the healing of the wound began as soon as the lava cooled, and that, while still incomplete, it is unceasingly prosecuted. (see p. 111.) [illustration: scenes in the canyon of the north fork of lewis river, fed by the glaciers of mount adams and mount st. helens.] [illustration: copyright, b. a. gifford columbia river and mount adams, seen from hood river, oregon. "and forests ranged like armies, round and round at feet of mountains of eternal snow; and valleys all alive with happy sound,- the song of birds; swift streams' delicious flow; the mystic hum of million things that grow."--helen hunt jackson.] the first volcanic dust from the uneasy crater of st. helens had no sooner lodged in some cleft opened by the contraction of cooling than a spore or seed carried by the wind or dropped by a bird made a start toward vegetation. failing moisture, and checked by lack of soil, the lichen or grass or tiny shrub quickly yielded its feeble existence in preparation for its successor. the procession of rain and sun encouraged other futile efforts to find rootage. each of these growths lengthened by its decay the life of the next. with winter came frost, scaling flakes from the hard surface, or penetrating the joints and opening fissures in the basalt. further refuge was thus made ready for the dust and seeds and moisture of another season. the moss and plants were promoters as well as beneficiaries of this disintegration. their smallest rootlets found the water in the heart of the rocks, and growing strong upon it, shattered their benefactors. [illustration: copyright, kiser photo co. southwest side of mount adams, reflected in trout lake, twelve miles south of the mountain.] [illustration: scenes on great lava field south of mount st. helens. the lodgepole pine thicket above shows struggle of forest to gain a foothold on the rich soil slowly forming over new volcanic rock. the peak itself, with stunted forest at its base, is seen next; and below, one of many "tree tunnels," formed when the lava flowed over or around a tree, taking a perfect cast of its bark.] soon more ambitious enterprises were undertaken. huckleberry bushes, fearless even of so unfriendly a surface, started from every depression among the rocks. the first small trees appeared. weakling pines, dwarf firs and alders, shot up for a few feet of hurried growth in the spring moisture, taking the unlikely chance of surviving the later drought. here and there a seedling outlasted the long, dry summer, and began to be a real tree. quickly exhausting its little handful of new earth, the daring upstart must have perished had not the melting snows brought help. they filled the hollows with wash from the higher slopes. the treelets found that their day had come, and seizing upon these rich but shallow soil beds, soon covered them with thickets of spindling lodgepole pines and deciduous brush. such pygmy forests are at length common upon this great field of torn and decaying rock, and all are making their contributions of humus year by year to the support of future tree giants. these will rise by survival of the fittest as the forest floor deepens and spreads. [illustration: lava flume south of mount st. helens, a tunnel several miles in length, about twenty feet high and fifteen feet wide.] [illustration: entrance to lava cave shown above. note strata in roof, showing successive lava flows; also ferns growing from roof.] [illustration: telephotograph of mount st. helens, from the lower part of portland, with the summit peaks of mount rainier-tacoma in distance on left, and the willamette river in foreground.] st. helens, although much visited, has not yet been officially surveyed or mapped. its glaciers are not named, nor has the number of true ice-streams been determined. those on the south and southwest are insignificant. elsewhere, the glaciers are short and broad, and with one exception, occupy shallow beds. on the southeast, there is a remarkable cleft, shown on page 115, which is doubtless due to volcanic causes rather than erosion, and from which the largest glacier issues. another typical glacier, distinguished by the finest crevasses and ice-falls on the peak, tumbles down a steep, shallow depression on the north slope, west of the battered parasitic cone of "black butte." west of this glacier, in turn, ridges known as the "lizard" and the "boot" mark the customary north-side path to the summit. (see p. 118.) beyond these landmarks, on the west side of the peak, a third considerable glacier feeds south toutle river. the ravines cut by this stream will repay a visit. (see p. 116.) [illustration: copyright, jas. waggener, jr. mount st. helens, from chelatchie prairie on lewis river, distance twenty miles. shows a typical farm clearing in the forest.] [illustration: mount st. helens, seen from twin buttes, twenty miles away, across the cascades. view shows the remarkable cleft or canyon on the southeast face of the peak.] the slopes not covered with new lava sheets and dikes exhibit, below the snow-line, countless bombs hurled up from the crater, with great fields of pumice embedding huge angular rocks that tell a story not written on our other peaks. these hard boulders, curiously different from the soft materials in which they lie, were fragments of the tertiary platform on which the cone was erected. torn off by the volcano, as it enlarged its bore, they were shot out without melting or change in substance. on every hand is proof that this now peaceful snow-mountain, which resembles nothing else so much as a well-filled saucer of ice cream, had a hot temper in its youth, and has passed some bad days even since the coming of the white man. the mountain was first climbed in august, 1853, by a party which included the same t. j. dryer who, a year later, took part in the first ascent of mount hood. in a letter to _the oregonian_ he said the party consisted of "messrs. wilson, smith, drew and myself." they ascended the south side. the other slopes were long thought too steep to climb, but in 1893 fred g. plummer, of tacoma, now geographer of the united states forest service, ascended the north side. his party included leschi, a klickitat indian, probably the first of his superstitious race to scale a snow-peak. the climbers found evidence of recent activity in two craters on the north slope, and photographed a curious "diagonal moraine," as regular in shape as a railway embankment, which connected the border moraines of a small glacier. the north side has since seen frequent ascents. [illustration: canyons of south toutle river, west side of st. helens. these vast trenches in the soft pumice show by their v shape that they have been cut by streams from the glaciers above, rather than by the glaciers themselves, which, on this young peak, have probably never had a much greater extension.] the mazamas, who had climbed st. helens from the south in 1898, again ascended it in 1908, climbing by the lizard and boot. this outing furnished the most stirring chapter in the annals of american mountaineering. [illustration: lower toutle canyon, seen on left above. note shattered volcanic bomb.] [illustration: northeast side of mount st. helens, from elevation of 6,000 feet, with black butte on the right.] [illustration: the mazamas on summit of st. helens shortly before sunset. the rocks showing above the snow are parts of the rim of the extinct crater. mount adams is seen, thirty-five miles away, on the right, while rainier-tacoma is forty-five miles north. photograph taken at 7:15 p. m. the party did not get back to their camp till long after midnight.] the north-side route proved unexpectedly hard. after an all-day climb, the party reached the summit only at seven o'clock. the descent after nightfall required seven hours. the risk was great. over the collar of ice near the summit, at a grade of more than sixty degrees, the twenty-five men and women slowly crept in steps cut by the leaders, and clutching a single fifty-foot rope. later came the bombardment of loose rocks, as the party scattered down the slope. i quote from an account by frank b. riley, secretary of the club, who was one of the leaders: the safety of the entire party was in the keeping of each member. one touch of hysteria, one slip of the foot, one instant's loss of self-control, would have precipitated the line, like a row of bricks, on the long plunge down the ice cliff. eight times the party stood poised on its scanty foothold while the rope was lowered. when, after an hour and a half, its last member stepped in safety upon the rocks, there yet lay before it five hours of work ere the little red eyes below should widen into welcoming campfires. over great ridges, down into vast snowfields, for hours they plunged and slid, while scouts ahead shouted back warning of the crevasses. on, out of the icy clutch of the silent mountain, they plodded. and then, at last, the timber, and the fires and the hot drinks and the warm blankets and the springy hemlock boughs! [illustration: north side of st. helens in winter, seen from coldwater ridge, overlooking spirit lake. shows the long ridge called "the lizard," because of its shape, with "the boot" above it. on the northeast slope is "black butte," probably a secondary crater.] [illustration: st. helens, north side, seen from one mile below snow line. note the slight progress made by the forest upon the scant soil of the pumice ridges; also, how greatly the angle of the sides, as viewed here at the foot of the peak, differs from that shown in dr. lauman's fine picture taken on coldwater ridge, five miles north. both show the mountain from the same direction, but the near view gives no true idea of its steepness. black butte is on the left.] [illustration: glacier scenes, north side of mount st. helens, east of the "lizard."] even this was not the most noteworthy adventure of the outing. one evening, while the mazamas gathered about their campfire at spirit lake, a haggard man dragged himself out of the forest, and told of an injured comrade lying helpless on the other side of the peak. the messenger and two companions--swedish loggers, all three--had crossed the mountain the morning before. after they gained the summit and began the descent, a plunging rock had struck one of the men, breaking his leg. his friends had dragged him down to the first timber, and while one kept watch, the other had encircled the mountain, in search of aid from the mazamas. immediately a relief party of seven strong men, led by c. e. forsyth of castle rock, washington, started back over the trailless route by which the messenger had come. all night they scaled ridges, climbed into and out of canyons, waded icy streams. before dawn they reached the wounded laborer. mr. riley says: it was impossible to carry the man back through the wild country around the peak. below, the first cabin on the lewis river lay beyond a moat of forbidding canyons. above slanted the smooth slopes of st. helens. placing the injured man upon a litter of canvas and alpine stocks, they began the ascent of the mountain with their burden. the day dawned and grew old, and still these men crawled upward in frightful, body-breaking struggle. twelve hours passed, and they had no food and no sleep, save as they fell unconscious downward in the snow, as they did many times, from fatigue and lack of nourishment. at four o'clock, anderson was again on the summit. then, without rest, came the descent to the north. down precipitous cliffs of ice they lowered him, as tenderly as might be; down snow-slopes seared with crevasses, shielding him from the falling rocks; over ridges of ragged lava, until in the deepening darkness of the second night they found themselves again at timber. but in the net-work of canyons they had selected the wrong one, and were lost. here, at three o'clock, they were found by a second relief party, and guided over a painful five-mile journey home. [illustration: finest of the st. helens glaciers, north side, with black butte on left. it is proposed to call this "forsyth glacier," in honor of c. e. forsyth, leader in a memorable rescue.] it was day when camp was reached. in an improvised hospital, a young surgeon, aided by a trained nurse, both mazamas, quickly set the broken bones. then they sent their patient comfortably away to the railroad and a portland hospital. before the wagon started, anderson, who had uttered no groan in his two days of agony, struggled to a sitting posture, and searched the faces of all in the crowd about him. "ay don't want ever to forget how you look," he said simply; "you who have done all this yust for me." it is fitting that such an event should be commemorated. with the approval of mr. riley and other mazamas who were present at the time, i would propose that the north-side glacier already described, the most beautiful of the st. helens ice-streams, be named "forsyth glacier," in honor of the leader of this heroic rescue. [illustration: copyright, asahel curtis road among the douglas firs.] [illustration: ships loading lumber at one of portland's large mills.] iii. the forests by harold douglas langille as the lowlander cannot be said to have truly seen the element of water at all, so even in his richest parks and avenues he cannot be said to have truly seen trees. for the resources of trees are not developed until they have difficulty to contend with; neither their tenderness of brotherly love and harmony, till they are forced to choose their ways of life where there is contracted room. the various action of trees, rooting themselves in inhospitable rocks, stooping to look into ravines, hiding from the search of glacial winds, reaching forth to the rays of rare sunshine, crowding down together to drink at sweetest streams, climbing hand in hand the difficult slopes, gliding in grave procession over the heavenward ridges--nothing of this can be conceived among the unvexed and unvaried felicities of the lowland forest.--_ruskin: "modern painters."_ [illustration: outposts of the forest. storm-swept white-bark pines on mount hood.] stand upon the icy summit of any one of the columbia's snow-peaks, and look north or west or south across the expanse of blue-green mountains and valleys reaching to the sea; your eyes will rest upon the greatest forest the temperate zone has produced within the knowledge of man. save where axe and fire have turned woodland into field or ghostly "burn," the mantle is spread. along the broad crests of the cascades, down the long spurs that lead to the valleys, and across the coast range, lies a wealth of timber equaled in no other region. the outposts of this great army of trees will meet you far below. [illustration: alpine hemlocks at the timber-line on mt. adams. mt. hood in distance.] rimming about your peak, braving winds and the snows that drift in the lee of old moraines, and struggling to break through the timber-line, six thousand feet above the sea, somber mountain hemlocks (_tsuga mertensiana_) and lighter white-bark pines (_pinus albicaulis_) form the thin vanguard of the forest. they meet the glaciers. they border the snow-fields. they hide beneath their stunted, twisted forms the first deep gashes carved in the mountain slopes by eroding streams. valiant protectors of less sturdy trees and plants, their whitened weather-sides bear witness to a fierce struggle for life on the bleak shoulders of the peaks. [illustration: mazama party resting among the sub-alpine firs in a flower-carpeted "park" at the foot of mount st. helens] make your way, as the streamlets do, down to the alpine glades, on the high plateaus, where anemone, erythronium and calochortus push their buds through lingering snow-crusts. the scattered trees gather in their first groups. just within their shelter pause for a moment. vague distance is narrowed to a diminutive circle. the mystery of vastness passes. sharp indeed is the division between storm-swept barren and forest shelter. [illustration: a lowland ravine. cedars, vine maples, devil's club and ferns, near mount st. helens.] here ravines, decked with heather, hold streams from the snowdrifts--streams that hunt the steepest descents, and glory in their leaps from rock to rock and from cliff to pool. if it be the spring-time of the mountains--late july--the mossy rills will be half concealed beneath fragrant white azaleas that nod in the breezes blowing up with the ascending sun and down with the turn of day. trailing over the rocks, or banked in the shelter of larger trees, creeping juniper (_juniperus communis_), least of our evergreens, stays the drifting sands against the drive of winds or the wash of melting snows. [illustration: copyright, kiser the "noble" fir.] along the streams and on sunny slopes and benches are the homes of the pointed firs. seeking protection from the storm, the spire-like trees cluster in tiny groves, among which, like little bays of a lake, the grassy flowered meadows run in and out, sun-lit, and sweet with rivulets from the snows above. if you do not know these upland "parks," there is rare pleasure awaiting you. a hundred mountain blossoms work figures of white and red and orange and blue in the soft tapestry of green. in such glades the hush is deep. only the voice of a waterfall comes up from the canyon, or the whistle of a marmot, the call of the white-winged crows and the drone of insects break the stillness. [illustration: dense hemlock forest, lower west slope of mount hood.] [illustration: mount hood from ghost-tree ridge. whitened trunks of trees killed by forest fires.] [illustration: an island of color in the forest. rhododendrons and squaw grass on the west slope of mount hood. "the common growth of mother-earth suffices me,--her tears, her mirth, her humblest mirth and tears."--wordsworth.] the outer rank of hemlock and fir droops its branches to the ground to break the tempest's attack. within, silver or lovely fir (_abies amabilis_) mingles with hardier forms. its gray, mottled trunks are flecked with the yellow-green of lichen or festooned with wisps of moss down to the level of the big snows. and here, a vertical mile above the sea, you meet the daring western hemlock (_tsuga heterophylla_), which braves the gale of ocean and mountain alike, indifferent to all but fire. it is of gentle birth yet humble spirit. it accepts all trees as neighbors. you meet it everywhere as you journey to the sea. but on the uplands only, in a narrow belt like a scarf thrown across the shoulders of the mountain, sub-alpine fir (_abies lasiocarpa_) sends up its dark, attenuated spires, in striking contrast with the rounded crowns of its companions. [illustration: copyright, asahel curtis group of red cedars, five to eight feet in diameter.] [illustration: on the road to government camp, west of mount hood. broadleaf maple on extreme right; douglas firs arching the roadway, and white fir on left.] a little lower, the transition zone offers a noteworthy intermingling of species. down from the stormy heights come alpine trees to lock branches with types from warmer levels. here you see lodgepole pine (_pinus murrayana_), that wonderful restorer of waste places which sends forth countless tiny seedlings to cover fire-swept areas and lava fields with forerunners of a forest. here, too, you will find western white pine (_pinus monticola_), the fair lady of the genus, whose soft, delicate foliage, finely chiseled trunk, and golden brown cones denote its gentleness; and engelmann spruce (_picea engelmannii_) of greener blue than any other, and hung with pendants of soft seed cones, saved from pilfering rodents by pungent, bristling needles. here also are western larch or tamarack (_larix occidentalis_); or, rarely, on our northern peaks, lyall's larch (_larix lyallii_), whose naked branches send out tiny fascicles of soft pale leaves; and noble fir (_abies nobilis_), stately, magnificent, proud of its supremacy over all. and you may come upon a rare cluster of alaska cedar (_chamã¦cyparis nootkatensis_), here at its southern limit, reaching down from the coast range of british columbia almost to meet the great sugar pines (_pinus lambertiana_) which come up from the granite heights of the california sierra to play an important role in the southern oregon forests. [illustration: copyright, weister where man's a pygmy. a noble fir, 175 feet to first limb.] across the roll of ridge and canyon, you see them all; and when you come to know them well, each form, each shade of green, though far away, will claim your recognition. yonder, in a hollow of the hills, a cluster of blue-green heads is raised above the familiar color of the hemlocks. cross to it, and stand amidst the crowning glory of nature's art in building trees. about you rise columns of noble firs, faultless in symmetry, straight as the line of sight, clean as granite shafts. carry the picture with you; nowhere away from the forests of the columbia can you look upon such perfect trees. [illustration: firs and hemlocks, in clarke county, washington.] westward of the cascade summits the commercial forest of to-day extends down from an elevation of about 3,500 feet. intercepted by these heights, the moisture-laden clouds are emptied on the crest of the range. eastward, the effects of decreasing precipitation are shown both in species and in density. tamarack, white fir and pines climb higher on these warmer slopes. along the base of the mountains, and beyond low passes where strong west winds drive saturated clouds out over level reaches, western yellow pine (_pinus ponderosa_) becomes almost the only tree. over miles of level lava flow, along the upper deschutes, this species forms a great forest bounded on the east by rolling sage-brush plains that stretch southward to the nevada deserts. beyond the deschutes drainage, where spurs of the blue mountains rise to the levels of clouds and moisture, the forest again covers the hills, spreading far to the east until it disappears again in the broad, treeless valley of snake river. north of the columbia the story is the same. from the lower slopes of mt. adams great rolling bunch-grass downs and prairies reach far eastward. here and there, over these drier stretches, stand single trees or clusters of western juniper (_juniperus occidentalis_). [illustration: fifty-year-old hemlock growing on cedar log. the latter, which was centuries old before it matured and fell, was still sound enough to yield many thousand shingles.] but on the west slope of the cascades, and over the coast range, the great forests spread in unbroken array, save where wide valleys have been cleared by man or hillsides stripped by fire. here, in the land of warm sea winds and abundant moisture, the famous douglas fir (_pseudotsuga taxifolia_), pacific red cedar (_thuja plicata_) and tideland spruce (_picea sitchensis_) attain their greatest development. these are the monarchs of the matchless northwestern forests, to which the markets of the world are looking more and more as the lines of exhausted supply draw closer. [illustration: sawyers preparing to "fall" a large tideland spruce.] douglas fir recalls by its name one of the heroes of science, david douglas, a scotch naturalist who explored these forests nearly ninety years ago, and discovered not only this particular giant of the woods, but also the great sugar pine and many other fine trees and plants. as a pioneer botanist, searching the forest, douglas presented a surprising spectacle to the indians. "the man of grass" they called him, when they came to understand that he was not bent on killing the fur-bearing animals for the profit to be had from their pelts. [illustration: sugar pine, douglas fir, and yellow pine.] the splendid conifer which woodsmen have called after him is one of the kings of all treeland. the most abundant species of the northwest, it is also, commercially, the most important. sometimes reaching a height of more than 250 feet, it grows in remarkably close stands, and covers vast areas with valuable timber that will keep the multiplying mills of oregon and washington sawing for generations. in the dense shade of the forests, it raises a straight and stalwart trunk, clear of limb for a hundred feet or more. on the older trees, its deeply furrowed bark is often a foot thick. trees of eight feet diameter are at least three hundred years old, and rare ones, much larger, have been cut showing an age of more than five centuries. to these areas of the greatest trees must come all who would know the real spirit of the forest, at once beneficent and ruthless. here nature selects the fittest. the struggle for soil below and light above is relentless. the weakling, crowded and overshadowed, inevitably deepens the forest floor with its fallen trunk, adding to the humus that covers the lavas, and nourishing in its decay the more fortunate rival that has robbed it of life. here, too, with the architectural splendor of the trees, one feels the truth of bryant's familiar line: the groves were god's first temples. the stately evergreens raise their rugged crowns far toward the sky, arching gothic naves that vault high over the thick undergrowth of ferns and vine maples. in such scenes, it is easy to understand the woodsman's solace, of which herbert bashford tells in his "song of the forest ranger:" i would hear the wild rejoicing of the wind-blown cedar tree, hear the sturdy hemlock voicing ancient epics of the sea. forest aisles would i be winding, out beyond the gates of care; and in dim cathedrals finding silence at the shrine of prayer. * * * * * come and learn the joy of living! come and you will understand how the sun his gold is giving with a great, impartial hand! how the patient pine is climbing, year by year to gain the sky; how the rill makes sweetest rhyming where the deepest shadows lie! [illustration: yellow cedar, with young silver fir.] [illustration: copyright, gifford one of the kings of treeland--a douglas fir.] fir, spruce and cedar you will see along the slopes of the cascades in varying density and grandeur, from thickets of slender trees reclaiming fire-swept lands to broken ranks of patriarchs whose crowns have swayed before the storms of centuries. among the foot hills, the pale gray "grand" or white firs (_abies grandis_) rear their domes above the common plane in quest of light, occasionally attaining a height of 275 feet, while the lowly yew (_taxus brevifolia_), of which the warrior of an earlier time fashioned his bow, overhangs the noisy streams. in the same habitat, where the little rivers debouch into the valleys, you may see the broad-leaf maple, oregon ash, cottonwood, and a score of lesser deciduous trees on which the filtered rays of sunshine play in softer tones. [illustration: copyright, jas. waggener, jr. firs and vine maples in washington forest.] here and there in the willamette valley you meet foothill yellow pine (_pinus ponderosa var. benthamiana_), near relative of the western yellow pine. oregon oak (_quercus garryana_) occurs sparingly throughout the valleys, or reaches up the western foothills of the willamette, until it meets the great unbroken forest of the coast range. [illustration: towing a log raft out to sea, bound for the california markets.] the dense lower forests are never gaily decked, so little sunlight enters. but in early summer, back among the mountains, you may find tangles of half-prostrate rhododendron, from which, far as the eye can reach, the rose-pink gorgeous flowers give back the tints of sunshine and the iridescent hues of raindrops. mingled with the flush of "laurel" blossoms are nodding plumes of creamy squaw grass, the beautiful xerophyllum. often this queenly upland flower covers great areas, hiding the desolation wrought by forest fires. its sheaves of fibrous rootstocks furnish the indian women material for their basket-making; hence the most familiar of its many names. the varied green of huckleberry bushes is everywhere. they are the common ground cover. [illustration: a "burn" on the slopes of mount hood, overgrown with squaw grass. such fire-swept areas are quickly covered with mountain flowers, of which this beautiful cream-colored plume is one of the most familiar. its roots yield a fiber used by the indians in making baskets.] [illustration: copyright, gifford a noble fir.] in valley woodlands, the dogwood, here a tree of fair proportions, lights up the somber forest with round, white eyes that peer out through bursting leafbuds, early harbingers of summer. the first blush of color comes with the unfolding of the pink and red racemes of flowering wild currant. later, sweet syringa fills the air with the breath of orange blossoms; and spirea, the indian arrowwood, hangs its tassels among the forest trees or on the bushy hills. but the presence of deciduous trees and shrubs, as well as their beauty, is best known in autumn, when maples brighten the woods with yellow rays; when dogwood and vine maple paint the fire-scarred slopes a flaming red, and a host of other color-bearers stain the cliffs with rich tints of saffron and russet and brown. coming at last to the rim of the forest, you look out over the sea, where go lumber-laden ships to all the world. close by the beach, dwarfed and distorted by winds of the ocean, and nourished by its fogs, north-coast pine (_pinus contorta_) extends its prostrate forms over the cliffs and dunes of the shore, just as your first acquaintance, the white-bark pine, spreads over the dunes and ridges of the mountain. they are brothers of a noble race. [illustration: western white pine.] you have traversed the wonder-forest of the world, and on your journey with the stream you may have come to know twenty-three species of cone-bearers, all indigenous to the columbia country. of these, one is douglas fir, nowise a true fir but a combination of spruce and hemlock; seven are pines, four true firs, two spruces, two hemlocks, two tamaracks or larches, two cedars, two junipers, and the yew. [illustration: a clatsop forest. on extreme right is a silver fir, covered with moss; next are two fine hemlocks, with tideland spruce on left.] so many large and valuable trees of so many varieties can be found nowhere else. a douglas fir growing within the watershed of the columbia is twelve feet and seven inches in diameter. a single stick 220 feet long and 39 inches in diameter at its base has been cut for a flagpole in clatsop county. a spruce twenty feet in diameter has been measured. such immense types are rare, yet in a day's tramp through the columbia forests one may see many trees upwards of eight feet in diameter. one acre in the cowlitz river watershed is said to bear twenty-two trees, each eight feet or more at its base. though no exact measurements can be cited, it is likely that upon different single acres 400,000 feet, board measure, of standing timber may be found. and back among the cascades, upon one forty-acre tract, are 9,000,000 feet--enough to build a town. manufactured, this body of timber would be worth $135,000, of which about $100,000 would be paid to labor. [illustration: a carpet of firs; 300,000 feet, cut on one acre in a columbia forest.] along the columbia you will hear shrill signals of the straining engines that haul these gigantic trees to the rafting grounds. up and down the broad river ply steamboats trailing huge log-rafts to the mills. each year the logging railroads push farther back among the mountains, to bring forth lumber for australia, the orient, south america, europe and africa. many of our own states, which a few years ago boasted "inexhaustible" forests, now draw from this supply. [illustration: winter in the forest. mount hood seen from government camp road. twenty feet of snow.] since 1905 washington has been the leading lumber-producing state of the union, and oregon has advanced, in one year, from ninth to fourth place. the 1910 production of lumber in these states was 6,182,125,000 feet, or 15.4 per cent. of the total output of the united states. the same states, it is estimated, have 936,800,000,000 feet of standing merchantable timber, or a third of the country's total. [illustration: rangers' pony trail in forest of douglas and silver firs.] this is the heritage which the centuries of forest life have bequeathed. only the usufruct of it is rightfully ours. even as legal owners, we are nevertheless but trustees of that which was here before the coming of our race, and which should be here in great quantity when our trails have led beyond the range. our duty is plain. let us uphold every effort to give meaning and power to the civil laws which say: "thou shalt not burn;" to the moral laws which say: "thou shalt not waste." let us understand and support that spirit of conservation which demands for coming generations the fullest measure of the riches we enjoy. for although the region of the columbia is the home of the greatest trees, centuries must pass ere the seedlings of to-day will stand matured. [illustration: forest fire on east fork of hood river. from a photograph taken at cloud cap inn five minutes after the fire started.] reforestation is indispensable as insurance. let us see to it that the untillable hills shall ever bear these matchless forests, emerald settings for our snow-peaks. on their future depends, in great degree, the future of the northwest. as protectors of the streams that nourish our valleys, and perennial treasuries of power for our industries, they are guarantors of life and well-being to the millions that will soon people the vast columbia basin. [illustration: reforestation--three generations of young growth; lodgepole pine in foreground; lodgepole and tamarack thicket on ridge at right; tamarack on skyline.] notes =transportation routes, hotels, guides, etc.=--the trip from portland to north side of mount hood is made by rail (oregon-washington ry. & nay. co. from union station) or boat (the dalles, portland & astoria nav. co. from foot of alder street) to hood river, ore. (66 miles), where automobiles are taken for cloud cap inn. fare, to hood river, by rail, $1.90; by boat, $1.00. auto fare, hood river to the inn, $5.00. round trip, portland to inn and return, by rail, $12.50; by boat, $12.00. board and room at cloud cap inn, $5.00 a day, or $30.00 a week. accommodations may be reserved at travel bureau, 69 fifth street. to government camp, south side of mount hood (56 miles), the trip is made by electric cars to boring, oregon, and thence by automobile. cars of the portland railway, light & power co., leave first and alder streets for boring (fare 40 cents), where they connect with automobiles (fare to government camp, $5.00). board and room at coalman's government camp hotel, $3.00 a day, or $18.00 a week. guides for the ascent of mt. hood, as well as for a variety of side trips, may be engaged at cloud cap inn and government camp. for climbing parties, the charge is $5.00 per member. the trip to mount adams is by spokane, portland & seattle ("north bank") railway from north bank station or by boat (as above) to white salmon, wash., connecting with automobile or stage for guler or glenwood. fare to white salmon by rail, $2.25; round trip, $3.25; fare by boat, $1.00. white salmon to guler, $3.00. board and room at chris. guler's hotel at guler p. o., near trout lake, $1.50 a day, or $9.00 a week. similar rates to and at glenwood. at either place, guides and horses may be engaged for the mountain trails (15 miles to the snow-line). bargain in advance. the south side of mount st. helens is reached by rail from union station, portland, to yacolt (fare $1.30) or woodland ($1.00), where conveyances may be had for peterson's ranch on lewis river. to the north side, the best route is by rail to castle rock (fare, $1.90), and by vehicle thence to spirit lake. regular guides for the mountain are not to be had, but the trails are well marked. =automobile roads.=--portland has many excellent roads leading out of the city, along the columbia and the willamette. one of the most attractive follows the south bank of the columbia to rooster rock and latourelle falls (25 miles). as it is on the high bluffs for much of the distance, it commands extended views of the river in each direction, and of the snow-peaks east and north of the city. return may be made via the sandy river valley. this road is now being extended eastward from latourelle falls to connect with the road which is building westward from hood river. when completed the highway will be one of the great scenic roads of the world. from portland, several roads through the near-by villages lead to a junction with the highway to government camp on the south side of mount hood (56 miles). the mountain portion of this is the old barlow road of the "immigrant" days in early oregon, and is now a toll road. (toll for vehicles, round trip, $2.50.) supervisor t. h. sherrard, of the oregon national forest service, is now building a road from the west boundary of the national forest, at the junction of zigzag and sandy rivers, crossing sandy canyon (see p. 71), following the clear fork of the sandy to the summit of the cascades, crossing the range by the lowest pass in the state (elevation, 3,300 feet), and continuing down elk creek and west fork of hood river to a junction with the road from lost lake into hood river valley. the completion of this road through the forest reserve will open a return route from hood river to the government camp road, through a mountain district of the greatest interest. southward from portland, inviting roads along the willamette lead to oregon city, salem, eugene and albany. from portland westward, several good roads are available, leading along the columbia or through banks, buxton and mist to astoria and the beach resorts south of that city. north of the columbia (ferry to vancouver), a route of great interest leads eastward along the columbia to washougal and the canyon of washougal river (45 miles). from vancouver northward a popular road follows the columbia to woodland and kalama, and thence along the cowlitz river to castle rock. the tour book of the portland automobile club, giving details of these and many other roads, may be had for $1.50 in paper covers, or $2.50 in leather. =bibliography.=--the geological story of the cascade uptilt and the formation of the columbia gorge is graphically told in _condon: oregon geology_ (portland, j. k. gill co., 1910). for the columbia from its sources to the sea, _lyman: the columbia river_ (new york, g. p. putnam's sons, 1909) not only gives the best account of the river itself and its great basin but tells the indian legends and outlines the period of discovery and settlement. _irving: astoria_ and _winthrop: the canoe and the saddle_ are classics of the early northwest. _balch: bridge of the gods_, weaves the indian myth of a natural bridge into a story of love and war. the literature of the mountains described in this volume is mainly to be found in the publications of the mountain clubs, especially _mazama_ (portland), _the sierra club bulletin_ (san francisco) and _the mountaineer_ (seattle). many of their papers have scientific value as well as popular interest. it is to be hoped that the mazamas will resume the publication of their annual. _russell: glaciers of n. am._ p. 67; _emmons: volcanoes of the u. s. pacific coast_, in _bulletin of am. geog. soc._, v. 9, p. 31; _sylvester: is mt. hood awakening?_ in _nat'l geog. mag._, v. 19, p. 515, describe the glaciers of mt. hood. prof. reid has published valuable accounts of both hood and adams, with especial reference to their glaciers, in _science_, n. s., v. 15, p. 906; _bul. geol. soc. of am._, v. 13, p. 536, and _zeitschrift fur gletscherkunde_, v. 1, p. 113. an account of the volcanic activities of st. helens by lieut. c. p. elliott, u. s. a., may be found in _u. s. geog. mag._, v. 8, pp. 226, and by j. s. diller in _science_, v. 9, p. 639. the ice caves of the mt. adams district are described in _balch_: _glacieres, or freezing caverns_, which covers similar phenomena in many countries; by l. h. wells, in _pacific monthly_, v. 13, p. 234; by r. w. raymond, in _overland monthly_, v. 3, p. 421; by h. t. finck in _nation_, v. 57, p. 342. dryer's account of the first ascent of mt. st. helens may be found in _the oregonian_ of september 3, 1853, and his story of the first ascent of mt. hood in _the oregonian_, august 19, 1854, and _littell's living age_, v. 43, p. 321. =the mountain clubs.=--for the following list of presidents and ascents of the mazamas, i am indebted to miss gertrude metcalfe, historian of the club: presidents. official ascents. 1894 will g. steel mt. hood, oregon. 1895 will g. steel--l. l. hawkins mt. adams, washington. 1896 c. h. sholes mt. mazama (named for the mazamas, 1896), mt. mcloughlin (pitt), crater lake, oregon. 1897 henry l. pittock mt. rainier, washington. 1898 hon. m. c. george mt. st. helens, washington. 1899 will g. steel mt. sahale (named by the mazamas, 1899), lake chelan, wash. 1900 t. brook white mt. jefferson, oregon. 1901 mark o'neill mt. hood, oregon. 1902 mark o'neill mt. adams, washington. 1903 r. l. glisan three sisters, oregon. 1904 c. h. sholes mt. shasta, california. 1905 judge h. h. northup mt. rainier, washington. 1906 c. h. sholes mt. baker (northeast side), wash. 1907 c. h. sholes mt. jefferson, oregon. 1908 c. h. sholes mt. st. helens, washington. 1909 m. w. gorman mt. baker (southwest side), and shuksan, washington. 1910 john a. lee three sisters, oregon. 1911 h. h. riddell glacier peak, lake chelan, wash. 1912 edmund p. sheldon mt. hood, oregon. the organization and success of the portland snow shoe club are mainly due to the enthusiastic labors of its president, j. wesley ladd. between 1901 and 1909, mr. ladd took a private party of his friends each winter for snow shoeing and other winter sports to cloud cap inn or government camp. three years ago it was determined to form a club and erect a house near cloud cap inn. the club was duly incorporated and a permit obtained from the united states forest service. mr. ladd, who has been president of the club since its formation, writes me: "our club house was started in july, 1910, and was erected by mr. mark weygandt, the worthy mountain guide who has conducted so many parties to the top of mt. hood. it is built of white fir logs, all selected there in the forest. i have been told in a letter from the montreal amateur athletic club of montreal, canada, that we have the most unique and up-to-date snow shoe club building in the world. the site for the house was selected by mr. horace mecklem and myself, who made a special trip up there. the building was finished in september, 1910. it is forty feet long and twenty four feet wide, with a six-foot fireplace and a large up-to-date cooking range. the organizers of the club are as follows: harry l. corbett, elliott r. corbett, david t. honeyman, walter b. honeyman, rodney l. glisan, dr. herbert s. nichols, horace mecklem, brandt wickersham, jordan v. zan, and myself." the portland ski club was organized six years ago, and has since made a trip to government camp in january or february of each year. the journey is made by vehicle until snow is gained on the foothills, at rhododendron; the remaining ten miles are covered on skis. the presidents of the club have been: 1907, james a. ambrose; 1908, george s. luders; 1909, howard h. haskell; 1910, e. d. jorgensen; 1911, g. r. knight; 1912, john c. cahalin. the mountaineers, a club organized in seattle in 1907, made a noteworthy ascent of mount adams in 1911. =climate.=--the weather conditions in the lower columbia river region are a standing invitation to outdoor life during a long and delightful summer. western oregon and washington know no extremes of heat or cold at any time of the year. the statistics here given are from tables of the u. s. weather bureau, averaged for the period of government record: mean annual rainfall: portland, 45.1 inches; the dalles, 19 inches. portland averages 164 days with .01 of an inch precipitation during the year, and the dalles 74 days; but the long and comparatively dry summer is indicated by the fact that only 27 of these days at portland and 15 at the dalles fell in the summer months, june to september inclusive. mean annual temperature varies little between the east and west sides of the cascades, portland having a 57-year average of 52.8â° as compared with 52.5â° at the dalles. but the range of temperature is greater in the interior. thus the mean monthly temperature for january, the coldest month, is 38.7â° at portland and 32.6â° at the dalles, while for july, the hottest month, it is 67.3â° at portland and 72.6â° at the dalles. while mountain weather must always be an uncertain quantity, that of the northwestern snow-peaks is comparatively steady, owing to the dry summer of the lowlands. during july and august, the snow-storms of the alps are almost unknown here. after the middle of september, however, when the rains have begun, a visitor to the snow-line is liable to encounter weather very like that recorded by a belated tourist at zermatt: first it rained and then it blew, and then it friz and then it snew, and then it fogged and then it thew; and very shortly after then it blew and friz and snew again. =erratum.=--on page 72, i have been misled by dryer's statement into crediting the first ascent of mount hood to captain samuel k. barlow, the road builder. the mountain climber was his son, william barlow, as i am informed by mr. george h. himes, of the oregon historical society. index figures in light face type refer to the text, those in heavier type to illustrations. adams, mt., indian legend of its origin, 43; routes to, 66, 67; structure and glaciers, 89-104; lava flows, 93-97; tree casts, 94; caves, 94-96; routes to summit, 96-100; name, 103; height, 104; first ascent, 104; views of, =8=, =15=, =17=, =31=, =63=, =86-107= adams glacier, mt. adams, 100, =103=, 104, =106= alps, character and scenery, 60 archer mountain, =29= arrowhead mountain, =29=, =31= astoria, 51, =16=, =21= automobile roads, 140 avalanche glacier, mt. adams, 100, 107 barlow, william, ascent of mt. hood, 72, 79, 142 barlow road, 70, 142, =78= barrett spur, 86, =57=, =69=, =75= bibliography, 141 blue mountains, 18, 24 "bridge of the gods," indian legend, 36-43; =21=, =35= bryce, james, on northwestern mountains, 60 cabbage rock, =47= cape horn, =19= carbon glacier, 102 cascade locks, =39= cascade mountains, 18, 24, 25, 28, 30, 58-66 castle rock (columbia river), =28=, =29=, =31= castle rock, wash., 106 cedars, group of red, =128= celilo falls (tumwater), =52=, =54= chelatchie prairie, =114= chinook wind, indian legend of its origin, 46-48 climate, 142 cloud cap inn, 15, 67, 78, =57=, =58=, =60=, =66= coast range, 58 coe glacier, mt. hood, 78, 80, 83-86, =69=, =72=, =75= columbia river, john muir's description, 15; dawn on, 15-23; its gorge, 30; indian legends of its origin, 36-43; its discovery by capt. gray, 51; struggle for its ownership, 50-52; its settlement, 52; views of, =7=, =9=, =14-52=, =56=, =109= columbia slough, =18=, =21= "coming of the white man," statue, =23= cooper spur, mt. hood, 79, 80, 87, =57-60= crater rock, 81, 87, =77=, =80= dalles, the, 18, 39, 96, 107, =46=, =47=, =49= douglas, david, 131 douglas firs, 131, 132, =122=, =130=, =132=, =133= dryer, t. j., 72, 115 eliot glacier, mt. hood, 15, 67, 78, 83-86, =17=, =58-67=, =73=, =92= forest, on lava beds, 94, 107-112, =111= "forests, the," chapter by harold douglas langille, 123-139, =122-139= forsyth, c. e., leader in rescue on mt. st. helens, 121 glacieres, freezing caves, 95, 96, =87= glenwood, wash., 68, 96 goldendale, wash., 68 government camp, 68, 70, 140, 142, =78=, =81= "grant castle," on the columbia, =46= gray, capt. robert, 51 guler, wash., 68, 96, =89=, =90= hellroaring canyon, 103, =95=, =96=, =97= hood, mt., dawn on, 15; indian legend of its origin, 43; john muir on, 57; routes to, 66-70; first ascent, 72, 75; height, 75, 76; the mazamas organized on summit, 75; structure and glaciers, 75-89; summit, 80, =6=, =55=, =70=; crater, 81, 82, =77=; lava bed, 89; views of, =6=, =14=, =17=, =21=, =57-85=, =123=, =124=, =138= hood river, =43=, =85= hood river (city), ore., 67, 140, =43=, =109= hood river valley, 18, 63, 66, 67, =44= hudson's bay company, 51 ice caves, 95, 96, =87= illumination rock, 81, =77=, 79 indians, legend of the creation, 32; "bridge of the gods," 36-43; origin of the chinook wind, 46-48; value of their place names, 104; leschi, first indian to scale a snow-peak, 115; =21=, =23=, =26=, =30=, =44=, =50=, =52= japan current, 46 jefferson, mt., 104, =83= kelley, hall j., 103 klickitat glacier, mt. adams, 97-103; =94=, =97-100= klickitat river, 68, =144= ladd glacier, mt. hood, 78, 80, 83-86, =69=, =75= langille, harold douglas, "the forests," 123-139 langille, william a., 80 lava beds, tree casts, caves, etc., near mt. adams, 89-96, =86=, =87=; near mt. st. helens, 107-112, =111=, =112=; struggle of the forest to cover, 108-112, =111= lava glacier, mt. adams, 100, =101-104= lewis and clark, exploration, 51 lewis river, 106, 107, =108= lily, the mt. hood, =81= lone rock, =19=, =29= loowit, the witch woman, 41-43 lyle, wash, 68, =9=, =45= lyman glaciers, mt. adams, 100, =101= lyman, prof. w. d., 51, 82, 103 mazama glacier, mt. adams, 97, 100, =94=, =96= mazama rock, mt. hood, =70= mazamas, mountain club, organization, 75; ascents of mt. st. helens, 116; an heroic rescue, 120, 121; presidents, 142; ascents, 142; =80=, =82=, =93=, =117=, =124= memaloose island, =42= mountains, importance in scenery, 59 "mountain that was 'god,'" =105= mountaineers, the, 142, =103= multnomah falls, =26=, =27=, =28= newton clark glacier, mt. hood, 79, 87, =83=, =84= noble fir, 129, 130, =125=, =130=, =136= north yakima, wash., 68 oneonta gorge, =30=, =32= oregon, its geological story, 23-32; its settlement, 50-54 peterson's, near mt. st. helens, 106, 107 plummer, fred g., 115 pinnacle glacier, mt. adams, 100, =106=, =107= portland, ore., 57, 140, =7=, =22=, =61=, =113= portland automobile club, 70, 140 portland ski club, 142, =81= portland snow-shoe club, 142, =57=, =62=, =66= "presidents' range," 104 puget sound, 27 rainier, mt. or mt. tacoma, and rainier national park, 83, 102, =51=, =105=, =113=, =117= red butte, mt. adams, =86= reforestation, =139= reid, prof. harry fielding, 87, 103, =79= rhododendrons, 134, =127= ridge of wonders, mt. adams, 103, =96=, =98=, =99= riley, frank b., 120, 121 rocky mountains, 23 rooster rock, =25= rusk, c. e., 103 rusk glacier, mt. adams, 100, 102, =98=, =101= ruskin, john, quoted, 59, 60, 123 "sacajawea," statue, =23= sacramento valley, origin, 26 salmon fishing, =16=, =25=, =33=, =36=, =48= sandy glaciers and canyon, mt. hood, 86, 87, =71=, =76= sandy, ore., =51= san joaquin valley, origin, 21 shaw, col. b. f., 104 siskiyou mountains, 24 south butte, mt. adams, 96, =89= speelyei, the coyote god, 32, 47 spirit lake, 106, =4= squaw grass, 134, =135= steel's cliff, 81, =91= st. helens, mt., indian legend of its origin, 43; compared with mt. adams, 90, 94; discovery and name, 104; structure, 104-6; height, 106; routes to, 106; recent eruptions, 106, 107; lava beds, 107-112; glaciers, 112-115; routes to summit, 112-116; volcanic phenomena, 115; first ascent, 115; the mazamas on, 116, 120, 121; an heroic rescue, 120, 121; views of, =4=, =8=, =15=, =17=, =108-121= st. peter's dome, =20=, =31= sylvester, a. h., 86, 87 table mountain, =31=, =35=, =36= toutle river canyons, mt. st. helens, 115, =116= tree casts, 94, 107, =111= trout lake, 15, 62, 66, 76, =89=, =110= umatilla, ore., 62 umatilla indian village, =50= vancouver, capt. george, 72, 104 vancouver, wash., 106, =15=, =24= volcanoes, 27, 28 white river glacier, mt. hood, 81, =75=, =77=, =82= white salmon, wash., 67, 140, =42=, =44= white salmon glacier, mt. adams, 100, =107= white salmon river, =41= white salmon valley, 56, 89 willamette river, 21, 57, =9=, =113= wind mountain, =39=, =40= woodland, wash., 106, 140 yacolt, wash., 106, 140 yakima indians, 48, =21= y. m. c. a., party on mt. hood, =76=; on mt. adams, =86= yocum, o. c., 70 zigzag glacier, mt. hood, 81, 87, =77=, =79= zigzag river and canyon, 86, 87, =48=, =78= [illustration: klickitat river canyon, near mount adams.] engravings by the hicks-chatten co. color printing by the kilham stationery and printing co. portland, oregon * * * * * transcriber's note: obvious punctuation errors were corrected. page 10, "moorhouse" changed to "moorehouse" (lee moorehouse 26) page 51, "monoply" changed to "monopoly" (a foreign monopoly that) page 54, "descendents" changed to "descendants" (pride of their descendants) page 60, illustration with caption beginning "cone of mount hood", "scoriae" changed to "scoriã¦" (ridge of volcanic scoriã¦) page 78, "pretentions" changed to "pretensions" (with very modest pretensions) page 81, "scoriae" changed to "scoriã¦" (rocks and the scori㦠which) page 83, "tripple" changed to "triple" (and even triple border) page 97, double word "to" removed from test. original read (stairway tilted to to forty) page 141, italics added to "u. s. geog. mag." and "science" to follow rest of usage (in _u. s. geog. mag._, v. 8, pp. 226, and by j. s. diller in _science_) page 142, erratum, "captin" changed to "captain" (to captain samuel k. barlow) page 143, indians, leschi, only the first illustration is of leschi, the rest of the bolded page numbers are of other people. page 143, zigzag river and canyon, bold text added to "48" as it is an illustration (canyon, 86, 87, =48=, =78=) [transcriber's note: bold text is surrounded by =equal signs= and italic text is surrounded by _underscores_.] the pioneer boys of the columbia [illustration] or: in the wilderness of the great northwest the young pioneer series by harrison adams illustrated [illustration] the pioneer boys of the ohio, or: clearing the wilderness $1.25 the pioneer boys on the great lakes, or: on the trail of the iroquois 1.25 the pioneer boys of the mississippi, or: the homestead in the wilderness 1.25 the pioneer boys of the missouri, or: in the country of the sioux 1.25 the pioneer boys of the yellowstone, or: lost in the land of wonders 1.25 the pioneer boys of the columbia, or: in the wilderness of the great northwest 1.25 [illustration] the page company 53 beacon street boston, mass. [illustration: "the two boys had to . . . start upon the long journey into the northwest" (_see page 148_)] the young pioneer series the pioneer boys of the columbia or: in the wilderness of the great northwest by harrison adams author of "the pioneer boys of the ohio," "the pioneer boys of the missouri," "the pioneer boys of the yellowstone," etc. [illustration] illustrated by walter s. rogers the page company boston [illustration] mdccccxvi [illustration] _copyright, 1916, by_ the page company _all rights reserved_ first impression, may, 1916 [illustration] preface dear boys:-the time has at last arrived when we must say good-bye to our pioneer friends, the armstrongs. you will remember how we have followed their adventurous careers down the ohio, along the mississippi, then up the great missouri to the wonder country of the yellowstone; and now, between the covers of the present volume, are narrated the concluding incidents in the story of "westward ho!" our country is deeply indebted to the class of pioneers typified by the armstrong boys. restless spirits many of them were, always yearning for richer lands where game would be more plentiful. it was undoubtedly this desire that led them further and further into the "country of the setting sun," constantly seeking that which many of them never found; until at length the pacific barred their further progress. bob and sandy armstrong, together with their sturdy sons, dick and roger, are but types of the settlers who opened up the rich territory of the mississippi valley, as well as the great west. their kind is not so numerous now, at least in our own country, since the need for such adventurous souls has become less acute. in many places, however, like the canadian northwest, they can still be met with, forging the links that will bind the wilderness to civilization. if you boys have found one half the enjoyment in reading of the exploits of our young pioneers that the task has afforded the author in writing of them, his aim, which has been to instruct as well as to entertain, will have been accomplished. harrison adams. may 1, 1916. [illustration] [illustration] contents chapter page preface v i the lure of the setting sun 1 ii wrecked in the rapids 11 iii wolves in the timber 22 iv the birch bark message 33 v what the picture writing told 44 vi stalking the buffalo 55 vii hunters, all 66 viii charged by a bull 74 ix planning a surprise 82 x springing the trap 96 xi banished from camp 106 xii on fishing bent 117 xiii glorious sport with the trout 128 xiv prisoners of the dacotahs 139 xv when stout hearts were necessary 149 xvi the escape 159 xvii shelter in a hollow tree 170 xviii the storm 180 xix under the fallen forest monarch 190 xx the return from captivity 199 xxi at the foot of the rockies 211 xxii the death of the bull moose 222 xxiii hunting the mountain sheep 232 xxiv on the burning desert 243 xxv the oasis 254 xxvi among the nez perces 263 xxvii from saddle to canoe again 276 xxviii at the falls of the columbia 287 xxix nearing the salty sea 298 xxx a moment of peril 308 xxxi the end of the long trail 316 xxxii to the rising sun--conclusion 329 notes 337 [illustration] [illustration] list of illustrations page "the two boys had to . . . start upon the long journey into the northwest" (_see page 148_) _frontispiece_ "'he tries to strike them as they jump at him'" 32 "'run for the trees, roger!' shouted dick" 74 "they pushed forward, and were soon at the fallen tree" 192 "'there! you can see him move'" 235 "fully half of the flat head indians went with the landslide" 317 [illustration] the pioneer boys of the columbia chapter i the lure of the setting sun "it strikes me, dick, the rapids are noisier to-day than ever before." "we have time enough yet, roger, to paddle ashore, and give up our plan of running them." "but that would be too much like showing the white feather, cousin; and you must know that we armstrongs never like to do that." "then we are to try our luck in the midst of the snarling, white-capped water-wolves, are we, roger?" "i say, 'yes.' we started to make the run, and a little extra noise isn't going to frighten us off. besides, we may not have another chance to try it." "you're right there, roger, for i heard captain lewis say we'd have to start up the river again in a few days, heading into the great west, the land of the setting sun." "i am ready, dick. my paddle can be depended on to see us through. we'll soon be at the head of the rapids, too." "already the canoe feels the pull, and races to meet it. steady now, roger, and let us remember what the indians told us about the only safe passage through the big trouble water, as they call it. a little more to the left--now straight ahead, and both together!" the two sturdy, well-grown lads who crouched in the frail indian craft, made of tanned buffalo skins, need no introduction to those who have read any of the preceding volumes of this series. there may be those, however, who, in these pages, are making the acquaintance of dick and roger, the young pioneers, for the first time; and for their benefit a little explanation may be necessary. while the pair are shooting downward, on the rapidly increasing current of the yellowstone river, toward the roaring rapids, on this spring day in the year 1805, let us take a brief look backward. who were these daring lads of the old frontier days, and how came they so far from the westernmost settlements of the english-speaking race along the mississippi, and about the mouth of the missouri? dick armstrong and his cousin, roger, were the sons of two brothers whose adventures along the ohio in the days of daniel boone occupied our attention in the earlier stories of border life. they were worthy of their fathers, for dick had inherited the thoughtful character of bob armstrong, while roger at times displayed the same bold disposition that had always marked sandy, his parent, in the perilous days when they founded their homes in the then untrodden wilderness. the families were now located at that spot which had first been taken up by the french, and called st. louis in honor of the king of france. their grandfather, david armstrong, still lived, as did also his wife, hale and hearty, enjoying the increasing households of their children. bob and sandy had both married, and besides dick there was a smaller son, named sam in the cabin of the former. roger had a little sister, called mary, in honor of her grandmother. the two cousins had grown up, as did most lads of those early days, accustomed to think for themselves, and to meet danger bravely. both of them were accomplished in all the arts known to successful woodsmen. they learned from experience, as well as from the lips of old borderers who visited in their homes, and were able to hold their own with any boys of their age in the community. a sudden calamity threatened to disturb the peace of the armstrong circle, when it was learned that there was a flaw in the deed by which their property was held. an important signature was required in order to perfect this title, and, unless this could be obtained, and shown by the succeeding spring, everything would pass into the possession of a rich and unscrupulous french indian trader, françois lascelles by name. inquiry developed the fact that jasper williams, the man whose signature was so important to the happiness of all the armstrongs, had gone with the expedition undertaken by captain lewis and captain clark, which was headed into the unknown country of the setting sun, with the hope of finding a way to the far distant pacific ocean. no white man had as yet crossed the vast stretches of country that lay west of the rolling mississippi, and it was the boldest undertaking ever known when president jefferson influenced congress to stand back of his proposition to learn the extent of the possessions that had recently come to the united states. (note 1.)[1] the president's private secretary, captain lewis, headed the small party of adventurous spirits, assisted by an army officer, captain clark. they left st. louis in the spring of 1804, and had been long on the way when the armstrongs discovered that the one man whom they could depend on to save their homes was with the expedition. ordinarily bob and sandy armstrong would have been quick to take upon themselves the duty of overtaking the expedition, and securing the necessary signature; but a recent injury prevented one of the brothers from going. in the end the proposition of dick and roger to undertake the stupendous task was agreed to, and the boys started, mounted on two horses and equipped as well as the times permitted. the adventures they met with were thrilling in the extreme, and have been described at length in earlier volumes.[2] the youths overtook the expedition after it had gone far up the "great muddy," as the missouri had already become known, and the coveted signature was obtained. then the lads were tempted to continue with the party, since captain lewis was sending back one of his most trusted scouts with an account of what had already happened to the expedition, for the perusal of president jefferson; and he could be trusted to see that the precious document reached the armstrongs. during the winter just passed the two boys were kept busy in the rôle of scouts and providers of fresh meat for the camp, a duty which their early training made them peculiarly fitted to assume. the expedition had laid out a comfortable camp near the indian village of the mandan tribe, with whom peaceful relations had been established at the time of their first arrival in the neighborhood. some of the bolder spirits had ventured into the realm of natural wonders now known as yellowstone park, and had viewed with amazement and awe the strange geysers that spouted hot water hundreds of feet in the air at stated periods, as well as many other singular mysteries. dick and roger had been among the fortunate few to view these marvels; but, as a rule, the soldiers and bordermen associated with the two captains were almost as superstitious as the ignorant red men, and actually feared to set eyes on these strange freaks of nature which they could not understand. the indians called the place the bad lands, and believed an evil manitou dwelt there, who was ever ready to seize upon and enchain those reckless warriors who should invade his territory. slowly the long winter had passed away, and all seemed to be going well. there had been occasional signs of trouble, when hostile hunting parties of indians were encountered; but, thus far, none of the expedition had been more than wounded in these frays. spring was at last at hand, and every one in the party looked forward with eagerness to the fresh start that was soon to be made. they had gathered much information concerning the vast stretch of plains and mountains that still lay between them and their goal; but, since only indians had ever penetrated that wilderness, these stories were invariably untrustworthy, for the mind of the red man was very much like that of a child, and could see things only from an imaginative standpoint. about all that the adventurers really knew was that there was a tremendous barrier of mountains which they must climb before they could hope to attain their ambitious aim and gaze upon the pacific ocean, seen at that time only by those, following balboa, who had crossed the narrow isthmus where the panama canal now joins the rival oceans. every evening, when the sun was setting in a maze of glowing colors, dick and roger were accustomed to stand and watch until the last fiery finger had finally faded from the skies. to them that mysterious west held out beckoning arms. they never tired of talking about the fresh wonders they might gaze upon once they started into the trackless wilds; and their young souls were aflame with eagerness as the days crept along, each one bringing them closer to the hour of departure. for some time they had intended to take a canoe through the big rapids of the river, which they had passed in ascending the stream, before making the winter camp. from the indians they had secured all possible information, and finally, knowing that their time here was now short, they had set forth with the canoe that had been their property for months, bent upon undertaking the rather risky voyage. if the daring canoe-man knows his course, the passing through a rapid, amidst all the foam and rush of hungry waters, is not the perilous thing it seems. besides a knowledge of the way, all that is required is a bold heart, a quick eye, a stout paddle, and muscular arms to wield it. the two lads soon entered the upper stretches of the white-capped water. they quickly picked out their course, and found themselves shooting downward with almost incredible speed. around them on every hand was boiling, tumultuous water, curling and rushing and leaping as though eager to seize upon its prey. dick and his cousin were not at all dismayed. they had rubbed up against perils so often in their young lives that they could keep cool in the face of almost any danger. roger crouched in the bow and fended off from the rocks, so that the glancing blows the boat received would not damage the tough skins of which the craft was made. dick occupied the stern, and his was the crafty hand that really guided the canoe, for roger always acknowledged that his cousin could handle a paddle better than he could. they had passed more than two-thirds of the way down the rapids, and the worst seemed to be behind them, when something strange happened. the canoe struck a partly submerged, but perfectly smooth, rock. it was only a slight blow, and glancing at that, but nevertheless the results were startling. no sooner had the accident occurred than the bottom of the boat gaped open and the water rushed in with terrible speed. one look convinced dick that it was quite hopeless to try to keep the craft afloat with their weight to force this flood through the hole. "quick! snatch up your gun, and jump overboard, roger!" he shouted. "and hold on to the boat, remember, like grim death!" roger was nothing if not catlike in his actions when an emergency arose; and the two lads leaped over into the swirling water as one, ready to battle for their lives with the rapids, where the superstitious red men said the evil spirits dwelt amidst continual strife and warring. footnotes: [1] the notes will be found at the end of the book. [2] "the pioneer boys of the missouri" and "the pioneer boys of the yellowstone." chapter ii wrecked in the rapids when they made this sudden plunge, the two boys were careful to maintain their grip upon the sides of the boat, one being on the right and the other on the left. relieved of their weight, the buoyant canoe would probably float, and might yet prove of considerable help to them in navigating the remainder of the boisterous rapids. all pioneer boys early learned to swim like fishes. it was as much a part of their education as handling a gun, or acquiring a knowledge of woodcraft. the lad who was not proficient in all these things would have been hard to find, and had he been discovered, the chances were he would have been deemed a true mollycoddle, and fit only to wear the dresses of his sister, or, as the indians would have described it, be a "squaw." no sooner had dick and roger found themselves in the swift flowing waters than they struck out most manfully to keep themselves and the boat afloat. it was no new experience in their adventurous career, for before now they had more than once found themselves battling with a flood. for a brief time it promised to be a most exciting experience, and one that would require their best endeavors if they hoped to come out alive at the foot of the rapids. to be hurled against some of the jutting spurs of rock with all the force of that speeding current would mean blows that would weaken their powers of resistance, and cause them to lose their grip on the side of the canoe. there were times when they were almost overwhelmed by the dashing, foamy waters. in every instance, however, their pluck and good judgment served to carry them through the difficulty. all the while they had the satisfaction of knowing that they must be drawing closer to the end of the rapids. already dick believed he could notice a little slackening of the fury with which they were beaten on all sides by the lashing waters. he managed to give a shout to encourage his cousin. "keep holding on, roger; we are nearly at the bottom! another minute will take us into smoother water! tighten your grip, and we shall win out yet!" "i'm game to the finish!" was all roger could say in reply, for every time he opened his mouth it seemed as though some of the riotous water would swoop over his head and almost choke him by forcing itself down his throat. before another minute was half over they had come to the foot of the rapids, and, still holding to the waterlogged canoe, floated out upon comparatively smooth water. here amidst the foam and eddies they managed to push the boat toward the shore. roger was already laughing, a little hysterically it is true, for he had been tremendously worked up over the exciting affair. it might have ended in a tragedy for them; but, now that the peril was past, roger could afford to act as if he saw only the humorous side of the accident. "that was a very close call, dick!" he ventured, as they continued to swim as best they could, holding their guns in the hands that at the same time clutched the gunwales of the boat. "we rather expected it," replied dick, "and laid our plans to meet an upset; but it came with a rush, after all. who'd ever believe such a little knock against a rock would have burst the tough skin of our hide boat?" "yes, and a perfectly _smooth_ rock at that," added roger, as though he knew this to a certainty, and it added to the mystery in his eyes. "i believed these boats were tough enough to stand ten times that amount of pounding. i believe after all i prefer our old style of dugout." "yes, they may be clumsy, but you can depend on them all the time; and after this i think i'll be suspicious about a hide boat," dick continued. the shore was now close at hand, and they found little difficulty in making a landing. at the same time the half sunken indian boat was dragged up on the bank, and tipped over to relieve it of the water, though that began to pour out through the rent in the bottom as soon as it left the river. it was only natural that the two boys should first throw themselves down on the soft bank to regain some of their breath after such an exciting time. then, having been brought up in the school of preparedness, their next act was to examine their guns, and to renew the priming of powder in the pan, so that the weapons, on which, they always depended to defend themselves against sudden perils, would be in condition for immediate use in case of necessity. in those days old heads were to be found on young shoulders. responsibility caused lads, hardly entering their teens, to become the defenders of their families, as well as hunters and trappers. and the armstrong cousins had long filled a position of trust of this description in the home circles. "well, we shot the rapids, all right," remarked roger, presently, with a whimsical smile; "but not exactly as we had planned. now we can have the pleasure of walking back to camp. at least it saves us the bother of paddling all the way, after making a carry around the rapids. and we meant to give our boat to one of the mandan boys, you remember, dick." "i'm puzzled about that boat," remarked the other, frowning. "i suppose you mean you wonder what made it play such a treacherous trick on us, after standing the wear and tear of the winter," roger observed. "yes, for you remember we examined it closely only yesterday, and made sure it was in perfect condition. suppose we take a look at that break, and see how it happened to come." "oh! the chances are," said roger, carelessly, "the old hide became worn or weak through age, and gave way. still," he added, "that was only a little bump, dick, and i'm as bothered as you are how to explain it." in another minute they were bending over the upturned canoe. immediately both boys uttered exclamations of astonishment, as though they had made a discovery that gave them an unexpected thrill. "why, it looks as if a sharp knife blade had been drawn straight down along here, and cut nearly through the skin, so that even a little blow would finish it!" exclaimed roger, turning his troubled eyes upon his cousin as if to ascertain whether the other agreed with him. "that is exactly what has been done," added dick, soberly. "see, you can even notice where the slit extends further than the break. this was not as much an accident as we thought, roger. some rascal, who knew what we expected to do, tried to bring about our destruction in the rapids!" "but it must have been done since yesterday," declared the other angrily, "for we looked over every inch of the skin of the boat then, and surely would have noticed the deep scoring of a knife blade." "there can be no doubt about that," agreed dick. "and the work was skillfully done in the bargain. whoever made that cut expected that the boat would strike against rocks many times during the run of the rapids, and took chances that one of the blows would tear open the weak place. and that is what happened." "it would have gone much harder with us if we had not been most of the way down the descent," said roger, with a frown on his face. "but, dick, who could the treacherous rascal be? as far as we know, we have not made a single enemy among the members of the party. would one of our indian friends have played such a mean trick on us, do you think?" "no one but an enemy could have done it, roger, because there was nothing to gain; for while some indians might envy us our rifles these would surely be lost with us in the rapids and never recovered." "that makes the mystery worse than ever, then," fretted the other lad, who was so constituted that among his boy friends down along the missouri he had often gone under the name of "headstrong roger." "i have a suspicion, although there is really nothing to back it up, that i can see," remarked dick, reflectively, as though at some time in the past winter he had allowed himself to speculate concerning certain things which were now again taking possession of his mind. "dick, tell me what it is about, please," urged his cousin, "because i'm groping in the dark, myself." "there is only one man that i know of who hates us bitterly," commenced dick, and instantly a flash of intelligence overspread the face of the other. "do you mean that french trader, françois lascelles?" he demanded. "i was thinking of him, and his equally unscrupulous son, alexis," dick admitted. "but, when we captured them last fall, they were held prisoners in the camp until mayhew, the scout, was well on his way down the river and could not possibly be overtaken. then the party of frenchmen was let go, with the solemn warning from captain lewis that if any of them loitered around this region they would be shot on sight. and dick, all winter long you remember we have seen nothing of lascelles, or indeed for that matter any other white man." "still," urged the other, "he may have come back here again when he found he could not overtake mayhew and secure that paper. a man like françois lascelles hates bitterly, and never forgives. to be beaten in his game by a couple of mere boys would make him gnash his teeth every time he remembered it. yes, something seems to tell me, roger, that our old enemy has returned, and is even now in communication with some treacherous member of the expedition." "you mean his money has hired some one to play this terrible trick that might have cost us our lives; is that it, dick?" "it is only a guess with me," replied the other, soberly; "but i can see no other explanation of this mystery." "but who could be the guilty man in the camp?" asked roger. "we believed every one was our friend, from the two captains down to the lowest in line. it is terrible to suspect any one of a crime like this. how will we ever be able to find out about it, do you think?" "we must begin to keep our eyes about us and watch," advised dick. "one by one we can cross the names off our list until it narrows down to two or three. sooner or later we shall find out the truth." "do you mean to tell captain lewis about the knife-slit along the bottom of our boat?" demanded roger. "it is our duty to tell him," dick declared. "the man who could stoop to such a trick as that, just for love of money, is not fit to stay in the ranks of honest explorers. once we can show him the proof, i am sure captain lewis will kick the rascal out of camp. but i can see that you are beginning to shiver, roger; so the first thing we ought to do now is to make a fire, and dry our clothes as best we may." "i was just going to say that myself, dick, because this spring air is sharp, with little heat in the sun. to tell you the honest truth my teeth are beginning to rattle like those bones the mandan medicine man shakes, when he dances to frighten off the evil spirit that has entered the body of a sick man. so let's gather some wood and make a blaze." with that, both boys began to bestir themselves, first of all slapping their arms back and forth to induce circulation; after which they started to collect dry wood in a heap. at no time, however, did they let their precious guns leave their possession, for they knew that when fire-arms were needed it was usually in a hurry, and to save life. chapter iii wolves in the timber "let me light the pile, dick," roger pleaded, after they had made sufficient preparation. they had selected only dry wood for various reasons. in the first place, this would burn more readily, and thus throw off the heat they wanted in order to dry their clothes. at the same time it was likely to make little smoke that could be seen by the eyes of any hostile indians who might be within a mile or so of the spot. boys who lived in those pioneer days always carried flint and steel along with them, in order to kindle a blaze when necessary. had these been lacking, roger, no doubt, would have been equal to the occasion, for he could have flashed some powder in the pan of his gun, and thus accomplished his purpose. (note 2.) in a short time roger, being expert in these lines, succeeded, by the use of flint and steel, as well as some fine tinder, which he always carried along with him in his ditty bag, in starting a fire. the wood blazed up and sent out a most gratifying heat, so that both boys, by standing as close as they could bear it, began to steam, very much after the manner of some of the warm geysers, during the stated periods when they were not spouting, that the lads had looked upon in the land of wonders. "what shall we do about the boat?" asked roger, when they found that they were by degrees getting dry, though it took a long time to accomplish this desired end. "i was thinking about that," his cousin told him. "it is not worth while for us to try to patch the hole, because we expect to abandon it very soon. captain lewis asked us to be with him in his boat. we had better leave it here, and perhaps they may send a couple of indians down to fetch it to camp." "you mean, dick, if the captain wishes to see for himself the mark of the treacherous knife blade?" "which i think he will want to do, so as to settle it in his own mind," returned the other. "this is, after all, the most terrifying thing that has as yet happened to us on our long journey up here into the heart of the wilderness." "that is just it, dick. open foes i can stand, because you know what to expect; but it gives me a creep to think of some unknown person standing ready to stab us in the dark, or when our backs are turned. perhaps, after all, we did wrong to decide on staying with captain lewis and captain clark, when we might have gone on home with mayhew, carrying that precious paper." "oh! i wouldn't look at it that way, roger," said the other, striving to cheer him up, for roger was subject to sudden fits of depression. "just think of all the wonderful things we have seen while here; and then remember that there are still other strange sights awaiting us in the land of the setting sun." "yes, that's so, dick, and both of us decided that the chance to look upon the great ocean was one not to be lightly cast aside." "we've been lucky so far," dick told his chum, "and succeeded in everything we have undertaken; so even this new trouble mustn't upset us. by keeping a sharp lookout we can expect to learn who the traitor is, and after that he will be forced to leave the party. and if that lascelles is around here again he will have to look out for himself. anyhow," he added after a pause, "we have gone too far now to turn back, no matter whether we made a mistake or not." "yes, and as my father used to say," continued roger, "'what can't be cured must be endured.' we have made our bed, and must lie in it, no matter how hard it may seem. i'm going to believe just as you do, dick--that the same kind fate that has always watched over us in times past is still on duty." he glanced upward toward the blue sky as he said this, and dick knew what he intended to imply; for boys in those days were reared in a religious atmosphere in their humble homes, and early learned to "trust in the lord; but keep their powder dry," as the puritan fathers used to do. "our fathers often had to meet situations just as dangerous as any that can come to us," continued dick, "and they grappled them boldly and came off victorious. so, from now on, we'll devote ourselves to finding out whose was the unseen hand that held the knife with which our hide boat was slashed so cleverly." "how far are we from camp, do you think, dick?" "as the crow flies it may be five miles, though we came further than that on the river," the other boy replied without any hesitation, showing how completely he kept all these things in his mind, to be utilized on short notice. "we came down with a swift current," roger admitted, "and it hardly seemed as if we could have been an hour on the way. it will take us some time to tramp back to camp, even if we take a short-cut to avoid the bends in the river." "what of that," asked dick, "since we expected to spend a good part of the day in paddling up the stream, after shooting the rapids? but, if you are dry enough now, i think we had better make a start." "suppose we drag the boat into these bushes first, dick," suggested roger. "not a bad idea either, for some passing indian might think it worth while to mend the hole and carry the boat off. we would like to have captain lewis take a look at that knife mark, so as to prove our story. he trusts all his men, and it is going to make him feel badly to know that one among them has sold himself to an enemy." between them they carried the hide canoe in among the bushes, where it was easily hidden away. of course any one seeking it would readily find its hiding-place; but at least it could not be seen by the ordinary passer-by. having accomplished this, the two lads set forth to cover the ground lying between their landing place on the shore of the river, below the rapids, and the camp of the explorers. they anticipated no trouble in finding their goal, because of their familiarity with woods life. besides, in their numerous hunting trips during the past winter they had covered nearly all the territory around that region, so that the chances of their getting lost were small indeed. "we may run across game on the way back, don't you think, dick?" suggested roger, just after they had left the ashes of their late fire, which had been dashed with water before they quitted the scene. "you never can tell," came the reply; "there is always a chance to sight a deer in this country. we got a number, you remember, within three miles of camp while the snow was deep on the ground. and already i have noticed signs telling that they use this section for feeding on the early shoots of grass." "yes," added roger, "tracks there have been in plenty. and as i live! see here, where this tuft of reddish hair has caught on a pointed piece of bark. i warrant you some buck rubbed himself against this tree good and hard. i would like to have been within gunshot of the rascal just then, for the marks are fresh, and i think they were made this very morning." this gave the two boys hope that they might at any minute run across the deer and bring him down with a lucky shot. as fresh venison was always welcome in the camp, such a possibility as this always spurred them on to do their best. they liked to hear the cheery voice of captain lewis telling them frankly that it had been a fortunate thing for the whole expedition when he tempted dick and roger to remain and see the enterprise through. "listen! what is all that noise ahead of us?" asked roger, as a sudden burst of snarling and half-suppressed howling was borne to their ears. "wolves, as sure as you live!" exclaimed dick, frowning, for if there was one animal upon which he disliked to waste any of his precious ammunition, that beast was a wolf. ordinarily these animals are not to be feared when met singly, or even in pairs; but, during the winter and early spring, they gather in packs, in order to hunt the better for food, and at such times even the boldest hunter dislikes running across them. "they are certainly on the track of something," suggested roger, as he listened, and then, shrugging his broad shoulders, he continued. "like as not, it is that buck we were hoping to run across. a plague on the pests! if i had my way, and could spare the ammunition, i'd shoot every one of the lot!" "little good that would do," dick told him; "because they run to thousands upon thousands out on the plains and in the mountains where we are heading. a dozen or two would be no more than a grain of sand on that seashore we hope to set eyes on before snow flies again." "but listen to them carrying on, dick," continued the other, with growing excitement. "come to think of it, i never heard wolves make those queer sounds when chasing a deer. you know they yap like dogs, and almost bark. these beasts are acting like those creatures did when they had me caught up in a tree, with my gun on the ground." "yes, i remember the time well enough," chuckled dick. "you were mighty glad to see a fellow of my heft, too, when i came along. twenty hours up a tree is no joke, when you've got a healthy appetite in the bargain. but, just as you say, roger, there is something queer about the way they are carrying on." "they're not chasing anything now, that's certain," asserted the other positively; "because the sounds keep coming from the same place all the time. dick, perhaps the beasts may have some one treed for all we know. they are savage with hunger, and would just as soon make a meal off a hunter, red or white, as off a deer or a wounded buffalo." "it happens to be right on our way to camp," remarked dick, tightening his grip on his long-barreled rifle, "so we can find out what's up without going far out of our path." this, of course, pleased headstrong roger, always in readiness for adventure, it mattered little of what nature. he always maintained that he had a long-standing debt against the tribe of _lupus_ on account of that terrible fast mentioned by his cousin, and, although powder and ball were not too plentiful, he seldom failed to take a shot at his four-footed enemies when the chance came to him. so now he fancied that he would end the prowling of at least one red-tongued woods rover. certainly he could spare a single charge, and it would give him more satisfaction than almost anything else. you see, roger had rubbed the old sore when he spoke of that bitter experience in the past, and it smarted again venomously. as they pushed steadily on, the sounds increased in volume. they could even hear the thud of heavy bodies falling back to the ground after frantic leaps aloft, as though endeavoring to reach some tempting object among the branches of a tree. then roger, who had the keenest eyesight of the pair, muttered: "there, i can just begin to see them through the trees and brush yonder, dick; and, as we believed, they have some human being treed, or else are trying to force conclusions with a panther, which would be a strange thing, to be sure." "we'll soon know," the other whispered, "for it's only a little way. yes, i can see them jumping up, just as you say. roger, fasten your eyes on the tree above, and tell me what that dark object is." a minute later, as they still kept pushing forward, roger uttered a low cry. "well, after all, it's an indian brave up there. and he's already shot a number of the brutes with his arrows; but i reckon his stock has given out. he tries to strike them as they jump at him, using his knife. and, dick, i can see now that he isn't a mandan indian at all, but more likely one of those sioux who, under their sub-chief, beaver tail, did us such a good turn last fall, when we saved jasper williams from the french traders. but what can a sioux warrior be doing here, in the land of his foes, the mandans?" [illustration: "'he tries to strike them as they jump at him'"] chapter iv the birch bark message "there, i could see him reach down then and strike at a leaping wolf!" exclaimed dick, showing signs of excitement, something he seldom did, since he had wonderful control over his emotions for a boy of his age. "just as i told you," continued roger, trembling all over with eagerness, "he has used up his arrows, and is trying to cut down the number of his four-footed enemies by other means." "there, listen to that howl!" "oh! he made a splendid strike that time, dick!" "yes, and you can see what that clever brave is up to, if you notice the wild scuffle at the foot of the tree," the other replied. "why, the wolves seem to be fighting among themselves, dick. what makes them act that way, do you know?" "i can give a guess. these mad animals are almost starving, though just how that should be, at this season of the year, i am not able to say. the scent of blood makes them wild, you see, and, every time the brave's knife wounds one of the pack, the rest set upon the wretched beast to finish him." "in that way the indian could clean them up in time, i should say, without any help from us," roger suggested, though he showed no sign that his intention of giving aid had changed in the least. "but they might take warning, and stop jumping up at him," dick explained; "then his knife would be useless. and, too, other wolves hearing the noise are apt to hasten to the spot, so that there might be an increasing pack, a new one for every beast he helped to kill." "dick, he is a brave fellow, even if his skin is red!" "i agree with you there," said the other, softly. "then are we not going to bring about his rescue, even if it does cost us some of our precious powder and shot?" roger demanded. "yes, but i hope it will not be more than one load," replied his cousin; for all their lives this question of a wastage of ammunition had been impressed on their minds as the utmost folly, and on that account they seldom used their guns except to make sure of worthy game. "come, let us rush forward with loud yells, waving our arms, and doing everything we can to scare the animals off before we begin to fire. after we get close up, and they are hesitating what to do, that is the time for us to blaze away." "a good plan, roger, and worthy of our fathers' old friend, pat o'mara. only as a last resort will we use our fire-arms." "and you be the one to say when, dick, remember!" "depend on me for that," roger was told quickly. "just as soon as i see that something is needed to force the ugly beasts to make up their minds, i'll call out to you to give it to them." "give me one last word of advice before we rush them, dick." "yes, what is it, roger?" "if, instead of taking to their heels, the pack turns on us, and starts to fight, what must we do?" "there isn't one chance in ten it will happen that way," said dick, "for wolves are too cowardly. when they see us rushing boldly forward you'll notice how every beast's head will droop, and that he'll begin to skulk away, showing his teeth, perhaps, but cowed and whipped." "but suppose it should?" urged roger, as they paused, just before bursting out upon the strange scene. "if it comes to the worst we may have to take to a tree just as the indian brave has done," dick told him, "and then start to work killing them off as fast as we can load and fire. now, are you ready to do a lot of yelling?" "just try me, that's all, dick!" "come on, then, with me!" with the words dick sprang boldly forth from his concealment, with his cousin alongside. both of them started to make the woods ring with their strong young voices, and when two healthy boys yell and whoop they can produce a tremendous volume of sound! some of those predatory wolves must have conceived the idea that a whole company of the strange two-legged foes was rushing toward them, judging from the hasty manner of their exit from the scene. others, however, either more bold or hungry, half crouched and, snarling, showed their white teeth in a vicious manner. evidently these leaders of the pack were not as yet quite convinced that the game had gone against them, despite all the noise made by the oncoming boys. on seeing this, dick and roger tried to shout louder than ever, while they waved their arms in the most frantic manner. it devolved upon dick to decide whether or not they should keep on in this fashion until they came to close quarters with the wolves that lingered, loth to give up their chance of a dinner. rushing forward at this rate, they would be on the scene in half a dozen seconds, and might find the ugly beasts springing up at their throats. never before had the boys seen wolves acting in this manner, for as a rule their nature is cowardly. there was nothing for it but to fall back upon their guns for the finishing stroke, and so dick gave the word. "we must shoot, roger--take that big fellow in front!" he gasped, for he was by this time fairly out of breath after all those strenuous exertions of running, thrashing his arms, and shouting at the top of his voice. accordingly both of them halted just long enough to throw their long-barreled rifles to their shoulders, and glance along the sights. they could actually hear the savage snarls of the defiant pack. roger, always a bit faster than his companion, was the first to fire, and with the crash of his gun the big leader of the pack sprang upward, only to fall back again with his legs kicking. dick's gun spoke fast on the heels of the first report, and he, too, succeeded in knocking over the beast his quick eye had selected. then with renewed shouts, dick and roger once more started forward, but there was a hasty scurrying of gray bodies, and presently not a wolf remained in sight save the pair that had gone down before the deadly fire of the guns. the indian up in the tree dropped to the ground, and the boys saw immediately from his manner of dress that he was, just as roger had surmised, a sioux warrior. from the fact that he was bleeding in various places the boys understood that he must have put up a valiant fight at close quarters against his four-footed enemies, before finally seeking refuge among the branches of the friendly tree. naturally both lads immediately began to wonder why a sioux brave should thus venture into the neighborhood of the mandan village, since the two tribes had been at knives' points for many years. indeed, the preceding fall, when the boys had been aided by beaver tail and some of his sioux warriors, who accompanied them later to their camp, it had required all the tact and diplomacy of which captain lewis was capable to prevent an open rupture between the old-time rivals. "first we must make him let us look at his wounds," suggested dick, "because it is no child's play to have the teeth of wolves draw blood. some of his wounds look bad to me." "i think you are right, dick," agreed the other, always accustomed to leaving the decision to his cousin. "see if you can make him understand what we want to do. i'll get some water in my hat, so you can wash the wounds." the boys always made it a practice to carry certain homely remedies with them, for in those pioneer days the family medicine chest consisted in the main of dried herbs, and lotions made from them, all put up by the wise housewife. those who lived this simple life, and were most of the time in the open air, seldom found themselves in need of a doctor, and most of their troubles sprang either from accidents, or injuries received in combats with wild beasts of the forest. so it was that they had with them a salve they always used to soothe the pain, as well as neutralize the poison injected by bites or scratches received in struggles at close quarters with carnivorous beasts. the indian was looking at them as though puzzled. whites were rarely seen by the dwellers in these far regions beyond the mississippi; indeed, most of the natives had never as yet set eyes on a paleface. this brave, however, may have been in company with beaver tail, the friendly chief, at the time he aided the two boys, and, if so, he undoubtedly recognized dick and roger. unable to speak the sioux tongue, of which they knew but a few words, it would be necessary for dick to make use of gestures in conducting a brief conversation with the other. still, the smile on his face, as well as the fact of his recent acts, would readily tell the red wanderer that he was a friend. "ugh! ugh!" was all the indian could say, but he accepted the hand that was extended, though possibly this method of greeting was strange to him. dick pressed him to sit down, and the brave did so, though with increasing wonder. he speedily realized, however, what the white boys meant to do, and without offering any remonstrance continued silently to watch their labor, as they proceeded to look after his injuries. roger fetched his hat full of cool water from a running brook close by, and one by one dick washed the numerous scratches and ugly furrows where those wolfish fangs had torn the flesh of the stoical brave's lower limbs. he gave no sign of flinching, though the pain must have been more than a trifle. the boys knew enough of indian character to feel sure that, if it had been ten times as severe, he would have calmly endured it, otherwise he could not have claimed the right to wear the feather they could see in his scalplock, and which signified that he was a warrior, or brave. finally the task was completed. there had been nothing further heard from the remnant of the baffled wolf pack all this while, proving that the loss of their powerful leaders must have taken the last bit of courage from the animals, known never to be very brave. all the while the sioux continued to keep those black eyes of his glued on dick armstrong. it was as though he was in search of some one and had made up his mind that, since there could be no other paleface boys within a thousand miles of the spot, these must be the ones he had been commissioned to find. just about the time dick, with another of his rare smiles, indicated that the work of looking after his injuries had been completed, the sioux fumbled in his snake-skin ditty bag, where he kept his little stock of pemmican, and numerous other necessary articles, perhaps his war paint as well. to the astonishment of the boys he drew out a small roll of birch bark, secured far to the north, and handed it to dick. filled with curiosity, the boy opened it with trembling fingers, to find, just as he had anticipated, that it was covered with a series of queer characters, painted after the indian fashion and representing men and animals. "it's indian picture writing, you see, roger!" dick declared, "and must be meant for us, or else this brave would not give it over. he has been sent here from the far-away sioux village to find us, and deliver a message." "yes," added roger, excitedly. "and look, dick, there is what seems to be the awkward but plain picture of a beaver at the end of the message. it must have been sent by our good friend, the chief of the sioux." "you are right that far, roger, for it is meant to be the signature of beaver tail, himself. now to see if we can make out what it says!" chapter v what the picture writing told it was with the utmost eagerness that the two boys studied the strange characters depicted on the strip of bark. the hand that had drawn them there must have been accustomed to the task, and doubtless the story the message was meant to tell could have been easily read by the eyes of any indian. dick and his cousin had seen samples of this queer picture writing before that time, and understood how the indians depend on the natural sagacity of a woodsman, whether red or white, to decipher the meaning of the various characters. (note 3.) "what can it all stand for?" demanded roger, as he gazed blankly at the several lines of characters. "perhaps we may have to call on some of the mandans in the village to explain it to us." "we will do that in the end, anyway," dick said, "in order to make certain; but, if we look this over closely, right now, we may get an idea of what beaver tail meant by sending it." "you don't think then, dick, it was intended just as a greeting to us, so as to let us know the chief has not forgotten his young paleface brothers?" "no, i feel sure it has a more serious meaning than that," the other declared. "in fact, roger, something tells me it may be in the nature of a warning." "a warning, dick! do you mean the sioux chief wants us to tell captain lewis it will be all his life is worth to keep heading into the land of the west, now that spring has come?" "i was thinking only of ourselves when i said that, roger." "and that the warning would be for our benefit, you mean? but, dick! how could beaver tail, so far away from here, know of any danger that hung over our heads?" "let us examine the bark message, and perhaps we shall learn something that may explain the mystery. the first thing we see is what looks to be a man facing the sun that is half hidden by the horizon." "yes, that hedgehog-looking half circle is meant for the sun, i can see that. and, further along, we find it again, only on the left side of the man who is now creeping toward it. what do you make that out to be?" "it is plain that one represents the rising, and the other the setting sun," dick explained, with lines of deep thought marked across his forehead. "now, an indian always faces the north when he wants to represent the points of the compass, so it is plain that the first sun lies in the east." "and he wanted us to know that this man was heading into the east first of all; is that what you mean, dick?" "yes, and look closer at the figure, roger. it is not intended to be an indian, you can see, for he has a hat on his head. it strikes me we ought to know that hat, cleverly imitated here; what do you say about it?" "oh! it must be the odd-looking hat that french trader, françois lascelles, always wore, dick. he means that it was toward the rising sun françois started last fall, just as we know happened. and now here he is, again, the same hat and all, creeping straight toward the _setting_ sun. does that mean the trader came back again, in spite of the warning captain lewis gave him?" "i am sure it means that, and nothing else," replied the other, calmly. "stop and think, roger. only a little while ago, we were wondering whether such a thing had come about, because we found reason to believe some member of the expedition had been hired to do us an injury. yes, that bitter frenchman has dared to return, believing that he can keep out of the reach of our protectors, and manage in some way to get his revenge." "if that is what beaver tail is trying to tell us in this picture writing, dick, the rest of the screed must simply go on to explain it a little further." "you notice that the same figure with the hat occurs always," continued dick, as he examined the message again. "here is what must stand for a fire, and two persons are sitting beside it, as if cooking. in what seems to be a clump of bushes close by he has drawn that man again, this time lying flat." "that must mean that françois is spying on the pair by the fire," suggested roger, "and as he has made both of them wear caps with 'coon or squirrel tails dangling down behind, i think they are meant to represent us." "there can be no question about it," admitted the other, deeply interested. "and, going further, we see the snake in the grass creeping up as if he meant to surprise the two, who are now sleeping, for they lie flat on the ground." "yes, even the fire burns low, for there is hardly any blaze," added roger, "which indicates that the hour is late. why, dick, we can read the story as easily as any sign in the woods we ever tackled." "then comes another scene," continued dick, "where the creeper has evidently sprung with uplifted knife, upon his intended prey, taken unawares. after that, we can see him crawling away, and there are two figures lying stretched out on the ground close to the now dead fire. that needs no explanation, roger; françois lascelles seeks our lives, because we baffled him in his scheme to win a fortune at the expense of our folks at home!" the two boys looked at each other. their eyes may have seemed troubled, but there was no sign of flinching about them. the lads had met too many perils in times past to shrink, now that they were face to face with another source of danger. "shall we keep on now for the camp, and show this message on the bark to captain lewis?" asked roger. "it would be the best thing to do, for he can advise us," his companion admitted. "besides, he will surely order every one in the camp to keep an eye out for françois lascelles." "we ought to take this brave with us, dick, because he has come a long way, and is hardly fit to return without rest and food." once again did dick endeavor to make the sioux warrior comprehend what he wished him to do. he urged him to get upon his feet, then thrust an arm through that of the brave, after which he nodded his head, pointed to the north, made gestures as though feeding himself, and then started to walk away, still holding on to the other. of course it was easy for the indian to understand that they wished him to accompany them to their camp, where he would receive food and attention. he simply gave a guttural grunt, nodded his head, and fell in behind dick, after the customary indian method of traveling in single file. then they moved along, roger bringing up the rear. little was said while they tramped onward, heading for the camp. dick occupied himself with making sure that he held to the right direction. he also found much food for thought in the startling information that beaver tail had taken the pains to send all these miles to his young friends. in due time they came in sight of the camp where the expedition had passed the preceding winter. rude cabins had sheltered them from the cold and the snow, both of which had been quite severe in this northern latitude. some distance beyond lay the mandan village, always a source of deepest interest to the two boys. it contained so many strange things, and the lads had never become weary of trying to understand the ways of these "white indians." (note 4.) upon seeing the boys come in with a strange indian in their company, many curious glances were cast in their direction. going straight to the cabin where the two leaders of the expedition lived, the boys were fortunate enough to find captain lewis busily engaged in making up his log for the preceding day, though of course there was little that was new to record. to the surprise of the boys the sioux indian produced another bark scroll from his ditty bag, which he handed to captain lewis. this fact convinced dick that the brave must have been with the party in the fall, for he seemed to know that the white man he faced was the "big chief." "what does all this mean, my boys?" asked the captain, looking puzzled. "we met with an accident in the rapids, and had to swim out," replied dick. "then, on the way back to camp, we came upon this sioux brave in a tree with a dozen hungry wolves jumping up at him. we chased the wolves off, and looked after his wounds, when to our surprise he handed us this message from his chief, beaver tail." the captain examined the picture writing with considerable interest. he had been taking considerable pains since mingling with the mandans to understand their ways, and this crude but effective method of communication had aroused his curiosity on numerous occasions. "read it to me, if you managed to make it out, dick," he told the boy, who only too willingly complied. the captain frowned upon learning that, despite his solemn warning, the french trader had returned to the neighborhood. that look boded ill for françois lascelles, should he ever have the hard luck to be caught in the vicinity of the camp. the captain's own communication from the sioux chief was merely meant for an expression of goodwill. two figures, one plainly a sioux chieftain, and the other a soldier, were seen to be grasping hands as though in greeting. beaver tail by this crude method of picture writing evidently intended to convey the meaning that he had not forgotten his friend, the white chief, and, also, that he had kept his word that the sioux should remain on peaceful terms with the travelers. "but you spoke of meeting with an accident in the rapids," captain lewis presently remarked. "that is something strange for clever boys like you to experience. did you miscalculate the danger, or was it something that could not be helped?" "we closely examined our buffalo hide canoe yesterday, and it was in perfect condition, captain," said dick. "yet, with only a slight blow against a perfectly smooth rock, it split open, and we had to jump overboard. we managed to get through the rough water safely, and drew the damaged boat ashore. imagine our surprise and consternation, sir, when we found that a sharp-pointed knife blade had been run along the bottom of the canoe, making a deep cut that had easily given way when we struck the rock." "you startle me when you say that, dick," remarked the captain, looking uneasy, though almost immediately afterward his jaws became set in a determined fashion, while his eyes gleamed angrily. "it must mean that we have a traitor in the camp; some one who has been bought by the gold of françois lascelles." "that was what we began to fear, captain," dick continued, "and we believed it only right to let you know what happened to us. we hope you will send some of the indians, and one of our men, for the canoe. it could be brought secretly to the camp and examined, without the guilty one knowing about it." "a good idea, my boy, and one i shall act upon at once. say nothing to a single soul concerning this outrage. if we expect to catch the traitor napping, he must not be put on his guard. but none of us could feel safe, knowing we had a snake in our midst. depend upon it, the truth is bound to come out, and, when once we learn his identity, the traitor will be kicked out of the camp, if nothing worse happens to him." with this assurance the two boys rested content. they knew captain lewis was a man of his word, and felt sure that the man who had sold his loyalty for a sum of money offered by the french trader would before long rue the evil day he allowed himself to be thus tempted. soon afterward they saw captain clark and his companion officer in conference, after which the former went over to the mandan village, and, later on, vanished in the dense forest accompanied by two stalwart braves. they had gone, the boys knew to secure the hide canoe that told the story of treachery in the camp. chapter vi stalking the buffalo on the following day orders were given to prepare to start once more in the direction of the beckoning west. there was not much to be done, for, knowing that their departure would soon be ordered, the men had for some time past been getting things in readiness. dick and roger had looked their few possessions over, and were ready to move on short notice. it gave the boys a little feeling of distress to realize that they would be thus placing additional ground between themselves and those dear ones left at home near the mouth of the missouri. "but we have embarked on the trip," said dick, when his chum was speaking of this as something he did not like very much, "and must see it through now. when we do get back home again, if we are so fortunate, think of all the wonderful things we shall be able to describe." the coming of captain lewis just then interrupted their confidential talk. dick expected that their leader had something of importance to communicate, and he could give a pretty accurate guess concerning its nature. sure enough, the first words spoken by the president's private secretary explained the nature of his visit to the cabin of the armstrong boys. "i had an opportunity to examine your canoe, and there can be no reason to doubt that some unknown miscreant planned to have you lose your lives in the rapids. it was cleverly done, and at night-time doubtless, when no one would be apt to notice him working with your boat. the knife went in just deep enough to weaken the whole skin of the bottom, and only a slight blow was needed to finish the treacherous work." "of course you have not been able to place your hand on the guilty party, captain, have you?" asked roger, eagerly. "nothing has been found out so far," came the reply. "one of my reasons for joining you just now is to ask if either of you have any suspicions. although of course we could not accuse any one on such grounds alone, at the same time it might narrow our search, and focus attention on the guilty one, so that he could be watched, and caught in the act." "we do not feel able to say positively, captain lewis," said dick, "but when we came to look over the entire membership of the company we finally figured it out that it must lie between three men. all the others seemed to be above suspicion in our eyes." "tell me who they are, so that i can have them watched," demanded the commander. "there is, first of all, drewyer, the canadian scout. he never seemed to be very friendly with us, for some reason or other, though we have had no quarrel. you are surprised to hear me mention his name, because you have always trusted him fully. and the chances are, captain, that drewyer is as faithful as the needle to the pole. i only include him because we know so little about him." "who is the next one you have on your list?" asked captain lewis. "i count considerably on your natural sagacity to help in running this traitor to earth. you boys have learned pretty well how to judge men from their actions and looks, rather than from their fair speech. tell me the other names, please, dick." "fields is the second man. i base my right to include him in the group from the fact that there was a time when my cousin, here, and fields had hot words over something the trapper had been doing in the village, and which roger took him to task for. since that time they have been on speaking terms, but i do not think fields likes us over much." "i should regret very much to learn that fields had turned traitor, for i have in the past been ready to trust him to any extent," remarked captain lewis. "the third and last man is andrew waller," continued dick. "now, we have never had a word with andrew except in the best of ways. we have always looked on him as a loyal friend, and faithful to the trust you put in him. it has only been of late that both of us noticed that andrew seems to try to avoid us, and when we do meet face to face he lets his eyes drop." "that is indeed a suspicious fact," commented the other, quickly. "if money has tempted him to play the part of a traitor it is easy to understand how he cannot look you squarely in the eye. conscience flays him every time he sees you near by. i shall certainly bear in mind what you have told me, and in due time results may spring from keeping a close watch on the movements of these three men." with that captain lewis left the boys, but they felt sure he would not allow the matter to drop. the man whom president jefferson had personally selected to manage this big enterprise, and who had been his own private secretary, was accustomed to getting results whenever he attempted anything. it was on the following morning that camp was broken, and the expedition once more started forward--down the yellowstone to the missouri, and up that muddy stream again. that was an event of vast importance in the lives of those daring souls who were thus venturing to plunge deeper into the mysteries of the country that up to then had never known the imprint of a white man's foot. although filled with exultation, as were the rest of the travelers, dick and his cousin looked back to see the last of the weird mandan village which had long been a source of delight to their eyes. it was with considerable regret that they took their farewell view of the painted lodges, as well as the indian cemetery on the side of the hill, where all those platforms, bearing their mummy-like burdens wrapped in buffalo hides, told of superstitions that were a part of the mandan nature. during that day they made considerable progress, and the first camp of the new trail was pitched on a ridge close to the river. here the horses were put out to graze, and the boats drawn up on the shore, though a guard was constantly kept to insure against treachery. despite the apparent friendship shown by many of the indian tribes they encountered on their long journey of thousands of miles, the two captains never fully put their trust in the red men. they believed them as a rule to be treacherous, and unable to resist pilfering if the opportunity offered. especially was this true when the coveted object was a horse or a "stick that spat fire," as the wonderful "shooting-irons" of the explorers were generally called. several days passed with nothing to break the monotony of the journey. of course they often met with minor difficulties, but these were speedily overcome by a display of that generalship which had so far made the trip a success. all this while the boys had not forgotten about the spy in the camp. without appearing to do so, they kept a watch upon the three men upon whom suspicion had fallen. had any one of them offered to leave camp after nightfall, he would have been trailed by dick and roger, bent on learning what could be the object of his wandering, and whether he had an appointment with françois lascelles, the indian trader. but, as the days drifted along, and nothing happened, they began to cherish hopes that perhaps the accident to their canoe had been rather an act of vandalism and malice than part of a deep plan to bring about their death. a week after leaving the winter camp the party found itself on the border of a wide plain. dick and roger were mounted and were on a slight elevation down which they expected to pass to the level ground near the river, and await the coming of the boats. from here they could see for a considerable distance around. "look at the herds of buffaloes feeding here and there, dick!" exclaimed roger, whose hunting instincts were easily aroused. "it strikes me we heard captain clark say the fresh meat was getting low again. what do you say to trying to knock over one or two of those fine fellows?" "we would have to go a considerable distance to do it, then," the other told him, "and leave our horses in the bargain, because they are not used to approaching such fierce-looking animals as buffalo bulls." "but we might be lucky enough to get one or two yearlings," persisted roger, who dearly loved the excitement of the hunt, as well as the taste of the well-cooked meat when meal time came. "i think we could manage to load our animals down with the spoils, and easily reach the place where our friends mean to camp for the night." dick looked around him before replying to this tempting proposal. he remembered that they had need to use particular care while away from the main body of explorers; but so far as indications went he could not discover the slightest sign of danger. certainly there was nothing to be feared from françois lascelles out there on that wide stretch of plains, where in various places they could see timid antelopes and clumsy buffaloes feeding amidst the isolated stands of timber which dotted the landscape. "i see nothing to hinder our making the attempt, roger," he finally remarked. "then you agree, do you, dick?" eagerly demanded the other young explorer, as he caressed his gun, and cast a happy look over the panorama that was spread in front of them. "let's figure out just where our best chance lies, before we make a start," he was told. "we have to keep in mind that it's necessary to hide our mounts, so we can creep up on the herd close to some motte of timber." the boys had more than once shot the great, shaggy animals that in those early days abounded in countless thousands on the prairies of the far west. their fathers had hunted buffaloes while on the trail from virginia to the banks of the ohio when boys no older than dick and roger. hence they were familiar with the habits of the animals which they now meant to stalk. choosing their course so as to keep a patch of cottonwoods between themselves and the small herd they had picked out as their prey, the two boys urged their horses on at a smart pace. in several quarters they could see the swift-footed antelopes vanishing at a surprising pace, frightened by the approach of these strange animals, bearing riders on their backs, the like of which they possibly had never beheld before that day. the buffaloes, however, were not so easily alarmed. unless they saw an enemy for themselves, or scented something that caused them uneasiness, they were likely to hold their ground where they chanced to be feeding. (note 5.) finally the boys decided it was no longer safe to take their horses with them. the animals were accordingly secured in a patch of timber, and the lads, still screened by the other motte, set forth on foot. they had possibly a quarter of a mile to walk before reaching their intended shelter, from the other side of which they hoped to be able to fire upon some of the nearest of the herd. the old grass still lay on the ground, dead and brown; but shoots of the new spring crop had begun to thrust their heads up between. it was on this tender green stuff that the buffaloes were browsing, and, as it grew more freely in certain places, such a fact would account for their presence near the timber. the one thing dick and roger had to be careful about was the chance of any straggler from the herd discovering them, and with a bellow giving the alarm. in order to avoid this if possible, dick and his chum bent low as they advanced, and kept a wary lookout on either side of the timber. the breeze blew from the trees toward them. this fact they had made sure of before starting, because, otherwise, such is the sense of smell in the buffaloes they would not have had the least chance of getting within shooting distance of the wary animals, who generally feed facing the wind. when finally the boys arrived at the edge of the timber they believed everything was working as well as they could wish. as yet no sound had come to their ears that would indicate alarm on the part of their intended quarry; and roger allowed himself to indulge in high hopes of a hunters' feast that night, with buffalo meat in plenty as the main dish. chapter vii hunters, all "look, dick, we are not the only hunters," whispered roger, as he tugged at the sleeve of his cousin's tunic, and pointed with his rifle. there was a slight movement in the undergrowth just ahead of them. dick, looking in that direction, was surprised to see a crouching animal slink away. he instantly recognized it as a gray timber wolf, and knew the animal must have been hiding there in hopes of seizing upon some sort of game. as a single wolf, however daring, would never attempt to attack a buffalo, dick could not understand at first what the animal meant to do. he judged, however, that, as this was the spring of the year, possibly there were calves in the herd, which would be just the tender sort of food that the sleek prowler would delight to secure. the animal drew back his lips at the boys, disclosing the cruel white fangs; but he knew better than to attack such enemies and slunk swiftly away. after he slid into a thicker part of the brush the boys lost sight of him, for the time at least. bent upon finding a place where they could get a fair shot at such animals as seemed best suited to their needs, the boys crept along. the patch of timber was not of any great size, and already they could see the open prairie between the standing trees. again did the keen-eyed roger make a sudden discovery that caused him to grip once more the arm of his companion and point. this time, however, he did not speak even in a whisper, for they were very close to the edge of the motte, and for all they knew some buffalo might be lying within twenty feet of them. what dick saw, as he turned his eyes in the direction indicated, surprised him very much. apparently the tempting bait had drawn another savage hunter to the spot in hopes of securing a meal. it was no indian brave who sprawled upon the lowermost limb of that tree, but the lithe figure of a gray animal which dick instantly recognized as a panther, and an unusually big one at that. the beast was staring hard at them. it did not move, or offer to attack them, but, just as the wolf had done, it bared its teeth. the boys were not looking for trouble with a brute of this type just then. food alone held their thoughts and governed their movements. on that account dick did a very wise thing when, drawing his companion aside, he made a little detour. the boys crept as softly as though born spies. hardly a leaf fluttered as they moved along, and certainly no stick cracked under their weight, for these lads had long ago learned all that woodcraft could teach them. both cast many a curious glance to the right and to the left, as though wondering what next they would come upon in the way of hungry, envious beasts. after a little while dick turned again toward the front, and began to make his way to the edge of the timber. he had noticed that, at a certain point, the dead grass extended some thirty feet away from the trees, and offered splendid shelter to any one who knew how to utilize it. taking an observation after he had crawled forward to the very edge of the timber, dick found that the nearest animals were some little distance away. he could count a dozen of them in sight, and there were two small calves frisking about their mothers. although the grass might be exceptionally fine close up to the trees, the temptation to feed in closer was resisted by the buffaloes. they seemed to know by some intuition that danger was apt to lurk where timber grew, especially for the tender calves. in order to make sure of their shots, it was desirable for the boys to crawl out amidst that dead grass. dick could see that it offered the finest kind of shelter, and, once they reached its furthermost limit, the chances of making sure shots would be just that much enhanced. flattening themselves out upon the ground they crept along on their hands and knees. an inexperienced hunter could never have performed the task without attracting the attention of the feeding buffaloes, and causing a stampede; but the armstrong boys had learned how to accomplish the feat. now and then a cautious observation was taken, and these glances painted the scene vividly on the minds of the creeping boys. they could see the coveted yearling cows that it was their object to secure, the other, older members of the herds, and, towering above all, the old bull who ruled the herd. this last was a terrible object, with the shaggiest mane the boys had ever seen on a buffalo. he showed the scars of numerous fierce battles, and one of his short black horns had been twisted out of shape in some former combat, so that it gave him a peculiarly wicked appearance. of course, when picking out their game, neither of the hunters had the slightest idea of aiming for the patriarch of the herd. he would be much too tough a morsel for any one to chew, unless reduced to the point of actual starvation, when he might be preferable to slicing up one's moccasins for soup. the old fellow seemed to understand his business as acknowledged guardian of the herd. he moved hither and thither, and, every once in so often, stopped to look around him, as though in search of signs of trouble. then he would shake his great head, give a proud snort of conscious power, strike at the ground several times with one of his forefeet, and finally go on with his feeding. by this time the hunters had arrived at the point where to proceed further would be to accept unnecessary risk of detection. they knew well that, once the alarm was given, the whole herd would quickly be in motion. while they might possibly succeed in a shot taken at a moving target, the chances of a miss were much greater than they cared to take. so dick concluded the time had come for them to pick out their quarry, take deliberate aim, and then fire as close together as possible. a moving form attracted their attention close to the trees. it was the hungry wolf, possibly seeking some new shelter. if the feeding animals noticed the gray form at all they paid little heed to his presence, having contempt for a single wolf. it would have been at the risk of his life for the wolf to make a dash out toward the herd. hungry though he probably was, the slinking beast must have known this, for, after giving a stretch to his head, as though longingly sniffing the air, he crept once more back into the shelter of the timber. roger chuckled to himself, though deep down in his boyish heart he felt sorry for that hunger-tempted wolf. he was also thinking that, if their plans turned out well, they would leave a feast behind sufficient to satisfy the appetites of both panther and wolf. one last survey dick took of the open stretch before them. he noticed that the old bull was sniffing the air suspiciously just then. whether he had caught traces of their presence, or it was the fact of the prowling wolf that began to bother the bull, dick could not say. in fact, things had by now reached a stage where he did not think it mattered. directly before them, and in plain sight, were two of the yearlings, one of them a fine, sturdy-looking young bull. dick, as soon as he clapped his eye on this animal, selected him as his intended victim. he knew that such a prize would be a choice morsel for the camp; and, for that reason, he meant that his aim should be particularly sure when the moment arrived to shoot. "leave the young bull to me, roger," he whispered under his breath. "just as you say, dick," came the equally cautious reply, as both rifles were brought slowly up to the boys' shoulders. the leader of the herd stamped his forefoot angrily on the ground and made the turf fly. plainly his suspicions had been aroused. dick knew they must delay no longer. the bull acted as though about to give the alarm that would cause the whole herd to scamper wildly off. now the guns were leveled, and the cheek of each hunter lay alongside the stock. "ready?" asked dick, softly. "yes," came the immediate reply. "then let go!" crash! both guns let go almost as one, and the feeding herd was thrown into a wild panic. chapter viii charged by a bull the first thing the boys noticed was the fact that two of the great beasts had gone down in answer to their shots. the camp was likely to have an abundance of fresh meat that night at least. [illustration: "'run for the trees, roger!' shouted dick"] then another thing drew their attention. "look at the bull!" cried roger suddenly, as he noticed that the guardian of the herd was plunging in their direction as though bent on seeking a prompt revenge for the loss of his charges. the predicament of the boys was not at all to their liking. without a bullet in their guns, and with a maddened bull bearing down upon them at full speed, unless they made a rapid retreat to the timber they were in danger of being gored and trampled by the horns and hoofs of the beast. "run for the trees, roger!" shouted dick, as he himself turned and made for the timber. fortunately they were not far from shelter. roger had before been, inclined to lament the fact that the mass of dead grass did not allow them to creep closer to the game, but he changed his mind now, when every yard counted against them. once roger caught his foot somehow, and fell flat. dick seemed to know it, although his back was turned to his chum at the time, for he instantly stopped in his headlong rush and whirled around. it was his intention to stand by his comrade, come what would, to divert, if necessary, the attention of the charging animal until such time as roger could gain his feet. it turned out that the sacrifice was not needed, for, nimble as a cat, roger gained his feet like a flash, and, putting on a fresh spurt, succeeded in reaching the outermost trees as soon as dick. they were none too soon. the galloping buffalo was close at their heels. had the friendly timber been ten paces further off there might have been a different story to tell. each boy chose a tree behind which he tried to shield himself. the bull rushed past, but immediately came to a halt, turned and started to chase roger around the tree which he had taken for a guard. "faster, roger, faster!" called dick, alarmed lest the animal overtake the boy. this shout caused the bull to take notice of his other enemy, and he plunged directly toward dick, who was compelled to make circles around his shelter at a lively pace, in order to keep from being impaled on those wicked-looking short black horns. having the inside track the boy of course was given an advantage, but it seemed as though that tough old monster would never tire. he kept on circling the tree, making savage prods at the legs of his intended quarry whenever dick lagged a little, or, slipping, fell back a step or so. roger started just then to give tongue at the top of his voice, thinking that it was not altogether fair to have the game so one-sided. his generous intention was to attract the animal once more toward himself; and in this he fully succeeded. now it was roger who danced a tune that was far from being a stately minuet. lively boy that he was, that old rascal of a buffalo bull put him to his best paces in order to keep out of danger. roger was hard to subdue even at such a time as this. it would have seemed to be the part of wisdom to conserve every atom of his breath for the work before him, yet he was continually bursting out with shouts to his comrade. "did you ever see anything so mad as he is, dick?" he called. "be careful, roger; he almost got you that time, when he drove his head against the tree. it may seem like a frolic to you, but the danger is there all the same!" "it's the greatest race i ever had, barring none!" gasped the other, as he continued to dodge the horns that were forever trying to catch him off his guard. "better throw your gun away, for it's likely to trip you!" advised dick; and hardly had the words escaped his lips than there came another sudden change of tactics on the part of the charging bull, with dick again doing the dodging. roger took this occasion to change his tree, selecting one that offered a little better chance for making a speedy circuit, for of course he anticipated soon coaxing the infuriated animal to turn back on him. there had been another reason for his change of base which was made apparent a little later on. dick was making splendid time around that trunk. he also managed to keep a close watch upon his shaggy antagonist, and was thus able to anticipate the latter when, with a sudden stop and a whirl the bull sought to catch him napping and come up in the rear. "dick, i've got a plan!" cried roger. "tell me what it is then," panted the other, plainly distressed for want of breath, for the constant struggle to avoid the horns of the bull was telling on him. "i must get him started after me again, you see," roger commenced to explain. "yes, of course!" dick managed to say as he found a few seconds of relief while the animal stood pawing the ground, and apparently debating within his mind what course he should take next. "i'm a little the more agile, you see," continued roger, "and likely to tire him out in the end, if put to it." "all very well," dick told him, "but where do i come in?" "oh! i figured on your loading your gun, and fixing him in a hurry!" said roger, with a laugh. dick even joined in that expression of merriment. strange that up to then neither of them seemed to have given the first thought to the fact that he gripped a fire-arm in his hand, which it would take only a short time to put in serviceable condition. "well said, roger! and, if you can coax the old fellow to make a change in his program, i'll look after the gun part of the affair, i promise you." "look out, he's after you again, dick!" dick knew that long before roger could get the words of warning framed, and he was speedily making his rapid circuits around the tree with the snorting animal hot on his heels. with the intention of carrying out his part of the arrangement roger now started to shout and make all manner of derisive gestures by which he hoped to attract the attention, and excite the ire, of the raging animal. it was some time before this maneuver met with the success roger hoped for, but in the end he managed to coax the bull into making a dash toward his tree. thereupon roger exerted himself to keep the animal busy, so that dick should not be interrupted in his task. in order to do this the better he kept up his jeering cries, and, when he found the chance, even made thrusts at the beast with his long gun, once striking him smartly on the head. the pace was beginning to tell on the buffalo. his powers of endurance had diminished since that eventful day when in mortal combat he had slain the old guardian of the herd, and usurped his position of trust. meanwhile dick was far from being idle. he had, as soon as the attention of the bull was diverted, swung his powder horn around, after removing the wooden stopper, and carefully measured out a charge. this he managed to pour down the barrel of his rifle, after which, from the cavity in the stock of the weapon, he took a greased patch in which the bullet was to be enclosed. after that the ramrod was used to punch the bullet down into the interior of the long barrel until it finally lodged snugly upon the powder charge. nothing remained but the priming, which was a brief matter at the most; and dick was gladdened by the thought that now he held in his hand the means for terminating that ridiculous dance which the old bull was leading roger. a tree interfered somewhat with his view, and dick ran a little closer, in order to make certain of his aim. dropping on one knee after the fashion of expert marksmen of the day, he waited until there came a little lull in the mad chase. "now you can get him, dick!" called roger, between his gasps for breath, as the bull stopped short to strike again his hoof violently against the ground. it was the opening the pioneer boy had been waiting for, and immediately the long gun shot out a puff of smoke as the report sounded. the buffalo had been hit in a vital spot, for he fell to the ground without even one jump. roger started to give a triumphant shout, when he cut it short, for something had leaped through the air; and, upon looking at the still-quivering body of the stricken bull, what was the boy's surprise to see a crouching figure fastened upon it, and to hear the vicious snarl of the savage panther as, with ears pressed back against his head, he glared defiantly at the young hunter. chapter ix planning a surprise "more trouble ahead!" cried roger, starting back, for he did not fancy a hand-to-hand conflict with that furious beast, intent on claiming the game that had fallen to dick's gun. "do nothing rash!" admonished the other, who knew the headstrong ways of his cousin, and wished to prevent any action that might precipitate a struggle. "but see how the beast acts! as if he owned the earth, dick!" "well, what of it?" came the steady reply, for dick was hastening his reloading operations while talking, something roger did not seem to have thought of. "but you shot the bull, dick," urged the other. "then i make of him a present to our friend, the big cat," dick told him. "we have quite enough meat out on the open, all we can manage. besides, i pity your teeth if you ever try to bite into the flesh of that tough old rascal. move around, and let the cat be. that's all he asks of us." "but, dick, i don't like to let it seem as though the two of us were afraid of just a hungry panther," remonstrated roger, who was proud of his valor. "oh! for that matter, there's the poor old wolf, you remember. and in a short time the air will be black with buzzards coming to the feast from a distance of miles around. let good enough alone, as i've heard your mother tell you, many's the time." grumbling a little, and sending more than one aggressive look backward toward the audacious panther, roger finally agreed to accompany his chum out to where the other victims lay. the rest of the herd had galloped away, and were far distant by this time, though now lacking a gallant protector. and, lying where they had fallen, were the yearling bull and another, for both boys had made capital shots. "what shall we do first?" asked roger. "i want to see you charge that rifle of yours before we start a single thing," he was told bluntly by his companion. "oh! i had forgotten that part of the game, but you know i generally do reload without any loss of time, dick. i learned that long years ago, and many a time, as i can distinctly remember, it saved me a heap of trouble." this duty having been accomplished, roger waited to hear what they were to attempt next; for as a rule he was content to let dick do the planning. "while you go and fetch the horses, roger, i'll start to cutting up this fine young bull. you've got your bearings, of course, and know just where we left our mounts?" "i surely do know," the other replied, "and i'll have them here before long. if i were you, dick, i'd keep one eye out for that slippery beast of a panther. for all any one can say, he may take a notion that he prefers tender meat to tough. and that i'd call carrying the joke too far." "depend on it, roger, i'll keep my gun handy all the while, and, if mr. panther gives me any trouble, i'll be tempted to waste a bullet on him. get back as soon as you can, that's all." with that advice ringing in his ears roger hurried off, while dick, drawing his hunting knife with the buckhorn handle, proceeded to first remove most of the skin of the young bull, so that it could be used to wrap around the meat. after this he started to cut away such choice portions as he meant to keep. every now and then as was his habit, he raised his head to take a quick glance around; but neither the panther nor the wolf came into sight. evidently the hungry animals were not excessively particular about the tenderness of their meat, if only the supply proved sufficient. roger came galloping up after a bit, leading the second horse. the animal did considerable snorting, as horses always will when they scent freshly spilled blood; but roger knew how to stake them out so that they could not wander away. after that he commenced dressing the second buffalo, also a yearling. since both boys had had considerable experience in this, they made fair work, and the two piles of fresh meat mounted up by degrees. it was just as well, for evening was not far away now, the day having drawn on toward its close. off yonder, in the glowing west, the sun was sinking, and beginning to paint the fleecy white clouds a vivid red that had strange fluted columns running up and down. to the imagination of the two boys these were the beckoning fingers that tempted them always, just as the rainbow for ages past has promised a pot of gold to him who could find the spot where its foot rested on the earth. the two bundles of meat were tied securely, and fastened to the backs of the prancing horses. then the boys set off, expecting to strike the camp of the expedition along the bank of the river. as they passed the timber they could see something of a commotion in the place where they had had their adventure with the savage old buffalo bull. dozens of big bald-headed birds were sitting on dead limbs of the trees, now dropping awkwardly down to the ground, and anon flapping back to their perches. "the buzzards came, just as i thought they would," remarked dick; "but they'll have to wait for the second table, because that cat and the wolf must first be served. when they can hold no more they may go away and let the poor buzzards have a chance." dick did not have any particular trouble in finding his bearings. it had been indelibly impressed on his mind that the river lay to the north, and, with the setting sun on their left, it would be no difficult task to find the water. he had also figured out about where the boats and the horses would bring up when the day's toll had been taken, so that he was now making what he would have called a bee-line for that particular place. the sun was down behind the level horizon at last, and shadows had begun to creep out of their hiding-places. roger began to feel a little anxiety concerning their hoped-for arrival at the river. "it seems to be further than i thought," he ventured to say presently. "meaning the river, i suppose," remarked dick, calmly. "yes, i expected that it would take us some little time to get there, because there was a big bend just at the place we left the water, on sighting that hill which we climbed to look around for game." "dick, i believe i see something that flickers ahead of us!" exclaimed roger just then. "it must be the light of the fires, which as usual have been built below the river-bank, so that their glow may not betray the camp to hostile eyes. yes, just as you say, roger, we are getting there, and will be in on time." "oh! as to that, dick," said the other with a laugh, "even if supper is started they will be sure to switch off and give this fresh buffalo meat the first showing. but, for one, i shall be glad to rest. after all that prancing around my tree every muscle in my legs cries out in pain, i do believe." they were not long in arriving at the camp, and, when the campers found what the packages that the horses carried contained, they greeted the newcomers with cheery words of welcome and of thanks. it was a lively scene, with the boats drawn up on the sandy beach under the river-bank; the horses picketed out to graze; the tents that had been erected to serve as sleeping quarters for the company; and the blazing fires about which the cooks were starting to cook the evening meal. for a background to the picture there was the ever-murmuring river, and the boys, many a time, wished they were able to send a loving message down those hundreds of miles to the little settlement of st. louis, where their loved ones dwelt. they knew that a monumental task still lay before them, since the terrible, rocky mountains, of which they had heard vague stories from the indians, had to be scaled, as well as trackless wastes of desert land crossed, before they could hope to feast their eyes on the blue sea which was their goal. still, the whole summer lay before them, and they had already surmounted so many obstacles that nothing seemed to daunt those bold spirits. each day's journey they counted another link in the chain, and, having virtually burned their bridges behind them, it became a necessity that they succeed. the supper was finally cooked, and those who were not on duty as guards settled down to enjoy what had been prepared. as usual dick and roger found places close together, for they were chums in everything, and liked to chat while eating. "this pays me for all my trouble with that old bull," remarked roger as he munched away. "sweeter meat i never tasted, if i do say it myself." "oh! i agree with you there," dick told him. "but i find myself wondering why captain lewis keeps looking over this way so often. and then, too, it strikes me he is unusually solemn to-night. what do you say, roger?" "i hadn't noticed it before," came the reply presently, "but, now that you call my attention to the fact, i really believe you are right. he does look as if something had gone wrong. i wonder what could have happened while we were away this afternoon." "we may have to take it out in guessing," dick observed, "unless the captain decides to tell us about it, which is hardly likely. but the rest of the men seem to be noisier and in better humor than usual. there's andrew waller keeping a lot of them roaring with laughter as he tells some comical story. i never saw him so lively, come to think of it." about the time all of them were through eating, dick discovered that captain meriwether lewis was walking directly toward the spot where he and his chum still sat. a couple of convenient stones had afforded them resting places; but, as the commander of the expedition paused beside them, both lads immediately sprang to their feet, courteously offering the captain a seat. "i will accept if one of you can sit tailor-fashion on the ground," remarked captain lewis, but without any sign of merriment in his voice, for he was still looking very grave. "i want to speak with both of you lads, and it is concerning a subject in which you are deeply interested." of course that aroused their curiosity at once, and roger lost no time in dropping upon the sand, where he could make himself fairly comfortable. as soon as they were all seated again the captain began: "while you two boys were away on your hunt this afternoon, something happened which deepened my suspicion that we have a traitor among us. by a mere accident i picked up a bit of paper that some one must have drawn from his pocket unknown to himself. glancing idly at it i was startled at what i read." he looked around him as though to make certain that no eye watched his action, and then placed a small piece of paper, very much wrinkled and soiled, in dick's hand. together the boys fastened their eyes on the writing and made out the fragment of a sentence: "if you think it unsafe to stay longer in the camp, join us; but be sure and bring plenty of guns and ammunition along, for we need them." there was no signature, but the boys did not doubt in the least that the one whose hand had penned this note of instructions was françois lascelles or his equally rascally son, alexis. the question was, who could the recipient be, and how were they to find out. "after you found this paper, captain, you watched to see if any one seemed to be searching for anything, i suppose?" dick asked eagerly. "all the afternoon i have kept on the alert, but, whoever the villain is, he has either not discovered his loss, or else has assumed an appearance of indifference in order to blind hostile eyes." "but how do you suppose he could have received the message?" continued dick. "that, too, may always remain a mystery," continued the other, reflectively, "but an arrangement could have been made whereby certain stones that were laid down in a peculiar manner would direct him to search in a hollow stump or under a log for a letter. all we know is that this traitor did receive his message, and started to tear it to pieces, but on second thought kept part of the letter." "it will be his undoing yet, sir, i think," roger ventured to suggest. "too bad there was no name mentioned, so we could charge him with the deed, and punish him as he deserves. i am wild to know who he is, for i shall long remember how he tried to put an end to us in the rapids of the yellowstone." "perhaps you may, and that before another dawn comes," remarked the captain, as he smiled indulgently at the headstrong boy, whom he had come to like very much, as, indeed, he did dick, also. "that sounds as though you had made a plan of campaign, captain," dick observed, with a pleased look that was only exceeded by the smile on the face of his companion. "i have laid out a little scheme which i think may work well, and trap the guilty wretch in the toils," explained the captain. "you remember the special mention made of guns and ammunition, which he was told to take with him, if he really believed his usefulness in the camp had come to an end? that gave me my clew." "the bait will be a stock of powder and ball, and perhaps several guns, unless i fail to catch your meaning, sir?" dick continued. "before we go to sleep, to-night, i shall have three men, whose names i need not mention, know that there are several good guns, and quite a quantity of ammunition for them, in the supply tent where we keep our extra provisions. it is not guarded beyond the fact that sentries are posted outside the camp to watch for enemies. but to-night both of you boys, together with myself and captain clark, will be in hiding, ready to capture any one who ventures to enter that supply tent." "thank you for thinking of us, sir," exclaimed roger, warmly. "why should i not do so, when the first intimation i received that there was a traitor in the camp came through you two boys? and, besides, you are more deeply interested in his capture and punishment than any of the others, because this unknown spy is working hand and glove with françois lascelles, who hates you most bitterly." "tell us what to do, captain, and you can rely on our working with you to the best of our ability," dick assured the commander, who smiled at him and went on to explain further. "understand then, that, later on, both of you, when not observed, are to take your guns and disappear. i will look to find you in that bunch of brush yonder to the right, and from that point we can watch the supply tent until something happens. i think the bait will be sufficiently attractive to tempt the man to make his move, meaning to steal the guns and ammunition, after which he hopes to leave us in the lurch. after we make sure that he is inside the tent, we can creep up and face him as he comes out laden with his booty. that is enough, since you understand," with which the captain laughingly arose to his feet and sauntered away, leaving the boys thrilled through and through. chapter x springing the trap "i wonder if the plan will work?" remarked roger, when he and dick once more found themselves alone, the captain having sauntered over to where some of the men were joking, andrew waller being the life of the company. "if that torn part of a message meant anything," dick told him, "and captain lewis is able to bait the trap in the right way, i believe this night will see the answer to the question that has been bothering us so long." "meaning that we will learn who the traitor is?" continued the other. "yes. right now we are no nearer the truth than a week ago, you know, roger. it may be any one of the three men we had in mind; or some one else, for that matter." "look at andrew waller, dick. he seems to be in high spirits! do you think that is all put on for effect? from the way he acts no one could ever dream he had an evil thought in his heart for his comrades of the long trail." "as we exhausted that subject a long time ago, roger, and have learned nothing new since, there's no use trying to figure things out. better wait, and, as my father says, 'hold our horses' until the trap is sprung--if it ever is." "but, if we do trip him up," continued roger, reflectively, "what do you believe captain lewis will do to the wretch?" "he has not given us even a hint on that score," dick replied. "if the man is a traitor, and really tried to take our lives for pay, it seems to me it would be a shame if he were only drummed out of camp for such things. i know what captain clark would do if it rested in his hands." "yes, and i can guess the answer there, too, roger; because he is a soldier, with stern ideas of what treachery means. but captain lewis has a tender heart, for all he can be so firm. he is very fond of the men who have clung to his fortunes in this great journey into the unknown country of the west." "do you really mean to say, dick, he would forgive the rascal on that account?" demanded roger, with a frown of displeasure on his face. "not exactly that," hastily replied the other lad. "i am sure that he would not want to trust such a man again, but, at the same time, captain lewis would not believe it necessary to have the traitor shot, as a soldier would." "in that case there would be only one other thing to do," observed roger, disconsolately; "which would be to kick him out of camp, and warn him, just as he did lascelles, that if he ever allowed himself to be seen near the camp again it would be at his peril." "mark my words, roger, if we are lucky enough to catch the man in the act, that is what will happen to him. but, before he goes, he will listen to a ringing talk from captain lewis that will make his cheeks burn." "yes, and not for all the money lascelles ever owned would i want to have such a fine man as captain lewis tell me that, as a traitor to my trust, i had sunk down until i was beneath contempt. but i wonder, dick, how he will manage to let them know about the rifles and ammunition in the supply tent?" "depend on it the captain has that arranged cleverly enough," dick declared, "and he will accomplish it without awakening any suspicion that it has been done for a purpose." "what shall we do next?" asked roger. "wait for his signal as arranged with us," explained dick. "when we get that, it is our duty to slip out of camp without being noticed, and settle down in that patch of brush, just as he said. later on, he will join us there, and bring captain clark with him." they sat there and exchanged words for quite a long time, while the evening waned, and some of the tired men, who had been poling or rowing all day, began to creep into the tents, or, it might be, under rude bough shelters, where they expected to sleep through the remainder of the night. "the time has come at last," said dick, in a low tone. "did you see captain lewis make the gesture he explained to us?" asked his chum. "yes, and now let us see how smartly we can carry out our part of the game, as we laid it out in advance." after surveying the field, the boys concluded that, by pretending to settle down in a certain place, they could withdraw by degrees without being noticed, and come up in the rear of the patch of bushes marked by the commander as the meeting spot. this maneuver was accomplished with considerable skill, because both lads were well drilled in indian ways, and could snake their way along the ground as well as any painted brave on the warpath, seeking to spy on the enemy's camp. in due time, therefore, they crept into the bushes, and settled down to await the coming of the two captains. just as they expected, from their place of hiding it was possible to keep a close watch upon the supply tent, though the latter stood in the shadows, with the firelight playing on one side of it only. slowly the minutes crept along. the boys rarely exchanged words, and then only in the lowest of whispers; nor did they make any sort of move, lest in some way keen eyes discover their presence amidst the bushes. it seemed ages before roger pressed the arm of his cousin, and spoke in his ear. "something moving behind us, dick!" the other had also caught a faint rustling sound, and knew that in all probability the two captains must be about to join them. surely enough, in a short time the men reached the side of the boys, exercising all the skill possible to avoid making their presence known to others. few words passed between them, for the plan of campaign had been laid out, and each one knew what lay before them. the firelight flickered upon the side of the supply tent, and it was in this quarter mostly that their gaze was fastened. in fact, captain lewis and his fellow officer depended wholly on the wide-awake boys to let them know when anything happened, for they themselves lay stretched out at full length upon the ground. one by one the men sitting by the fire began to vanish, some yawning, and others simply stretching themselves with the air of weariness natural after a strenuous day at the oars. finally an atmosphere of desertion seemed to have come upon the camp. the fire died down slowly, and not a movement could be seen. somewhere, near by, the appointed sentries stood guard, but their duty was wholly in the line of making sure that an enemy did not surprise the adventurous company from without. those in the camp were supposed to be above suspicion. roger was beginning to grow impatient. the minutes were dragging along, so far as he was concerned, and he began to fear that, after all, the scheme, so cleverly planned by captain lewis, would fail to be a success. what if the fellow had become suspicious, and determined not to allow himself to be attracted by the bait? they would have their long night vigil for nothing, and be no nearer to learning the truth than before. roger lacked the patience and perseverance of his chum, though he had many good qualities of his own. it must have been almost midnight when dick caught sight of a shadowy figure moving just beyond the supply tent. at first he thought it might be a wolf that had boldly crept into the camp, though such a thing seemed absurd; then he became satisfied that it must be a man on his hands and knees, crawling along slowly, and heading for the isolated tent. when satisfied in this respect he whispered in the ear of roger, and touched both the recumbent captains on the arm. this had been a signal agreed on in case of necessity, and, as they were on the alert, they lost no time in making good use of their eyes. the creeper was now close to the tent. every few feet he would sink down flat to the ground, and remain perfectly still for a time. no doubt at such intervals the man was listening intently to discover the slightest movement in the camp that might mean danger to him. both boys fairly held their breath when they saw the shadowy figure reach the tent and hastily creep under the flap. just how long it would take him to find what he was after no one could say, but the time had arrived for those who were watching the tent to make a forward move. fortunately the breeze started up just then, and rustled the leaves of the trees overhead. it came from a quarter that also bore the sounds of the fretting river, where rocky reefs impeded the progress of the current; so that a combination of sounds helped to deaden any little rustling noise the four watchers might make in rising to their feet and moving forward. every detail had been arranged, and they made immediately for the darker side of the tent. this was to avoid having their shadows appear on the canvas, and arousing the suspicions of the thief. having taken up their positions here, they waited for what was to follow, confident that the guilty one could not possibly escape them. he could be heard moving around inside the tent. once he upset some object that fell to the ground with a soft thud, and they even heard his low muttered exclamation of annoyance. after that all was still for an interval, as doubtless he strained his hearing to learn whether the sound had aroused any curiosity in the mind of a sentry. then the movements started again, proving that renewed confidence was making the marauder bolder. dick and roger had their guns ready, according to orders. if the man attempted to escape after being ordered to surrender their duty would be to shoot, although the endeavor would be to wound instead of to kill. the movements within the tent had now ceased, and it was probable that the man had secured all he sought to acquire. that meant his next act would be to make his exit. dick had not overlooked the chance of his creeping under the canvas at the rear of the tent, and, if they failed to see anything of him by the time another minute passed, he meant to creep around and ascertain whether this had been attempted. roger, giving a faint gasp, warned his chum that some one was coming. then all of them caught sight of a dusky figure bending low as it crept out of the tent. "stand still and surrender, or you are a dead man!" suddenly exclaimed captain lewis, as, with his three companions, he stepped forward. the thief made no attempt to run, for he knew what the result must be when he saw those rifles in the hands of the two boys. so they pushed up until they could make sure of his identity; and somehow neither roger nor dick felt any great surprise when they discovered that the man they had captured was andrew waller. chapter xi banished from camp the man held a couple of guns in his hands and was apparently loaded down with the ammunition that had been left as a most attractive bait. he hung his head as if at first overcome with a sense of shame; nor could the boys blame him for giving way to this feeling. some of the other men, awakened by the loud command of captain lewis, now came hurrying toward the spot. they were undoubtedly greatly astonished to discover what was taking place. and among the first to arrive were drewyer and fields, the two who in turn had been unjustly suspected of being the guilty person. "take those guns away from him," ordered captain lewis, "and then search him for ammunition! he was carrying off a good part of our visible supply, and meant to join forces with those rascally frenchmen we let go last fall, fellows who are once more hanging about our trail for evil purposes." waller made no attempt to resist. indeed, it would have been a foolish thing on his part, and could only have resulted in his being roughly treated. so presently they had stripped him of all his stolen goods, and even his own gun had been taken away. after that he had to listen to the stinging words of reproach which captain lewis heaped upon him. "the man who betrays his trust as you have done, waller," said the other in conclusion, "deserves to be stood up before a file of soldiers and shot. that fate, indeed, would be your portion if you were an enlisted man, and had taken the oath of fidelity to the country. as it is i intend simply to send you out of this camp with the scorn of all honest men ringing in your ears. you can find those french friends of yours and make your bed with them." "but you will not think of turning me out into the wilderness without some weapon with which to secure food, or to protect myself against the wild beasts?" the man found his tongue to say, with anxiety in his voice. "gun you shall have none, in punishment for your offense," he was sternly told. "your hunting knife and a hatchet will be given to you, also a certain amount of provisions, sufficient to last you several days. for the rest, look you to those friends whose gold you accepted to betray these lads; for we can now understand who it was knifed their skin boat so that it might sink with them in the rapids!" the man at bay opened his mouth as though tempted to declare that he had had nothing to do with such a base affair; but, on second thought, he stifled his intended denial. he must have decided that, since exposure had come, the less he had to say the better it would be for him in the end. under the orders of captain lewis his knife and hatchet were returned to him. then a package of food was made ready and also given into his charge. some of the men were grumbling to themselves, as though they did not approve of such leniency, for, according to their way of thinking, a traitor deserved but one punishment, and one that would place it out of his power to repeat his fault. the man did not attempt to plead for mercy. he had a certain amount of pride; and, besides, he feared lest he be turned over to the soldiers for punishment, and he knew what to expect in that case. "now go forth," captain lewis told him, "and seek your new friends, or join the indians whose treacherous ways you have even shamed by your acts. we warn you not to be seen again by any in this camp. such is your reward for turning against those who trusted you. that is all." waller drew a long breath. he knew what it meant for him, should he fail to find the frenchmen. hundreds of miles lay between that spot and the nearest white settlement; and, unless he could get in touch with some of the indian tribes along the missouri, he would starve by the time another winter came around. being a woodsman, waller of course knew many of the secrets of nature, and could prolong his life by means of clever snares in which to catch small animals; but, with the coming of cold weather, his case would be pitiful unless he had help. dick felt sorry for the man at first. he believed waller had simply yielded to temptation when he accepted the frenchman's gold and agreed to work in his interest. that feeling, however, did not last long, for, as the man started to leave the camp, he looked at the staring men contemptuously, and, on passing the two boys, scowled blackly, as the light of the resurrected fire disclosed. "we may meet again!" he told roger as he passed him; and there was a deep significance back of the words. perhaps it was fortunate for andrew waller that captain clark did not happen to hear what he muttered; for the soldier might have insisted that some more drastic punishment, than mere dismissal from the camp, be visited upon the culprit. but the threat was not heard by those in authority, and waller went out into the darkness, and they saw no more of him for the time. during the remainder of the night the boys slept peacefully. it was a great satisfaction to them both to feel that the mystery had now been solved, and that they need no longer fear treachery in the camp. then again it pleased dick to know that neither drewyer nor fields had been connected with the plot against them, for he was very fond of both men, in a way, and had always believed them to be as honest as they were capable. history has written their names on the scroll of honor whereby the heroes of this remarkable enterprise are ever to be remembered. on the following morning the journey was resumed. day succeeded day, and in many particulars they were very much alike. the travelers had difficulties to surmount, and often met with delays that were exasperating; but through it all shone that indomitable spirit that would not admit defeat. "we have come too far to quit now," captain lewis would say when they were facing some new difficulty, "and the only thing to do is to push ahead despite temporary checks. the goal will soon be in sight, and the victory won. then will come the reward when all men honor our names, and give us our meed of praise. it will be worth all it costs to win the thanks of the whole nation." in this manner he cheered them when their spirits drooped. there never could have been a finer leader for such a tremendous undertaking than the former private secretary of president jefferson. every man in all that company felt that he would willingly go through fire and flood for captain lewis. from time to time they met with indians on the river, or came to some village on the bank. these natives had never as yet seen white men, and were, as a rule, disposed to be friendly. they seemed to have learned about a great father far away toward the rising sun, who was very rich and powerful, and whose favor it might pay them to seek. among the trappers connected with the party there were always those who could communicate with the indians, partly by signs, but also with the aid of other and allied indian tongues. in this way, then, it was possible to learn much concerning the nature of the country toward the west. strange, indeed, were many of the stories that came to the ears of the travelers. they heard of burning deserts, where for ten days they would find nothing but wastes of sand, except for a few cacti, or prickly pears. here they were likely to leave their bones to the vultures and the prowling coyotes--the latter a small species of the wolf tribe, which the men of the expedition had begun to notice collecting about their camp at nights. these animals kept up a miserable chant in chorus, but they possessed a very cowardly nature, quite unlike the gray timber wolf. if captain lewis and his followers had not possessed stout hearts they would have been dismayed by all they heard of the country lying beyond. the mountains reached above the clouds, rearing themselves in a most forbidding way, and were exceedingly rocky and devoid of vegetation. besides, there were tribes of fierce indians living in the deep canyons who would lie in wait to overwhelm the pilgrims in hopes of obtaining their horses and those wonderful sticks that spat out fire. the beasts inhabiting those elevations were also awe inspiring, especially the bears, which, as the travelers already knew, were of the ferocious variety known as grizzlies. in spite of all these thrilling stories there was no disposition manifested on the part of the explorers to back down. they had already met many perils without flinching, and it was too late now to show the white feather. the summer was now well along, and, before a great while, they could expect to arrive at the headwaters of the big muddy. the two captains had decided that, when it was no longer possible to continue with the boats, they would make a permanent camp, where a portion of the expedition could spend the coming winter, while a certain number pushed on, to cross the rocky barrier and reach the sea, if such an accomplishment could be carried out. every day began to see changes in the flowing current upon which they had been voyaging for so many months. remembering its extreme width, down where their homes were located, it was hard indeed for the boys to believe that this narrow ribbon of clear water was the same stream. "all that its banks hold these days," dick had explained to roger when the other was expressing these ideas, "comes from the melting snows away up in those mountains whose tops we sometimes think we can see far, far away to the west. that is why it is so clear and cold, and the fish we catch now are not like the ones we have often brought in to our mothers at home." "the beautiful one, with the specks that were all the colors of the rainbow, must have been some kind of trout," roger continued, his face lighting up eagerly, for he was a born angler, "and i only hope we are able to catch many more of the same kind. i never tasted such a fine fish, and the meat was of the true trout color, too." "i think we can depend on taking many a fine mess of them from now on," dick continued, "though we must try to find out from the indians just where they lurk in the river. perhaps one of these smaller creeks, that empty into the missouri, may turn out to be a good place." "to-morrow will be our chance then," roger announced, "because i heard captain clark tell some of the men we would likely hold over for a day, so as to mend one of the boats that has been leaking badly and needs attention." "let us consider it settled that way, then, roger; and we shall see what sort of luck the best of bait will fetch us. in some of the old stumps and dead wood we can find big, fat grubs, which i am sure the fish will take to savagely." "i mean to start looking for bait this very evening when we make camp," declared roger, evincing the greatest interest, for the memory of the feast they had enjoyed when that splendid speckled fish was broiled over the red coals had haunted him ever since. that afternoon the air was unusually clear, and every one was able to see, off in the distance, the lofty peaks of the mountain barrier which must be scaled by the adventurous travelers before they could hope to reach the slopes, on the west, leading down to the blue waters of the pacific. somehow the knowledge that on this summer day they had almost arrived at another positive stage of their great undertaking inspired their hearts with fresh hope. and in that cheering atmosphere camp was made when the shadows began to fall. chapter xii on fishing bent "if you think you can get on without me, dick, i'd like to slip away for a little time," roger was saying, after the boats had been run ashore, the horses tethered among the trees, and preparations for supper, with an attendant air of bustle, were well underway. of course dick knew what was in the wind. he had not forgotten the remark made by his comrade that, if the chances were favorable, he meant to spend half an hour or so that evening collecting worms and grubs to be used as bait when they tried their luck at fishing on the next day. "to be sure i can," he told roger, with a smile. "all you have to do is to trot along with your hatchet, and something to put the grubs in--if you find any." "oh! i'm not afraid of being left in the lurch there," asserted roger, stoutly. "i can see plenty of signs of dead wood around here. a fierce storm must have swept across this section many years ago, that leveled plenty of big trees, which are now rotting on the ground. grubs like to hide in that sort of decayed stuff. look for me by the time it gets dusk." "keep your gun near you, and it would be better not to stray too far away from the camp," warned cautious dick, speaking on general principles. "you don't believe there's any danger lurking near by, do you?" asked roger, though failing to show much concern, for his nature was daring and fearless. "nothing more than we always count on," the other told him. "but white men who are in a strange country must always figure on finding an enemy hiding back of some tree or rock, so keep your eyes about you, roger. if i should hear your gun sound, or catch a hullo, depend on me to come in a hurry." roger only laughed, for he did not believe any peril could lurk so close to the camp. still, accustomed to being on his guard, he made it a point to see that the powder was in the pan as he tucked his gun under his arm and strode forth. he found to his relief that there were plenty of old stumps and rotting logs close to where the fires had been started, so that he need not go any great distance away in order to begin his search. his hatchet was soon brought into play, as he smashed some of the likely looking remnants of once proud forest monarchs. it required little muscular effort, scattering the soft punk-like wood, and, hardly had the boy obtained a fair start, than with a satisfied little cry he reached down and seized an enormous white grub whose home in the heart of the decayed stump he had broken open. just as roger had anticipated, a rich harvest awaited him. sometimes he came upon half a dozen prizes in one stump, and it was not long before he knew that, before the darkness became too dense for him to see how to work, he would have secured all the bait they could possibly use on the following morning. at any rate, they would always have their hatchets with them, and, should their supply run low, there would be plenty of other opportunities to replenish their store. so it was that he returned to camp much sooner than dick in his most sanguine moments had imagined possible. there was hardly any need to ask roger how his quest had turned out, for the broad smile on his tanned face told the story. "a noble lot of fish lure," assented dick, when he had examined the contents of the small box into which roger had also cast a handful of powdered dead wood, in which his prisoners could conceal themselves. "i must say you struck it rich this time." "and, unless the weather goes against us when morning comes," continued roger, as he fastened up the box so that nothing could get at the bait during the night, "we ought to do some tall fishing, it strikes me. i'd just like to give the whole camp a splendid treat to those beauties of speckled rainbow fish which we believe to be a species of trout." all evening long the subject was frequently in his mind, for roger was one of those persistent persons who, once they have planned anything, can think of little else. "i tell you what i mean to do after we've had our breakfast," he said at one time during the evening. "all right," remarked dick, who knew how useless it was to try to keep roger's mind off his fishing, "suppose you do then, and i'll jot it down in my notebook, for i'm making up my day's log, you see. go on and tell me." "if you look over there, dick, you can see that friendly indian who has insisted on sticking to us for two days now, walking along the shore, squatting close to our fires, and watching everything we do as though he was head over heels in love with the ways of the palefaces." "yes, i've often wondered what he could be thinking about," admitted dick. "i've seen captain lewis trying to talk with him by signs, and often calling one of the men up to help out. from that i judged the indian might be giving him some valuable information, which was why they allow him to tag after us so long, and even see that he gets his share of food at meal times." "well," continued roger, "my idea is to go over to him now, and see if he can understand that we'd like to have him tell us about a good place for fishing in the morning; for, after all, what's the use of waiting until breakfast time; he might be gone in the night. what do you say to it, dick?" "not a bad scheme," his chum assented. "and, do you know, i think the brave has taken some little interest in both of us, because a number of times it seemed to me he was watching us closely. there's your chance now, for that matter, roger; and, if you find it too hard to make him understand, get jasper williams, our good friend, to act as interpreter for you." upon that the impulsive roger scrambled to his feet and presently he could be seen sitting close to the friendly indian brave, engaging him in a strange conversation in which hands and smiles took the place of words. apparently, roger finally found the task greater than he could manage, for he called to genial jasper williams, who joined them. then the business of explaining to the dusky son of the wilderness was taken up anew; and with fair success, if the look on roger's boyish face meant anything. when he once more rejoined his chum he was fairly bubbling over with enthusiasm, so that dick was not at all surprised to hear him exclaim: "the finest of luck ever, dick! would you believe it? that brave tells us there is a small stream emptying into the missouri a couple of miles above the camp, and that it is reckoned the best place for those big fat trout around this section of the country." "that is good news, indeed," remarked dick, also pleased. "so we can look forward to supplying the camp with a mess of fish, if all goes well." "not only did he tell us that," continued the eager lad, "but he agreed to go along with us, and show where the best holes lie; for in hot weather, you know, all trout leave the shallows and gather in the deep, dark pools. if we didn't know just where those places were we might waste a lot of time trying." at the time dick thought they were very fortunate to be able to command the services of the friendly indian, and he mentioned this belief to roger. "he seems to have taken a great fancy to the whites, and, no matter if he does eat like a hungry dog, we must not complain. he will hardly wish to go much further from his own people, and we may expect to wake up some fine morning to find that the brave has slipped off during the night." "so long as he does not steal one of our horses or guns nobody will complain, i guess," chuckled roger. "these indians are a light-fingered set, take them all in all, and jasper williams says he never would trust one out of his sight." having made all their fishing arrangements the boys soon afterwards sought their shelter made from branches, and wrapped in their blankets tried to find sleep. the camp was governed with military strictness, and there were sentries on duty all through the night, for captain clark had this part of the arrangements in charge. not once up to this time had they been taken by surprise, though on several occasions roving bands of blackfeet or dacotahs had tried to steal their horses, only to meet with failure. securely guarded in this manner, they passed the night in peace, and so another dawn found them. as usual the travelers were early astir, for there were no laggards among them. every man had his duties to perform, and strict discipline kept them to their various tasks. roger of course was about the first one up, though he knew that dick could not be coaxed to make a start until he had performed every one of his duties as was his custom. if the fish were as plentiful as the friendly indian had declared, they would have abundance of time to take heavy toll of their number long before noon came around. "we decided to take one of the smaller boats if it could be spared, you remember, dick," roger was saying as they ate breakfast. "yes," the other replied, "and i've already mentioned that to captain clark, who gave me full permission to do so. this is certainly one of the times we would enjoy having that buffalo-hide indian boat we shot the rapids in. i was beginning to think we ought to change our minds about giving it away, when that accident happened, and ruined it for hard work." "accident!" echoed roger. "we knew different after we found where that sharp knife-blade had been run along the bottom almost through the tough hide. but that sly dog of an andrew waller paid dearly for his work. i wonder what became of him; whether he joined the french trader and his son, or went over to the indians." "we may never know," his chum admitted. "for my part, i hope and trust that neither of us will ever set eyes on waller again. i did not like the look he gave us when he went out of camp that day; and, like all guilty wretches caught in the act of doing wrong, he blames us for his troubles." in good time dick announced that he was ready to make the start. roger saw to it that they had the bait. stout poles had also been secured, to the end of which the fishing lines were fastened. such things as reels those pioneer lads never knew. when a prize was hooked it was their business to land the captive in the speediest way possible; and, as a rule, this consisted in swinging the struggling trout over their heads on to the land. the indian was hovering nearby. dick fancied that he looked very eager, as though he quite enjoyed the idea of accompanying the pair on their fishing trip, and making himself useful. perhaps, the boy thought, the poor fellow wished to attach himself to the expedition, on account of the charm it had for his untutored mind; for indians could feel the desire for adventure such as urged these bold white men to penetrate farther day by day into the unknown country. the boys picked out the boat best adapted to their needs, and which could be most easily spared. beckoning to the indian, the boys prepared to push out on the river. two paddles were to be the means of urging the light craft against the strong current of the river, and an hour's time would be ample to see them to their destination, roger thought, as he commenced to wield the spruce blade vigorously. jasper williams called out a last word of caution as they passed away, up the stream, for he felt a strong interest in these boys with whose fortunes he had been so intimately connected. "keep your eyes about you, lads," was what he told them, "and don't trust everything you see, just because it looks innocent. there's a difference between red and white, remember. good luck to you both!" others also called out, begging the boys to remember that they too liked a mess of fresh fish; and, with these friendly voices ringing in their ears, dick and roger paddled swiftly up the river, soon losing sight of the explorer's camp. chapter xiii glorious sport with the trout with lusty strokes the two boys urged the boat up-stream. the indian sat amidship and seemed to be scanning the shore as though deeply interested in everything he saw; though, from what he told jasper williams, the locality must have been familiar to him, since he knew all about the fishing to be had in the smaller stream. now and then the boys exchanged a few words, though as a rule they kept most of their "wind," as roger called it, for their arduous work. "i wonder what jasper williams meant," remarked roger, after they had gone possibly a full mile. "of course you mean when he said there was a difference between red and white," dick suggested. "i was thinking of the same thing myself, and came to the conclusion it must have been jasper's way of telling us to keep an eye on our dusky pilot here. in plain words, he warned us to look out for our guns." "which we will certainly be sure to do!" commented roger. "though, after all, we may be wronging the poor indian by our suspicions." "if he never knows it there can be no harm done, don't you see?" dick told him. various things about the shore attracted their attention just then, and for the time being they forgot all about the red man, and the warning given by their old frontiersman friend, jasper williams. "the farther we go up the river," dick was saying, "the greater the forests seem to become. from all i've been able to learn, we will pass through many a stretch of wood before we reach the foot of the big mountains." "yes," added roger, "and, as the river is getting more and more shallow every day, captain lewis seems to believe we must soon abandon our boats, and take to the horses for the rest of the journey." "look up ahead and on the left, you will see signs of a stream coming into the missouri. that must be where we are to stop." at that dick made gestures to the indian, who, quickly comprehending what was wanted, nodded his head in the affirmative. "yes, he says that is the place," roger observed, as he started to put still a little more vim into his strokes with the paddle, so, as dick was compelled to follow suit, or have the boat headed in toward the shore, their progress increased to a wonderful degree. in good time they reached the mouth of the tributary stream. it was found to be as clear and cold as any one could wish on a warm day. no wonder, roger thought, the trout loved to frequent its waters, and lie in the deep, dark pools that doubtless existed here and there, though without a guide they could have been found only after much patient searching. obeying the gestures of the indian, they made for the shore and left the boat, first making sure that it was pulled well up. of course, besides their poles and the little box of bait, they carried their faithful guns along with them. so far as they could see, the friendly indian seemed to be almost as deeply interested in the outcome of the fishing trip as the boys themselves were. he immediately led them to a certain spot on the bank, holding up a hand to impress upon them the need of caution and silence when attempting to catch the wary fish of many colors. roger was already prepared, for he had fastened one of the largest and most attractive grubs to his hook. creeping up close to the edge of the bank he thrust his long pole carefully forward, and allowed the baited hook, with a small lead sinker attached to the line a foot above, to sink into the depths. as it slowly descended roger's heart was beating tumultuously, for he had been entertaining high hopes. these were not doomed to disappointment, for, even before he found bottom, there was a sudden vicious tug, and the end of the stout pole began to move up and down vigorously. immediately roger, who had laid his gun down at his feet so as to have the free use of both hands, hunched his shoulders in the effort to lift his prize. as it came struggling out of the water, he switched it high in the air and it fell with a thud some little distance behind the excited fisherman. at this good luck roger could hardly contain himself. a warning "hist" from dick told him to repress the shout of triumph that was bubbling to his lips, and he realized the necessity for silence if they expected to continue the sport, as the trout are easily alarmed. the capture proved to be a magnificent specimen of the lovely variety of trout that differed from anything either of the boys had ever seen before. in later years this vigorous species of fighter was classified, and given the deserved name of "rainbow trout," and for a very good reason, as any one who has ever seen one fresh drawn from the water will admit. meanwhile dick started in to try his luck, and it certainly began to look as though the indian had told only the truth when he said the fish lay in countless numbers in those deep shadowy pools, for, just as had happened in roger's case, there was a fierce pull on his pole, and dick found himself struggling with a captive that it required all his powers to land successfully. so the sport progressed, the friendly indian hovering near them and often, when the bites came less frequently, leading the way to some new spot on the bank, where another pool would be found. always did they find these places inhabited by a hungry family of trout, eager to snap at the attractive lure which was dangled in front of them. the indian gathered up the spoils as they went along. he knew just how to fashion a tether out of tough but yielding willow, and, when half a dozen of the trout had been strung in this manner, he saw to it that they were placed in the water to keep fresh, while the sport continued as before. roger was enjoying himself as he had hardly ever done before. such royal fishing, and such game fighters made a combination that ought to have been sufficient to fill any boy's heart with supreme joy, especially one so devoted to the sport as roger had always been. dick did not lose his head over the wonderful success that was coming their way. because roger gave himself up so wholly to the excitement was a very good reason why dick himself should do the watching for both of them. and yet it seemed almost absurd to suspect that anything evil could be threatening them on that bright summer morning. the very insects seemed to hum more noisily than usual, as though with the pleasure of living on such a perfect day. dick often cast a side glance toward the indian, but so far he had seen absolutely nothing suspicious in his manner. he seemed to be as happy as roger, and kept close to the heels of the boy as he worked his long rod, and added constantly to the number of fish he was taking. it seemed as though each one of the grubs was good for a fat trout, and so savagely did the fish snap at them that they were securely hooked in nearly every instance, so that the losses were next to nothing. if things continued to go on as they were doing, they would soon be in possession of all the fish the camp could use. roger even told his chum in a whisper that, unless they looked out, they would be unable to carry the whole of their taking back in one trip of the boat, though possibly that was only meant in the light of a boast. dick's arms were beginning to ache on account of the strain on the muscles caused by raising so many heavy prizes over his head. he would have suggested that they had quite a large mess now, and perhaps had better go back to camp, allowing some of the others the pleasure of coming up later and trying their luck; but he knew roger well enough to feel sure that the other would decline to quit fishing as long as a single grub remained. at any rate, when the supply was really exhausted, dick meant to decline to linger any longer, or to look for a new lot of bait. for the moment the fish seemed to have stopped biting. "we have only about six more grubs left, dick," said roger, after examining the contents of the bait box, "and that ought to mean as many fish, if the indian guide knows of still another good hole. i'm going to try to ask him. and, dick, i promise you on my word of honor that i'll agree to quit when we use up the last bait. i can see that you're getting tired. you never were as crazy over the sport as i have always been." "it's a bargain then, roger," assented the other, pleased to know that his comrade meant to be reasonable about it, for he had half-expected trouble in trying to tear the other away from such a fascinating game. roger accordingly began to make motions to the indian, and the other must have understood what he wanted, for he nodded his head, and beckoned to them to follow where he led. dick would rather have remained where he stood, but he did not wish to have roger go off alone with the indian brave, so he went along. he thought the copper-colored visitor at the camp showed even more eagerness than at any previous time in the immediate past, as though he had been keeping the finest place of all to the last, in order to further astonish them. indeed, when dick saw roger drag out a trout that exceeded all the rest in size and fierceness he decided that he had guessed the true reason for that look he had detected on the usually emotionless face of the brave. again did roger drop his baited hook in, and with a similar result. he was fairly trembling with the excitement, and, too, a little weariness; but according to his count there still remained four more grubs, and the work must proceed. as dick seemed bent on letting him finish the tale, roger, nothing averse, set to work to get his hook in readiness once more. the spot was a picturesque one. several large trees grew close to the edge of the stream, casting their shadows upon the water just where the deep pool lay. in the dusky depth the trout were lying, and hungry at that. dick could not remember of ever having seen such a combination of scenery and splendid fishing grounds, and he believed the memory of that day would always be marked with a white stone in their lives. it certainly was destined to be remembered, but not on these accounts alone. there were other reasons why the pioneer boys would look back to that sunny day and conjure up ghosts of the past. roger was making good his boast that he meant to take six fish with those half dozen grubs, for already a third one had been pulled in. the indian, apparently just as deeply interested in the sport as roger himself, was hanging at the boy's elbow, and every now and then making gestures as though showing him where to drop his hook the next time. it seemed as though his wonderful eyes were able to pierce those dark depths and discover where the largest fish was lazily working his fins, as he faced the current, waiting for something suited to his taste to come within striking distance. there was nothing at all suspicious about this, and dick was beginning to believe the vague fears that had oppressed him must have been the result of too much imagination, when without the slightest warning something happened. he saw a dark object drop from the branches of the tree directly upon the back and shoulders of poor roger, who was instantly carried to the ground. dick's first inclination was to give a shout, and raise his gun, for he had seen their dusky guide pounce upon the weapon which roger had laid on the grass at his feet. before dick could make a move, however, he too felt a heavy weight strike him on the shoulders so that he was knocked to his back; and, as he lay there gasping for breath, he looked up into the painted faces of several indian warriors who came dropping from the trees as though they were over-ripe plums in a gale of wind. after all, the supposed friendly indian had played them false, and had actually led the two boys into a cleverly arranged ambuscade. chapter xiv prisoners of the dacotahs dick knew the folly of resistance when he saw that, besides the two warriors who held him down, there were half a dozen others nearby. roger, always impulsive and headstrong, was struggling desperately, though without the slightest chance of breaking away from his captors. understanding what was taking place close by, dick called out: "give up, roger; it is foolish to fight against such odds. you will only be hurt for your pains, and nothing gained. leave it all to me!" not only did roger hear these words, but his own good sense told him the wisdom of yielding to overwhelming numbers. but it was always a difficult thing for roger to believe in the old saying to the effect that "he who fights and runs away may live to fight another day." after being disarmed the two boys were allowed to get upon their feet. they discovered that their dusky captors undoubtedly belonged to the same tribe as their treacherous guide, and, therefore, must be dacotahs. that guide was clutching roger's gun as though he expected to retain it as the price of his labors in thus entering the camp of the strange "palefaces," and luring the two boys into the trap so cunningly contrived. dick was far from downcast. it took considerable to make him feel as though everything were dark around him. and, in order to cheer roger up, as well as to arouse his interest in planning an escape, the first remark dick made was in the line of an attempt to guess how it had all been planned. "look, they are marking a smoke now," he told his companion, as several of their captors struck flint and steel together, and with the spark thus generated started a fire in a little pile of greenish-looking wood. "that must be meant for a signal to some one who is away from here," roger commented, on observing what was going on. "dick, what does all this mean? you are always good at hitting on the truth while i grope in the dark. why do you think these indians want to make us prisoners?" "it was a trap, you understand, roger?" "oh! yes, that's as plain as can be," replied the other, readily enough; "for they were all hiding up in these trees while we kept on fishing so merrily, without dreaming that we were being watched every minute of the time." "and, roger, the guide led us into the mess; now we can understand why he was so eager to fetch us up here." "then you believe, do you, dick, he planned this thing; that perhaps he even entered our camp with such a game in his mind?" "it begins to look that way, i am sorry to say," dick replied. "but can he be in the pay of that revengeful frenchman, françois lascelles?" demanded roger, rather appalled by the thought. "we will soon know, because, unless i am mistaken, that smoke they are sending up yonder is meant to call him here. and it would not surprise me very much, roger, if that brave who has been eating at our campfire for two days, crept out last night and told how he had been engaged to take us to this stream to-day. that would account for the indians being concealed here." the boys were without weapons, and could do nothing toward the making of their escape; so they waited with what patience they could command to see what was about to happen. shortly afterwards some one was seen approaching, at sight of whom roger gave utterance to an exclamation of disgust. "why, after all, it's that skunk, andrew waller!" he exclaimed. "yes, he must have found some way to get in with these indians, and they have been working for his interests," dick suggested. "perhaps he has lied to them, and made them believe we are two very important persons. he may take the trouble to explain the thing to us, thinking it will add to his glory." "i can see the look of satisfaction on his face from here," said roger, in a surly tone, as though it cut him to the quick to have the traitor triumph over them in that way. waller soon arrived on the scene, and his first act was to look insolently into the faces of the two boys. "so, you fell to the bait, did you, boys? when i told you we would meet again you didn't believe it would be so soon. and let me say that you are going to be in a pretty pickle after this. these indians will make sure that you do not slip through their hands." "what have you been telling them about us?" demanded roger, impetuously. "some big lie i am sure, for it would be just like you." the man frowned as though angry, and dick feared he was about to strike the bold boy a blow in the face, which would have precipitated a fight in which roger would have gone down to defeat. however, waller managed to keep his temper in control, and sneering again, went on to say: "oh! to make sure that you would be held a close prisoner, i merely told them that you boys were the sons of the big white father away off in the land of the rising sun; and that if they held you safe they could demand a great ransom in wampum, sticks-that-shoot-fire, and everything that the heart of an indian could wish. in other words i have cooked your goose for you. you may be sure you will never be allowed to go free." he turned his back on them and commenced talking with one of the dacotahs, who, from the feathers in his black hair, seemed to be some sort of sub-chief. much of the conversation was carried on by gestures, in which waller seemed to be unusually expert. dick watched closely in the hope that he might be able to catch the drift of what was passing between the two. that he and roger were the objects under consideration he had not the slightest doubt, for several times one or the other pointed toward the spot where they stood. "can you make it out at all, dick?" roger asked. "i am sorry to say it's more than i've been able to understand, roger; but i think he's telling the chief again how valuable we are as prizes. and to think we have no way of proving to him that we are only ordinary boys, without rich fathers to pay a big ransom. it is just the sort of game we might have expected andrew waller to play." the man who had been sent out of the camp of the explorers now approached them again. he was rubbing his hands as though in great glee. "now, i shall not only have my pick of two good guns, but plenty of ammunition for them, in spite of captain lewis. i am going to say good-by to you here, for i have to meet m'sieu lascelles at an appointed rendezvous. oh! he will be very much pleased when he learns how the dacotahs prize the boys he hates so bitterly, and mean to carry them off to their villages, far to the north, there to keep them until the big ransom arrives. it tickles me to know how soon my debt to you has been so nicely cancelled." roger gritted his teeth, but he managed to keep from saying anything. "just as you told us when you were leaving camp, we may meet again, andrew waller," dick said, with an unmistakable meaning in his voice. "oh! that is possible," the other jauntily added, purposely misunderstanding what the boy meant; "for it may be m'sieu lascelles, he would wish to see for himself that you are comfortable, so for that reason we might journey into the dacotah country ourselves." with that thrust he waved his hand to them, and, turning, walked away as he had come. none of the indians paid the least heed to his movements; but roger almost choked in his indignation. "just to think, dick," he muttered in a quivering voice, "the beast is carrying my dear old gun which he took from our red guide, on his shoulder. how much i will miss it, because, ever since i've been able to look along the sights of a rifle, that gun has been my companion day and night." "we shall hope that in some way or other you will see it again," dick told him. "even if not, there are others just as sure shooters at the camp. the one he used to own, and which they refused to let him carry off, is even a better-made weapon than yours." "yes, but that gun has associations away above its value in money," said roger, heaving a sigh; "and at the best the chances of my ever handling it again are three against one." "well, we must try to think of other things now," dick told him. "you mean about escaping from our captors, don't you, dick? what if we can convince them that waller is a man with a double tongue, and that what he told them about our being the sons of the great white father at washington is only a package of lies?" "of course we can try, but i'm afraid it will be useless, because the indians want to believe that wonderful story. see how all of them are examining my gun now. i suppose every one of them is picturing himself as owning just such a marvelous weapon that 'spits out fire,' and kills the game just as thunder and lightning do in the storm." "what do you think they expect to do with us now?" asked roger. "they will not want to stay here much longer," affirmed dick, "because they are afraid of the 'palefaces with their thunder sticks.' consequently, they will start off toward their village, which we understand lies several days' journey away from here toward the northwest." "but, when we fail to come back to-day, captain lewis is bound to send some of his best trackers up here to learn what happened to us. and, dick, surely they will try to follow our captors, and effect our rescue." "listen, roger. we must not leave it all to them. these cunning red men know how to cover a trail so that the keenest eye cannot find a trace. depend on it, they will leave no stone unturned to hide the tracks we make. and then, besides, do we not know that the summer is already beginning to wane?" "yes, yes, all that is only too true, dick. captain lewis understands there is no time to spare, with those terrible mountains yet to be scaled, and also black deserts to cross, and all before snow flies. i am much afraid he will decide that the success of the whole undertaking would be put in peril should he detach any of his men to engage in a wild goose hunt for us." "we two have before this been in positions of peril," said dick, firmly, with a flash in his eyes that aroused new hope in the breast of his chum; "and always, in times that are past, have we succeeded in saving ourselves. so let us keep up our spirits and watch constantly for a chance to give these indians the slip." "if we should find the opportunity," said roger, immediately, "i hope we manage to get hold of your gun, and our hatchets and knives. to lose my good shooting-iron is bad enough, but that knife, you know, has served me since i was knee-high to a grasshopper. promise me you will do your level best to save our side-arms if we find a way to escape, dick!" to this entreaty dick assented. indeed, he knew well enough that it was their only policy to go away armed rather than in a helpless condition. shortly afterwards they were given to understand, through grunts and gestures, that the march was about to be taken up. with several indians stalking along in single file ahead, and others bringing up the rear the two boys had to turn their backs upon the "big muddy" and start upon the long journey into the northwest, at the end of which lay the dacotah village. chapter xv when stout hearts were necessary "we have covered a good many miles since starting, dick, and i hope they soon show signs of stopping for the night." the afternoon was getting well along when roger made this remark to his cousin. his tone had a vein of complaint in it, for, although roger could tramp through the woods all day and feel it but little, he did not like being forced to do the walking against his will. another thing that fretted the boy was the fact that every furlong passed over carried them further away from their friends of the expedition, the only whites, saving the french traders, within hundreds of miles. dick had begun to notice this growing feeling of irritation on the part of his comrade. he himself could look trouble in the face without flinching, and he now concluded it was time to cheer up roger's drooping spirits. "no question but that they intend to pull up pretty soon, roger," he said, as he trudged along close to the other's elbow. "in fact, i've noticed some of them looking about as if they expected to reach a good camp-ground at any minute. they were tired at the time they lay in wait for us, and must have come a long way." "of course you noticed, dick, that two of the braves stayed behind when we left the river, though they did catch up with us several hours afterwards?" "yes, and it is not difficult to guess what their part in the retreat was," replied dick. "they remained to conceal every trace of moccasined feet, so that it would have to be a mighty good tracker who could tell what had happened there on the bank of the small stream." "yes, and of course they've blinded our trail in the bargain every now and then on the way," continued roger, ruefully. "three separate times did we walk for half a mile in shallow water, and leave the creek on the stones, so there would be no sign left after the sun and wind dried the wet marks. it was the old indian trick that we know so well." "i tried my best to leave a plain track," added dick, "but the braves coming behind must have seen me do it, and made sure to cover it." "what do you believe captain lewis will do about it?" asked roger, he himself having pondered on this subject without coming to a conclusion. "when we fail to return to the camp of course they will send some of the men up to look the ground over," dick answered, thoughtfully. "the disappearance of the friendly indian will give them a clew. then they are apt to find some of the trout that were left behind fastened to the willow withes." "i hope they enjoy them," muttered roger, with a grimace, for he could not help remembering how his mouth had fairly watered with anticipation of the treat he had expected to have that evening. "i've been wondering, myself, how it came that the indians overlooked taking the fish," continued dick, "and the only thing i can see is that they were so anxious to get on the move before any of the white men came along with those terrible 'fire-shooting-sticks,' that they forgot about it." "yes," roger added, "and that treacherous chap who guided us into the trap was so taken up looking over your gun, which waller had turned over to him, that he forgot all about the fish, too. well, i hope they are found, and will make a fine supper for the men." "it has clouded up, and looks a little as if we might have a storm of some kind before morning breaks," went on dick. "more trouble if that happens," grumbled the other, glancing up at the heavens to verify his comrade's statement. "don't be too sure of that," dick told him. "it may turn out to be a great help to us, for all we know, and give us a chance to make our escape." "what, do you think that, after all, some of the trailers among our friends will be able to follow us, and take these indians by surprise?" asked roger. dick, however, shook his head at this. "to tell you the truth, roger," he observed, "i'm afraid we can count on no such help from our friends, even if they could discover our trail, which is much in doubt." "but why not?" demanded the other. "captain lewis thinks a lot of us, and he is hardly the man to desert a friend, dick." "every word of that is true," his chum assured him. "there never could be a finer man than captain lewis; but stop and think, roger; he is not on business of his own now, but bent on carrying out a great exploring expedition that was sanctioned by congress, and backed by president jefferson himself. every day counts in the spelling of success; a delay here might ruin all their plans." roger nodded his head, as though he grasped the idea. "yes, i can see what you mean, dick," he admitted, slowly and regretfully, "and i guess you are right. much as captain lewis himself might want to lay over and send a party of his men out in search of us, his duty binds him the other way. he will have to go on, and leave us to our fate." "well, we have been able to take care of ourselves lots of times before now, roger, and why not again?" somehow his last words seemed to arouse the dormant spirit of confidence in the other. roger gritted his teeth, while his eyes flashed defiantly. "you're right, dick, we have done plenty of things before, and can again," he declared with a ring in his voice that dick liked to hear. "our fathers never showed the white feather when they faced troubles just as bad, and why should we? how many times have we listened to them tell how they followed that band of iroquois indians ever so far into the north, and rescued their sister kate, who had been carried away.[3] i'm done with repining, dick; from now on you'll find me different." "then to-night, when we are in camp, we must try to outwit these red rascals. even now i have something of a plan in my mind. and you may be sure that every mile we covered i kept tally of the direction, so i know just how to go in order to reach the missouri again." "you shame me, dick," frankly admitted the other boy; "to know that, while i've been fretting and complaining, thinking only of our troubles, you were keeping track of such things as would help us get back to our friends." a little later on, dick, who seemed to keep his eyes constantly on the alert, once more spoke to his comrade. "there's something brewing, as sure as you live, roger," he said; "for the indians are consulting together in hushed tones, and examining the ground as if they had run across some tracks there that excited them." "can it be game, and they are being tempted to start on a hunt?" asked roger. "two-footed game, then," replied the other boy, "for i can see there are moccasin tracks all around. of course, as the different tribes make moccasins after their tribal way, it's easy for these dacotahs to know the others are not of their kind." "they certainly do act as if they suspected there might be a breath of danger hanging around, dick. do you know whether the sioux and the dacotahs are enemies or not?" "they have been in the past," acknowledged dick; "but i know the print of a sioux moccasin, and these are different, roger." "perhaps shoshones. you remember captain lewis told us we were likely to run upon some of that warlike tribe at any time now. yes, and he remarked that, as a rule, they were enemies to the blackfeet, crows, flat heads, dacotahs, and nearly every other tribe up in the northwest." "i shouldn't be surprised if you have hit on the truth, roger, and that this war party turns out to be fierce shoshones. our good friend, captain lewis, said he hoped to make friends of them, since we must pass through their country before striking the great mountains." "there, we are going on again, dick, but notice how the braves keep looking to the right and to the left, as if they feared an ambush. the shoshones must be a fierce lot of fighters, or else be in overpowering numbers." "i think, if i can read an indian's mind," said dick presently, "these braves will make an early camp. if they start a fire at all it will be only a small one without smoke, and hidden in a hole, so that its light will not betray them." "then there's a poor chance for supper, i take it," grumbled roger, who, having a splendid appetite, did not fancy going hungry, or chewing on a tough piece of pemmican, or jerked venison. "you often complain of things being dull, roger; but i am sure you must admit there's no lack of excitement for us now. we are prisoners in the hands of the hostile indians; there is a storm threatening; and now comes a chance that, before morning, the camp may be attacked by these shoshones who are out looking for plunder and scalps." "if they should come, dick, what do you suppose would happen to us?" roger felt rather anxious, for he had heard it said that among indians it was the custom to kill their prisoners rather than have them rescued, or taken away by a rival tribe. "if i can carry out my plans," dick assured him, "i don't mean to wait until the camp is attacked. i'd like to be miles on the way back to the river before that comes to pass, if it really does." "there, i think we are going to pull up at last," ventured roger, as he saw the leading indians halt, and begin to look around as though to make sure that no enemy lurked in the neighboring woods. it was a well-chosen spot for a concealed camp. a shallow depression, very like a large bowl, offered them a chance to build a small fire without any risk of the blaze being seen; and, so far as smoke was concerned, those dusky sons of the forest could be counted on to select such wood that there would not be sent up the slightest column of vapor to betray them. roger, still watching, soon uttered a low cry of satisfaction. "see, dick, they do mean to have a little cooking-fire!" he exclaimed; "and that means we may get some supper after all. so far they have shown us no particular ill will, and treated us half-way decently." "that comes of being taken for the sons of the great white father at washington," remarked dick, with a chuckle that told that his spirits had not been crushed even though the future looked so dark and forbidding. "it is a high honor that has come to us, roger, to be reckoned president jefferson's own boys!" roger, however, was more interested in what was going on about the little fire than anything else. he observed just how the expert braves formed a small pyramid, and then used the flint and steel to start a tiny blaze. "yes, one of them is unwrapping that bundle he carries, dick," the boy went on to say, "and, just as i expected, it contains some freshly killed venison. oh! it's going to be all right, and we are due for some supper, i reckon." but dick was thinking of other things than eating just then. he surveyed with a critical eye the lowering sky, and wondered if a storm was about to break upon them before morning came. footnote: [3] see "the pioneer boys on the great lakes." chapter xvi the escape the two prisoners had been made to sit down, and were under constant surveillance. it would not have been possible for them to make any move looking to escape without being immediately detected. dick realized the foolishness of such an attempt, and made no effort for the time being. those eyes of his noted everything that was going on around him, for he knew the time was approaching when utter darkness would come, and, if they expected to make a move, memory must take the place of sight. just as roger had been hoping, the indians cooked some of the venison, though in a primitive fashion. numerous pieces, as they were sliced from the haunch, were impaled on the ends of long slivers of wood, and the latter thrust into the earth in such fashion that the meat received the full heat of the little fire. of course, when cooked it was also partly burned, but this made no difference to any one who was really hungry. the two boys were glad to receive their share of the venison, and devoured it eagerly. "of course they'll tie us up, as indians always do their prisoners, dick?" suggested roger, while they were still munching at the food provided by their captors. "there's no doubt about that," the other told him. "already i have noticed one of the warriors looking over some long deerskin thongs, and then glancing in our direction. i think they are only waiting until we get through eating." "then for one i mean to keep at it as long as i can," affirmed roger; "because i never did like the idea of being tied to a tree. i suppose that is what they mean to do with us, dick." "we'll soon know, roger, and, now that i have the chance, i want to tell you about the little scheme i have in my mind." "i wish you would!" hastily exclaimed the other; "and i hope it will turn out to be a success." "you may remember," began dick, "that i have hands that somehow i can double up into a very small compass. many a time you've tried to fasten my wrists together to see if i could get my hands free, and in nearly every case i did the trick by stretching the thongs a little, and then slipping a hand out." "oh! now i begin to see what you hope to do, dick; and, let me tell you, the skies look brighter already. i'm sure you can set your hands free, if only it doesn't stop at that." "one step at a time, roger; we mustn't expect to run before we can walk. once my hands are loose, it will be a queer thing if in some way i fail to set both of us free. but here comes several of the indians this way, as though they mean to trice us up. better hurry and eat that last bit of meat, if you wouldn't lose it." "i suppose i'd better," grumbled roger, "but i don't see why they want to be in such a dreadful hurry about tying us up. ugh! a whole night of standing against a tree is something i don't like at all." it turned out just as dick had said, for the indians indicated by signs that they wished the two boys to stand up and back against a couple of trees that happened to grow close together. from the way in which the deerskin thongs were used to tie the captives to the trees it was evident that the braves had had long practice at this art. when they had used up all the hide rope, dick and roger were indeed in a helpless position, being bound hand and foot. "this is about as hard as anything we ever went through, dick," remarked roger, after the indians had finished their task and left them there. "yes, that is very true, roger, but i want to tell you that i can move one of my hands, and i'm starting to stretch this buckskin thong. after a short time i believe i can get my hands free." "that's good news; and what next, dick?" "if only that brave doesn't happen to remember that he stuck his knife into my tree right here, and return to possess himself of it, why, don't you see how fortunate that is going to turn out for us?" "a knife so close to your hands once you get them free--that would be simply glorious, dick. and i'm going to keep hoping that warrior has no need for his blade during the whole night." "i believe i can reach it," continued dick, twisting his head around to take another look at the coveted weapon; "and if i do, one slash will cut this buckskin rope. after that, you can depend on me to jump over to your side. but keep on working your hands all you can, roger, for the looser your bonds are the better in the end." the night was by now closing in around them. some time before the fire had been carefully extinguished, water being thrown on the burning embers to hasten its end. dick, still watching the actions of the indians, soon saw they were taking extra precautions against a surprise. from all of the signs the boys concluded that these dacotahs had good reason to fear the coming of the hostile war party. "i've got an idea," he told roger in following out this train of thought, "that not so very long back the dacotahs must have made a raid on the lodges of the shoshone tribe, and done more or less damage. somehow they act to me as if guilty." "and, dick, if ever the two parties do clash, there will be a lively time of it, we can be sure," roger in turn remarked. "these braves seem to be a picked lot, as far as i can tell, and ought to put up a good fight, even if outnumbered." "while i've never watched a real battle between two war parties of indians," observed dick, "i must say i'm not dying with curiosity to see one. i only hope we have a chance to get away from here before it happens. and, roger, another thing--i'm keeping an eye on that fellow who is carrying my gun. he has placed it, together with the powder-horn and bullet-pouch, on that log yonder, you notice." "now it is queer that i hadn't noticed such a thing, dick!" "simply because you waste so much time bothering about our hard luck, when you might just as well be using eyes and ears to learn something worth while," the other boy told him. "now, if only i can manage to snatch up my gun and other fixings when we leave here, it will make me happy, i can tell you." the minutes dragged along slowly to the two boys. when an hour, and then two, had passed, roger was beginning to complain again, for it was weary work being forced to stand in this way upon their feet. by this time the indians had ceased their low droning talk. only one of them was still sitting there cross-legged, smoking his red clay pipe. dick did not doubt that somewhere in the gloom one or two sentries, or videttes, had been posted, in order to guard against a surprise in every way possible, though of course he could not see the first sign of their presence. only the customary sounds of a summer night in the wilderness came to the ears of the captive pioneer boys. most of these were very familiar to them, on account of their habit for years of spending nights out of doors. still, somehow, things did not seem quite the same as usual. it was different listening to the hoot of the owl, the croak of the night heron, the complaint of the tree-frog calling for more rain, or even the barking of a red fox somewhere in the forest, when tied up in this way, and facing such a gloomy outlook. "dick," whispered roger, "isn't it nearly time?" "not yet," replied the other in the same cautious manner, "hold your horses, and have patience, roger. another hour or two must go by before i dare start in." poor impatient roger groaned, and relapsed into silence again. oh! how time did drag along. it seemed to the boy he would go fairly wild, waiting for something to break that terrible monotony. there were no stars overhead by means of which they could tell how the night was wearing on. dick had to resort to other means by which to mark the passage of time; still he knew fairly well when the hour of midnight approached. meanwhile roger had finally fallen asleep, uncomfortable as his position was. dick could just manage to see, by straining his eyes, that his chum's head had fallen forward upon his chest, as though tired nature had overcome him. dick concluded that there was no use waiting any longer to put his plan into operation. everything about the camp seemed silent, and, although he took a desperate chance, the boy believed he would gain nothing by further delay. his initial act was to draw first one hand and then the other from the stretched buckskin thongs. then turning as best he could he reached out toward the knife the indian who had helped tie them to the tree had left sticking there, even with the boy's head. what a thrill passed through dick's whole frame as his eager hand touched that welcome blade. its buckhorn handle, too, felt very familiar, and he was almost sure it would turn out to be the hunting-knife roger valued so highly because of the associations connected with it. as it possessed a keen edge, he found no difficulty in bending down and severing his bonds. after that he stopped and listened, but there was nothing to indicate that his actions had been discovered. the owl had commenced his mournful hooting again; and the tree-frog piped up louder than ever, dick noticed with considerable satisfaction, for he hoped the sounds would muffle any slight noise he would chance to make. now he turned to set roger free. he hoped in his heart that, upon being aroused, roger would not utter an exclamation. with this possibility in mind dick very cautiously crept over to the other tree. he could hear roger's heavy breathing, showing that the boy still slept. with great care dick raised himself until he could put his lips close to the other's ear, when he whispered: "roger, wake up, but keep very still! i am going to cut your bonds now!" the boy gave a great start, but fortunately he did not attempt to answer. he comprehended instantly what the situation was, and knew the necessity for silence. already dick's hands were seeking for the deerskin thongs that bound the wrists of his comrade to the tree. as soon as he had made certain, the pressure of the sharp blade instantly severed the restraining cords and set roger's hands free. all that remained now was to do the same service with regard to the hide rope that went around roger's waist, and then around his ankles further down. after that they could listen for a minute, to make sure they had not been heard, and then depart from the hostile camp on hands and knees, creeping stealthily along like a couple of snakes. so far dick's cleverly arranged plan had worked admirably. if the rest proved to be as easy of accomplishment they could congratulate themselves on having done a big thing, with credit to their education in the line of border cunning. dick had just finished severing the last of the bonds, and roger was in the act of stepping forward, when something suddenly occurred that thrilled both boys to the heart, as well as put a different aspect on their method of hasty departure. from some place back in the woods a little way a loud and singular whoop rang forth. dick believed that it must be intended as a signal announcing an attack; for, hardly had it ceased to ring through the aisles of the forest, than a deafening chorus of wild yells rang forth, together with the rush of many bodies crashing through the underwood and advancing from every direction toward the camp of the dacotahs. chapter xvii shelter in a hollow tree "it is the shoshone war-cry!" exclaimed roger, instinctively, as he heard the piercing, bubbling sound that must have been uttered with a hand to the mouth. dick seized hold of his chum. he realized that any delay now might prove very costly for them both. "we must get away from here!" he cried, thinking of what roger had said concerning the savage ways of the indians, and how they often preferred killing their prisoners to letting them be set free, or taken by a hostile tribe. "your gun, dick?" asked roger, breathlessly. "i mean to make a grab for it," replied the other, who was already moving off. then it was that his careful survey of the surroundings came into play, for dick had made a mental map upon which he could depend when utter darkness lay upon the earth. roger, still hearkening to the dreadful sounds that were bursting out all about them, felt his companion duck down, and he judged that they must be alongside the log on which the gun with the ammunition had been placed by the indian who had led them into the trap. and, somehow, roger guessed that success had come to his chum, even though he himself could not see anything of the gun. again he was being half dragged along, as though dick had chosen his course, and was trying to follow it. their one idea now was to get away from the camp, and let the hostile red men have their fight out to the bitter end. small affair it was of the boys whether the dacotahs whipped the shoshones, or the latter overwhelmed the braves who had been the captors of the young pioneers. skillful maneuvering was necessary in order to avoid contact with any of the furious warriors. the boys heard the sound of blows being struck, and their lively imaginations could picture what was occurring nearby, as they slipped along through the darkness. fortune was kind to them, after all, for they did not strike against a single dusky figure, although several times they had to sink close to the ground when they heard the rush of moccasined feet close at hand. now the noise of the desperate hand-to-hand conflict was behind them, roger noticed with a feeling of great relief. he could hear not only the war cries of those who fought, but occasionally there also came sounds of darker import, such as were probably the death chants of those who were bound for the "happy hunting grounds" of the red men. as they gradually put all this horrible clamor further and further behind them, the two boys felt their own spirits rise higher. the attack of the shoshones had come just in the nick of time to help the young pioneers. it had served to cover their escape as nothing else could have done. roger was panting for breath, because of the excitement as well as his strenuous actions. he had knocked into more than one tree, but without so far seriously hurting himself; and as usual the boy felt that he must give tongue to the feelings of wild delight that were rioting through his veins. "we did it, dick, for a fact; gave them the slip!" he burst forth. "it looks that way, roger." "and now all we have to do is to get our bearings, and make a fresh start for the river; isn't it?" continued roger, anxiously. "that's all, roger," he was assured. "and already i feel that we are on the right course, so we'll keep along as we're going now." "but the fight seems to be over with," added roger. "at any rate all the yells have stopped. i wonder whether the dacotahs whipped, or were overpowered by their foes? though for that matter we care mighty little how it turned out." "since neither of them were our friends," dick admitted, "we had no interest in the outcome of the forest battle. it was a case of dog eat dog with us; and i only hope we'll run across no more of the red rascals until we rejoin our party." "how far do you mean to go before stopping, dick?" roger was getting a little tired when he asked this question. they had both had a hard day of it, beside the standing for several hours in a cramped position tied to the trees. "i think we ought to keep on for at least an hour more," dick told him, "even if it does pull hard. by then we'll have reached a point where the indians who turn out to be victors can hardly find us in the morning, even if they happen to bother making the search. so keep up your spirits, roger, for we've got a heap to be thankful for." "i'm sure of that, dick, and i hope you didn't think i was complaining just now. you'll find me good for an hour's tramp in the dark, or two of them, for that matter. then for a few hours' sleep before day breaks." "it may be the storm will swoop down on us before then, and force us to change our plans. so, after a while, we must keep a lookout for some sort of shelter, such as a hollow tree. it wouldn't be the first time we have lain in such a snug nook when the rain was coming down in bucketfuls." "i should say it wasn't!" declared roger, and from that time on he seemed to have picked up a new supply of energy, for he uttered no further complaint as he struggled on at the side of his companion. no matter how slowly the minutes passed, roger realized that the conditions were vastly different from what they seemed earlier in the night; when tied to that tree the gloom around him was no thicker than the state of his feelings. dick finally came to a halt. perhaps the hour had not fully passed, but he believed they had put enough ground behind them to feel safe. besides, he had made a discovery that he fancied ought to be utilized. either the night had grown lighter, as though the moon might have arisen, and was shining back of the heavy clouds, or else the eyes of the boys, in growing accustomed to the darkness, allowed them to see things better. "i've noticed several trees of good size as we came along, roger," he told his chum; "and if only we can find one that is hollow, we need go no further until morning." at that the other laughed as though pleased. "if that's all we need, dick, how would this one over here do for our purposes?" and, speaking in this way, he directed the attention of his chum to a tree not far away. it was an unusually big tree, and both of them could see, though a bit uncertainly, that it had some sort of cavity at its base. a hasty examination convinced them they had found just what they were looking for. "we can creep in through that hole easily enough," said roger, "because it's big enough for a giant to pass through. i hope though, dick, it doesn't turn out to be the den of any wild beast." "we can soon settle that!" declared dick, as he took up a long stick, over which he had just tripped, and thrust it in through the opening. as no sound of surly remonstrance followed this action on his part, it became evident that the hollow tree was not occupied by any animal. "if it is a den there's nobody at home right now," announced roger; "so we can crawl through the doorway and settle down." after his customary impetuous fashion he insisted on being the one to lead the way, and was quickly inside the hollow tree. "how do you find it?" asked dick, thrusting his head through the opening. "there seems to be plenty of room for two in here," was the quick reply; "and, although i don't just fancy the odor, still i think we could do worse, especially if it comes on to rain hard." upon hearing this dick hastened to creep through the hole, carrying his gun with him of course. he had something on his mind, apparently, for hardly had he reached the side of the other boy than dick thrust his gun into roger's hands, remarking: "i noticed an old stump just outside there, and i'd better go and roll it up, so as to cover this opening, more or less." "then you must be thinking that some animal may come in here, and you mean to block the passage so we will not be taken by surprise; is that it?" "nothing less, roger," dick replied, as he started to crawl out again. "if i can help you, let me know," called out roger. the stump did not prove to be very weighty, and dick rolled it deftly so that it covered all but a small fraction of the opening. then he crept inside, and the two of them had little trouble in closing most of the remainder of the aperture. "well, to tell you the honest truth," admitted roger, when this undertaking had been completed, though plenty of air could still find ingress, "i do feel a whole lot better, now that we've shut the door. it can't be very pleasant to lie down to sleep in a hollow tree that may be a panther's lair, and to wake up to find the savage beast coming in on you." dick was as satisfied as his companion, even if less vociferous about it. "i guess that stump will make a good enough door," he went on to say, chuckling, "and if we wake up to hear some one knocking, we can ask who it is before we open up. just as you say, it makes us feel more secure." satisfied with the way things were going roger soon settled down to make himself as comfortable as the conditions allowed. "perhaps this isn't as sweet and easy a bed as my own at home," he remarked, after yawning several times; "but then, as my mother always says, 'beggars mustn't be choosers.' and i can remember many a time when i've slept in worse places than a hollow tree." "remember before you go to sleep, roger, it's understood that the one who happens to hear anything suspicious is to wake the other up. if you feel me touch you on the arm and hear me whisper, keep as still as a church mouse. it may mean that indians are outside, and looking for us." "i'll recollect, dick, you can depend on it; and, if the tables should be turned, so that i am the one to get wind of the danger first, i'll do the same to you. so now, let's go to sleep." roger found very little trouble in putting his words into practice, and in a few minutes dick heard him breathing heavily. as he felt very much inclined that way himself, dick made no effort to hold back sleep, and in a short time both lads were fast locked in slumber. some time passed, just how long neither of them really knew, when dick felt a violent tug at his arm. he was wide-awake instantly, and understood just where he was, as well as what the jerk signified. "what is it?" he whispered, as he felt for his gun the first thing, as though its touch would give him renewed confidence. "something or somebody is moving around outside, dick," whispered roger. "hist! listen!" remarked dick, softly. there was a slight scuffling sound, and the stump at the opening moved violently. then came the loud sniffing of some animal that was trying to thrust its nose through a very small crevice and, apparently, could not understand why the door was closed. "it must be a bear," said dick, no longer keeping his voice confined to a whisper, but speaking aloud, "and this is his den. he wonders what has happened, and it may be he scents us, for he's trying to push his way in!" chapter xviii the storm roger was considerably relieved when he heard his chum say this with so much confidence. a bear might be troublesome, but it was not to be compared with an indian, for the latter was likely to have allies close at hand who could be summoned by a signal whoop. "do you think the beast can move the stump?" he asked dick, at the same time feeling for his knife, which the other had turned over to roger on discovering that it was really his property. "he is trying hard to do so," replied dick. "just listen how he keeps on sniffing at that crack," continued the other boy. "he knows that somebody has taken to his hollow tree, and he doesn't seem to like it at all. how about giving him a shot, dick? at such close range you could easily knock him over." dick, however, had his own ideas about that. at least, he did not make any preparations for the shot. "to tell you the truth, roger," he finally explained, "i'd rather not waste my powder and ball on the old fellow. he'd be too tough for us to use as food, and besides, the sound of the report might bring some of the indians down on us." "i suppose you are right, dick," commented roger; "but it looks as if we might have to do something to frighten the bear away. there he starts again, trying to thrust the stump aside, and as sure as anything, dick, the breach is getting a little wider every time he works at it." "it seems so," agreed dick, "and, as you say, we ought to do something to put a stop to his scratching and dragging. wait a minute, i've an idea i can fix it!" with these words he put his long rifle behind him so that it was safe in roger's hands. in case of actual necessity the latter would know what to do with the fire-arm; but just then he was very curious to learn what dick had arranged. he could hear him moving, and he seemed to lean forward until his hands were perilously near the small opening at which the nose of the bear was working just as the snout of a hog might be used to move an obstacle. the champing of teeth, along with the loud sniffing, continued. "what are you doing, dick?" asked roger, finally, unable to stand the suspense any longer. "oh!" came the cheery reply, "i have wasted a charge or two of powder, placing it as near the opening as i can, and running a thread this way. now i have my flint and steel ready, and, as soon as he starts to poking his nose in at the hole again, i'll strike fire, and explode the powder in his face!" roger saw the object of this, and was considerably interested in the outcome. "i hope he gets the full benefit of the flash," he observed. dick saw his chance just then, and he could be heard striking the flint and steel rapidly together after the manner of one whom long experience in this line had made almost perfect. there came a little shower of descending sparks, and then a sudden brilliant flash that lit up the interior of the hollow tree as though the sun had found a means of ingress. "hurrah!" cried roger, clapping his hands in glee, "that was the time you gave old eph the scare of his life! hear him plunging off, will you, dick? it seems as if he'd lost all desire to make the acquaintance of his new lodgers. and i don't think we'll be bothered any more by mr. bear, do you?" dick also laughed softly as he replied: "he must have had his nose singed that time, and got a bad fright in the bargain, so i reckon we'll not be annoyed again." "this powder smoke is choking me, dick." "but it's slowly rising in the tree, and things are getting better right along," roger was told. "we'll wait awhile until the air is purer, and after that we'll drag the old stump back to where it was before the bear moved it." "and then?" queried roger. "go to sleep again, if you feel like it, because we have some hours of the night still ahead of us," dick calmly told him. before they could settle down they noticed that the wind was soughing through the trees with a louder note than before. "that storm is coming closer all the while," remarked dick, "and we needn't be surprised to hear thunder at any time now." "if it does come," added roger, sleepily, "we'll be glad to have such a fine shelter in the rain. but it may fool us after all, and for one i don't mean to lie awake waiting for it." dick, too, managed to get to sleep before a great while. both of them were presently aroused by a loud crash of thunder. "why, it did get here after all, dick!" exclaimed roger, the first thing. "listen and you can hear the rain further along beating down on the forest trees. one good thing about it is that the storm will probably not be a long one." dick's words were immediately followed by a vivid flash of lightning, and then came another loud detonation that seemed to shake the earth. in these present days two wide-awake boys who had picked up some knowledge of woodcraft would be very much alarmed to find themselves in a hollow tree during an electrical storm, knowing that there was always a chance of the lightning's striking such an object and bringing about their destruction. dick and roger were not worried on that point. perhaps it was because they were accustomed to taking hazards; or it may have sprung from ignorance of the danger. however, the hollow tree had lost its top long years ago, and was surrounded by loftier trees so the chances of its being struck were not serious. then the rain came, and, from the sounds that reached their ears, the boys decided that it was almost a tropical downpour. roger was on the alert to discover whether their shelter was going to prove its worth, or begin to leak. after some time had passed he voiced his conviction in his usual fashion. "not a drop so far, dick, and i believe we're going to keep dry jackets through the whole downpour. why, this is better than being in one of the tents, for they nearly always let a stream of water trickle down your neck when you're not expecting it. i think we're mighty lucky to have such good shelter." "and i agree with every word you say, roger," his companion added. "how is the night going, do you know?" continued the other. "i'm sure i can hardly say, roger. at a guess i might venture to say that we may have something like two hours more of darkness." "then all i hope is the storm will peter out before dawn, so we can start for the river right away. we ought to come upon the expedition by evening, unless we get lost, and that is something not likely to happen to boys like us, who have lived in the woods since they were knee-high to grasshoppers." "one thing sure, we have had all the sleep we're going to get to-night," dick remarked. "it seems to me the rain has slackened some. at least, it doesn't make such a terrible noise when it strikes the trees. but there was a pretty lively wind blowing, dick, and i think i heard more than one tree crash down before the gale." "yes," added the other. "and this old wreck did some groaning, too. once i was in a sweat thinking it might go toppling over; but the other trees must have protected it some, for it stood through the wild storm." when roger hazarded the opinion that the gale was abating he spoke the truth, for in a short time it became manifest that the thunder came from a more distant point, the lightning was not so brilliant, and the rain itself began to fall more lightly. in fact, things took on such a different tone that roger actually settled himself down to try for a little more sleep. dick had been too thoroughly aroused to think of doing this. he continued to sit there, keeping a vigil on the crack, through which he knew he would catch the first glimpse of breaking day. he amused himself while sitting thus by letting his thought go back to the happy home far down the "big muddy," where his father and his mother, his little brother sam, and his grandparents besides, occupied the big cabin in the clearing, close to the one where roger's parents lived. finally, dick discovered that it was no longer pitch dark outside. the moon had broken out from the scattering storm clouds, and was giving a fair amount of light. dick, always in touch with the positions of the heavenly bodies, knew, after he had located the fragment of a moon, that morning was indeed close at hand. indeed, he believed that in less than half an hour the dawn would break. he allowed roger to sleep until it was broad daylight, and then, acting under the belief that they had better be on their way, he laid a hand on the other's arm. "morning has come, and we ought to be getting out of here," dick told his comrade, as he felt the other move under his touch. "why, i did go to sleep after all, it seems," muttered roger, as though he considered this the queerest thing of all; but dick only smiled, for he knew of old some of the little weaknesses of his chum. they succeeded in pushing the old stump away from the opening, leaving a gap big enough for them to crawl through. "if mr. bear ever takes the trouble to come back to his den," remarked roger, as he surveyed the big tree with its hollow butt, "he's welcome to his old quarters. i'd like to tell him that his hole is all right, too, when a fellow is caught in a storm; but we have other fish to fry just now." his words reminded him of the fine mess of trout they had caught on the preceding day, just before the trap set by the cunning indians had been sprung, and shortly afterwards he remarked: "i do hope our friends found all the strings of trout we left along the bank of that stream; and that there were more than they could use at one time. it would be fine if we got a taste of the same, dick, after all this fuss." "i was just thinking," remarked practical dick, who certainly was not bothering his head about trout, or any other kind of food, "that, after all, that storm may have done us one kindness." "tell me how, then?" demanded roger, who failed to agree with him until he could be shown the facts. "the rain must have washed all our tracks out, so not even the sharpest-eyed indian brave could follow our trail," explained the other, and of course roger found himself in full accord with the theory advanced, for, like the story of columbus and the envious spanish courtiers, things looked very different after the explanation. with a last backward look toward the friendly old tree that had afforded them shelter in the storm, the two lads tightened their belts and set off on their long tramp, expecting to strike the bank of the missouri by the time the sun was ready to set. chapter xix under the fallen forest monarch "there! that makes the fourth tree i've seen blown down in the storm," remarked roger, after they had been walking through the forest for some time. "yes, and in every case if you went to the trouble to examine those trees," he was told by dick, "you would find that they were rotten at the heart. they may keep on standing up with the rest, and seem to be perfect, but when the wind sweeps through the forest it searches out the weak and imperfect trees, and topples them over." "that must be what grandfather means when he talks about the 'survival of the fittest,'" roger mused. "he says that nature knows what is best for everything, and keeps thinning out the weak ones along every line." "then there must have been a lot of poor trash over yonder," chuckled dick, "for i can see a number of trees down." "oh! what was that!" suddenly asked roger. "it sounded to me like a groan," his companion admitted, as both of them stood still in order to listen. "there it comes again, dick, and, just as you said, it must be a groan. i wonder if any one could have been caught under a tree when it fell?" "we must be cautious how we move forward," as dick's advice, "because we know the treacherous nature of these indians." "do you mean it might turn out to be a trap?" demanded roger. "there is always a chance of that, so, while we make our way in that direction, we must be ready to run if we discover any lurking reds about." dick also kept his rifle in readiness in case of a sudden emergency. it might be a shot would check a rush on the part of their enemies, and thus enable the boys to get a fair start. guided by the groans, which now came louder and more frequently, they were not long in making a discovery. "dick, i see him!" exclaimed roger, in fresh excitement; "and, sure enough, he is caught in the branches of that big tree over there. it isn't a trap after all, but some one in trouble." [illustration: "they pushed forward, and were soon at the fallen tree"] "and an indian at that, roger," added the other, as he, too, managed to catch a glimpse of the unfortunate one. "will that make any difference; or do you think he may be just shamming?" asked roger, hesitating. "there is no mistake about his being in a bad fix," ventured dick. "he may not be terribly hurt, but the tree has pinned him down, you can see; and if we left the poor fellow there he would either starve to death or else be devoured by the wild beasts." "oh! we never could have the heart to do that," asserted roger, who possessed a generous nature, like all his headstrong class. they pushed forward, and were soon at the fallen tree. the indian must have discovered their presence, for he had ceased groaning, as though too proud to show any sign of cowardice. a brave would sooner have his hand cut off than be reckoned timid or weak. "how are we going to get him out of that trap?" roger remarked, after they had looked the situation over. "we have no hatchet for cutting the limb, and my knife would never do the job in a day." "he's held down as if in a vise," dick observed thoughtfully, "and i can see only one way of getting him loose. let me have your knife and i'll hack my way in close to him. there seems to be just one avenue open for that." roger, filled with curiosity, watched his cousin set to work. he could readily understand how the other intended to reach the side of the imprisoned brave, but just what means he expected to use in order to free the warrior roger was unable to guess. a short time afterwards dick had gained the side of the brave, to whom he spoke a few words; and, doubtful whether he was understood, these were supplemented by various reassuring gestures. then, to the astonishment of roger, dick started to dig furiously in the ground. at first his intentions were a mystery to roger, who wrinkled his brow as he looked on. all at once, however, he grasped the idea. "now i can see what you're up to, dick," he called out; "and i must say it looks like a winning scheme. all you have to do is to dig under the brave, and let him sink down a little. then, when the pressure of those limbs grows less, he can either squirm out himself, or be dragged forth." that, in fact, was the idea dick had conceived in his fertile brain. he continued to delve away with a steady purpose in view, and presently it could be seen that he was making an impression on the earth. the trapped indian brave began to sink downward by slow degrees until finally the pressure had relaxed to such an extent that by making a great effort, and assisted by dick, he managed to wriggle out from under the limbs of the fallen tree. he had been hurt in various places, though dick did not believe any of his wounds were really serious. accustomed, as they were, to treating injuries, it was only natural for the boys to make up their minds that they would do something for the poor fellow. when dick made motions to this effect, the indian allowed them to do what they willed, although he watched every movement with eyes that were filled with curiosity. "i wonder whether he's more surprised at seeing us have this soothing ointment mother made along with us, or that 'palefaces' should go to such trouble just for an indian?" roger remarked, as he assisted in the work. (note 6.) "it doesn't matter much which affects him most," said dick, calmly, "we are doing just what our parents have taught us to do. besides, how can we tell whether this brave is an enemy or a friend?" "they say an indian never forgets an injury, or an act of kindness," ventured roger; "and, if that is true, we can count on one friend among the dacotahs, for i'm sure he belongs to that tribe." "yes, he is a dacotah, but they all look alike to me, so i couldn't say whether he was among those who captured us or not. he seems to be listening to what we are saying, and i really believe he half understands our talk. perhaps he knows a little english, for there have been white trappers who have penetrated this far." "suppose you try him, and see if he can understand, dick?" "i mean to do that," was the reply, "because i'd like to put a spoke in the wheel of that revengeful andrew waller. he has told these foolish indians we are the sons of the great white father at washington, and that if we were held as prisoners a mighty ransom would be paid for our release. we must convince the reds that it is false, and that we are only ordinary white boys." this idea held some weight with dick, and after completing his work in connection with the brave's wounds he commenced the attempt to talk with him. at first it looked as though there would be little chance of success; but after a little he succeeded in getting the painted brave to understand what he was trying to explain. this was done by means of single words, accompanied by much gesturing and pointing. if the indian had not already known about the boys, and what was said about their being the sons of the white father he could never have understood matters at all. gradually dick began to believe he was hammering the facts into the head of the other. he saw a light as of comprehension dawning on his painted face. "i do believe you've managed to pound it into his brain, dick," said roger, who had been an earnest witness of all this. "he looks as if he knew what you wanted him to do. see, he even nods his head when you speak." dick felt that he had reason to be proud of what he had done. to get an indian, who could not talk english, beyond a few words, to understand that they were only ordinary, every-day boys instead of the important personages andrew waller had pictured, was a triumph indeed. "i am asking him to pass the news along, and spread it far and wide," explained dick, as he continued his gestures and forceful words; "and i think he knows. here, let me do a little picture writing for him; perhaps that may help." he picked up a piece of smooth bark, and, using the point of roger's hunting knife, managed to scratch several crude designs upon it. two of these represented the rising and the setting sun. then a figure with a dacotah head-dress stood half way between with arms outstretched. showing this to the brave, dick once more began to speak and make gestures. while he could not of course be certain, still he had every reason to believe that the other understood what he was driving at, for he nodded, touched each of the boys on the chest, then shook his head in the negative, and said something in the dacotah tongue which dick fancied meant white father. "that's the best i can do with him, roger; and now we must be on our way again. whether it works or not, at least we can feel that we have done the right thing." chapter xx the return from captivity they parted from the dacotah brave with what was doubtless intended to be grateful gestures on his part. "he seems to understand that we have played the part of friends," said roger, "and i think if the chance ever comes up he will stand by us." "i am of the same opinion," declared dick, "though for that matter i hope we may never need his help. after all, we did not lose much time, and it was worth while to save a life." they pushed on diligently for a long time. dick was not in doubt as to his course, for he had taken particular pains to notice as they came along on the preceding day, in the company of the indians. when roger happened to ask once if he were quite sure the river lay directly ahead of them, dick answered confidently. "unless it makes a great sweep to the north somewhere above us we will run upon the river by nightfall, take my word for it;" and roger, accustomed to depending fully on his comrade, never doubted after that moment. something else was soon upon his mind, however, and he voiced his thoughts by appealing to dick. "do you think it would be dangerous if you shot your gun off just once, in case we sighted some game? i feel very hungry, for that supper the indians gave us didn't seem to do me much good. and breakfast is one of my best meals, you know." dick laughed at seeing the appealing look on his chum's face. "i don't think the danger of the shot's being heard is one-half as great as you think you are of starving to death," he told roger. "then you agree, do you?" demanded the other, eagerly. "i'll keep my eyes peeled for sight of a deer, and i do hope it isn't going to be long before we get a chance at one." as luck would have it, before another ten minutes had passed the opportunity he was hoping for came their way. dick was ready, and with the report of his gun a yearling doe fell in a heap, just when in the act of plunging into the dense thicket. of course roger would not think of any delay in getting a fire going and some of the tender meat broiling before the flames. while he looked after the fire dick cut up the game, and it was not long before an appetizing odor began to make both boys wishful for the feast to begin. "we can make up for this stop," said roger as he sat there devouring piece after piece of the half-cooked venison, "by not halting at noon for a rest. then again, we can hurry our steps at times and so get along faster." "no trouble about that," dick assured him, "for i figure that we have plenty of time to get there by dark. you remember that we were only on the move some six hours yesterday, and we have the whole of to-day for tramping." "do you know, dick, this reminds me of how we chased after the expedition for weeks and weeks when determined to find jasper williams, and get that paper signed for our parents. hundreds of miles we followed the trail as it ascended the missouri river, until at last we overtook them."[4] "what we did once we can do again, this time on a small scale," dick assured him. "i was just watching those crows over there in that tree-top. they seem to be holding a regular caucus, and keep on scolding like everything." "yes," added the other boy, "and sometimes crows turn out to be a pest in lots of ways besides eating the settler's corn. old hunters have told me they hide from crows whenever they find themselves in hostile territory, because through their cawing the birds tell the indians strangers are in the woods." "there, the whole lot has flown away, and making all sorts of noises in the bargain," dick went on to say. "i don't like crows myself any too much. they are too noisy, and seem to think every one is trying to creep up on them for a shot." "when we do strike the river, dick, can we easily tell whether the expedition has passed or not?" "all we have to do is to examine the ground, for their horses would leave a plain trail, you know, roger." "and if, after searching, we do not find any sign, we will know they haven't come along yet. in that case all we have to do will be to sit down, and take things easy until they show up." roger seemed to have left most of his troubles behind, after making a good breakfast on the deer meat. with the intention of chiding him for displaying any eagerness for food when there was none to be had, dick took up the subject again as they trudged manfully onward. "it's very plain to be seen that you'd never make a good indian brave, roger," was what he told the other, and this excited the boy's curiosity just as dick knew would be the case. "tell me why," he demanded. "i always thought i could stand pain without flinching as well as any indian boy; and i've learned a lot about wild life in the bargain. where do i fall short, dick?" "it's just this way," his cousin told him. "an indian boy is taught never to display his feelings, no matter what he suffers inwardly. if he were struck by a poisonous rattlesnake, and could feel his body swelling, not a whimper would come from his lips." "well, what has that to do with me, dick? so far i have never been attacked by a rattlesnake, though i've killed plenty of the ugly varmints, i wager." "but you did put on a long face, and you complained because for once you missed your breakfast. now, an indian boy would never have said a word, but held in grimly to the end. not that i blame you, remember, for i was hungry myself, and ready to use my gun, even before you mentioned it." they both laughed at that. "we were born 'paleface' boys," said roger, "and it's hard for the leopard to change its spots, they say. when we're hungry we know it, yes, and we don't mind letting other people know it, too, if that will help things along." noon came and went. they kept persistently moving forward. occasionally they came to open places in the forest where the grass grew green, and often did they glimpse deer feeding in these glades. once they even saw a small herd of buffaloes trooping off, having apparently winded the boys. but dick made no motion to use his gun again. they had all the fresh meat they required, and powder and balls were too precious to be needlessly wasted. so the afternoon came and found them keeping up that determined pace. if either of them felt tired they failed to mention the fact, which in itself was pretty positive evidence that they possessed many of the best traits of the indian character, after all. from long habit they were accustomed to such exercise as this, and would not have complained had the tramp kept up far into the coming night. it was about the middle of the afternoon when roger gave a low exclamation of delight. "i can see the river ahead of us, dick!" he cried, with a vein of deep satisfaction in his voice. "yes, i have been waiting to hear you say that, roger, for i glimpsed it five minutes back. so you see after all we have made good time. we shall be there long before sunset." "i must say i am glad to know it," roger admitted; and then hastily added: "not that i doubted your word a bit, but then, 'seeing is believing,' you know, dick." "yes, and, confident as i was myself, i am relieved to see the river glimmering in the sunlight before us," dick frankly admitted. "it can hardly be more than two miles or so away from here, wouldn't you say?" questioned roger, always ready to have any assertion he might make backed up by the word of his chum, in whom he had such positive faith. "about that," the other told him, as they once more started ahead. when finally they stood on the high bank of the river, no longer the mighty stream they knew it down near their home, and looked at the opposite shore, the sun was still more than an hour high. "now to find out if they have passed by, and whether we will have to keep on up the river," said dick, as he began to look about him. a brief search convinced them that no horses had passed that point. they saw the marks of deer, and buffaloes, as well as some very large imprints made by cloven hoofs, that startled the boys, for they did not know what sort of strange animal had made them; but it was sure that horses had not been present. "that settles it then," said roger, with a sigh of relief, for he would much rather just sit there and wait for the expedition to come along, than be compelled to follow for miles after it. "we will make camp here to-night if they fail to show up," asserted dick, which piece of information pleased roger, his pleasure showing in the broad smile of contentment that broke over his face. with plenty of good venison to last them through many days, what need had they to worry? they knew the exploring party bound for the other side of the mountains was sure to come along, sooner or later; when they could once more join their good friends, and take their accustomed places as though nothing unusual had happened. dick selected a certain spot on which to settle and wait for the exploring party. in doing this he had in mind the fact that it afforded them a clear view down the river. a bend lay just a quarter of a mile below their position, around which they could expect the boats to appear, sooner or later. lying at their ease the boys talked of many things as they awaited the coming of the expedition. their recent experience of course came in for a good share of attention, for it still thrilled them to compare notes of the night attack, when those hideous whoops were ringing in their ears, together with the heavy percussion of blows as the fierce shoshones invaded the camp of the dacotahs and struggled hand-to-hand for the supremacy. the sun was sinking lower and lower, so that it really began to look as though, after all, the boys would have to make camp where they were. apparently the expedition had spent some little time looking for the lost ones, and dick had struck the river further up than they had as yet penetrated. suddenly roger discovered a moving object down the river. then, around the bend, a boat came in sight, in which they could see white men, some of them soldiers. at the same time voices from the shore reached their ears, and they caught fugitive glimpses of moving figures advancing along a buffalo trail close to the edge of the bank. these latter they realized must be the party mounted on the horses, and who always kept near the boats for mutual protection and company. "that settles it then, dick. we will not have to camp by ourselves to-night; and, after all, i'm glad of it. not that i don't enjoy being off with you alone, but up here, so far away from the settlements, it makes me feel better to know i am in company with some dozens of other whites." "i think there's still another reason why you are glad they are coming," ventured dick, shrewdly; "you keep on hoping they may not have devoured all of those fine trout we caught yesterday, and that you can still have a chance to taste some of them." roger would neither admit nor deny the accusation, but only laughed and prepared to wave his cap toward the men in the leading boat a minute later. it could be seen that quite some excitement followed the discovery that the two missing boys were above, waiting for the boats to arrive. voices were heard conveying the intelligence to the other boats, and loud shouts attested to the fact that the men rejoiced over the safe return of the lost ones. the spot offered very good accommodations for stopping over night, and so, upon arriving opposite the lads, the boats made for the shore. dick and roger soon found themselves being heartily greeted by all their good friends. most of the men had really given them up for lost when they learned the fact that they had been carried off by the dacotahs, after being so treacherously led into a trap by the seemingly friendly brave who had loitered so long about the camp. the two captains were among the first to shake the hands of the pioneer boys, and assure them of their deep satisfaction at seeing them again. of course every one was anxious to know what had happened to them, and the boys were compelled to tell their story again and again as the tents were being pitched and preparations made for the night camp. it was admitted by all that they had been exceedingly lucky. at the same time, every one knew that the boys deserved great credit for their clever escape from the hands of the dacotahs. dick had planned it all very cleverly so as to make their escape possible even though there had been no midnight attack on the part of the shoshones, though, of course, they might have been followed and had further trouble. as darkness set in, the bustling scene gave the two lads much pleasure and contentment. they could not but compare this night with the one that had gone just before, when they had sat in the midst of their dusky captors, not knowing what lay in store for them in the near future. no sooner was supper set before them than roger turned a beaming face toward dick, as he voiced his feelings of delight. "you see, they didn't make way with those fish after all, dick, because they were not found until late in the evening. so they just cleaned and salted them down, and we're to have the greatest treat you ever tasted to-night. it sometimes pays to wait patiently for things to come along," and, seeing dick smiling, he winked knowingly, after which he bustled off to watch the process by means of which the fish were to be prepared for the coming meal. footnote: [4] see "the pioneer boys of the missouri." chapter xxi at the foot of the rockies "the time is coming, and very soon at that, i guess, dick, when we must expect a great change in our going." roger made this remark some two weeks after their adventure with the rascally dacotahs, who had been misled by the false words of andrew waller. all this while the whites had been steadfastly pushing farther and farther up the narrowing missouri, until navigation had become very difficult. "yes, i know what you mean by that," remarked dick. "every day now we are having more and more trouble with the batteaux. they get aground so often that much valuable time is wasted in freeing them." "it looks as if we might be nearly at the headwaters of the missouri, the river is getting so shallow," roger observed. "that is probably partly due to the time of year," explained dick. "we are well along in august, you must remember, and the snow doesn't melt as easily up in the mountain canyons now as it did earlier in the season. besides, we have had little heavy rain, if you stop to think." "what do you expect captain lewis will do, dick?" "i heard him saying only to-day, when they were working at the boat which stuck on the shoal, that it looked as though the limit had been reached. you understand what that means, of course, roger?" "i believe i do," was the reply. "from what i've picked up here and there it appears to be the plan to leave part of the expedition in camp somewhere along the upper reaches of the missouri until next year, while the rest make a dash for the coast on the horses." "it was fixed," continued dick, "that captain clark should lead the party headed for the sea; but i have heard since that captain lewis has changed his mind. he doesn't feel like being cheated out of that glorious sight after all he has passed through." "and who can blame him?" burst out the impetuous roger. "i only hope they let us keep along with them. we have a horse apiece, you know, and could easily hold our own when it came to hunting for game." "captain lewis promised that we should set eyes on the sea if any one in the party did, and he is a man of his word, you know." "i should never get over the disappointment," declared roger, "if anything prevented us from keeping on to the end. we have made great sacrifices in order to be in the company. besides, i am fairly burning to set eyes on some of the many wonders we expect to meet with in crossing the big mountains of rock. the indians have kept telling us about strange animals to be encountered there." "those mountains," dick went on to say, "are the home of the terrible brown bear which captain lewis has called the grizzly. we know how they can fight, because we had an experience in a cave with one that we're not likely ever to forget."[5] "yes," added roger, "and according to the indians' way of doing, we're entitled to wear those dreadful claws around our necks, after slaying the monster at close quarters. whenever you run across an indian with the claws of a grizzly bear worn as a necklace you can count on it that he's proved his right to the name of warrior. "then we've also heard of a beast living among the crags of these mountains that has immense curved horns, upon which he alights after throwing himself from some lofty height. that may be only a fairy story, but i'd like to see for myself if there's any truth in it. "as for me, dick, i've already made up my mind that i'll shoot one of those queer beasts, and get a sample of the curved horns, if ever the chance comes my way. just yesterday i was thinking of the wonderful tracks we saw when we were having that adventure with the dacotahs, and hoping that some of these fine days we might come upon the animal that made them." "i have tried my best, roger, to learn what the beast looks like, and the nearest any indian has been able to tell is that once in a while a monster of the deer tribe is seen in these regions. none of the trappers in our party have an idea what it can be, save batiste, who declares he has shot just such a great beast up in canada." "then he must mean a moose!" exclaimed roger, looking intensely interested. "come to think of it now, i don't see why a moose might not wander over here. they live only in cold countries, i am told, but in the winter it must be bitter enough up here to please any one." just as the boys had said, when talking matters over between themselves, the river had become so shallow that it was folly to try to push the heavy batteaux any further up the current. accordingly, a permanent camp was to be established on the river bank, where a part of the men would be left in as comfortable circumstances as the conditions permitted. here they were to stay until they were rejoined the following summer by the returning explorers, after they had been to the coast. those who were to be left behind were to establish relations and make friends with the neighboring indian tribes, serve them as physicians, and do what hunting was necessary. of course the scene in the camp that night was an unusual one. the men who were to accompany the two captains had been advised of their good fortune, and, while they showed signs of pleasure, at the same time they knew that the final stages of the big journey would be filled with peril, so, in one way, they really envied those who could stay behind in comfort and peace. there was an air of half-suppressed excitement throughout the camp as the men conferred together, exchanged some of their possessions, and in numerous ways made ready for the parting that was coming so soon. captain lewis did not have many preparations to make, for all along he and his able ally had seen that everything was kept at the highest notch of efficiency. "i really do believe," said roger, as he and his chum sat watching the many sights of the camp that evening, "that captain lewis has planned for every little thing that could happen; and whoever is left in charge here will know what he is to do from day to day, just as if he got his orders fresh from headquarters." "that is partly the result of having a man like captain clark along," explained dick. "he believes in method, and carries his ideas out as a military man should. captain lewis could not have found a better companion for his venture than he did." "it is settled that we are to go along with them, of course?" fretted roger, who knew perfectly well that this matter had been arranged, but wanted to hear his comrade say so. "we have the word of the commander for it, and that ought to be enough, roger." one whole day they spent in the camp by the river so that nothing should be neglected. then, on the following morning, bright and early the good-bys were said, and the little party, mounted on the horses, set out to plunge still deeper into the unknown wilderness toward the glittering prize that tempted them--the sun-kissed sea that lay far away over mountains and across burning deserts. it was only natural that every one should be more or less affected over the parting. none of them could tell what the future held. surrounded by a trackless wilderness, many hundreds of miles from a single white man's village, and with treacherous savages to deal with, the chances of their ever coming together again seemed very remote. during that day both the boys were inclined to be unusually quiet and thoughtful. indeed, for that matter, every one of the riders seemed to have lost his ordinary spirits, although, of course, this feeling of depression would soon wear away, and by degrees the men would learn to face the situation bravely. it was evident to every one that the party was now approaching the foothills of those great mountains of which so much had been heard. captain lewis knew that, in order to cross them with as little hard work as possible, they must head for a pass of which they had been told by some of the indians. unless they could find this, their efforts would be in vain, and they must turn back, defeated in their daring plans. three days after leaving their comrades the advancing party came to a good camping ground early in the afternoon, and, as the horses were really in need of a rest, it was concluded to stop here for the night. this was an opportunity the two boys had been waiting for, and they had little difficulty in getting permission from the commander to indulge themselves in a short hunt. the camp was in need of fresh meat, though not desperately so; and if only a deer could be taken it would afford them a few good meals. captain lewis, knowing roger's headstrong ways, took particular pains to caution them before they set out. "see that you take no unnecessary chances, my boys," was what he had said. "we would be very sorry, indeed, to have to bear your parents bad news when next we see st. louis. but i feel that, so long as dick is along, you will be careful. and, if you can bring the carcass of a young deer back with you, so much the better." it was a fine afternoon in late summer. there did not seem to be any sign of stormy weather in prospect, from which fact the boys felt sure they would not be compelled to look for a hollow tree as before. first of all they were wise enough to take their bearings, for they certainly did not want to lose themselves in the vast wilderness, since they could no longer depend on finding their friends by simply hunting for the river. then the next thing was to hunt up into the wind. this was, of course, done so that if they were approaching some keen-nosed game the animal might not scent their presence, and depart before they could get a chance to fire a single shot. it was a wild section of country. they could see, beyond, the mighty barrier of mountains that stood between them and their goal. the woods were composed of scrub trees, with openings here and there; though in most sections, east of the chain of mountains, prairie land existed. from where they looked up to the dizzy heights, the sides of the mountains seemed bleak and rocky. they had been told, however, that on the western slope vegetation grew plentifully, as the winds from the ocean brought much rain, though little of this crossed the divide. the boys pursued their hunt for nearly an hour without coming upon any game, although they saw plenty of signs of it, and were always counting on making a discovery. versed in forest lore, they knew how to creep along without making any sound likely to give warning of their approach. all conversation had been tabooed long since, for even roger knew that an incautious word might spoil their plans, and give the unseen deer notice of their presence in the vicinity. it was while they were thus moving along that dick suddenly thrust out a hand and drew his companion to a standstill. roger turned his head quickly, as though he did not comprehend what this meant, only to see dick's finger pressed on his lips to indicate silence. at the same moment roger himself caught the low thud of hoofs. some animal was certainly approaching them, and the singular "clicking" that accompanied each thud told them the beast must have cloven hoofs like those of a deer. a few seconds passed during which the strange sounds grew louder, and then, as the bushes parted, the two boys gazed upon a sight such as had never before greeted their astonished eyes. footnote: [5] see "the pioneer boys of the yellowstone." chapter xxii the death of the bull moose seen for the first time in all their experience as hunters of big game, the animal that stood there facing the two boys was remarkable enough to arouse their interest to fever pitch. tawny of hue, and possessing an enormous muzzle, together with towering horns, the giant moose filled roger with a sense of exaltation. the hunter instinct within the boy set his heart to beating like a trip-hammer, and his fingers involuntarily gripped his gun, his first instinct being to make use of the weapon. the moose evidently did not suspect their presence nearby. so far as appearances went, the big, awkward animal was showing no signs of alarm. roger hastily threw his rifle up to his shoulder, and, without bothering to take exact aim, pulled the trigger. he never really knew why he did not drop the beast as he expected to do. it might be because this weapon did not compare with his own, which had been carried off by the treacherous andrew waller at the time the two boys were prisoners of the dacotahs. dick, however, believed that the moose bull must have made an involuntary movement just about that time. roger's hasty action, or the glint of the sun on the gun barrel, would be enough to bring such a thing about. the one important fact was that, instead of killing his intended quarry on the spot, roger had the chagrin of seeing the animal stumble and fall, to scramble immediately to his feet again, and make a vicious plunge forward in their direction. dick of course knew that it was his duty to get in the fatal shot. he thrust his rifle forward, and had it not been for an unfortunate movement on the part of his companion his bullet would have finished the monster. in jumping back, however, roger happened to knock against the leveled rifle just as his chum pressed the trigger. the result was a wasted bullet, and, with both their weapons empty and useless, a serious outlook faced the two young hunters. "jump to one side!" shouted dick, realizing that the enraged moose was charging them, with lowered head, and threatening horns. both boys threw themselves back, and in this manner successfully avoided the passing danger. they knew that a wounded stag is often a peril from which even veteran hunters shrink; and it stood to reason that this enormous animal, feeling the pain of his injury, would not run away in a hurry after having made one unsuccessful charge. both boys glanced hastily around, seeking a tree behind which to ward off an attack. dick was fortunate enough to find one close at hand, but roger met with his usual ill luck to start with. the moose, as though sensing which one of his enemies had given him that burning injury, took after roger, and the boy, hearing the trampling of his hoofs as he came rushing on, became a little confused. "run, roger, run faster!" shrilled dick, who began to fear for the safety of his cousin. there were surely grounds for his alarm, for, just at that moment, roger caught his foot in some trailing vine and plunged forward. with wonderful adroitness, however, the border boy managed to regain his feet, and face the oncoming moose bull. it was too late for him to continue his flight, and there did not seem to be even time enough for the boy to scramble out of harm's way. dick's heart burned within him with fear. he would have given everything he possessed in the wide world if just then his gun were only loaded and primed, ready for use. roger, however, saw that there was immediate need for action, and he took a strange way of meeting the occasion. dick, staring at the scene, saw his chum suddenly leap toward the oncoming moose bull. he actually flung himself upon that great, lowered head, falling between the towering horns, and hastened to clasp his arms about the animal's thick neck. this act plainly greatly astonished the beast, and he stood stock still for a brief interval. dick's one fear was that the moose should set off at a lumbering pace through the woods, and bring up against some tree with such force as to break the sprawling legs of the clinging boy. he himself was trying in a confused fashion to get a charge of powder down the barrel of his gun, instinct telling him that, once he managed to reload the weapon, the game would be in his hands. now the moose was trying to dislodge roger by tossing up his head. each time he made the effort dick held his breath in suspense, for the boy's hold was precarious, and might give way at any moment. it was apparently the intention of the bull to shake him loose in this way, and, after the boy dropped back to the ground, to trample him underfoot before he could recover sufficiently to get out of the way. sometimes strange things happen in cases like this. the moose must have put an additional amount of energy into one of his tosses, for dick suddenly saw roger's form rising several yards in the air, and crash amidst the leaves of the tree under which this performance was taking place. the moose waited for the fall of his enemy in order to use those cruel hoofs of his in the final attack. but, remarkable to say, roger did not come down, and dick suddenly realized that his nimble chum had taken advantage of his lofty flight to lay hold of the branches of the tree, and to cling there as best he could. dick felt like giving vent to a shout when he realized that, so far as roger was concerned, the danger could be considered over. he was now reaching for a patched bullet, and hoped with his ramrod to push it quickly home on the powder, when he would be ready, all but the priming, to make good use of his rifle. roger saw what was going on so close by, and commenced kicking with his feet, and letting out a few derisive shouts, aimed at the waiting moose below. he intended to hold the attention of the bulky animal so dick could have all the time he needed to get the gun loaded. the plan worked splendidly, for the stupid animal below kept steady vigil under the limb where all that thrashing was going on. he snorted with rage, and pawed the earth with one of his hoofs, as if giving an earnest example of what he meant to do when the strange enemy dropped to the ground. there was nothing to hinder dick from completing his loading, and, as he shook the priming powder into the pan and prepared to fire, he felt sorry only for one thing. this was the fact that roger could not be the one to bring about the death of the kingly moose, since his heart seemed to have been so set on accomplishing such a valorous deed. it was more because he must save the life of his chum than through a desire for the death of the monster moose that caused dick finally to pull trigger, after he had found a chance to aim back of the animal's foreleg. the shot was instantly fatal, for those long-barreled rifles of pioneer days were capable of sending a bullet with tremendous force. the big beast fell with a crash, and immediately afterwards a loud hurrah from roger announced that he gloried in the successful outcome of their adventure. it was easy enough for the nimble boy to drop from his perch. he limped a little, and had a few minor bruises to show for his close contact with those horns of the bull moose. on the whole, however, roger considered that he had been very lucky. dick told him that he felt the same, as they stood beside the fallen monarch of the forest, and noted his powerful frame and muscles. it was impossible to think of taking those towering horns back with them, since they would have no way of carrying the trophy save on one of their horses; and that was utterly out of the question. "i feel a little sorry we had to kill the poor beast," admitted dick, "much as any hunter might be proud of bringing down such big game. but his flesh is far too tough for food, and we can never dream of taking those horns with us." "well, he looked as if he wanted to fight as soon as he saw us there," said roger. "that was one reason i shot as quickly as i did. but, while i had most of the fun, the glory remained for you, dick." "if you call that sort of thing fun, roger, i don't admire your taste, that's all i can say! when i saw him rushing at you with his head lowered i felt a cold chill run up and down my back, for i thought you were gone." "i don't know just what made me fasten to his horns the way i did," explained roger, with a broad grin; "but something seemed to tell me that was my only chance, and i guess it was, too." "how did you feel when going through the air?" questioned the other, able to smile now at the odd spectacle roger had presented, although at the time it had seemed a serious thing indeed. "about as near like flying as i ever expect to know," admitted roger. "and, just as soon as i found myself in the midst of the branches of that tree, why something made me take hold and stick there. i seemed to know the old fellow was waiting down below to trample me into bits if i dropped back, and i wasn't meaning to oblige him if i could help it." "we might manage to chop off one of his hoofs with our knives to show when we get back to camp, and prove that we really killed a moose," suggested dick. "that is a good idea," agreed his cousin; and it did not take them long to carry the plan out. after this they left the spot, and resumed their hunt, roger having recovered and loaded his rifle. they were a little afraid lest the sound of the gunshots might have caused any deer happening to be in the vicinity to take the alarm and flee. this would be too bad, after setting their hearts on procuring a supply of fresh meat. it turned out, however, that the deer did not know the deadly significance of the firing of a gun, for within twenty minutes after leaving the dead bull moose, the boys started a deer, and roger this time managed to do himself justice when he pulled trigger, for the young stag bounded high in the air to fall in a quivering heap. there was ample time to cut the game up and make their way back to camp with their prize. nor did they have the slightest difficulty in gaining the spot where the expedition had planned to spend the coming night, thanks to dick's way of keeping his bearings when on a hunt. these little side excursions were always in great favor with the two boys. in carrying them out they were really killing two birds with one stone; for they not only saw considerable of the country, and met with adventures that pleased their love of action, but at the same time they were able to keep the camp well supplied with fresh meat. when they got back on this particular afternoon they found that there was an indian in the camp with whom captain lewis was making terms looking to his serving them as guide until the lofty mountain range had been crossed. it was of prime importance that they find that pass, and cross over at the lowest possible level. once the lower ground on the other side was reached, they could congratulate themselves that the worst was over. at the ending of the next day they found themselves at the actual foot of the mountains, of which they hoped to commence the ascent with the advent of another morning. chapter xxiii hunting the mountain sheep "how terribly big they seem, towering so high above us," roger remarked to his cousin, as they stood just outside the camp that evening, looking upward at the lofty heights that shut out the sinking sun. "we have never seen anything like them before," admitted dick, "and i don't believe there are mountains back in old virginia, that our fathers talk about so much, that can hold a candle to these rocky heights." "i know for one i'll be glad when we've crossed the backbone of the ridge, and can see the sun in the late afternoon again," roger went on to say. "and after that we have the deserts to cross, if those indian tales turn out to be true." "i feel more anxious about that stage of our journey than i do over the dangers we may encounter in crossing the mountains," admitted dick. "they say men and horses die of thirst on those burning sands. i heard captain lewis explaining how we would make skin bags in order to carry an extra supply of water with us when we strike the sandy wastes." so the talk, as was quite natural, was mostly of the possible terrors of the journey ahead of them. their imagination was given full swing to picture many of the strange things mentioned by the roving indians, though in some cases these stories turned out to be untrue. when men had gazed upon such remarkable wonders as the spouting hot water geysers of the yellowstone, they could be easily pardoned for believing almost anything they heard. this vast country had never been explored, and it seemed to be a veritable storehouse of strange things. (note 7.) the eventful morning came, and seemed to be favorable for beginning the ascent of the trail leading over the mountains by way of the pass. indian tribes had doubtless made it in crossing from one part of the country to another. wild animals, such as the vast herds of buffaloes, also had occasion to cross the divide according to the stages of the weather, and their hoofs had helped to make the overland trail. it was a crisp morning in early september. in that high altitude the air seemed wonderfully refreshing, and every one felt capable of the task that now engaged their attention. the indian guide assured them that they need have no apprehensions regarding the passage of the mountains, for he would lead them across as his people had come on many an occasion. by the time noon came they had mounted far enough to have a splendid view of the plateau over which their journey for the last few days had been made. it was well worth seeing, and many times did the travelers glance backward over that extended vista, with longing thoughts concerning the loved ones who, far away toward the east, awaited word of their homecoming. roger had not forgotten what he had heard about those strange sheep of the mountains, with their great curved horns. he was very eager to discover whether the tales the indians told could be true or not, and many a look did he bend on the crags above them in hope of discovering a herd of the bighorns. it was about the middle of the afternoon, and in company with dick he was riding at some little distance ahead of the main company, when roger actually discovered the object he sought. [illustration: "'there! you can see him move'"] "oh, look, dick! tell me! is that one of those sheep of the mountains up there on that little patch of grass? there! you can see him move. he sees us, but believes himself so secure that he doesn't bother to run away." "it must be what you say, roger, for i can see the horns they told us about, which curve backward from his head. there, another has come around that spur of rock. i think there must be a small flock of them up there." "but just look at the horns on that buck, dick; how i would like to be able to get that pair to carry back with me." "i'm afraid you'd find it a hard job to get within shooting distance of them," dick observed, "for you can see that they seem to be on a little shelf where that grass grows, and from here i can discover no way of reaching it, except to jump a chasm." "still, there must be some connection above us, dick, and i've got a good notion to try it, if only you'll take charge of my horse." "well, i can plainly see you will never be happy until you have made your attempt," dick told him, "and so i suppose i'll have to do as you ask. but promise me to be careful where you trust yourself, roger. remember, that you are no mountain goat, and that a fall from such a height would mean your finish." "oh! i promise you to be as cautious as though my name were dick instead of roger. all i want to find out is whether i can get to a place where my gun will send a bullet fair and square. the moose fell to you, dick, and i think i ought to have my chance at these wonderful jumpers of the mountains." "while you're gone, roger, i can stop here and watch what happens. if you do shoot, and frighten the herd, it may be i can see them do some of those wonderful things we've heard about, and not half believed. but watch your steps, roger." eager to discover if there was any way for him to get a shot at the feeding sheep, roger hastened away. the last dick saw of him, he was climbing the side of the mountain, stooping over as he went so that he might not be seen by the game he intended to stalk. for some reason the party had halted below, and did not come along when dick expected them. this might be fortunate for roger, since it would keep the sheep from being startled by the appearance of numerous mounted men. watching the feeding animals, dick could now count five in all. the one with the largest horns he imagined to be the patriarch of the flock; and he could easily guess that, if roger found a chance to shoot, his eyes would fasten upon this prize beast, for the amazing curved horns had evidently fascinated the young hunter. as time crept past dick wondered how his cousin was progressing. surely, by now, he must have been able to get within easy range of the unsuspicious sheep, and could pick out his quarry, if he really meant to shoot. a good deal would depend on whether roger believed he could retrieve his game in case he shot it. if the poor beast had to lie on the little, grass-covered, slanting plateau dick did not believe his chum would waste a load, merely for the sake of killing. once or twice he could see the owner of those massive horns raise his head and sniff the air suspiciously. he even ran a few steps, as though tempted to give the note of alarm that would send them all plunging downward from the exposed point of pasturage; but, on second thought, resisted the temptation. it may have been sheer pride in his ability to shield his flock from all harm that caused the buck to refrain from flight. undoubtedly he felt secure upon that plateau, and, even should any peril suddenly threaten, no animal dared follow where he and his family could plunge headlong. it cost him dearly to indulge in any such proud boast. the two-legged creature that was crawling up the face of the rocks possessed a reach far in excess of any mountain lion or panther that ever tried to make a meal of a tender ewe--that stick he carried could bridge a chasm when it spat out flame and smoke, and carry death in its wake. dick was getting impatient for something to happen. if roger had learned that it was useless for him to try to get a shot, he should be coming back by now, and not taking any chances. just then there came the report of a rifle. the echoes were flung back and forth among the spurs of the mountains in a weird manner, but dick paid no attention to this fact, being too busy watching what took place up on that elevated plateau. he saw the patriarch of the flock give a leap into the air, and then fall over, roll several times, and finally vanish from sight, possibly falling into some crevice that was not visible to dick's eyes. but an even more remarkable thing was happening than the death of the guardian of the flock. the remainder of the sheep showed symptoms of alarm. a veritable panic seemed to have struck them, as, rushing pell mell down the slope, they, one after another, sprang boldly out into space. holding his very breath with awe, dick saw them strike upon their horns on the rocks below, and, apparently uninjured, continue their headlong flight. then, after all, the amazing stories they had heard from the indians were true. dick felt well repaid for having stood so long, holding the horses and watching. he believed he had heard roger's shrill cry of triumph, though he saw nothing of his chum, look as he might. when a little time had passed dick began to grow somewhat anxious. he wondered if any harm could have come to roger, or was the other trying to get to the fallen sheep that had slipped into a crevice among the rocks? finally dick could stand it no longer. he decided to secure the two horses somewhere and follow the route roger had taken. once up above, he ought to be able to get some news of the missing one. he was soon climbing up the face of the rocky mountain. it was no easy task, and that roger had accomplished it without alarming the quarry was greatly to his credit. still, there was no sign of him whom dick wanted to see. dick, with the eye of a born hunter, found it easy to figure out just how roger had proceeded. he did this by putting himself in the place of the other, and arranging his own plan of campaign. now and then he came across signs that told him he was on the right track. once it was a bruised weed, which roger must have crushed under his foot; then again it would turn out to be a piece of loose stone that he could see had only recently been cast adrift from its former anchorage. little things like this, that might pass unnoticed by any one not a woodsman, were to this pioneer boy as the printed words on a page to one who attends school. they told him the story just as positively as though with his own eyes he saw roger creeping along over that very spot, taking advantage of this protruding knob to place his foot upon it, and using that stubby bush to draw himself up to some new hold above. by degrees dick pushed on. he knew he must be getting very close to where the other had been when he fired the fatal shot, and still he saw no signs of roger. when he finally arrived at a place where further progress was impossible, without disclosing himself to the eyes of the sheep, provided they still grazed there on the grassy slope beyond, dick knew he had reached the spot where his chum must have lain as he took careful aim and pressed the trigger. then afterwards he must have pressed on, seeking to reach the bighorn, fallen into the crevice. dick crept on. he was beginning to feel a strange sense of impending evil. he feared that something terrible had happened to roger, and the possibility of losing the chum whom he loved so well was enough to frighten him. a minute later he came upon the gun. it had been carefully laid aside, he could see, which, at least, was evidence that up to then roger had not found himself in any difficulty. looking beyond, dick shuddered, for he had glimpsed what appeared to be a terrible gulf, at the end of the slope down which roger must have made his way. if he had in some manner lost his footing, and taken that plunge, there was almost a certainty that it was all over with him. when dick discovered from the signs that some one had been scrambling wildly over that smooth rock his heart misgave him; and it was with a great fear that he carefully pressed on until he reached the brink of the chasm. chapter xxiv on the burning desert no sooner had dick gained this point than he gave a whoop. it was a sound that roger would recognize if he were living, and capable of giving back any sort of reply. dick's heart seemed to cease beating for the moment, such was the agony of suspense that gripped his whole being. then, when he caught a return whoop, he knew his chum was at least alive. "where are you, roger?" he called, unable to see anything of the boy, although a little way down the sheer slope he caught sight of the dead sheep, just where it had fallen, after slipping over the edge of the opposite grassy plateau. "down below here, making my way to the game," came the reassuring answer. "are you badly hurt?" demanded dick. "nothing that counts for much; and i'm bound to get my sheep, now i'm in the hole. you can't really blame me, dick." "never mind about that now," the one above told him; "but do you know how you are ever going to get up out of that place again?" "there's only one way that i can see, dick--you must go back, and, when the men come along, borrow that rope jasper williams always carries with him. perhaps he will come back with you, and help drag me up--after i've saved the horns." knowing how determined roger could be, once he had set his mind on a thing, dick did not attempt to argue with him, though he believed the other was taking advantage of his position. "now i can see you, roger, and, by the way you are advancing along the bottom of the crevice, i reckon you must be all right. yes, i will go back and get the rope. perhaps some of the men may want to try mutton for their supper to-night, and, if so, they can haul the carcass of your sheep up out of the hole." "i'll try to be ready for you when you come back," called roger, waving his hunting-knife toward his chum; for by that time he had reached the spot where his quarry lay, and was evidently in a big hurry to set to work upon the pair of wonderful, massive horns. dick went back over the rocky trail until he reached the pass, where he found the two horses just as he had left them. voices close at hand gave the welcome news that the other members of the exploring party were approaching; and, even as he looked, the foremost came in sight around a bend in the pass. the men were greatly interested when they learned that roger had actually shot a specimen of the mountain sheep of which they had heard the indians talk. there was no lack of willing recruits when dick once more climbed the bank, and started toward the place where he had left his chum. jasper williams was one of the three men who insisted on accompanying dick, and of course he carried with him the long, tough rope which had more than once on the journey proved to be worth its weight in silver, as for instance, when it came to hauling the batteaux up some rapids in the river. when they reached the abrupt slope, down which roger had managed to slip, one of the men came very near doing the same thing. only for the timely assistance given by jasper williams, they might have had two comrades to haul up from the depths; and the man, being heavier, might not have escaped so luckily as the boy. roger had worked fast, and succeeded in cutting loose the curving horns that had given the old ram such a majestic appearance. he insisted on sending these up the first time the rope came down. then, at the suggestion of williams, he next attached the carcass of the sheep, which was also safely hauled up. last of all roger himself came up. he had some minor bruises as the result of his fall, but he bravely stood the pain, and was proud of his recent feat. great was the wonder and admiration of captain lewis and captain clark when they set eyes on their first rocky mountain sheep. it was extremely doubtful if any white man had, up to that time, ever beheld a specimen of the _genus_. they could hardly blame roger for wanting to carry the weighty horns along with him, though doubting the wisdom of such a course. dick, after considerable argument, finally convinced his cousin that it would be very foolish to burden his horse after that fashion, when, in crossing those desert lands, they had heard so much about, he would be compelled to carry a supply of water. "the captain assures me the chances are three to one we will come back by this same pass over the mountains, and why not cache the horns somewhere? nothing is apt to hurt them, and, once on the way toward the river, it will be easy to carry them with you. then, when we again get aboard the boats, your troubles will be over." roger was not altogether unreasonable. this sort of logic convinced him that most of the others in the party would consider him foolish if he persisted. in the end the horns were placed securely in a niche in the rocks where they were not likely to be disturbed by any prowling wild beast. the spot was marked so it could be easily found again; and after this had been done roger felt relieved. when they came to cook some of the sheep and test its worth as food no one was wildly enthusiastic over it. in fact they pronounced it tough; though admitting that a young specimen might prove altogether different. roger was even instructed to remember this in case he ever had another opportunity to procure fresh mutton; and, having already secured the desired horns, he readily promised to keep the advice in mind. it happened, however, that another chance at the mountain sheep never came his way. in two more days the expedition had crossed the great divide, and found that, when the sun went down, they could see far away toward a level horizon. remembering all the dismal tales related by the superstitious indians of sandy wastes where only a sparse vegetation grew, the men began to feel a new anxiety. just how far away the goal they were seeking still lay not even the astute leader, captain lewis, could more than guess. it might be a hundred miles, and perhaps many times that; for they had by this time reached a point where they had nothing to depend on, save the vague stories told by wandering indians whom they happened to meet. some of these, however, mentioned a great body of salty water, the end of which no human eye could reach, as lying far beyond the hot deserts. there were also rivers spoken of, where the great fish swarmed in countless millions, like the stars in the milky way overhead, or the sands on the shore of the "big water." roger hugged these stories to his heart. he fancied that, once they struck that river of the mighty game fish, he would be in his glory; for, if there was one thing above all others roger loved to do, it was to fish. the time finally came when they found themselves on the verge of the desert of which they had heard so much. there could be no such thing done as pass around the sandy waste, and their only course was to head straight into the setting sun. at the time they had with them an indian whom captain lewis had succored on the way. the fellow had fallen and injured his leg so that he walked with the greatest difficulty, limping badly. he had lost his bow, and being unable to provide himself with food, and far from his home, he stood a good chance of starving to death. they had fed him and looked after his injuries. the indian professed to be very grateful for such help, and for several days had clung to the expedition, though able by then to walk fairly well. he had assured them, through signs mostly, that he could serve them as guide across the hot waste of sand, as he had himself crossed it on many occasions. captain lewis considered this a fair return for what he had done. dick, however, did not altogether like the indian's looks. he thought he had a crafty way of watching everything, and that his admiration for some of the horses might lead him to attempting a theft, unless he were diligently watched. still, since the captain seemed to trust him, dick did not think it was his duty to say anything. it might look as though he were inclined to be bold. at the same time, he made up his mind that, whenever it was possible, he would keep an eye on the red man. that night they filled with water the skin bags they had by degrees provided for the purpose. a spring that gurgled close by the camp gave them an unlimited supply of the necessary fluid; and they were warned by the guide that it would be the last waterhole they would expect to come across for many days. in the morning the start was made, not without misgivings. no one could say what terrible things lay before them, and the men cast wistful glances back toward that cooling spring, as though they disliked to say good-by to it. that day was one which served to give them a new experience, for, up to then, few of the explorers had ever known what it was to travel over a sandy waste where the sun beat down with blistering effect, and the air seemed fairly to quiver with the heat. no living thing had they seen all day long, save perhaps a skulking small animal, which the men at first thought to be a dog, though it must have been a coyote; a few sage hens; and some gophers, that burrowed in holes in the ground, from the entrances of which they timidly watched the horses file slowly past. in every direction lay cacti of various species and heights, while thorny plants belonging to the same family, and bearing a small pear-like fruit which the indian told them was edible, lay upon the ground. they were glad when night came with its refreshing air. the camp was made in the open desert, for there was not a tree of any size in sight. and it seemed to the boys that, when the sun went down that evening, it was several times as large as usual, as well as fiery red. it beckoned them on just as before, since they knew well that _somewhere_, beyond the desert, the sun must be setting behind the vast ocean which they all aspired to see. another like day followed, and all of them began to suffer more or less on account of the heat, and the sand glare, which affected their eyes. on account of this, it was suggested that hereafter they rest during the hottest part of each day, and continue their journey as far into the night as the horses could stand it. they seemed to be thirsty most of the time, and the horses, too, needed many a refreshing drink in order to continue their labors. more than one uneasy glance was cast toward the supply of the precious fluid. if the skin sacks should spring a leak the wanderers must face a desperate condition, indeed. so they settled down for the second night upon the open desert. each day would be very much like another, unless they were unfortunate enough to experience one of those dreaded sand storms they had heard about, the terrors of which they could now easily imagine. the guide, however, had spoken cheering words in his own tongue, and, by holding up two fingers of his hand, gave them to understand they were by this time half-way across the desert. if they could stand this for two more days there was hope that the worst would be over. all of them were very tired after that long day's traveling, and, since no danger could come upon them out on the arid waste, sentries were dispensed with. dick sat up longer than the rest, thinking he ought to keep an eye on the dusky guide; but the indian appeared to be soundly sleeping, and weariness finally compelled the boy to succumb. the morning came and brought with it a very disagreeable surprise. at some time during the night the sorely tempted indian guide, forgetting his obligations to captain lewis, had taken an extra horse they had along and started on the back trail; not only that, but he had also carried off considerable of their supply of water, leaving the adventurers face to face with a terrible calamity. chapter xxv the oasis "i'm sorry now i allowed myself to go to sleep at all," said dick, as he heard what had happened. this was the first roger knew of his suspicions, for dick had felt that it was hardly worth while taking his chum into his confidence. "do you mean you didn't like the way that indian acted, and that you meant to stay awake to keep an eye on him?" demanded roger. "i did at first, but i was very tired, and he seemed to be sound asleep; so i gave it up. perhaps, if i had kept awake for just another half hour, i might have caught him in the act." all of them were feeling depressed over the incident. it was not so much the horse they regretted, though the animal might prove valuable to them later on; but having their supply of drinking water cut short told heavily. they started on with heavy hearts, and the future looked dismal, indeed. still, it was not the nature of such a man as captain lewis to despair when, after all, there might be no occasion for trouble. his good nature presently infected the remainder of the party, and hope again found lodgment in their hearts. by being careful, the water could easily be made to cover two days, and by that time it was believed they would have found a fresh supply. it had been only recently that the two boys had learned certain facts that gave them considerable cause for worry. one of the trappers, who had been out hunting just before the caravan reached the foot of the mountains, had discovered two men who wore the garb of whites. they were armed with guns and had horses in the bargain. he had not been able to creep close enough to hear anything they said, but, from the description which he gave of the strangers, both dick and roger felt sure they knew who they must be. the one with the black hair and beard was the vindictive french trader, françois lascelles; while his companion could be no other than the treacherous andrew waller, who had been kicked out of the camp when his duplicity became known. the two rascals had evidently joined forces, and continued to follow after the explorers, bent on having a sweet revenge for the indignities that had been visited upon their heads, though rightly, by captain lewis. alexis, the grown son of lascelles, must have returned to civilization, since he had not been seen with his father. the knowledge that these evil men were bent on following them across mountain and plain, and determined on punishing the boys because their plans had been ruined, was something calculated to take away much of the pleasure dick and roger would otherwise have enjoyed. from time to time their thoughts naturally went out toward lascelles and his unscrupulous ally. they often wondered whether the two men had actually crossed the mountain range, and if they would even attempt the passage of this burning desert. roger in particular was indignant over the prospect of such a thing. "it would serve them right," he declared, as he talked matters over with dick, "if they lost their way out here on the desert, and paid the penalty with their miserable lives. i wish that would happen to them, even if it does sound wicked; but of what use are they in the world, except to bring trouble to others who never tried to harm them in the beginning?" "and the chances are," pursued dick, frowning, "that, after we do get across this sandy stretch, if they follow us, it will be to spread some of the same lies about our being the sons of the great white father at washington. they plan to have the indians seize us, and hold us for the ransom that would never come. it might mean we would be kept all our lives among the indians, and never see our families any more." "all i can say, dick, is that i'll be a happy boy when we get across this terrible desert. when we happen on the white bones of animals that have perished here, sticking out of the sand, they make me think of finger posts pointing to our finish. to tell you the honest truth, i don't think i have ever shivered before when burning up with fever; but it's the prospect that does it." "oh! there's no use feeling that way," dick assured him, seeing that really the other was very much depressed in his spirits; "we are going to pull out of this scrape, just as we always do. before a great while things will look cheery again, take my word for it." "if only there was any chance to find game i wouldn't feel so bad," complained roger, touching his gun, which was fastened behind his saddle. "well, there is a little patch of scrub trees beyond us right now," his comrade told him. "suppose we ride ahead and see if we are lucky enough to find a stray antelope there. sometimes there is moisture in one of those oasis, and some grass manages to grow. it can do no harm, and will serve to take our minds off a disagreeable subject." roger began to show a little animation at that. anything touching on hunting was apt to engage his attention, and raise his spirits. "i'm with you, dick, every time!" he hastened to exclaim; "and, if we could only strike a deer, even one of those little antelopes you spoke of, it would be worth while. our fresh meat has given out, but we could find plenty of wood to make a fire if we needed it. that sun, though, is hot enough to cook meat by itself, i think." after mentioning their plan to captain clark, who was nearby, the two lads urged their horses to increase their slow pace. this the jaded animals were not much inclined to do, but the will of their masters prevailed, and they left the plodding caravan behind. dick suggested that they divide their forces, in order to approach the patch of scrubby-looking dwarf trees from two sides. this was the policy of an experienced hunter. in case there happened to be anything worth shooting among the trees, the hunters stood a double chance of getting a shot, no matter which way the deer ran. dick did not entertain much hope of meeting with success. from the look of the miserable timber he felt it was hardly probable that grass was growing in its midst, or that a deer should have been attracted by the promise of food. still, it would not do to neglect any precaution; and, as he rode forward, he held his gun ready in his hand, meaning to jump to the ground before firing, so as to be more certain in his aim. when he had reason to believe that roger must have come up on the opposite side of the patch of trees, dick felt that it was time to turn his horse's head, and ride directly toward his goal. just then he caught some sort of movement amidst the trees, though he could not tell the nature of it. some living creature must have sought refuge there, though it might after all prove to be only a lone buzzard, pecking at a bone, or perhaps one of those larger birds which captain lewis had told them were vultures. he kept watching the spot as his horse advanced. the animal snorted once or twice, which dick considered a sign worth noticing, for it might mean that some ferocious beast lay concealed on the border of the oasis. a moment afterwards dick gave vent to a grunt of disgust. after all, it turned out to be a sneaking wolf of that small species which they had found to be as cowardly as it was ugly. yes, now he had a good glimpse of the animal, running along the edge of the timber, and evidently expecting to make off in the other direction. dick hoped roger would not be tempted to waste a shot on the cowardly beast, for its death could not be of the least advantage to them. it's presence there settled the last lingering hope he had felt concerning the finding of game. no antelope was apt to stay long when one of those hungry coyotes came around, dick imagined. he rode slowly on. the patch of trees was really larger than he had imagined, and, while about it, dick felt he should make doubly sure. perhaps they might run on a small spring there in the oasis, though the appearance of things did not inspire him with much confidence. "it would be even better than finding game, if we did come across a water hole," he was telling himself as he pushed on. he heard roger give a loud yell on the other side of the oasis. evidently he had just discovered the skulking animal and was shouting to start him in full flight across the sandy waste. but he did not shoot, for which dick was glad. now, having arrived at the border of the scrubby trees, dick jumped down and fastened his horse to a convenient branch. it was his intention to enter the patch of timber on foot, as roger was doubtless doing from the other side. they could scour the whole of it in a brief time, and find out whether so much as a cup of water was to be obtained. he could hear roger advancing opposite to him, and knew they would soon meet. even then he caught sight of the other moving along, though evidently hopeless of finding anything in the shape of game. dick had just opened his mouth to say something when he was thrilled to hear a dreadful, rattling sound that he knew only too well. at the same time roger sprang hastily back, and uttered a loud cry of alarm. chapter xxvi among the nez perces "look out, dick, there are rattlesnakes all around here. i can see three of them right in front of you! get back, dick, get back, i tell you!" dick hastened to comply, for by that time he also had detected the presence of the venomous reptiles. they seemed to be of a small species, such as can be found on the plains of the entire west, but their stroke carries just as sure death as though the snakes were twice the size. the boys had often come across them of late, mostly near the colonies of gophers, for the two seemed to be able to dwell together in harmony, though possibly the snakes made an occasional meal from some of the puppies. roger had already laid aside his gun, and picking up a long stick, he commenced to belabor some of the coiled snakes. "think you own the earth do you?" roger was saying, as he plied his stick with vigor, and knocked first one snake and then another into a wriggling mass. "well, i want to show you that others besides you have a right to breathe, and walk where they please. that makes the fifth one i've smashed, dick. did you ever see such a nest of the 'varmints,' as jasper williams would call them?" roger evidently meant to keep on just as long as there was a single one of the ugly, scaly creatures in sight. he certainly had more than his share of antipathy toward all reptiles, for he never let an opportunity to kill one escape him. when he could no longer find anything to hit, roger consented to drop the stick, secure his rifle, and prepare to leave the scrubby timber. they could find nothing in the way of water, though there must have been something of the sort underground to have allowed those ugly dwarf trees to grow in the first place. "there goes the silly, little wolf scurrying off," said roger as they mounted once more, dick having brought his horse through the patch of woods. "he must think we set great store by his dingy hide, and would take after him. but i'm disappointed because we failed to get an antelope." "better luck next time, roger," his comrade told him; for nothing seemed to crush the spirits of this sanguine lad. the third day passed, and, as the blazing sun sank again beyond the glittering horizon, none of them, even by shading his eyes with his hands, could see any sign to proclaim that they were drawing near the end of the desert. it was not a very cheerful party that sat around on blankets that night and exchanged ideas concerning their prospects of pulling through these difficulties. the horses were showing signs of the hard usage to which they had been put. lack of forage made them hungry all the time, since the small amount of hay that could be carried was almost gone. with the morning they were again on the way, the sun at their backs. noon found them resting, though the journey was resumed later on. when once more the sun went down its glow showed them trees in the near distance, the presence of which they had not been able to detect before, on account of the shimmer of the sun's torrid rays on the shining sand. it was the consensus of opinion among the men that they were now close to the western extremity of the desert, and they decided to keep on moving far into that night if necessary, in order to reach the timber that promised them water, and shelter from the terrible sun. before midnight they arrived at the trees and had hardly made their way among them when some of the weary men sank to the ground, unable to continue further. camp was made on the spot, and the remainder of the night was spent in refreshing slumber. while the desert had been left behind, they now had a new source of trouble. water they could obtain as often as they needed it, but their food supplies had fallen very low, nor were the hunters able to find game, though they searched early and late for signs of deer or bear; anything, in fact, that could be eaten. "if this sort of thing keeps on," roger grumbled, when he and dick were returning from an unsuccessful search for game, "there's only one resort left to us, and that is to feed on horse flesh. i'd hate to come to it; but, rather than starve to death, i believe i'd try it." dick laughed at hearing this confession. "and yet, when we were among the sioux," he remarked merrily, "you threw up your hands in horror at the thought of eating baked dog, which the indians esteem a great delicacy, so that they seldom have it except when they want to make a great feast. how do you feel about that now, roger?" "to be honest with you, dick, i've changed my mind somehow. those were days when we always had plenty to eat; but now the rations have become so scanty that we feel half starved most of the time. yes, i believe that if i was asked to sit down to a feast of baked dog, i'd accept, and with thanks." "well, there's nothing like hunger to serve as sauce at a meal," laughed dick. "and, when i tell them at home how you were cured of some of your nice notions about the kind of food you long for, they will think it quite a joke." "we're in a bad fix as it goes," resumed roger; "with some of the men half sick from their sufferings on this long trip, little to eat in camp, and a slim prospect of getting anything from now on. perhaps, after coming so far, none of us will live to see that wonderful ocean." "oh! yes we shall, never fear," dick assured him. "but stop and look ahead. what have we run up against now, i wonder. it looks like an indian family on the move." "you are right, dick," cried roger. "they have a horse, and two poles fastened so that the other ends drag on the ground. on that they have hides, and i can see a squaw and a papoose. suppose we try and see if we can make ourselves understood?" "i mean to," replied the other, quickly. "the warrior may be able to direct us to the river we are seeking, down which we hope to float until we come to the sea itself." they walked nearer the indians, who by this time had discovered their presence, and were undoubtedly amazed to see people with white skins in that part of the country. "we have never, up to now, come in contact with any indians dressed as that fellow is," remarked dick, as he held up his hand with the palm toward the woman, to indicate that their intentions were friendly; for that seems to be a sign universally understood among all the savage peoples of the world. "it may be they belong to the nez perces tribe, and the man is a brave, because he wears the bear claws about his neck," (note 8) suggested roger; "i heard captain clark speaking about them only yesterday, and saying we must soon strike their hunting grounds, for he had learned about them from other tribes." as the two boys joined the indians they saw that the fat squaw had a small papoose in her arms. dick instantly discovered that the child was suffering in some way, possibly from cramps in its little stomach. according to the native custom nothing would be done to relieve the pain, that is in the way of medicine. when they reached their village the old medicine man would doubtless be called in to conduct his eccentric dances around the writhing child, to rattle his hollow gourds that contained small stones, and to do everything in his power to frighten off the evil spirit that was believed to be tormenting the papoose. dick tried to begin a conversation with the brave. as he could depend only on gestures it was rather difficult; but, by this time, both boys were becoming more or less expert in this sort of thing. presently he managed to convince the brave that he was a medicine man after a fashion, and would be glad to try to relieve the sufferings of the papoose. when the squaw understood this from what her man told her, she looked dubious. evidently her faith had made her believe that the more fantastic the costume of the healer, the better chance there would be of success; and how then could this boy with the white skin frighten away the evil spirit when he made no attempt to disguise himself? both brave and squaw looked anxiously on as dick took out a little case from his pocket and extracted a tiny bottle. it was only camphor that the phial contained, but dick felt positive it would work wonders, if only he could get the child to swallow a dose. this was finally managed with the help of the squaw. since they had consented to allow the "paleface wizard" to try to charm the evil spirit out of the papoose, she meant that the experiment should be carried out regardless of the child's whims; and so with her finger she thrust the medicine down the little one's throat. dick then went on to talk with his fingers. he was trying to find out whether the village of the brave was nearby, and finally succeeded in learning they would come upon it in one day's walk, or the sweep of the sun from the east to the west. from what the other said in his native fashion dick was not quite sure about its position. he cut a piece of bark from a tree and held it out to the nez perces brave, together with a nail, showing him how to mark upon the smooth surface. apparently the indian was shrewd enough to grasp his meaning, for he immediately commenced to make crude figures. roger watched his efforts with growing eagerness. "i do believe he's caught what you've been trying to say to him, dick!" he exclaimed in glee. "see there now! he's gone and made a lot of cone-shaped things that i'm sure must stand for wigwams. that's meant for his village; and now he's making a wriggly line past it. do you think that can stand for a river?" "no question but that it does, roger. there, now he makes a broader line of the same kind, which must mean a big river that the first one flows into." "watch him now, dick; what does he mean by all that curly stuff? to me it looks like waves rolling up onto the beach, just as we've seen them at that lake near which we passed the winter on the yellowstone." "i really believe he means that the broad river empties into the sea!" announced dick, at which roger could hardly repress his feelings of exultation. "hurrah!" he cried, "we have struck something worth while at last, if only we can coax this brave to go to camp with us. and dick, your medicine has worked wonders already, for the papoose seems to be kicking no longer. i guess the cramps have been settled." the squaw beamed on them now. she was evidently awed by the wonderful success of the "paleface medicine man," who found no necessity for indulging in fantastic dances and such things, but chased the evil spirit out by simply sending a message down the child's throat that he must vacate! again dick endeavored to tell the brave that, if they would accompany the boys to where they had companions, all of them on the following day would go to the nez perces village with the indians, and enjoy the hospitality of the red men. it ended in the others accepting, so that, half an hour later, they reached the camp, where their coming created no end of excitement; for every one expected it would soon lead to great things. if the boys had failed to secure any game in this, their last hunt, at least they had accomplished what was better; for, with the new prospects ahead of them, it began to look as though their troubles might all be in the past. captain lewis spent almost two hours in sign talk with the indian that evening, after they had smoked the peace pipe between them. together with what he was able to pick up, and the crude map fashioned by the brave on the smooth bark, he felt convinced that they would soon arrive at a river that eventually emptied into the great ocean which they had traveled thousands of miles to gaze upon. no longer were the weary explorers given over to hopelessness, as had begun to be the case of late. the future began to assume a rosy hue, and both boys felt certain the success that had been dangling before them as a tempting bait all these long months was about to become a certainty. when morning came they once more set forth, but now laughter was the rule instead of silence and long faces. the brave and his squaw had by degrees overcome their feeling of awe, and were quite friendly with the men. "i think," said dick to roger, as they rode slowly on, "i heard him trying to explain to the captain that his chief and most of the men in the village would be away at this time, for they expected to start on a big hunt, to lay in a store of jerked meat for the winter season. but that will not make any difference. he says his people will welcome us, especially after they know what a great medicine man is coming." at that both boys laughed aloud. "if you are wise," said roger, "you will get ready to do a big business, because every old squaw that has an aching tooth will call upon you to chase the demon of pain away." "oh! very well," replied dick, carrying his honors easily, "i'll draw out the aching molars, and in that way bring freedom from pain. but all of us will be glad to rest for a while in the nez perces village." "yes," added roger. "and, moreover, we hope they will be free with their food, because our stock has by this time got down to nearly nothing. for once i think i could enjoy some indian cooking." "even if it has to be a feast of baked dog!" added dick, at which the other made a grimace, though he immediately replied: "yes, even that, if the rest of you try it. i don't hold myself to be any better than my comrades, and what they can stand i ought to. perhaps, who knows, all of us may yet take a great liking for the dish. the first man who ever swallowed a raw oyster must have had a strong stomach, i should say." late that afternoon they came upon the nez perces village, which they found located upon quite a noble river. this stream the explorers immediately called the lewis river in honor of their intrepid leader. sad to say in later years this well-earned name was changed to that of snake river, showing what short memories those who came after must have had, in forgetting how much they were indebted to captain meriwether lewis. chapter xxvii from saddle to canoe again it was soon planned that a short stop should be made here, in order to recuperate to some extent after their recent strenuous experiences. a number of the men had become ill through long exposure to the burning sun, and the lack of proper food. captain lewis hoped to have them in good shape presently, so that they could start forth upon the last dash for the pacific coast. besides, the chief being absent, there was really no one of authority in the nez perces village with whom to deal; and just then the explorers wished to make a covenant, or bargain. from now on they could make much better use of boats than of horses, and it was hoped to effect an arrangement with the nez perces chieftain to care for the animals they owned through the coming winter. then, the adventurers hoped to borrow canoes and to finish the long journey by the water. when, in the spring, they returned that way, they could change back, and reward the friendly indians for taking care of the horses, which would, of course, be needed again in crossing to the mountains. several pleasant days in september passed away, while the members of the expedition waxed hale and hearty again. they had plenty to eat, and even made out to secure an amount of food from the indians to last them for some time ahead, in case game proved to be scarce. no one anticipated such a thing, however, because from all reports they judged there was great hunting along the lower river that emptied into the sea; then there was the multitude of splendid fishes, the flesh of which they were told resembled that of the mountain trout. these the travelers had already classified as salmon, because captain lewis had seen that noble game fish caught in maine and canada, where it came in fresh from the ocean to spawn in the headwaters of the rivers. many were the stories the nez perces told, in their sign language mostly, about the indians who frequented the lower reaches of this broad river, where the "shining fish" swarmed at times so that no man could count their number, which was like the grains of sand on the beach. as near as the boys could make out these natives, from some peculiarity connected with their person, were known far and wide as the flat heads. they seemed to be of an exceedingly warlike disposition, and great hunters, as well as persistent fishermen. their method of taking the salmon was with a spear, and in the season an adept could daily throw up on the bank a glittering pile of the big fish calculated, when dried after a manner in vogue among them, to last his lodge all winter. many were the interesting things the boys learned when they found a means of talking with the peaceful nez perces. the days passed almost too quickly for even roger, impatient as he was to set eyes on the goal of their hopes. and, just as had been anticipated, the fame of dick as a "big medicine" spread through all the skin lodges of the tribe. people even came from other settlements to consult the "wonder boy," who could chase the evil spirits out of a suffering body by simply sending down a pill to wrestle with the monster. dick had his hands full, much to the amusement of his cousin. he did not shirk his duty, though careful not to utterly exhaust his precious store of drugs, compounded for the most part by his mother's own hands. the head chief finally returned, and with him the band of warriors who had been on the grand hunt. they brought back with them a large store of fresh meat, which the squaws immediately set to work to dry after their crude fashion, thus converting it into "pemmican," black, tough stuff which made the boys shudder to look at, but which could sustain the human frame wonderfully. success having attended the annual hunt, the chief was in a particularly good humor. he felt that the coming of these "palefaces" must have had something to do with the bountiful supply of game he and his warriors had come across. besides, the whites intended going down into the country of the dreaded flat heads, and their influence might be exerted to make peace between those indians and the nez perces. so a feast was spread, at which all of the whites had the pleasure of tasting baked dog, which they agreed was fair eating, though none of them came back for a second helping. the chief readily entered into a covenant whereby, for a certain consideration, he agreed to care for the horses of the whites until they came up the river in the spring, upon which the animals were to be returned to their owners. besides this, canoes were loaned to the "palefaces," boats made of skin, and a little insecure, but nevertheless serviceable for the purposes of the explorers. "do you think the chief will keep his word about the horses, dick?" asked roger, after they had heard of the arrangement between the two captains and the head men of the tribe, after passing the pipe solemnly around the circle at the council fire. "yes, i feel sure he will," dick replied. "i like his looks, and in nearly every case the word of an indian, once given, is better than the bond of many white men." "but you remember how that false guide deceived us in the desert, and ran away with one of our horses?" objected roger. "there never was a rule that did not have an exception," roger was told. "now and then you may find a red man who dishonors his word, but in the main they would sooner be torn to pieces than betray a trust. we shall see our horses when we come back this way, roger, if we are so lucky as to be able to return." "then there was that news we had about those two white men who were seen by a nez perces hunter far down the river," said roger, uneasily. "they were in a canoe, and had evidently passed the village in the nighttime, unseen. at the time the nez perces saw them they were dickering with some of the flat heads, as though meaning to make allies of those fighters." "it sounds as if we might be in for another lot of trouble, before we reach the end of our voyage," admitted dick. "then you agree with me, dick, that those two men must be our bitter foes, françois lascelles and andrew waller?" "yes, i'm sorry to say they must be those men and no others. but, roger, something seems to tell me that we may not be bothered much longer by their dark plotting. they are apt to overdo the matter, and perhaps be slain by the very power they set in motion to destroy us." "you mean the fighting flat heads may turn on them, sooner or later; is that it, dick?" asked roger, eagerly. "that is a fate which has overtaken many such schemers," came the answer. "unscrupulous men often start fires that, in the end, consume them. my father has told me that many a time. we have been preserved through all our adventures, and for one i can face the future without flinching. i do not believe it will be our fate to die at the hands of such rascals as those men are." it was on the following day after this talk between the two chums that, all preparations having been completed, the little party embarked for the last lap of their long trip, which in the case of captain lewis meant from coast to coast. the friendly nez perces gave them a good send-off. there were even some whoops, and waving of hands, after the whites had pushed off from the shore. perhaps of all the party dick would be most missed. his numerous patients would mourn the absence of the "big medicine," should there be a return of their maladies later on. perhaps they feared that the evil spirit might venture to take double toll on account of the serious setback received during the presence in their midst of the "wonder doctor." "and one thing sure," roger told his cousin, as they worked their paddles industriously to keep ahead of the other boats, "you will have to get to work and make up a new stock of medicine after the manner you've seen your mother do it; for, when we come back this way in the spring, if we ever do, there'll be a crop of ailments waiting for you to take care of." dick only laughed good-naturedly. "i was thinking about that myself," he stated; "and i believe i could do it, provided we can find the same kind of herbs growing out here. but it certainly feels good to me to be in a boat again, after all that hard work riding a horse across a hot desert." roger felt the same way, for the boys were much more at home with a paddle in their hands than in the saddle. brought up on the bank of the missouri, they had early become adepts on and in the water, and they spent much of their time fishing, in order to supply the families with the food that was needed. that night they made camp on the bank of the lewis. they were surrounded by the great trees that have since then made oregon and washington forests famous; and all this was so vastly different from their recent experiences amidst desert sands that it was no wonder every one's spirits were buoyant. of course the boys wanted to take a little turn around the camp before night set in, hoping to come across some game. this they could easily do because, at the time, they had nothing to do with getting supper ready, as it was not their turn to serve as cooks. once again success came their way, for they succeeded in starting a buck, and, although it took a double shot to bring the fleet animal down, dick proved equal to the occasion, after roger's bullet seemed to be wasted. this circumstance seemed to annoy the latter very much, for he was jealous of his well-earned reputation as a marksman. it did not surprise dick, then, when the other's first move upon reaching the fallen buck was to examine eagerly the quarry. "i thought it was queer if i missed him entirely," declared roger, with a ring of triumph in his voice; "you can see where my bullet passed through his body, but, as luck would have it, no vital part was touched. i'm glad you managed to finish him, dick." "yes, so am i for several reasons," remarked the other; "in the first place we need the meat. then again, it would be too bad for him to run for miles and in the end drop, and that wound you gave him would have proved fatal finally." of course the party rejoiced to see a supply of meat come in. they knew they could depend on the boys to procure it if there chanced to be any game in the vicinity; and when they heard the double shot more than one of the men licked his lips in full expectation of a treat. it is a good thing to have a reputation for accomplishing things, for there are times when it spurs the possessor on, in order that he may not lose caste with his admirers. roger was not fully satisfied with the shooting of the buck. his fishing instinct had been aroused by the tales he had heard concerning the great finny prizes to be had in these rivers that ran down to the sea, and he longed to be able to capture his first prize in the shape of a salmon. so, immediately after supper, he got his line in readiness, and set it in hope of a strike. many times during the evening he left the vicinity of the campfire, where the men were sitting at their ease and exchanging stories, to make an eager investigation of his line. roger was, however, doomed to disappointment that night. either the salmon did not run so far from the sea at this time of the year, or else his bait had not proven satisfactory. in time, no doubt, he would learn better; or he could possibly find a chance to make use of the spear he had secured from a nez perces brave, and which was used for striking the great fish as they passed through some narrow estuary of the river, running between the rocks. chapter xxviii at the falls of the columbia "i hope you don't think i'm discouraged, dick, because so far no fish has come near my hook?" remarked roger, when the time came to wrap their blankets around them and seek rest. "oh! i know you too well to believe that," replied the other. "from now on i expect to see you doing your best to land a prize. sooner or later success is bound to come, roger." "i know it," was the confident way the other spoke; "because i've always made it my business to stick to the old motto, 'if at first you don't succeed, try, try again.' and even if the fish refuse to look at my bait i've got that spear, you remember. one of these days i'll find a chance to launch it, and bring up a salmon worth looking at." dick always liked to hear roger talk that way. it was his constancy that in the past had won him many a battle; for roger had a stubborn streak in his nature and would come back again and again to make new attempts. as the water by everlasting dripping will wear away a stone, so this "never-say-die" spirit often won out in the end. nothing disturbed the slumbers of the travelers during that first night upon the bank of the lewis river. they started again early in the morning, for, now that the end of their journey was almost in sight, a fever began to possess them to cover the ground as rapidly as possible. new sights opened up to their gaze with every mile of progress made. the paddles dipped into the clear water, and the sunlight, falling on the drops dripping from the blades, made each one resemble a glittering diamond. after their life spent on the muddy missouri it was a great pleasure to dick and roger to find themselves upon a stream where they could in places look down for many feet, and see the stones on the bottom, so transparent was the water. as they floated along, waiting for the others to catch up with them, the boys' favorite amusement was to lie still, and, looking over the gunnel of their hide canoe, watch the small fishes darting to and fro; or thrust a paddle at some clumsy turtle that had come up to see what sort of object this floating log could be. it was not always as pleasant as this, however, for one day they had a downpour of rain that caused them to make hurriedly for the shore, and get their tents up with as little delay as possible. the storm continued all of the following day, and an unusual amount of rain for that time of year descended. after that the water was not so clear as before, the boys noticed. there were also places where they discovered landslides had occurred, sections of the bank having slipped into the rising river. "it's a good thing we picked out a camp site where the ground was firm," roger observed, as they passed such a slide on the next day, and saw what a terrible thing it had been. dick was ready to agree with what his companion said. he shrugged his broad shoulders and shook his head. "it would have proved a bad job for us, i take it, roger, if we had been camping on this spot. think of having the ground slip from under you while you sleep; and of awaking to find yourself struggling in the river. yes, we were lucky to be on firm ground while the rain lasted." "the days keep passing along," mused roger, "and so far i haven't been able to take a single salmon. and only this morning i'm sure i saw one jump out of the water after some sort of insect. if only i knew what kind of fly it was i might be able to coax one of the big fish to come to time." "it is near the end of october, too," dick remarked, "and any day now captain lewis says he expects that we must reach the lower river." "and, after that, all we have to do is to let the swift current carry us along to the sea; eh, dick?" "our only remaining danger will come from the flat head indians who live along the banks of the broad river. then we must remember, you know, roger, that there is a great fall somewhere below us. the nez perces indians told us they make a noise like thunder when the water is high, as it is after so much rain." "of course we must keep on the watch for the fall, dick; i give you my word for it, i have no desire to be carried over the brink in one of these frail little hide canoes. it would be smashed on the rocks below, and, as for us, we might not know what had happened." "just watch that fish hawk hovering over that place in the river, meaning to snatch up his dinner when he gets ready. there's the champion fisher for you, roger. if that bird could only talk he could tell you all about the habits of these wary salmon that so far you haven't succeeded in catching." "there he goes!" cried roger, excitedly. "oh! what a splash he made! and, dick, look at him trying to get up again! it's all he can do to rise, beating his wings like a crazy thing. see the fish the fellow has fastened his claws on, dick. there goes a salmon, i do believe, the very first we've seen!" the big fish hawk was indeed having a hard battle trying to fly with such a large fish in its talons. it fluttered its wings, and still could not manage to get more than twenty feet above the water. as it turned toward the bank, doubtless meaning that, if compelled to release its hold on the glittering prize, the fish should fall upon land where it could be eaten at leisure, roger gave vent to another exclamation. "when it gets off the river i'm going to shout, and see if i can frighten the hawk into letting that fish drop," he observed, eagerly. "i'll join with you, then," agreed his chum. a few seconds later, roger made a signal with his paddle at which both of them gave forth a startling yell. surely enough, the sudden discordant sound startled the fish hawk, and it immediately let its prize go. "there, it landed on the bank!" cried roger. "quick! let's paddle ashore before it flops back into the river again. oh! my first salmon seems to be coming to me from the air after all!" reaching the bank, roger sprang ashore, and presently came back, carrying his capture by inserting a finger in the gill. it was indeed a salmon, though only of a comparatively few pounds weight, and nothing compared to myriads they were fated to see later on. "enough to make a supper for both the captains, and ourselves in the bargain!" explained the triumphant roger. "and i want to say that never before did i pull in a fish from the air. that's a new way of doing it, dick. i'll never see an industrious fish hawk after this but that i'll think of what happened to-day." "if you hadn't secured the fish some robber eagle might," declared dick. "many a time have i sat and watched one of those bald-headed pirates, perched on a dead limb of a tree, too lazy to pounce down and get a dinner for himself, and only waiting until a hawk flew off with its prize, when, after the other bird, would start the eagle, and ten times out of eleven he was bound to play the robber game." "yes," added roger, "i've seen the poor hawk mount high in the air, trying to escape; but with the eagle in hot pursuit. in the end the fish would drop, and the eagle follow after it, snatching his dinner from the air long before it could strike the earth; just as i can let a stone fall, and then overtake it with my hand before it lands." it was on the second day after this incident that the boys, who were ahead of the others, were heard giving glad yells. the secret of all this joy was soon made manifest, for they had really arrived at the junction of the lewis with the columbia, as they immediately called the majestic stream that, with a swift current, ran to the west, and flowed out into the sea. all their hopes, so long delayed, seemed now on the eve of realization; and there were no despondent hearts in the camp when night again found them. it was with satisfaction that they looked out upon the noble stream, in the belief that the confidence which president jefferson had felt in their ability to overcome all difficulties on the road had now been justified. it was just a day afterward that roger found a chance to strike his first salmon with the indian spear. he and dick had gone ashore at a likely-looking spot where a small tributary entered the river. the character of the ground emboldened roger to believe he might run across some of the places such as the indians loved to frequent when fishing after their peculiar style. he found that he could creep along and look down upon the water five or six feet below, where the shadows were dense, and the passage of a silvery salmon would seem like a ray of sunlight. here the boy waited, crouching silently, just as he imagined the expert indian fish-spearers were wont to hang. and presently dick, who was watching close by, saw him make a furious jab with his spear. following this, roger struggled desperately, and then dragged up a magnificent fish, floundering at the end of the spear. this he repeated twice more, when they had enough for the whole party. that was certainly a red letter day in the life of roger, and one he was not likely soon to forget. more days passed, and they were constantly descending the majestic river, now unusually high on account of the recent heavy rains. twice they were compelled to cut short their day's trip in order to seek shelter from a downpour; and, after such a recent experience of the dry and arid strip of country stretching out toward the foot of the rocky mountains, they hardly knew what to make of such weather. there came a day when, ahead of them, they heard a dull sound that thrilled every heart. the falls of the columbia must be at hand, where they would be compelled to make a portage with the canoes and their cargoes. roger would have liked to strike out and be the first to get within seeing distance of this natural wonder, but dick curbed his impatience. "better hold back and keep near the rest," he advised. "we none of us know anything about the falls, and from the indians we've heard they are very dangerous. they even claim that a bad spirit is chained under the water, and always ready to overturn the canoe of any venturesome brave who ventures too near." the current was becoming furiously swift, and captain lewis, like the wise leader he was, advised that all the boats make for the shore. it required considerable sturdy work to effect this, for they had already gone further down than discretion fully warranted. all would have gone well except for an unfortunate accident. the paddle which roger was using had been cracked a little recently; indeed he had just that morning discovered the flaw, and declared he must lose no time in making a new one. when roger worked he did it with all his vim and energy; consequently there was a greater strain on his paddle than would have been the case had dick, for instance, been handling it. feeling the savage pull of the fierce current the boy even put a little extra strength into his labor, which was a hazardous thing to do, considering the circumstances. dick, methodically handling his own blade, was suddenly thrilled to hear his comrade give vent to a cry of dismay. as he looked up he saw roger holding the fragment of a paddle in his hands. the treacherous blade had broken just at the most critical time possible. they were held fast in the grip of a current which dick, with his single paddle, could never succeed in combatting; and just below them the roar of the falls sounded, while they could see the foam-capped waves, that announced the beginning of the rapids, just ahead of their drifting canoe! chapter xxix nearing the salty sea fortunately the others were close at hand when this catastrophe happened. dick, of course, plied his paddle with the utmost vigor, but, in spite of his endeavors, their canoe was dragged perilously close to the verge of the fall, and, if left to themselves, the boys would have had a serious time of it. the nearest boat chanced to contain jasper williams and another. williams had always been known as a quick-witted man when trouble came suddenly from a clear sky. loud cries arose. then this boat was seen speeding straight toward the one that had been crippled by the breaking of the paddle. "here, take hold of this rope!" jasper williams was heard calling, and roger, who had been watching the approach of the other canoe in a sort of dumb anxiety, not knowing how their arrival would help, managed to secure the line that came flying through the air. he saw what the trapper had in mind. dick, too, bent all his energies to his own paddle, while the blades in the other canoe flashed fast and furiously as the two paddlers bent their broad backs to the task. the current was loath to give up its expected prey, and it fought furiously before admitting defeat; but brain triumphed in the end. one thing that helped materially was the fact that with every yard they gained in the direction of the bank the grip of the current grew less severe. in the end they reached land, much to the relief of both boys. roger looked a little white under the eyes, although he stoutly protested that he had not been much alarmed. when later on they had a chance to see from what they had escaped through the happy circumstance of jasper williams' possession of the rope, the boys were very grateful things had turned out as they did. dick realized that there was not much hope for any one unfortunate enough to be swept over those falls, and carried through the rapids, where cruel rocks waited on every hand to bruise the victim. the party went into camp on the spot, and expected to be lulled to sleep that night by the incessant roar as the water took the plunge. roger meant to busy himself below the falls as soon as he could get there, armed with his spear, of which he had by this time become very proud. they soon learned that this spot was a favorite fishing place for the indians. indeed, there did not seem to be a minute of the day that one or more dusky sons of the wilderness could not be seen prowling around, armed with spears with which they would adroitly stab any fish that came within reach. (note 9.) the salmon on reaching a waterfall exhibits a wonderful agility in lofty leaping, in the endeavor to gain the upper reaches of the stream. this, of course, is more frequent in the spring when the fish wish to reach their spawning beds far up in the rivers. still, the boys saw many fish make the leap while they were at the falls, some reaching projecting ledges, and resting for another frantic attempt; others falling back, doubtless to make a more successful effort later. these indians the boys found were of a different tribe from any they had thus far encountered, and they soon decided they must belong to the fighting tribe of whom they had heard so many contradictory accounts, the flat heads. very naturally, since they had probably never before seen a white man, the indians displayed considerable curiosity. they were at first inclined to flee, showing all the signs of alarm and enmity; but captain lewis made friendly signs, and in the end succeeded in soothing their fears. "i don't like their looks, though," roger said to dick, as they watched several of the flat head braves accepting little trinkets, such as colored beads and minute mirrors, which had been carried along for the purpose of trading with the natives. "i agree with you there," admitted dick. "they have a different appearance from the friendly nez perces, the mandans, or any other tribe we have met so far." "i believe they must be more treacherous than the others," continued roger, uneasily. "you know we have heard not a single good word about them from any source." "well, 'the proof of the pudding is in the eating of it,' as we've heard many the time at home, roger; and we shouldn't judge people wholly by their looks. captain lewis seems to be willing to trust them. if any person can make friends with these flat heads, he will." "unless they've already determined to hate, and try to exterminate us," grumbled the other, of course referring to the underhand measures which they believed lascelles and his companion meant to put into practice. it was not long before roger found a good use for his spear. he watched how the red fishermen plied their weapons and copied their method. although he could hardly expect to be an expert in the beginning the boy soon learned to handle his new tool with considerable skill; and dick commended his work when he saw him strike a splendid silvery fish that had shown itself near the surface. it was not a very difficult task getting the canoes around the portage, or carry. there was a regular path which doubtless had been worn by the moccasined feet of countless red indians for ages past, since this spot must always have been a favorite one for laying in stores of fish food. the second night was passed some distance below the falls, though their musical roar could still be plainly heard. always eager to learn facts in connection with what lay ahead, captain lewis questioned some of the indians once more with regard to how many days journey they still had to expect before arriving at the ocean. thanks to his mastery of the sign language, the commander was able to discover what he sought; and it was pleasing intelligence that he communicated to the rest of the company that same night. november was at hand, and before the month had gone far they should arrive at the termination of their great adventure, with the ocean stretching before them. from the present time they could count on an easy voyage, unless something entirely unexpected cropped up to dismay them. the current of the columbia was swift, and could be counted on to carry them along without a paddle being dipped, if they felt like avoiding the labor. already were the men beginning to count on the glorious experience they expected to have while the winter lasted, hunting and fishing as the weather permitted, and with the wonderful sea to gaze upon. it was planned to go into winter quarters as soon as they arrived at their destination. this would permit of their gathering a great store of food, after the indian custom. only one fly remained in the ointment of the boys. they could not forget that, as long as the revengeful frenchman, françois lascelles, hovered about that part of the country, they could never feel safe. no matter if he were unseen, they knew him well enough to believe that he would be plotting in some underhand way to injure them, as he had done so many times in the past. "we will never know a minute's peace as long as that man is alive," said roger, when the subject came up to cast a shadow on their happiness. the weather did not improve as they descended the columbia. rain fell frequently, and twice they saw where serious landslides had occurred. it made them more careful as to where they camped when night came, for, should they be so unfortunate as to be caught in one of these slips, the result was apt to be exceedingly serious. they saw indians daily. sometimes these were ashore, and again they met them in canoes made of hide, or, it might be, dugouts formed from logs. in most cases the natives avoided them, for the sight of white faces and beards filled them with wonder and fear. some of them must have believed the explorers had come from one of the stars, and were people of another world, for never had they dreamed there could be any but copper-colored inhabitants on this sphere. nor were the adventurers always free from peril from this source. on several occasions an arrow had been known to hurtle into camp; and one of the men even received a flesh wound. for a short time it was feared the shaft might have had a poisoned tip, and every expedient to neutralize the venom was immediately applied. as the man did not suffer any great disability on account of his injury, they finally concluded that the flat heads, at least, did not dip the heads of their war arrows in the poison of the rattlesnake, as some tribes were known to do. (note 10.) captain lewis did not like the menacing manner in which some of these indians acted when on the bank of the river, while the little flotilla of canoes was passing. "i feel certain there is some malign influence at work, behind the scenes," dick heard him telling captain clark, after they had seen a manifestation of this ill humor one day, when several half-naked red skins brandished their spears toward them as the boats drifted past, at the same time uttering angry cries; "and, since we happen to know that lascelles slipped past us down the river, there can be no doubt it is his work." "a few days more and we shall be there, the captain says," announced roger, as he made his way back a short distance up the river in company with his chum, they having noticed signs of game. the boys had gone about half a mile from the camp, having caught sight of a feeding deer. "we are getting close to the spot where we glimpsed that deer feeding on the green grass, so let us stop talking, and be on the watch," dick suggested, thinking the animal might have moved from its place. three minutes afterwards roger gave a low "hist." "i can see him right now," he whispered, and, following the direction of the extended finger, dick also caught sight of the dun-colored figure. really it must have been a very hungry deer. as a rule such an animal, when feeding, is so nervous and suspicious that every minute or so its tail will whisk, and the hunters know from this that the deer will immediately raise its head to take a look around. but although the boys as they advanced kept their eyes fastened closely on their intended quarry, they could not see even the slightest movement. roger had begged the privilege of having first shot, and, when they had crept as close as seemed wise, his gun-stock came up against his cheek, his eye ran along the sights, and then his finger pressed the hair trigger of the long-barreled rifle. strange to say, the deer never moved even then. roger was more than amazed. "give him a shot, dick!" he cried, "or he may get away from us yet, thanks to my poor aim!" dick was about to comply, when suddenly the deer toppled over. there was something decidedly suspicious in the way the animal collapsed, and dick had a flash of intelligence sweep over him. he believed the deer was being used for a stalking animal, and had been dead all the while, its body propped up to deceive them. and even as this dreadful truth struck him, he heard loud indian whoops ring out. chapter xxx a moment of peril "we are done for!" cried roger, as vociferous yells from various quarters told of the sudden peril that had burst upon them. the pioneer boys had often, when sitting at the knees of their fathers, heard how the crafty indians along the ohio river, wishing to coax the settlers ashore when they drifted down the stream in their shanty boats, would resort to a ruse. there were white renegades among the natives, men like simon girty, who had been chased out of the settlements for wrong-doing, and who, hating their kind, had joined fortunes with the red tribes. one of these turncoats would disguise himself, and set up a plaintive appeal for help, claiming to be an honest man, who had just escaped from the torture post of the indians, and begging the newcomers not to forsake him. in a few instances his appeals would touch the hearts of the whites, so that, even against their good judgment, they were known to work the flatboat near the bank. of course an attack always followed, the indians springing up from their places of concealment. dick remembered those thrilling stories now, when he and roger were victims of a ruse along similar lines. that dummy deer had been placed so it could be seen by those in the canoes. the master mind capable of conceiving this trick knew well that the two lads were born hunters, and, in the need of fresh meat for the camp, could hardly resist the temptation. the game had worked only too well. so cleverly had the dead deer been arranged that even their sharp eyes had failed to detect anything wrong, except that the animal seemed to remain persistently in one spot, and never raised his head. almost immediately, flitting forms were seen among the trees. the boys did not stop to count them, but there must certainly have been a full dozen of the enemy. two figures they glimpsed that were not copper-colored, and nearly destitute of clothing, as was the case with the flat head braves. there was no need to call out and announce their discovery, for both boys realized in a flash that they were once again face to face with the evil genius of their lives, the french trader, françois lascelles, together with his equally unscrupulous ally, andrew waller. roger, with his customary impulsiveness, felt a wave of hot indignation sweep over him. this man, whom they had never sought to harm, had followed them ever since they set out from their homes on the lower missouri, bent on saving the armstrong property. many times had they suffered from his persecution, and no one could really blame roger for feeling bitterly toward the trader. influenced by his impulsive and headstrong nature, he hastily threw his gun up to his shoulder, and, covering the advancing frenchman, pulled the trigger. no report followed, which at the moment was a bitter disappointment to roger, with his mind so set on settling the score then and there. of course, it flashed upon him that he could not expect his gun to load itself, since he had just fired the one bullet it contained into the deer that had been used as a decoy. with a cry of anger he turned, and, almost before dick knew what was up, had snatched the loaded rifle from his hands, thrusting his own useless weapon into his chum's grasp. but the two renegades saw him do this, and realized their danger, for, though the exchange took but a couple of seconds, they had had sufficient warning to put stout trees between themselves and the angry boy. when roger whirled around, bent on carrying out his design, he was just in time to see waller vanish behind a tree. it was a foregone conclusion that the quick-witted lascelles had been even faster in his movements, since he knew well that he must be the object of the lad's blind anger. indians there were in sight, running toward them, and brandishing their tomahawks and spears threateningly, at the same time dodging behind various trees as if to confuse the "palefaces." evidently they feared those wonderful sticks that spat out fire, and made a sound like unto the near-by thunder, as well as mysteriously slew whatever they were pointed at. "we must run for it, roger!" cried dick, seeing that it was folly to think of trying to stand off a dozen savages with but one loaded gun between them. "all right!" gasped roger, as he swung around and put himself in motion, for it was plain to be seen that not a second should be lost if they hoped to outwit the enemy. no sooner was their intention evident than a new burst of wild yells told that the indians were in hot pursuit. high above the fiendish cries dick could hear the heavier voices of the two treacherous white men, and he knew that lascelles and waller must be keeping in the van of their pursuers. the boys might have turned and tried to frighten the indians off by a second shot, but it would be losing precious time, and every second must count when their lives hung in the balance. the boys were clever runners, and under ordinary conditions might have been able to keep well ahead of the fleet-footed indians. there was one unfortunate thing, however, that promised to hamper them sadly, and it concerned roger's ability to keep up the pace. several days before, almost a week in fact, he had turned his ankle, and had ever since complained of feeling it pain him from time to time, especially if he gave that foot any sort of a wrench. he had not taken a score of leaps when his toe chanced to catch in a root, and, while the boy did not measure his length on the ground, he did feel a sharp pain shoot through that weak ankle. it made his heart sink to realize that he was bound to feel it worse with every bound he took, and that in the end it might be the means of their downfall. dick had kept close to the river-bank in his flight. he did this for several good reasons. in the first place, they had come that way, and knew the ground more or less. then, again, the camp lay up the river, and, if help was to meet them part way, they must head straight for the boats. he was inclined at first to try to shout, in the expectation that those in camp would come to their assistance the faster; but, on second thought, he realized it would only be wasting his breath. surely they must have heard the sound of roger's rifle, and those wild whoops bursting on their ears soon afterwards would tell their friends what had happened. he fully believed captain clark would sally forth with some of the men, bent on attempting their rescue. it was only a question of keeping ahead of their persistent pursuers long enough to allow the others to come up. "faster, roger, faster!" roger heard his comrade say this and he strove his utmost to obey, but the injured ankle was giving him more trouble every second and, despite his efforts, he failed to keep up to his usual standard of speed. "my ankle--i've hurt it again!" he called out, between his set teeth. dick heard this with a thrill of horror. it seemed to seal their fate, for, if they could not increase their speed, the indians were bound to overtake them long before any help might arrive. he tried to catch hold of roger's arm, as though his first thought was to render assistance; but that was impossible when running as they were. roger indeed shook himself free. "save yourself, dick! i'm nearly done for!" he exclaimed. dick did not try to answer. he needed all his breath to carry him along; but, if he had spoken, it would have been to scorn indignantly the suggestion that he leave his chum behind, and look out for himself. dick was not that kind of boy; and if need be he would stand by roger, fighting to the end. there was the swift-running river just beside them. dick wished from the bottom of his heart that they could in some way make use of it in order to give their pursuers the slip; yet he could not decide how it could be accomplished. if they jumped in, and attempted to swim across, there were undoubtedly among the half-naked braves many who could make faster progress, unhampered as they would be with clothes. oh! if only one of the boats would shoot into view, manned by a couple of the brave fellows whose guns would soon work havoc among the natives and put them to flight! dick saw no chance of obtaining help from that quarter. the ground underfoot was now slippery, and he remembered that they had passed over a place where the earth seemed spongy. he could only see one hope left. this was for them to seek refuge behind trees, and try to hold the enemy at bay long enough to enable their friends to arrive on the spot. and, since the indians might rush them despite their threatening guns, this seemed almost like a forlorn hope. chapter xxxi the end of the long trail it was just at that critical moment that something wholly unexpected happened. as long as they lived dick and roger believed that the providence that had so long watched over their fortunes, seeing their terrible distress, had come to the rescue. they heard a sudden sound that bewildered them at first. it was a horrible sucking noise, and both lads actually felt the ground quivering under their feet. instinctively they came to a pause, as the yells back of them changed to cries of great fear, some of which seemed to be half-muffled. there was, accompanying these sounds, a strange splashing, and the crash of trees going down. as the boys whirled around, stunned by all these remarkable sounds, they looked upon one of the most terrifying spectacles that had ever come before them. a large section of the bank of the river, where they had found it so wet in passing, had suddenly let go while the indians were crossing it, and, together with a number of trees, had slipped into the deep river. fully half of the flat head indians went with the landslide, together with both of the renegades. [illustration: "fully half of the flat head indians went with the landslide"] dick plainly discovered lascelles throwing up his arms in an agony of fear, as he found himself being dragged along, with those tons and tons of earth, into a watery grave. then a great tree smashed down directly over him and that was the last that human eyes ever saw of the french trader. the rest of the indians stood there spellbound, just as the two boys did. superstitious to the core, those who were left must have believed this calamity could only be looked on as a manifestation of anger on the part of the great manitou, who doubtless held the strange boys, with the white skins, under his protection. they made not the slightest attempt to rescue their unfortunate comrades, but, uttering cries of terror, vanished in the depths of the forest, doubtless carrying to their village a terrible story of what had occurred, to cause weeping and wailing among the lodges of the flat heads. still watching, the boys saw several figures climb up out of the agitated waters. they were in every instance the copper-colored natives, who went limping away, looking back in abject terror. though they watched closely, the boys could discover not the slightest trace of either of the renegades. the trees floated off, or remained there sunk in the water; but a close examination of the scene of the landslide convinced dick and roger they had surely seen the last of their bitter enemies. the two boys could not express their emotion except by clasping each other's hands and squeezing them fiercely. their safety had been brought about through no mortal agency; and it was not singular that they always looked upon the landslide as a miracle wrought in their interest. shortly afterwards, when dick had taken his own gun, and roger managed to get a load in his weapon, they heard the sound of voices, and some of the men from the camp appeared. just as the boys had anticipated, they were led by brave captain clark. great was their amazement when they heard the wonderful story the lads had to tell. it seemed almost unbelievable, and yet there was the evidence before their very eyes, the gap in the river bank, the fallen trees, and even some of the indian tomahawks on the ground where they had been cast when the remainder of the band fled in dismay from the fatal spot. when captain lewis was told about it, he declared it to be the judgment of heaven upon the heads of those two wicked men. they had sought to stir up the resentment of the flat heads against the little party, and, had their plans succeeded, the members of the expedition would be in constant danger of their lives during the whole of the coming winter. as it was, the indians must believe the white wanderers were under the protection of manitou, and should not be harmed. captain lewis could see how a peace could be made with their leading chiefs, so that, for the months that were to come, the red men and their "paleface" brothers should live together as friends. after all their trials and tribulations things seemed to be working in the boys' favor at last. with the disappearance of the scheming trader their greatest source of uneasiness had vanished. the future looked bright once more, and the boys felt they could sleep without fearing that something terrible hung over their heads. that night was really the happiest they had all known for many months. the fact that they were close to the goal that had tempted them across the continent did much to bring smiles to the careworn faces of the voyagers. "if all the accounts we've been able to pick up are correct," dick told roger that night, while they sat near the fire, the camp being well guarded every minute of the time, "we ought to reach our destination by the end of the second day, perhaps sooner." "which means we will be able to look out into the west and see nothing but the vast ocean," roger added, with a contented sigh. "well, i feel glad--yes, doubly glad, for captain lewis and captain clark." "i understand why you say that, roger. to us it means only that our curiosity will be satisfied; but think what they have risked to carry out the plan of the president! it will be the greatest day in their lives when they reach that ocean they have come thousands of miles to look upon." "and think of all they have braved to win their end," added the other boy, his whole expression speaking his deepest admiration for the bold leaders of the exploring expedition. well might the boys say what they did. a thousand perils had waylaid those daring spirits, yet never once had they dreamed of giving up their plan. over unknown trails, through dark canyons, across trackless plains and burning deserts, up mighty rivers with their strong currents and swirling rapids--all these and uncounted other dangers had spread out before them, but without daunting their souls. no wonder then that the boy of to-day, who reads of this most wonderful journey ever undertaken in our great country, reveres the names of those two bold spirits who conducted the expedition to a successful finish. with the coming of another day the journey was resumed. even the weather seemed to have undergone a fit of repentance, for the skies were now as clear as crystal, and the rainy spell had evidently passed. early in the morning several of the men hastened to the place where the boys had been deceived by the decoy deer. they brought back the game, since none of the thoroughly alarmed flat heads had dared return for the carcass. it was easily seen just how cleverly the animal's head had been fixed by means of stout sticks and deerskin thongs. the men also judged that it had been made to stand erect by the aid of other sticks skillfully concealed. on the whole, the boys concluded they had a story to relate that would arouse the greatest interest among the home folks, if ever they were fortunate enough to rejoin the family circle again. roger was glad that the remainder of the journey was to be made in the canoes, for his ankle pained him exceedingly, and he would have been unable to walk any distance without feeling much distress. "you will have to take things easy for a while, after we get to our journey's end," dick told him. "a sprained ankle is a bad job, and you may feel it for many weeks. i can look back and remember how long it took me to get over a wrenched ankle some years ago." at that roger laughed aloud. "i haven't forgotten that time, either, let me tell you, dick. we were off on a hunt when you tripped. how your ankle did swell up; it frightened me, i tell you! but that cold spring water helped a lot to take the swelling down." "yes, and i can see you now, staggering along with me on your back," continued dick, bending a look of sincere affection upon his cousin. "that was the heaviest load you ever undertook to tote, i wager." "but i got there, didn't i?" demanded the other, proudly, "winded though i was. and i made you a pretty fine crutch which you hobbled around on for weeks, not being able to put your foot on the ground." many times, as they talked, did these fond memories of the past arise to haunt them. the further they went from their well-loved homes the sharper the pictures seemed to become in their minds. their dreams were mostly of those dear ones whose faces were forever before them, in the clear waters, while threading the mazes of the forest, or even looking out upon the glittering sands of the burning desert. when, that afternoon, a halt was made, captain lewis cheered them with the announcement that there could be little doubt they would reach the mouth of the big river by the following night at the latest. indeed, as the men had already discovered that the water was strongly impregnated with salt, they hardly needed this assurance to convince them that their long journey was on the eve of termination. they gave the commander a hearty cheer, however, when he told them this welcome fact, then set about making what was certainly one of the happiest camps of the entire trip. as usual the two boys talked things over while they sat resting after supper had been dispatched. roger had sniffed the air several times, and he finally broke out with a declaration. "there seems to be something queer in the air, dick; something i've never before noticed in all my life. and to tell you the truth, i can make nothing of it." "i may be wrong," dick told him; "but, from all i've heard grandfather say, i think that must be the salty taste they say one can notice when the air comes straight off the sea. if that is so, it proves we are close to the mouth of the river right now." after that roger amused himself by sniffing the air many times. it seemed to give him fresh encouragement to have a silent but powerful proof carried by the night breeze to their river camp. taken in all, it was a rather restless night for some of the adventurers, and the boys in particular awoke many times, to sit up and listen. once dick even fancied he could hear a far-off, dull, booming sound that could hardly be thunder, since the stars were out, and not a cloud as big as his hand in sight. "i wonder," the boy said softly to himself, with a feeling almost of awe, "if that can be the sea pounding on the shore. grandfather has often told us how it makes a great noise when the tide is coming in, each wave running along and turning over as it breaks on the sand." he even sat there for a long while listening, though thinking it best not to arouse roger, who chanced to be sleeping at the time. only when the strange sound died out, owing to a change of wind, or the turn of the tide, dick consented once more to drop back in his blanket. but, when he did get to sleep again, his dreams were of the glorious triumph that awaited them close at hand. the last day dawned, and the camp was early astir. breakfast was hastily eaten, the small amount of boat packing attended to, and after that a start was made. to-day the paddles were seldom idle. spurred on by the hope of reaching their goal before darkness again intervened, the men were only too willing to work their passage. the swift current might be very well under ordinary conditions, but on this particular day it proved all too slow for their eager hearts. they glimpsed indians several times, but, strange to say, none of them manifested the antagonistic manner of those they had seen earlier in their trip down the lewis and the columbia rivers. roger, who had noticed the change in the demeanor of the natives, wondered what was the cause of it, and as usual applied to dick for his opinion. "they are of the same tribe," he remarked, "for by now i know the flat head way of wearing feathers in their scalp-locks. but they seem now to be afraid of us, for those in that dugout paddled frantically for the shore; and never an arrow comes our way now. can you make it out, dick?" "the only thing i can think of," dick replied, "is that word has been sent out everywhere that the 'paleface people' in the hide canoes are under the protection of manitou, and that no harm must be done to them." "well," observed roger, with a happy smile, "if we're going to be guarded by the indian manitou all winter, we needn't be afraid of anything. when you come to think of it, dick, that landslide was the greatest thing that ever happened to us. it held back just long enough to let us pass, and then swallowed our enemies up." noon came and went. the men were so eager now they hardly wished to land to have something to eat, though captain lewis insisted on it, for he knew they needed a rest. slowly the long afternoon passed, and, constantly on the move, the canoes swept along the current, urged by the muscles that seemed never to tire. hope fought with a growing disappointment. were they then, after all, to be cheated out of the anticipated triumph they had arranged for that night? perish the thought! and, with that, the paddlers would dip deeper, and run a race to see which could hold the van. the sun sank lower and lower, and every eye watched its race with almost the same anxiety as was shown when, centuries back, joshua commanded the heavenly luminary to stand still in order that his army might wholly destroy the philistines. dick and roger concluded that, unless something happened inside of another hour, they would have to give up all hope of seeing the glad sight that day. "we are about to turn a bend in the bank right below," dick told roger, "and, if all is well, perhaps we may see what we are yearning to look upon." all possible speed was made in order to turn the point of land covered with trees, that jutted out into the river. then from every throat arose a joyous shout that made the echoes ring. it was the very first white man's hurrah that was ever heard on the western side of the great american continent, north of the isthmus, since time began. there lay the mouth of the columbia river, and, looking beyond, they could see the boundless expanse of the pacific, with the sun, that had beckoned them on all these thousands of miles, setting in a red blaze of glory. chapter xxxii to the rising sun--conclusion on the following day the flag of the united states floated from the green hills of columbia bay. and, when the adventurers had become thoroughly rested, they began to discuss the matter as to where they would stay during the coming winter. just what sort of severe weather they might expect none of them, of course, knew. in those early days nothing was understood with reference to the famous warm japan ocean current, which does for the pacific coast what the gulf stream accomplishes for much of our eastern shore, as well as for europe. so cabins were finally built, in which they hoped to keep fairly comfortable, and by degrees a supply of meat was laid, in for consumption during the winter, if the cold should be prolonged like a canadian season. they soon found that the indians meant to be friendly, and all fear of trouble from this source was laid to rest. as the days and weeks crept on they explored some of the surrounding country, and even tried to make rude maps of it to show when they returned east. dick and roger did their full share in everything that went on. much of the meat that was dried that winter, in order to provide a supply on the return trip over the mountains and down the missouri, fell before their guns. they were also instrumental in helping to tan some of the skins to be used in making necessary clothing for the men. having been almost two years on the trail, some of the members of the expedition were sadly in need of garments; and this well-tanned buckskin supplied the deficiency admirably, for in those pioneer days every man was his own tailor. it would hardly be fitting here to try to tell the many things that occupied their attention as the winter months passed; but they were busy most of the time. to the surprise of all the weather never became severe. snow they saw on the sides of the mountains, but, taken in all, they suffered very little from cold, a fact that astonished them very much. finally the spring came, and all eyes were eagerly turned toward the rising sun; for it was known that the time was now near at hand when they must start upon the return trip. the ties that drew them all, men and boys, to the east were many and strong. their hearts often swelled with emotion as they thought of those from whom they had been separated so many months. "why," roger was accustomed to saying, when he and his chum discussed the time of their departure, now close at hand, "i feel sure i will never know my little sister, mary, when i see her again; she must be such a big girl by now. and as for your brother, sam, you may find him able to give you a good tussle in a wrestle." thus they often talked of their loved ones, but neither of the boys ever dared express the one dread fear that sometimes tugged at their heartstrings, which was that they might find some face missing in the family circle when they reached home again. toward the end of march, everything being favorable, they once more started up the broad columbia, saying farewell to the place where they had passed such a contented winter. no serious illness had visited them, and all were very anxious to get started. reaching the village of the nez perces, they had no difficulty in claiming their horses, which had survived the winter. and, having made many presents to their red friends, the adventurers again set forth. they had a faithful guide this time who showed them how to avoid some of the worst of the burning desert. the changed season of the year also aided them, so that, in the end, they reached in safety the lofty barrier that divided the continent. crossing the rocky mountains they proceeded to where they had left their companions, and were fortunate enough to find them safe and sound. it was a joyous reunion all around. they had troubles with the indians, though as a rule they found the red men inclined to be friendly; and, in return for medicine and services rendered, received many favors at the hands of the natives, including much-needed meat. once, among the blackfeet, they were forced to make a hasty flight, when some of the thievish indians tried to steal their horses; and in the mêlée a brave was shot, though the animals were saved. when finally the missouri was reached the party set to work to make new canoes, having by degrees lost their horses or traded them with the indians for necessities. captain lewis knew that for the hundreds of miles they now had to traverse, boats would be far more preferable to horses, because the going was all downstream, with a swift current, the river being in its spring flood. some of the canoes they made themselves, others were purchased from the indians; in this way enough were provided to carry the entire party. day after day they kept pushing resolutely down the great river, camping by night on the bank. the summer was already well along, and they knew it would be close to october before they could expect to make the village of st. louis, the first settlement on their course. it was just about the end of september when they did arrive, and the event created the most intense excitement ever known in that border post. most people, who had seen the expedition set forth nearly two and a half years back, believed the brave captains and all with them had perished. when mayhew, the scout, had shown up, bearing the precious paper which meant so much to the armstrongs, he had, of course, brought news; and it was known that the expedition had reached a place near the far distant headwaters of the missouri; but since then weary months of waiting had ensued, with never a word, and hope beat but faintly in those fond hearts at home. it was a joyous meeting. roger could hardly believe the tall girl who threw her arms about his neck was his little sister, mary; and as for sam, he bade fair to soon look down on dick, he was growing so fast. grandfather and grandmother armstrong were both there, hale and hearty, and mighty proud of their two sturdy grandsons, who had made that wonderful trip to the western sea in company with the president's private secretary. the whole country applauded the hardy men who had done this great feat, and with reason, for, as one account says: "they were world conquerors in the best sense, in that they had blazed the way for thousands of sturdy homeseekers who soon followed in their wake, building homes, cities, manufacturing plants, railroads and telegraph lines where once had roamed the lordly bison, the herds of dun-colored antelope, the vast bodies of stately elk; and where, in the silence of the mountains and the forest the grizzly bear--monarch of the plains and the valleys--had moved in the peace and seclusion of the vast wilderness." in later years, after the original pioneers of the armstrong family had been gathered to their fathers, the families scattered, as new things arose to lure some of the younger members further into the wide west. they have settled, the newer generations of them, some in oregon, along the mighty columbia which dick and roger were among the first whites to see; others on wheat growing farms in dakota, or else on cattle ranches in montana; though there can still be found armstrongs in st. louis, proud to trace their ancestry back to those bold pioneers whose early history we have attempted to narrate in these volumes. jasper williams often visited his young friends when he came to the growing settlement at the junction of the missouri with the mississippi. he lived to dandle the children of dick and roger on his knee, and tell them many of the exciting adventures which those two hold lads encountered when crossing the great divide with lewis and clark. nothing was ever heard of either lascelles or andrew waller, and the boys never entertained a doubt but that the renegades met their fate in that strange landslide by which they had been precipitated into the columbia. and, since we have seen the safe return of the wanderers, and watched the happy ending of their great adventure, it is but right that we bring our story of early pioneer days to a close. the end notes note 1 (page 5) when the vast territory then known as louisiana was purchased from the french nation for fifteen million dollars, in the nineteenth century, no one knew what its extent was. it took in the country west of the mississippi, from the gulf below new orleans; but what really lay to the far northwest was merely a conjecture. president jefferson was determined to know just what was included in this louisiana purchase, and it was mainly through his individual efforts that an expedition was organized with the purpose of exploring the country as far as the pacific; for, of course, it was understood that the ocean bounded the land on the west. his private secretary, meriwether lewis, was put in command of the party, with a military second, captain clark. what wonderful things they accomplished history has recorded. it was in the spring of 1804 that the expedition left st. louis, and two years and a half expired before they returned to that border post, having successfully carried out their undertaking. note 2 (page 22) in those early pioneer days flint and steel were commonly brought into service when a fire was needed. so expert did the settlers and borderers become in the use of these that they thought little more of accomplishing the end they had in view than a boy scout of to-day does with the match. all they asked was a handful of dry tinder, and the ready spark quickly had a blaze going. it was not so easy when the question of firing their guns was concerned. the flint was fastened to the heavy hammer, and, in falling, was supposed to strike the steel plate provided for this purpose, when a spark might be looked for. this, falling into the powder placed in the little cavity known as the "pan," brought about the explosion. but, frequently, this small amount of powder would be jostled from its receptacle, and this would cause a failure at perhaps a most critical time. many a settler in those days lost his life by just this accident; and frequent disappointments during a hunt for game could be traced to the same cause. note 3 (page 44) contact with the natives made the early settlers quite proficient in deciphering indian picture writing, so they were able to read fairly well many communications passing between parties of those who possibly might be reckoned their deadly enemies. this method of using crude designs to convey the sense of a communication, or even the history of a tribe or family, was often carried out by fanciful pictures decorating the skin of which the teepee was made. in such fashion many of the gallant deeds of the chief or warrior to whom the wigwam belonged were perpetuated. really, little common sense alone is needed to decipher most of these picture writings. once the key had been found, they become as plain as print. smoke stands for fires; the sun is easily seen on the horizon, or high above it, though toward the west, it may be; horses; deer with antlers; men walking, running, or crawling; and similar designs become plainly decipherable; and in this manner the story that is intended to be conveyed can be traced out. it is an interesting study, and many who belong to boy scout troops have found considerable entertainment in pursuing the fascinating work. note 4 (page 50) among all the indian tribes found upon the north american continent when the pioneers surged toward the setting sun, none has interested the historian so much as the mandans, sometimes called the "white indians," because their skins differed so much from that of other tribes. all sorts of wild theories have been offered as an explanation of the wide difference existing between this tribe and others. it is true that they buried their dead as did the rest of the tribes west of the mississippi, using scaffolds that the wolves might not get to the bodies; and there were many other habits that stamped them true indians. at the same time historians, who had lived among them, find a similarity in many of their words and customs to the welsh people; and it has always been believed by many that, long ago, a boat containing welsh sailors was wrecked in the gulf of mexico after a tropical hurricane, and that, ascending the mighty river, the whites married into some indian tribe, so that eventually the mandans came into existence. there have been other speculations, and it is very interesting to read about these various theories, and try to guess which one of them can be the true explanation; for that there must have been something remarkable about the origin of this tribe no one can deny. they were not as warlike as some of the tribes with whom they came in contact, such as the fierce sioux; but at the same time it appears that they held their own in the numerous wars which followed an invasion by one tribe upon the hunting grounds of another. unfortunately the mandans were utterly wiped out in later years by the great scourge of smallpox, which possibly may have been one of the unwelcome gifts brought to them by the palefaces. note 5 (page 64) in crossing the great plains that lie between the valley of the mississippi and the foothills of the rocky mountains, it is in these days difficult to realize the tremendous changes that have taken place there during the last fifty or sixty years. especially is this true with regard to animal life. where to-day herds of long-horned cattle graze, or vast fields of nodding grain tell of the prosperous farmer, in those times uncounted numbers of great shaggy bison roamed. according to many of the accounts that have come down to us from authentic sources, the sight of such a herd rolling past, as far as the eye could see, and for hour after hour, must have been a most impressive spectacle. where have they all gone? up to then the needs of the indians and the depredations of wild animals had made no impression on the incredible number of the herds; although the red men often drove hundreds of the big animals over some precipice, and took nothing but the tongues, to be dried as a delicacy. the first serious inroad among the buffaloes occurred when the railroad was being pushed across the plains, and men like cody, afterwards known as buffalo bill, were employed to slaughter the beasts in order to provide sufficient food for the thousands of workers. then it began to be the thing for parties to set out and kill for the sake of the slaughter. the robes were also brought into use for sleighing and other purposes. but the advent of the repeating rifle signed the real death warrant for the bison of the plains. then they rapidly dwindled to almost nothing. in place of the millions that once galloped north and south in the seasons there are to-day but one or two small herds, in the national yellowstone park or in private preserves. like the once numerous wild pigeons called the passenger pigeons which existed in untold numbers, the buffaloes have had their day. note 6 (page 194) in the cabin of every pioneer family could always be seen rows of dried herbs fastened to the rafters. these as a rule were intended for medicinal purposes, most of them being brewed into tea, when sickness invaded the household, which was not often, since the active outdoor life, and the primitive food of the early settlers, made them an exceedingly hardy race. most housewives knew how to make ointments for sprains and healing by a clever admixture of these strong decoctions with bear's fat, or, if they chanced to have it, pork lard, though in most cases pigs were unknown to frontier life, while a bear was always a possibility. many of those old remedies were fully as satisfactory as those of the modern druggist. they were pure, to begin with, and calculated not to serve as "cure-alls," but each intended for a specific purpose. indeed, it would seem as if in those days they counted on nature's taking hold and lending a helping hand. a simple remedy to break a fever was resorted to, and then careful nursing, as well as a good constitution, did the rest. before the armstrong boys set out upon their trip it was only natural for their mothers to see that in their ditty bags they carried a supply of several of these standard remedies. note 7 (page 233) from the accounts that have been handed down to us, written by captain lewis himself, it appears that the explorers were awed and inspired by the wonderful scenery that lay before them on their way to the great divide. rugged mountains were there, brown, steep, hemlock-clad. deep game trails led through the tangled meshes of the forest, and in the sparkling rivulets the trout jumped at the floating gnats and other insects. gorges and canyons had to be passed, where the howling waters raced in an apparent agony, and flute-like came the sound of the snow-cold water against the pebbly bottoms. at night the scream of the mountain lion echoed across the silent valleys, while the bleat of the antelope could be heard upon the vast plains near the river-bed. eagles soared above, peering disdainfully at the black specks of men beneath; and sage hens craned their necks at them, when they tramped from the river in search of game. over all was the clear, pure air of that vast mountain plateau, which invigorates, stimulates, and makes one feel as if he had the strength of ten. inspired and stimulated by the thought that they were making history, it is no wonder those men pressed steadily on, determined to view the gray waters of the fog-sheeted pacific in the end. note 8 (page 268) one of the first things noticed by the members of the expedition, when they began to encounter the tribes living near the rockies, was the fact that every warrior or chief who was looked up to as a brave man wore a necklace of terrible bears' claws. this proved that the possessor had by his own individual prowess, and usually in an encounter at close quarters, succeeded in slaying one of those monster denizens of the wilds, afterwards known as grizzly bears. there can be no doubt that this beast is by all odds the most savage and dreaded wild animal of the western world. indeed, there are those who say they would much rather meet a lion or a tiger in its native country than the grizzly bear. when an indian, with his primitive weapons, and at the risk of his life, was able to take those claws, and string them about his neck, none could dispute his right to the title of a valiant man. those who have hunted big game under every sun are frank enough to say that if a grizzly bear could climb a tree like a panther, and get over ground as fast as a lion, he would stand without a peer as the most feared game to be found. in these modern days of the repeating rifle of large bore, and the exploding bullet, it is not very difficult to kill the monster; but every one who has seen a grizzly bear in his native haunts is willing to hold in honor those red hunters of the early times, who, armed only with hatchet and knife, deliberately sought an encounter, bent on proving their right to the name of warrior. note 9 (page 300) the indians took toll of the big silver-sided salmon as they made their way up the columbia to spawn. they used as a rule a primitive fish spear with which they were very expert. there were always salmon to be found at the foot of the fall, or in shallow creeks that emptied into the big river, but, when the spring finally came, the fish would pass in from the sea in multitudes beyond reckoning, all eager to get up to the shallow waters where they could spawn. eye witnesses of undoubted veracity have described the scene where, in places, the multitude of these big fish was so great that they filled the stream with a solid mass. of course those days are past. in these times, when numerous canneries are operating along the river, and millions of tins of fish are put up every season, it could hardly be expected that the supply would continue in unlimited quantities. though as yet there has been no serious inroad made, thanks to the action of the federal government, and the work of the active fish commissioners, who see to it that the fish wheels, by means of which catches are made, are regulated according to law. still the sight of the untold numbers that greeted the eyes of the explorers on that early spring of 1806 has passed forever. note 10 (page 305) the fear sometimes felt by the explorers that the indians were using poisoned arrows was not unfounded, since it was well known that some of the tribes resorted to this fiendish practice, with the flint-tipped weapons intended for war purposes. their usual way of making the arrows deadly was to find a healthy looking rattlesnake, and provoke him by thrusts from a long stick. when the reptile had become sufficiently furious, and was lunging madly, a piece of raw meat would be fastened to the end of the pole, and this he was coaxed to strike again and again, until it was well saturated with the green virus from his fangs. when this infected meat had become a mass of poison, arrows were dipped in it, and allowed to dry. once these entered the flesh of an enemy, as a rule his death was certain. of course an entirely different lot of arrows would be used for hunting purposes, the deadly sort being kept only for war. history however does not record many deaths from this source, so it must be taken for granted that, as a rule, the indians disliked resorting to such a severe measure of defense. possibly it did not appeal to them as exactly fair, and they were more than ready to measure their tomahawks and knives and spears, as well as their ordinary arrows, against the guns owned by the white men. certainly no one of the lewis and clark party suffered from poisoned arrows during the long journey across the western country. selections from the page company's books for young people the blue bonnet series _each large 12mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $1.50 =a texas blue bonnet= by caroline e. jacobs. "the book's heroine, blue bonnet, has the very finest kind of wholesome, honest, lively girlishness and cannot but make friends with every one who meets her through the book as medium."--_chicago inter-ocean._ =blue bonnet's ranch party= by caroline e. jacobs and edyth ellerbeck read. "a healthy, natural atmosphere breathes from every chapter."--_boston transcript._ =blue bonnet in boston;= or, boarding-school days at miss north's. by caroline e. jacobs and lela horn richards. "it is a fine story for girls, and is bound to become popular because of its wholesomeness and its many human touches."--_boston globe._ =blue bonnet keeps house;= or, the new home in the east. by caroline e. jacobs and lela horn richards. "it cannot fail to prove fascinating to girls in their teens, not to mention those of older growth, who still hold dear the memory of their youth."--_new york sun._ the young pioneer series by harrison adams _each 12mo, cloth decorative, illustrated, per volume_ $1.25 =the pioneer boys of the ohio;= or, clearing the wilderness. "such books as this are an admirable means of stimulating among the young americans of to-day interest in the story of their pioneer ancestors and the early days of the republic."--_boston globe._ =the pioneer boys on the great lakes;= or, on the trail of the iroquois. "the recital of the daring deeds of the frontier is not only interesting but instructive as well and shows the sterling type of character which these days of self-reliance and trial produced."--_american tourist, chicago._ =the pioneer boys of the mississippi;= or, the homestead in the wilderness. 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"just the sort of book to amuse, while its influence cannot but be elevating."--_new york sun._ =nancy, the doctor's little partner= "the story is sweet and fascinating, such as many girls of wholesome tastes will enjoy."--_springfield union._ =nancy porter's opportunity= "nancy shows throughout that she is a splendid young woman, with plenty of pluck."--_boston globe._ =nancy and the coggs twins= "the story is refreshing."--_new york sun._ * * * * * transcriber's notes: punctuation errors repaired. page 334, "conquerers" changed to "conquerors" (were world conquerors in) oregon and eldorado. oregon and eldorado; or, romance of the rivers. by thomas bulfinch, author of "the age of fable," "the age of chivalry," etc. boston: j. e. tilton and company. 1866. entered, according to act of congress, in the year 1866, by thomas bulfinch, in the clerk's office of the district court of the district of massachusetts. stereotyped by c. j. peters and son. printed by george c. rand and avery. preface. when one observes attentively the maps of south and north america, no feature appears more striking than the provision which nature seems to have made, in both continents, for water-communication across the breadth of each. in the northern continent, this channel of communication is formed by the missouri and columbia rivers, which stretch over an extent of three thousand miles, interrupted only by the ridge of the rocky mountains. in the southern continent, the river amazon, in its path from the andes to the sea, traverses a course of thirty-three hundred miles. in both cases, a few hundred miles of land-carriage will complete the transit from ocean to ocean. the analogy presented in the length and direction of these magnificent water-pathways is preserved in their history. a series of romantic adventures attaches to each. i indulge the hope, that young readers who have so favorably received my former attempts to amuse and instruct them, in my several works reviving the fabulous legends of remote ages, will find equally attractive these true narratives of bold adventure, whose date is comparatively recent. moreover, their scenes are laid, in the one instance, in our own country; and, in the other, in that great and rising empire of brazil to which our distinguished naturalist, prof. agassiz, has gone on a pilgrimage of science. it will enable us better to appreciate the discoveries and observations which the professor will lay before us on his return, to know something beforehand of the history and peculiarities of the region which is the scene of his labors; and, on the other hand, the route across the north-american continent, to which the first part of the volume relates, deprives increased interest, at this time, from the fact that it nearly corresponds to the route of the contemplated northern pacific railroad. boston, june, 1866. t. b. contents. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river 1 chapter ii. lewis and clarke 14 chapter iii. the sioux 23 chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters 33 chapter v. indian tribes 45 chapter vi. the march resumed 57 chapter vii. the journey continued 85 chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia 97 chapter ix. the party in the boats 107 chapter x. the descent of the columbia 120 chapter xi. clarke's river 131 chapter xii. kooskooskee river 147 chapter xiii. winter-quarters 176 chapter xiv. a new year 187 chapter xv. winter life 197 chapter xvi. the return 210 chapter xvii. the rocky mountains 230 chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone 241 eldorado. chapter i. the discovery 255 chapter ii. orellana descends the river 265 chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued 275 chapter iv. sir walter raleigh 285 chapter v. raleigh's first expedition 293 chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued 307 chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition 316 chapter viii. the french philosophers 326 chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon 339 chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued 349 chapter xi. herndon's expedition 361 chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued 373 chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued 387 chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded 396 chapter xv. latest explorations 404 chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon 427 chapter xvii. animated nature 446 oregon. oregon. chapter i. discovery of columbia river. a few years ago, there was still standing in bowdoin square, boston, opposite the revere house, an ancient mansion, since removed to make room for the granite range called the coolidge building. in that mansion, then neither old nor inelegant, but, on the contrary, having good pretensions to rank among the principal residences of the place, was assembled, in the year 1787, a group, consisting of the master of the mansion, dr. bulfinch, his only son charles, and joseph barrell, their neighbor, an eminent merchant of boston. the conversation turned upon the topic of the day,--the voyages and discoveries of capt. cook, the account of which had lately been published. the brilliant achievements of capt. cook, his admirable qualities, and his sad fate (slain by the chance stroke of a sandwich-islander, in a sudden brawl which arose between the sailors and the natives),--these formed the current of the conversation; till at last it changed, and turned more upon the commercial aspects of the subject. mr. barrell was particularly struck with what cook relates of the abundance of valuable furs offered by the natives of the country in exchange for beads, knives, and other trifling commodities valued by them. the remark of capt. cook respecting the sea-otter was cited:-"this animal abounds here: the fur is softer and finer than that of any other we know of; and therefore the discovery of this part of the continent, where so valuable an article of commerce may be met with, cannot be a matter of indifference." he adds in a note, "the sea-otter skins are sold by the russians to the chinese at from sixteen to twenty pounds each." mr. barrell remarked, "there is a rich harvest to be reaped there by those who shall first go in." the idea thus suggested was followed out in future conversations at the doctor's fireside, admitting other congenial spirits to the discussion, and resulted in the equipping of an expedition consisting of two vessels, the ship "columbia" and sloop "washington," to make the proposed adventure. the partners in the enterprise were joseph barrell, samuel brown, charles bulfinch, john derby, crowell hatch, and j. m. pintard. so important was the expedition deemed by the adventurers themselves, that they caused a medal to be struck, bearing on one side a representation of the two vessels under sail, and on the other the names of the parties to the enterprise. several copies of this medal were made both in bronze and silver, and distributed to public bodies and distinguished individuals. one of these medals lies before the writer as he pens these lines. a representation is subjoined:-[illustration] the expedition was also provided with sea-letters, issued by the federal government agreeably to a resolution of congress, and with passports from the state of massachusetts; and they received letters from the spanish minister plenipotentiary in the united states, recommending them to the attention of the authorities of his nation on the pacific coast. the "columbia" was commanded by john kendrick, to whom was intrusted the general control of the expedition. the master of the "washington" was robert gray. the two vessels sailed together from boston on the 30th of september, 1787: thence they proceeded to the cape verde islands, and thence to the falkland islands, in each of which groups they procured refreshments. in january, 1788, they doubled cape horn; immediately after which they were separated during a violent gale. the "washington," continuing her course through the pacific, made the north-west coast in august, near the 46th degree of latitude. here capt. gray thought he perceived indications of the mouth of a river; but he was unable to ascertain the fact, in consequence of his vessel having grounded, and been attacked by the savages, who killed one of his men, and wounded the mate. but she escaped without further injury, and, on the 17th of september, reached nootka sound, which had been agreed upon as the port of re-union in case of separation. the "columbia" did not enter the sound until some days afterward. the two vessels spent their winter in the sound; where the "columbia" also lay during the following summer, collecting furs, while capt. gray, in the "washington," explored the adjacent waters. on his return to nootka, it was agreed upon between the two captains that kendrick should take command of the sloop, and remain on the coast, while gray, in the "columbia," should carry to canton all the furs which had been collected by both vessels. this was accordingly done; and gray arrived on the 6th of december at canton, where he sold his furs, and took in a cargo of tea, with which he entered boston on the 10th of august, 1790, having carried the flag of the united states for the first time round the world. kendrick, immediately on parting with the "columbia," proceeded with the "washington" to the strait of fuca, through which he sailed, in its whole length, to its issue in the pacific, in lat. 51. to him belongs the credit of ascertaining that nootka and the parts adjacent are an island, to which the name of vancouver's island has since been given, which it now retains. vancouver was a british commander who followed in the track of the americans a year later. the injustice done to kendrick by thus robbing him of the credit of his discovery is but one of many similar instances; the greatest of all being that by which our continent itself bears the name, not of columbus, but of a subsequent navigator. capt. kendrick, during the time occupied by gray in his return voyage, besides collecting furs, engaged in various speculations; one of which was the collection, and transportation to china, of the odoriferous wood called "sandal," which grows in many of the tropical islands of the pacific, and is in great demand throughout the celestial empire, for ornamental fabrics, and also for medicinal purposes. vancouver pronounced this scheme chimerical; but experience has shown that it was founded on just calculations, and the business has ever since been prosecuted with advantage, especially by americans. another of kendrick's speculations has not hitherto produced any fruit. in the summer of 1791, he purchased from maquinna, wicanish, and other indian chiefs, several large tracts of land near nootka sound, for which he obtained deeds, duly _marked_ by those personages, and witnessed by the officers and men of the "washington." attempts were afterwards made by the owners of the vessel to sell these lands in london, but no purchasers were found; and applications have since been addressed by the legal representatives of the owners to the government of the united states for a confirmation of the title, but hitherto without success. capt. kendrick lost his life by a singular accident. in exchanging salutes with a spanish vessel which they met at the sandwich islands, the wad of the gun of the spaniard struck capt. kendrick as he stood on the deck of his vessel, conspicuous in his dress-coat and cocked hat as commander of the expedition. it was instantly fatal. the ship "columbia" returned to boston from canton under the command of gray, as already stated, arriving on the 10th of august, 1790; but the cargo of chinese articles brought by her was insufficient to cover the expenses of her voyage: nevertheless her owners determined to persevere in the enterprise, and refitted the ship for a new voyage of the same kind. the "columbia," under her former captain, gray, left boston, on her second voyage, on the 28th of september, 1790, and, without the occurrence of any thing worthy of note, arrived at clyoquot, near the entrance of fuca's strait, on the 5th of june, 1791. there, and in the neighboring waters, she remained through the summer and winter following, engaged in trading and exploring. in the spring of 1792, gray took his departure in the ship, on a cruise southward, along the coast, bent on ascertaining the truth of appearances which had led him in the former voyage to suspect the existence of a river discharging its waters at or about the latitude of 46 degrees. during his cruise, he met the english vessels commanded by commodore vancouver. "on the 29th of april," vancouver writes in his journal, "at four o'clock, a sail was discovered to the westward, standing in shore. this was a very great novelty, not having seen any vessel but our consort during the last eight months. she soon hoisted american colors, and fired a gun to leeward. at six, we spoke her. she proved to be the ship 'columbia,' commanded by capt. robert gray, belonging to boston, whence she had been absent nineteen months. i sent two of my officers on board to acquire such information as might be serviceable in our future operations. capt. gray informed them of his having been off the mouth of a river, in the latitude of 46 degrees 10 minutes, for nine days; but the outset or reflux was so strong as to prevent his entering." to this statement of capt. gray, vancouver gave little credit. he remarks, "i was thoroughly persuaded, as were also most persons of observation on board, that we could not have passed any safe navigable opening, harbor, or place of security for shipping, from cape mendocino to fuca's strait." after parting with the english ships, gray sailed along the coast of the continent southward; and on the 7th of may, 1792, he "saw an entrance which had a very good appearance of a harbor." passing through this entrance, he found himself in a bay, "well sheltered from the sea by long sand-bars and spits," where he remained three days trading with the natives, and then resumed his voyage, bestowing on the place thus discovered the name of bulfinch's harbor, in honor of one of the owners of his ship. this is now known as gray's harbor. at daybreak on the 11th, after leaving bulfinch's harbor, gray observed the entrance of his desired port, bearing east-south-east, distant six leagues; and running into it with all sails set, between the breakers, he anchored at one o'clock in a large river of fresh water, ten miles above its mouth. at this spot he remained three days, engaged in trading with the natives, and filling his casks with water; and then sailed up the river about twelve miles along its northern shore, where, finding that he could proceed no farther from having taken the wrong channel, he again came to anchor. on the 20th, he recrossed the bar at the mouth of the river, and regained the pacific. on leaving the river, gray gave it the name of his ship, the columbia, which it still bears. he called the southern point of land, at the entrance, cape adams; and the northern, cape hancock. the former of these names retains its place in the maps, the latter does not; the promontory being known as cape disappointment,--a name it received from lieut. meares, an english navigator, who, like capt. gray, judged from appearances that there was the outlet of a river at that point, but failed to find it, and recorded his failure in the name he assigned to the conspicuous headland which marked the place of his fruitless search. note. as the discovery of columbia river was an event of historical importance, the reader will perhaps be gratified to see it as recorded in the words of capt. gray himself, copied from his logbook as follows:- "may 11 (1792), at eight, p.m., the entrance of bulfinch's harbor bore north, distance four miles. sent up the main-top-gallant yard, and set all sail. at four, a.m., saw the entrance of our desired port, bearing east-south-east, distance six leagues; in steering sails, and hauled our wind in shore. at eight, a.m., being a little to windward of the entrance of the harbor, bore away, and ran in east-north-east between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of water. when we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered. many canoes came alongside. at one, p.m., came to, with the small bower in ten fathoms black and white sand. the entrance between the bars bore west-south-west, distant ten miles; the north side of the river a half-mile distant from the ship, the south side of the same two and a half miles distance; a village on the north side of the river, west by north, distant three-quarters of a mile. vast numbers of natives came alongside. people employed in pumping the salt water out of our water-casks, in order to fill with fresh, while the ship floated in. so ends." from the mouth of columbia river, gray sailed to nootka sound, where he communicated his recent discoveries to the spanish commandant, quadra; to whom he also gave charts and descriptions of bulfinch's harbor, and of the mouth of the columbia. he departed for canton in september, and thence sailed to the united states. the voyages of kendrick and gray were not profitable to the adventurers, yet not fruitless of benefit to their country. they opened the way to subsequent enterprises in the same region, which were eminently successful. and, in another point of view, these expeditions were fraught with consequences of the utmost importance. gray's discovery of columbia river was the point most relied upon by our negotiators in a subsequent era for establishing the claim of the united states to the part of the continent through which that river flows; and it is in a great measure owing to that discovery that the growing state of oregon is now a part of the american republic. from the date of the discovery of columbia river to the war of 1812, the direct trade between the american coast and china was almost entirely in the hands of the citizens of the united states. the british merchants were restrained from pursuing it by the opposition of their east-india company; the russians were not admitted into chinese ports; and few ships of any other nation were seen in that part of the ocean. the trade was prosecuted by men whose names are still distinguished among us as those of the master-spirits of american commerce,--the thorndikes, the perkinses, lambs, sturgis, cushing, and others of boston, astor and others of new york. the greater number of the vessels sent from the united states were fine ships or brigs laden with valuable cargoes of west-india productions, british manufactured articles, and french, italian, and spanish wines and spirits; and the owners were men of large capital and high reputation in the commercial world, some of whom were able to compete with the british companies, and even to control their movements. during all this period, though constant accessions were made to the knowledge of the coast by means of commercial adventure, the interior of the continent, from the mississippi to the ocean, remained unknown. the intercourse of the people of the united states with the native tribes was restricted by several causes. one was the possession of louisiana by the spaniards; another, the retention by the british of several important posts south of the great lakes, within the acknowledged territory of the union. at length, by the treaty of 1794 between great britain and the united states, those posts were given up to the americans; and by treaty with france, in 1803, louisiana, which had come into possession of that power in 1800, was ceded to the united states. from this period, the government and people of the united states ceased to be indifferent to the immense and important region whose destinies were committed to them; and the ensuing narrative will relate the first attempt made by national authority to occupy and explore the country. chapter ii. lewis and clarke. in the year 1786, john ledyard of connecticut, who had been with capt. cook in his voyage of discovery to the north-west coast of america in 1776-1780, was in paris, endeavoring to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of that coast. he had seen, as he thought, unequalled opportunities for lucrative traffic in the exchange of the furs of that country for the silks and teas of china. but his representations were listened to with incredulity by the cautious merchants of europe, and he found it impossible to interest any so far as to induce them to fit out an expedition for the object proposed. disappointed and needy, he applied for advice and assistance to mr. jefferson, at that time the american minister at the court of france. ledyard had no views of pecuniary gain in the contemplated enterprise: he sought only an opportunity of indulging his love of adventure by exploring regions at that time unknown. mr. jefferson, as the guardian of his country's interests and the friend of science, was warmly interested in any scheme which contemplated the opening of the vast interior regions of the american continent to the occupancy of civilized man. since it was impossible to engage mercantile adventurers to fit out an expedition by sea, mr. jefferson proposed to ledyard that he should go as a traveller, by land, through the russian territories, as far as the eastern coast of the continent of asia, and from thence get such conveyance as he could to the neighboring coast of america, and thus reach the spot where his main journey was to begin. ledyard eagerly embraced the proposal. permission was obtained from the empress catharine of russia, and the enterprising traveller, in december, 1786, set forth. he traversed denmark and sweden; passed round the head of the gulf of bothnia, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross it on the ice; and reached st. petersburg in march, 1787, without money, shoes, or stockings, having gone this immense journey on foot in an arctic winter. at st. petersburg he obtained notice, money to the amount of twenty guineas, and permission to accompany a convoy of stores to yakoutsk, in siberia. but, for some unexplained reason, he was arrested at that place by order of the empress, and conveyed back to europe; being cautioned, on his release, not again to set foot within the russian territories, under penalty of death. this harsh treatment is supposed to have arisen from the jealousy of the russian fur-traders, who feared that ledyard's proceedings would rouse up rivals in their trade. mr. jefferson did not, upon this disappointment, abandon the idea of an exploration of the interior of the american continent. at his suggestion, the american philosophical society of philadelphia took measures, in 1792, to send suitable persons to make a similar transit of the continent in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, and descending the columbia. nothing was effected, however, at that time, except awakening the attention of capt. meriwether lewis, a young officer in the american army, a neighbor and relative of gen. washington. he eagerly sought to be employed to make the contemplated journey. in 1803, mr. jefferson, being then president of the united states, proposed to congress to send an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source; to cross the highlands, and follow the best water communication which might offer itself, to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposal, and voted a sum of money to carry it into execution. capt. lewis, who had then been two years with mr. jefferson as his private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the expedition. mr. jefferson had now had opportunity of knowing him intimately, and believed him to be brave, persevering, familiar with the indian character and customs, habituated to the hunting life, honest, and of sound judgment. he trusted that he would be careful of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of discipline. on receiving his appointment, capt. lewis repaired to philadelphia, and placed himself under its distinguished professors, with a view to acquire familiarity with the nomenclature of the natural sciences. he selected, as his companion in the proposed expedition, william clarke, a brother-officer, known and esteemed by him. while these things were going on, the treaty with france was concluded, by which the country of louisiana was ceded to the united states. this event, which took place in 1803, greatly increased the interest felt by the people of the united states in the proposed expedition. in the spring of 1804, the preparations being completed, the explorers commenced their route. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united-states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen, an interpreter, a hunter, and a black servant of capt. clarke. in addition to these, a further force of fifteen men attended on the commencement of the expedition to secure safety during the transit through some indian tribes whose hostility was apprehended. the necessary stores were divided into seven bales and one box, the latter containing a small portion of each article in case of a loss of any one of the bales. the stores consisted of clothing, working tools, ammunition, and other articles of prime necessity. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs; ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, looking-glasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the company embarked on board of three boats. the first was a keel-boat, fifty-five feet long, carrying one large square sail and twenty-two oars. a deck of ten feet, at each end, formed a forecastle and cabin. this was accompanied by two open boats of six oars. two horses were to be led along the banks of the river, for bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. the narrative of the expedition was written by the commanders from day to day, and published after their return. we shall tell the story of their adventures nearly in the language of their own journal, with such abridgments as our plan renders necessary. may 14, 1804.--all the preparations being completed, they left their encampment this day. the character of the river itself was the most interesting object of examination for the first part of their voyage. having advanced, in two months, about four hundred and fifty miles, they write as follows: "the ranges of hills on opposite sides of the river are twelve or fifteen miles apart, rich plains and prairies, with the river, occupying the intermediate space, partially covered near the river with cotton-wood or balm-of-gilead poplar. the whole lowland between the parallel ranges of hills seems to have been formed of mud of the river, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighboring banks, added to that brought down by the stream, forms sand-bars, projecting into the river. these drive the stream to the opposite bank, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new passage. it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling in, and the river changing its bed. "on one occasion, the party encamped on a sand-bar in the river. shortly after midnight, the sleepers were startled by the sergeant on guard crying out that the sand-bar was sinking: and the alarm was timely given; for scarcely had they got off with the boats before the bank under which they had been lying fell in; and, by the time the opposite shore was reached, the ground on which they had been encamped sunk also. "we had occasion here to observe the process of the undermining of these hills by the missouri. the first attacks seem to be made on the hills which overhang the river. as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves, and mixes with the water. at one point, a part of the cliff, nearly three-quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, had fallen into the river. as the banks are washed away, the trees fall in, and the channel becomes filled with buried logs." river scenery. "july 12.--we remained to-day for the purpose of making lunar observations. capt. clarke sailed a few miles up the namaha river, and landed on a spot where he found numerous artificial mounds. note. a late traveller, rev. samuel parker, speaks thus of these mounds: "the mounds, which some have called the work of unknown generations of men, were scattered here in all varieties of form and magnitude, thousands in number. some of them were conical, some elliptical, some square, and some parallelograms. one group attracted my attention particularly. they were twelve in number, of conical form, with their bases joined, and twenty or thirty feet high. they formed two-thirds of a circle, with an area of two hundred feet in diameter. if these were isolated, who would not say they were artificial? but, when they are only a group among a thousand others, who will presume to say they all are the work of man?... "it is said by those who advocate the belief that they are the work of ancient nations; that they present plain evidence of this in the fact that they contain human bones, articles of pottery, and the like. that some of them have been used for burying-places, is undoubtedly true; but may it not be questioned whether they were _made_, or only _selected_, for burying-places? no one who has ever seen the thousands and ten thousands scattered through the valley of the mississippi will be so credulous as to believe that a hundredth part of them were the work of man." "from the top of the highest mound, a delightful prospect presented itself,--the lowland of the missouri covered with an undulating grass nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers were interspersed with copses of the osage plum. farther back from the river were seen small groves of trees, an abundance of grapes, the wild cherry of the missouri,--resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush. the plums are of three kinds,--two of a yellow color, and distinguished by one of the species being larger than the other; a third species of red color. all have an excellent flavor, particularly the yellow kind." pipe-clay rock. "aug. 21.--we passed the mouth of the great sioux river. our indian interpreter tells us that on the head waters of this river is the quarry of red rock of which the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article has introduced a law of nations, by which the banks of the stream are sacred; and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find, even among savages, certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigors of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated." chapter iii. the sioux. the indian tribes which our adventurers had thus far encountered had been friendly, or at least inoffensive; but they were feeble bands, and all of them lived in terror of their powerful neighbors, the sioux. on the 23d of september, the party reached a region inhabited by the tetons, a tribe of sioux. the journal gives an account of their intercourse with these new acquaintances as follows:-"the morning was fine; and we raised a flag-staff, and spread an awning, under which we assembled, with all the party under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the indian camp, about fifty in number, met us; and capt. lewis made a speech to them. after this, we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather; to the two other chiefs, a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration, certificates. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the air-gun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them. in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, it was with much difficulty we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied capt. clarke back to shore in a boat with five men; but no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the boat, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast. the second chief, who affected intoxication, then said that we should not go on; that they had not received presents enough from us. capt. clarke told him that we would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them. the chief replied that he, too, had warriors; and was proceeding to lay hands on capt. clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him drew their arrows from their quivers, and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the large boat was pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the small boat, and joined capt. clarke. this movement made an impression on them; for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the boat, and the chiefs withdrew, and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, capt. clarke then went forward, and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them, and got into the boat, but had not gone more than a stone's-throw, when the two chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him; and he took them on board. "sept. 26.--our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with respect; and, as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing a small island and several sand-bars, we came to on the south shore, where a crowd of men, women, and children, were waiting to receive us. capt. lewis went on shore, and, observing that their disposition seemed friendly, resolved to remain during the night to a dance which they were preparing for us. the captains, who went on shore one after the other, were met on the landing by ten well-dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated, and carried them to a large council-house, where they were placed on a dressed buffalo-skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall, or council-room, was in the shape of three-quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed, and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. in the vacant space in the centre, the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered. a large fire, at which they were cooking, stood near, and a pile of about four hundred pounds of buffalo-meat, as a present for us. "as soon as we were seated, an old man rose, and, after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity upon their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose, and delivered an harangue to the same effect. then, with great solemnity, he took some of the more delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth; made a short speech; lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people; after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog, which they had just been cooking; this being a great dish among the sioux, and used at all festivals. to this was added _pemitigon_, a dish made of buffalo-meat, dried, and then pounded, and mixed raw with fat; and a root like the potato, dressed like the preparation of indian-corn called hominy. of all these luxuries, which were placed before us in platters, with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potato, which we found good; but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we ate and smoked for an hour, when it became dark. every thing was then cleared away for the dance; a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ball-room. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourine formed of skin stretched across a hoop, and made a jingling noise with a long stick, to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung. the third instrument was a small skin bag, with pebbles in it. these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. "the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears, or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connections. having arranged themselves in two columns, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre; when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted, and returned back to their places. they have no steps, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffalo-skin. the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward, and recites, in a low, guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous. this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain, and dance to it. sometimes they alternate, the orchestra first performing; and, when it ceases, the women raise their voices, and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable, than that of the musicians. "the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who, thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffalo-robe, held in one hand, and beaten with the other, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourine; and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired, accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board." the sioux. "the tribe which we this day saw are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the _teton okandandas_: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the cheyenne and teton rivers. "the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow, and wear in plaits over the shoulders. to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather or calumet feather, worked with porcupine-quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffalo-skin, adorned with porcupine-quills, which are loosely fixed so as to make a jingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits or any other incident. the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather; but, when it rains, the hair is put outside. under this robe they wear in winter a kind of shirt, made either of skin or cloth, covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or elk-skin, about an inch in width, and closely tied to the body. to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs, and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind. from the hip to the ankle, the man is covered with leggings of dressed antelope-skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair, the product of the scalps they have taken in war, which are scattered down the leg. "the moccasons are of dressed buffalo-skin, the hair being worn inwards. on great occasions, or whenever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat, fixed to the heel of the moccason. "the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head; at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasons are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not reach beyond the knee, where they are met by a long, loose mantle of skin, which reaches nearly to the ankles. this is fastened over the shoulders by a string, and has no sleeves; but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. "their lodges are very neatly constructed. they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffalo-hide, with a larger cabin in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins. these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation, wherever they go, by dogs, which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffalo-skins. these people seem well-disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed." chapter iv. summary of travel to winter-quarters. sept. 1, 1804.--the daily progress of the expedition from this date is marked by no incidents of more importance than the varying fortunes of travel, as they found the river more or less favorable to navigation, and the game more or less abundant on the banks. their progress was from twelve to twenty miles a day. in general, their sails served them; but they were sometimes obliged to resort to the use of tow-lines, which, being attached to a tree or other firm object on the shore, enabled the men to pull the boat along. this seems but a slow method of voyaging; yet they found it by no means the slowest, and were sorry when the nature of the banks, being either too lofty or too low, precluded their use of it. their narrative is, however, varied by accounts of the scenery and natural productions of the country through which they passed, and by anecdotes of the indians. while they are making their toilsome advance up the river, let us see what they have to tell us of the strange people and remarkable objects which they found on their way. prairie-dogs. "we arrived at a spot on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes. these are the residences of little animals called prairie-dogs, who sit erect near the mouth of the hole, and make a whistling noise, but, when alarmed, take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water, without filling it; but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half-way to the bottom. we discovered two frogs in the hole; and near it we killed a rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie-dog. we have been told, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard and a snake live habitually with these animals. "the prairie-dog is well named, as it resembles a dog in most particulars, though it has also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter. the tail is like that of the ground-squirrel; the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray." antelopes. "of all the animals we have seen, the antelope possesses the most wonderful fleetness. shy and timorous, they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view in all directions. their sight distinguishes the most distant danger; their power of smell defeats the attempt at concealment; and, when alarmed, their swiftness seems more like the flight of birds than the movement of an animal over the ground. capt. lewis, after many unsuccessful attempts, succeeded in approaching, undiscovered, a party of seven, which were on an eminence. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to discover if any danger threatened the party. when capt. lewis was at the distance of two hundred yards, they became alarmed, and fled. he immediately ran to the spot they had left. a ravine concealed them from him; but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge, at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether they could be the same; but their number, and the direction in which they fled, satisfied him that it was the same party: yet the distance they had made in the time was such as would hardly have been possible to the swiftest racehorse." pelican island. "42.--this name we gave to a long island, from the numbers of pelicans which were feeding on it. one of them being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water." note. "the antelopes are becoming very numerous. their speed exceeds that of any animal i have ever seen. our hounds can do nothing in giving them the chase: so soon are they left far in the rear, that they do not follow them more than ten or twenty rods before they return, looking ashamed of their defeat. our hunters occasionally take the antelope by coming upon them by stealth. when they are surprised, they start forward a very small space, then turn, and, with high-lifted heads, stare for a few seconds at the object which has alarmed them, and then, with a half-whistling snuff, bound off, seeming to be as much upon wings as upon feet. they resemble the goat, but are far more beautiful. though they are of different colors, yet they are generally red, and have a large, fine, prominent eye. their flesh is good for food, and about equals venison."--_parker's tour._ indian villages and agriculture. "we halted for dinner at a deserted village, which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras. it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin-canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture, found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it was left in the spring. we found three different kinds of squashes growing in the village. "another village, which we reached two days later, was situated on an island, which is three miles long, and covered with fields, in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. we found here several frenchmen living among the indians, as interpreters or traders. the indians gave us some corn, beans, and dried squashes; and we gave them a steel mill, with which they were much pleased. we sat conversing with the chiefs some time, during which they treated us to a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. we gave them some sugar, salt, and a sun-glass." york, the negro. "the object which seemed to astonish the indians most was capt. clarke's servant, york,--a sturdy negro. they had never seen a human being of that color, and therefore flocked round him to examine the monster. by way of amusement, he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and been caught and tamed by his master, and, to convince them, showed them feats of strength, which, added to his looks, made him more terrible than we wished him to be. at all the villages he was an object of astonishment. the children would follow him constantly, and, if he chanced to turn towards them, would run with great terror." stone-idol creek. "we reached the mouth of a creek, to which we gave the name of stone-idol creek; for, on passing up, we discovered, that, a few miles back from the missouri, there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the "metamorphoses" of ovid. a young man was in love with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes: a sympathy of feeling led the girl to the same spot; and the faithful dog would not fail to follow his master. after wandering together, and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which, beginning at the feet, gradually invaded the nobler parts, leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes, which the female holds in her hands to this day. such is the account given by the ricara chief, which we had no means of testing, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the banks of the creek we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had seen elsewhere." goats. "great numbers of goats are crossing the river, and directing their course to the westward. we are told that they spend the summer in the plains east of the missouri, and at this season (october) are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. at one place, we saw large flocks of them in the water. they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians, who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them; while boys went into the river, and killed them with sticks. they seemed to have been very successful; for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. in the evening they made a feast, that lasted till late at night, and caused much noise and merriment. "the country through which we passed has wider river-bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see; the hills rising at a distance, and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloes, and the usual attendants of these last,--the wolves, which follow their movements, and feed upon those who die by accident, or are too feeble to keep pace with the herd. we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals, which are twice as large as the tracks of a man." the prairie on fire. "in the evening, the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury; the whole plain being enveloped in flames. so rapid was its progress, that a man and a woman were burned to death before they could reach a place of safety. another man, with his wife and child, were much burned, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest, a boy of the half-breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames. his safety was ascribed by the indians to the great spirit, who had saved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who, seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and, covering him with the fresh hide of a buffalo, escaped herself from the flames. as soon as the fire had passed, she returned, and found him untouched; the skin having prevented the flame from reaching the grass where he lay." a council. "after making eleven miles, we reached an old field, where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer. we encamped for the night about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. as soon as we arrived, a crowd of men, women, and children, came down to see us. capt. lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening. the object which seemed to surprise them most was a corn-mill, fixed to the boat, which we had occasion to use; while they looked on, and were delighted at observing the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. "among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had both his little fingers cut off at the second joint. on inquiring into this injury, we found that the custom was to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose a joint of the little finger, or sometimes of other fingers. "oct. 29, 1804.--the morning was fine, and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. at ten o'clock, the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails. that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded; and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. capt. lewis then delivered a speech, which, like those we had already made, intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade. while he was speaking, the ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long, as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees. he was instantly rebuked with great dignity, by one of the chiefs, for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony. one chief of each town was acknowledged by the gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat, and feather. to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs, medals with the impression of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other products were distributed; but none seemed to give more satisfaction than an iron corn-mill which we gave them. "in the evening, our men danced among themselves to the music of the violin, to the great amusement of the indians." they encamp for the winter. "friday, nov. 7, 1804.--capt. clarke having examined the shores, and found a position where there was plenty of timber, we encamped, and began to fell trees to build our huts. the timber which we employ is cotton-wood (poplar) and elm, with some ash of inferior size. by the 8th, our huts were advanced very well; on the 13th, we unloaded the boat, and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we had built. "nov. 20.--this day we moved into our huts, which are now completed. we call our place fort mandan. it is situated on a point of low ground on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cotton-wood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they join each other; each row containing four rooms of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground. the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height; and, opposite the angle, the place of the wall was supplied by picketing. in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude, by observation, is 47â° 22â´, long. 101â°; and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri, sixteen hundred miles. "nov. 21.--we are now settled in our winter habitation, and shall wait with much impatience the first return of spring to continue our journey." chapter v. indian tribes. "the villages near which we are established are the residence of three distinct nations,--the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the mandans say, that, many years ago, their tribe was settled in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below. finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, they moved up the river, and planted themselves opposite the ricaras. their numbers are very much reduced, and they now constitute but two villages,--one on each side of the river, and at a distance of three miles from each other. both villages together may raise about three hundred and fifty men." ahnahaways. "four miles from the lower mandan village is one inhabited by the ahnahaways. this nation formerly dwelt on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assinaboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, and thence, by a second emigration, to their present situation, in order to obtain an asylum near the minnetarees. their whole force is about fifty men." minnetarees. "about half a mile from this village, and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. one and a half miles above this village is a second of the same tribe, who may be considered the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them. the minnetarees, however, assert that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared, that, if they move, they will all perish. "the inhabitants of these villages, all of which are within the compass of six miles, live in harmony with each other. their languages differ to some extent; but their long residence together has enabled them to understand one another's speech as to objects of daily occurrence, and obvious to the senses. "all these tribes are at deadly feud with the sioux, who are much more powerful, and are consequently objects of continual apprehension. the presence of our force kept the peace for the present. "almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnipeg, the saskatchawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is dahcotas, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. they are divided into numerous tribes, named yanktons, tetons, assinaboins, &c. these tribes are sometimes at war with one another, but still acknowledge relationship, and are recognized by similarity of language and by tradition." religion. "the religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius, since it is associated with the healing art; and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine,--a name also applied to every thing they do not comprehend. they also believe in a multiplicity of inferior spirits. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either an invisible being, or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector, or his intercessor with the great spirit. to propitiate the medicine, every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. 'i was lately owner of seventeen horses,' said a mandan; 'but i have offered them all up to my medicine, and am now poor.' he had in reality taken them into the plain, and, turning them loose, committed them to the care of his medicine, and abandoned them. "their belief in a future state is connected with a tradition of their origin. the whole nation, they say, once dwelt in one large village underground. a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation; and the earth, being broken round its stem, gave them a view of the light. some of the more adventurous climbed up the vine, and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloes, and rich with every kind of fruit. returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste, that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the upper region. men, women, and children ascended by means of the vine; but, when about half the nation had reached the surface, a corpulent woman, who was clambering up the vine, broke it with her weight, and, falling, closed up the cavity. those who had reached the surface, thus excluded from their original seats, cherish the hopes of returning there when they die." indian manners. the following extract imparts some traits of indian manners:-"nov. 22.--this morning, the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort. we went to the house of our interpreter, where we found the parties, and, after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such an atrocity. it appeared that, some days ago, a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the wives of our interpreter lived. by running away, she forfeited her life, which might be lawfully taken by the husband. he was now come for the purpose of completing his revenge. we gave him a few presents, and tried to persuade him to take his wife home. the grand chief, too, happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence; till at length husband and wife went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent connubial felicity." the weather. "dec. 12, 1804.--the thermometer at sunrise was thirty-eight degrees below zero; on the 16th, twenty-two below; on the 17th, forty-five below. on the 19th, it moderated a little. notwithstanding the cold, we observed the indians at the village engaged, out in the open air, at a game which resembles billiards. the platform, which answered for a table, was formed with timber, smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses. instead of balls, they had circular disks made of clay-stone, and flat like checkers." the argali. "dec. 22.--a number of squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things, we procured two horns of the animal called by the hunters the rocky-mountain sheep, and by naturalists the argali. the animal is about the size of a small elk or large deer; the horns winding like those of a ram, which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. "dec. 23.--the weather was fine and warm. we were visited by crowds of indians of all description, who came either to trade, or from mere curiosity. among the rest, kagohami, the little raven, brought his wife and son, loaded with corn; and she entertained us with a favorite mandan dish,--a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and choke-cherries, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. "dec. 25.--christmas day. we were awakened before day by a discharge of fire-arms from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us, as it was one of our great medicine-days; so that the men remained at home, and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing, in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out; and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity." the blacksmith. "dec. 27.--we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles. his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us; but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered a _very great medicine_." the dying chief. "kagohami came to see us early. his village was afflicted by the death of one of their aged chiefs, who, from his account, must have been more than a hundred years old. just as he was dying, he requested his grand-children to dress him in his best robe, and carry him up to a hill, and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river, towards their old village, that he might go straight to his brother, who had passed before him to the ancient village underground." the medicine-stone. "oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their _medicine-stone_ as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine-stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick, porous stone twenty feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place, the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves, and then present the pipe to the stone. after this, they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed all the embassy do not sleep; and, in the morning, they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decipher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities, and the same influence over the nation." the indians' endurance of cold. "jan. 10, 1805.--the weather now exhibited the intensity of cold. this morning, at sunrise, the mercury stood at forty degrees below zero. one of the men, separated from the rest in hunting, was out all night. in the morning he returned, and told us that he had made a fire, and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, came in soon after. he had been overtaken by the night, and had slept in the snow, with no covering but a pair of deer-skin moccasons and leggings, and a buffalo-robe. his feet were frozen; but we restored them by putting them in cold water, rendering him every attention in our power. another indian, who had been missing, returned about the same time. although his dress was very thin, and he had slept in the snow, without a fire, he had not suffered any inconvenience. these indians support the rigors of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible." supplies of food. "our supplies are chiefly procured by hunting; but occasional additions are made by the indians, sometimes in the way of gifts, and sometimes in exchange for the services of the blacksmith, who is a most important member of the party. "feb. 18.--our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet till the return of our hunters. for this, however, we are at no loss, since yesterday and to-day our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came to the fort. "sunday, march 3.--the men are all employed in preparing the boats. we are visited by a party of indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. "wednesday, 13.--we had a fine day, and a south-west wind. many indians came to see us, who are so anxious for battle-axes, that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn." hunting buffaloes on the ice. "march 25, 1805.--a fine day, the wind south-west. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear of ice to permit us to pass. "march 29.--the ice came down this morning in great quantities. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloes. every spring, as the river is breaking up, the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloes tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning. on their way, they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice which floats down the river. the indians now select the most favorable points for attack, and, as the buffalo approaches, run with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square. the animal is, of course, unsteady, and his footsteps insecure, on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance; and the hunter who has given him his death-wound paddles his icy boat to the shore, and secures his prey." chapter vi. the march resumed. from the 1st of november, 1804, to the 1st of april, 1805, the expedition remained stationary at their fort. some of their number had been sent back to the states with despatches to the government, and with specimens of the natural productions of the country. on resuming their march on the 4th of april, the party consisted of thirty-two persons. besides the commanders, there were three sergeants,--ordway, prior, and gass; twenty-three privates, besides capt. clark's black servant york; two interpreters,--george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau, an indian woman, with her young child, accompanied her husband. all this party, with the luggage, was stored in six small canoes and two pirogues. they left the fort with fair weather, and, after making four miles, encamped on the north side of the river, nearly opposite the first mandan village. we continue their journal. the river-shore. "april 8.--the river-banks exhibit indications of volcanic agency. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of yellow clay and sand, with horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in thickness, scattered through the bluff at different elevations. great quantities of pumice-stone and lava are seen in many parts of the hills, where they are broken and washed into gullies by the rain. we passed a bluff which is on fire, and throws out quantities of smoke, which has a strong, sulphurous smell. on the sides of the hills is a white substance, which appears in considerable quantities on the surface, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts. many of the springs which come from the foot of the hills are so impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste, and a purgative effect." the prairie-mice. "april, 1805.--we saw, but could not procure, an animal that burrows in the ground, similar to the burrowing-squirrel, except that it is only one-third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies. they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose earth, which would seem to have been reversed from a flower-pot; and no aperture is seen in the ground from which it could have been brought. on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half in diameter, where the ground is looser, though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner, the indian woman went out, and, penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, brought a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect, and hoard in large quantities. the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger; and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavor, as well as the stalk that issues from it, resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger." the yellow-stone river. "certain signs, known to the hunters, induced them to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellow-stone river. in order to prevent delay, capt. lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to enable us to proceed immediately after the boats should join him. "on leaving the party, he pursued his route along the foot of the hills; ascending which, the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellow-stone spread themselves before his eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloes, deer, elk, and antelope." natural history. "may, 1805.--we reached the mouth of a river flowing from the north, which, from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. these animals are so careless and clumsy, that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows. the porcupine is common in all parts of the territory, and for its quills is held in high estimation by the indians. it is interesting to see with how much ingenuity, and in how many various forms, the indians manufacture these quills into ornamental work, such as moccasons, belts, and various other articles." wolves. "the wolves are very numerous, and of two species. first, the small wolf, or burrowing dog of the prairies, which is found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size, between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed; the head long and pointed, like that of a fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish-brown, and much coarser than that of the fox. these animals usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely, if ever, seen alone; not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live, and rear their young, in burrows, which they fix near some pass much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but, on the slightest alarm, retreat to their burrows, making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. "the second species is lower, shorter in the legs, and thicker, than the atlantic wolf. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl; and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the herds of buffaloes, in order to attack the weary or wounded." elk. "among the animals of the deer kind, the elk is the largest and most majestic. it combines beauty with magnitude and strength; and its large, towering horns give it an imposing appearance. its senses are so keen in apprehension, that it is difficult to be approached; and its speed in flight is so great, that it mocks the chase. its flesh resembles beef, but is less highly flavored, and is much sought for by the indians and hunters. its skin is esteemed, and much used in articles of clothing and for moccasons." beavers. "we saw many beavers to-day. the beaver seems to contribute very much to the widening of the river and the formation of islands. they begin by damming up the channels of about twenty yards width between the islands. this obliges the river to seek another outlet; and, as soon as this is effected, the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is thus driven to another channel, which soon shares the same fate; till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of land into islands. "the beaver dams differ in shape, according to the nature of the place in which they are built. if the water in the river or creek have but little motion, the dam is almost straight; but, when the current is more rapid, it is always made with a considerable curve, convex toward the stream. the materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows, birch, and poplars, if they can be got; also mud and stones, intermixed in such a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of the dam. in places which have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable of resisting a great force both of water and ice; and as the willow, poplar, and birch generally take root, and shoot up, they, by degrees, form a kind of regular planted hedge, in some places so tall that birds build their nests among the branches. the beaver-houses are constructed of the same materials as their dams, and are always proportioned in size to the number of inhabitants, which seldom exceeds four old and six or eight young ones. the houses are of a much ruder construction than their dams: for, notwithstanding the sagacity of these animals, it has never been observed that they aim at any other convenience in their house than to have a dry place to lie on; and there they usually eat their victuals, such as they take out of the water. their food consists of roots of plants, like the pond-lily, which grows at the bottom of the lakes and rivers. they also eat the bark of trees, particularly those of the poplar, birch, and willow. "the instinct of the beavers leading them to live in associations, they are in an unnatural position, when, in any locality, their numbers are so much reduced as to prevent their following this instinct. the beaver near the settlement is sad and solitary: his works have been swept away, his association broken up, and he is reduced to the necessity of burrowing in the river-bank, instead of building a house for himself. such beavers are called 'terriers.' one traveller says that these solitaries are also called 'old bachelors.'" the white, brown, or grisly bear. "april 29.--all these names are given to the same species, which probably changes in color with the season, or with the time of life. of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians give dreadful accounts. they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and, even then, are often defeated with the loss of some of the party. "may 18.--one of our men who had been suffered to go ashore came running to the boats with cries and every symptom of terror. as soon as he could command his breath, he told us, that, about a mile below, he had shot a white bear, which immediately turned and ran towards him, but, being wounded, had not been able to overtake him. capt. lewis, with seven men, went in search of the bear, and, having found his track, followed him by the blood for a mile, came up with him, and shot him with two balls through the skull. he was a monstrous animal, and a most formidable enemy. our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs: yet the bear had pursued him furiously for half a mile; then returned more than twice that distance, and, with his talons, dug himself a bed in the earth, two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men; and the oil amounted to eight gallons. "the wonderful power of life of these animals, added to their great strength, renders them very formidable. their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot, unless the ball is sent through the brain; and this is very difficult to be done, on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the frontal bone, which is very thick." note. their strength is astonishingly great. lieut. stein of the dragoons, a man of undoubted veracity, told me he saw some buffaloes passing near some bushes where a grisly bear lay concealed: the bear, with one stroke, tore three ribs from a buffalo, and left it dead.--_parker._ although endowed with such strength, and powers of destruction, the grisly bear is not disposed to begin the attack. mr. drummond, a later traveller, states, that, in his excursions over the rocky mountains, he had frequent opportunity of observing the manners of these animals; and it often happened, that in turning the point of a rock, or sharp angle of a valley, he came suddenly upon one or more of them. on such occasions they reared on their hind-legs, and made a loud noise like a person breathing quick, but much harsher. he kept his ground, without attempting to molest them; and they on their part, after attentively regarding him for some time, generally wheeled round, and galloped off: though, from their known disposition, there is little doubt but he would have been torn in pieces, had he lost his presence of mind and attempted to fly. when he discovered them at a distance, he often frightened them away by beating on a large tin box in which he carried his specimens of plants. the black bear. "the black bear, common in the united states, is scarcely more than half the size of the grisly bear. its favorite food is berries of various kinds; but, when these are not to be procured, it lives upon roots, insects, fish, eggs, and such birds and quadrupeds as it can surprise. it passes the winter in a torpid state, selecting a spot for its den under a fallen tree, and, having scratched away a portion of the soil, retires to the place at the commencement of a snow storm, when the snow soon furnishes it with a close, warm covering. its breath makes a small opening in the den, and the quantity of hoar-frost which gathers round the hole serves to betray its retreat to the hunter. in more southern districts, where the timber is of larger size, bears often shelter themselves in hollow trees." buffaloes. "the buffalo is about as large as our domestic cattle; and their long, shaggy, woolly hair, which covers their head, neck, and shoulders, gives them a formidable appearance, and, at a distance, something like that of the lion. in many respects, they resemble our horned cattle; are cloven-footed, chew the cud, and select the same kind of food. their flesh is in appearance and taste much like beef, but of superior flavor. their heads are formed like the ox, perhaps a little more round and broad; and, when they run, they carry them rather low. their horns, ears, and eyes, as seen through their shaggy hair, appear small, and, cleared from their covering, are not large. their legs and feet are small and trim; the fore-legs covered with the long hair of the shoulders, as low down as the knee. though their figure is clumsy in appearance, they run swiftly, and for a long time without much slackening their speed; and, up steep hills or mountains, they more than equal the best horses. they unite in herds, and, when feeding, scatter over a large space; but, when fleeing from danger, they collect into dense columns: and, having once laid their course, they are not easily diverted from it, whatever may oppose. so far are they from being a fierce or revengeful animal, that they are very shy and timid; and in no case did we see them offer to make an attack but in self-defence, and then they always sought the first opportunity to escape. when they run, they lean alternately from side to side. they are fond of rolling upon the ground like horses, which is not practised by our domestic cattle. this is so much their diversion, that large places are found without grass, and considerably excavated by them." note. rev. mr. parker thus describes a buffalo-hunt:- "to-day we unexpectedly saw before us a large herd of buffaloes. all halted to make preparation for the chase. the young men, and all the good hunters, prepared themselves, selected the swiftest horses, examined the few guns they had, and also took a supply of arrows with their bows. they advanced towards the herd of buffaloes with great caution, lest they should frighten them before they should make a near approach, and also to reserve the power of their horses for the chase, when it should be necessary to bring it into full requisition. when the buffaloes took the alarm, and fled, the rush was made, each indian selecting for himself the one to which he happened to come nearest. all were in swift motion, scouring the valley. a cloud of dust began to rise; firing of guns, and shooting of arrows, followed in close succession. soon, here and there, buffaloes were seen prostrated; and the women, who followed close in the rear, began the work of securing the acquisition, and the men were away again in pursuit of the flying herd. those in the chase, when as near as two rods, shoot and wheel, expecting the wounded animal to turn upon them. the horses seemed to understand the way to avoid danger. as soon as the wounded animal flies again, the chase is renewed; and such is the alternate wheeling and chasing, until the buffalo sinks beneath his wounds." indian method of hunting the buffalo. "may 30, 1805.--we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least a hundred carcasses of buffaloes. these buffaloes had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffalo-skin round his body; the skin of the head, with the ears and horns, fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloes. thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distance between a herd of buffaloes and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions, in the mean time, get in the rear and side of the herd, and, at a given signal, show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloes. they instantly take the alarm; and, finding the hunters beside them, they run toward the disguised indian, or decoy, who leads them on, at full speed, toward the river; when, suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice. it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat, or even to stop. they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who, seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them, till the whole are precipitated over the cliff, and the shore is covered with their dead bodies. sometimes, in this perilous adventure, the indian decoy is either trodden under foot, or, missing his footing in the cliff, is urged down the precipice by the falling herd." which is the true river? "june 3, 1805.--we came to for the night, for the purpose of examining in the morning a large river which enters opposite to us. it now became an interesting question, which of those two streams is what the indians call ahmateahza, or the missouri, which, they tell us, has its head waters very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since, if, after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we have been tracing does not come near the columbia, and be obliged to turn back, we shall have lost the travelling season, and seriously disheartened our men. we determined, therefore, to examine well before deciding on our course, and, for this purpose, despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams, with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the currents, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. parties were also sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers. while they were gone, the two commanders ascended together the high grounds in the fork of the two rivers, whence they had an extensive prospect of the surrounding country. on every side, it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloes were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves. some flocks of elk also were seen; and the solitary antelopes were scattered, with their young, over the plain. the direction of the rivers could not be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. "on our return, we continued our examination. the width of the north branch is two hundred yards; that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, though narrower, is deeper than the south: its waters also are of the same whitish-brown color, thickness, and turbidness as the missouri. they run in the same boiling and roaring manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is broader, and its waters are perfectly transparent. the current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed is composed of round and flat smooth stones, like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. "in the evening, the exploring parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. their accounts were far from deciding the important question of our future route; and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther, if necessary for our satisfaction. "tuesday, june 4, 1805.--this morning, capt. lewis and capt. clarke set out, each with a small party, by land, to explore the two rivers. capt. lewis traced the course of the north fork for fifty-nine miles, and found, that, for all that distance, its direction was northward; and, as the latitude we were now in was 47â° 24â´, it was highly improbable, that, by going farther north, we should find between this and the saskatchawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance within the rocky mountains. "these considerations, with others drawn from the observations of capt. clarke upon the south branch, satisfied the chiefs that the south river was the true missouri; but the men generally were of a contrary opinion, and much of their belief depended upon crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his opinion that the north fork was the main river. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until he reached either the falls or the mountains. in the mean time, in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provisions, salt, powder, and tools. the weather being fair, we dried all our baggage and merchandise, and made our deposit, or cache. our cache is made in this manner: in the high plain on the side of the river, we choose a dry situation, and, drawing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, remove the sod as carefully as possible. the hole is then sunk perpendicularly a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as it deepens, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle, or the lower part of a large still, with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug, it is carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away, and thrown into the river, so as to leave no trace of it. a floor to the cache is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay, or a hide perfectly dry. the goods, being well aired and dried, are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the sides by other dried sticks, as the baggage is stowed away. when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods; and, on this, earth is thrown, and beaten down, until, with the addition of the sod, the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains no appearance of an excavation. careful measurements are taken to secure the ready recovery of the cache on the return; and the deposit is left in perfect confidence of finding every thing safe and sound after the lapse of months, or even years." the falls of the missouri. "june 12.--this morning, capt. lewis set out with four men on an exploration, to ascend the southern branch, agreeably to our plan. he left the bank of the river in order to avoid the deep ravines, which generally extend from the shore to a distance of two or three miles in the plain. on the second day, having travelled about sixty miles from the point of departure, on a sudden their ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of falling water; and, as they advanced, a spray which seemed driven by the wind rose above the plain like a column of smoke, and vanished in an instant. towards this point, capt. lewis directed his steps; and the noise, increasing as he approached, soon became too powerful to be ascribed to any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound, he reached the falls. the hills, as he approached the river, were difficult of transit, and two hundred feet high. down these he hurried, and, seating himself on a rock, enjoyed the spectacle of this stupendous object, which, ever since the creation, had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unseen by civilized man. "the river, immediately at its cascade, is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff, which rises to about one hundred feet, and extends up the stream for a mile. on the other side, the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth, even sheet, over a precipice eighty feet in height. the remaining part of the river rushes with an accelerated current, but, being received as it falls by irregular rocks below, forms a brilliant spectacle of perfectly white foam, two hundred yards in length, and eighty in height. the spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, on all of which the sun impresses the brightest colors of the rainbow. the principal cascade is succeeded by others of less grandeur, but of exceeding beauty and great variety, for about twenty miles in extent."[1] a portage. "june 21.--having reached the falls, we found ourselves obliged to get past them by transporting our boats overland by what is called a _portage_. the distance was eighteen miles. it was necessary to construct a truck or carriage to transport the boats; and the making of the wheels and the necessary framework took ten days. the axle-trees, made of an old mast, broke repeatedly, and the cottonwood tongues gave way; so that the men were forced to carry as much baggage as they could on their backs. the prickly pear annoyed them much by sticking through their moccasons. it required several trips to transport all the canoes and baggage; and, though the men put double soles to their moccasons, the prickly pear, and the sharp points of earth formed by the trampling of the buffaloes during the late rains, wounded their feet; and, as the men were laden as heavily as their strength would permit, the crossing was very painful. they were obliged to halt and rest frequently; and, at almost every stopping-place, they would throw themselves down, and fall asleep in an instant. yet no one complained, and they went on with cheerfulness. "having decided to leave here one of the pirogues, we set to work to fit up a boat of skins, upon a frame of iron which had been prepared at the armory at harper's ferry. it was thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half wide at top, and twenty-six inches wide at bottom. it was with difficulty we found the necessary timber to complete it, even tolerably straight sticks, four and a half feet long. the sides were formed of willow-bark, and, over this, elk and buffalo skins." a narrow escape. "june 29.--capt. clarke, having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, determined to go up along its banks in order to supply the deficiency. he had reached the falls, accompanied by his negro-servant york, and by chaboneau, the half-breed indian interpreter, and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there, he observed a dark cloud in the west, which threatened rain; and looked around for some shelter. about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine, where there were some shelving rocks, under which they took refuge. they were perfectly sheltered from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate; it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel. soon after, a torrent of rain and hail descended. the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and, instantly collecting in the ravine, came rolling down in a dreadful torrent, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. capt. clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up, with his gun in his left hand, with his right he clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms. her husband, too, had seized her hand, and was pulling her up the hill, but was so terrified at the danger, that, but for capt. clarke, he would have been lost, with his wife and child. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that, before capt. clarke had secured his gun and begun to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist; and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet, with a furious current, which, had they waited a moment longer, would have swept them into the river, just above the falls, down which they must inevitably have been carried. as it was, capt. clarke lost his compass, chaboneau his gun, shot-pouch, and tomahawk; and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child before the net in which it lay was carried down the current." progress resumed. "july 4.--the boat was now completed, except what was in fact the most difficult part,--the making her seams secure. having been unsuccessful in all our attempts to procure tar, we have formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffalo-tallow to supply its place. if this resource fail us, it will be very unfortunate, as, in every other respect, the boat answers our purpose completely. although not quite dry, she can be carried with ease by five men: she is very strong, and will carry a load of eight thousand pounds, with her complement of men. "july 9.--the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, then a second, and launched it into the water. she swam perfectly well. the seats were then fixed, and the oars fitted. but after a few hours' exposure to the wind, which blew with violence, we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, so that she leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch was impossible; and, as none of that article was to be procured, we were obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labor in the construction. "it now becomes necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose, we shall want two canoes; but for many miles we have not seen a single tree fit to be used for that purpose. the hunters, however, report that there is a low ground about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough. capt. clarke has therefore determined to set out by land for that place, with ten of the best workmen, who will be occupied in building the canoes, till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, shall transport the baggage, and join them with the other six canoes. "capt. clarke accordingly proceeded on eight miles by land; the distance by water being twenty-three miles. here he found two cottonwood-trees, and proceeded to convert them into boats. the rest of the party took the iron boat to pieces, and deposited it in a _cache_, or hole, with some other articles of less importance. "july 11.--sergeant ordway, with four canoes and eight men, set sail in the morning to the place where capt. clarke had fixed his camp. the canoes were unloaded and sent back, and the remainder of the baggage in a second trip was despatched to the upper camp. "july 15.--we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which, though eight in number, were heavily laden, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. "july 16.--we had now arrived at the point where the missouri emerges from the rocky mountains. the current of the river becomes stronger as we advance, and the spurs of the mountain approach towards the river, which is deep, and not more than seventy yards wide. the low grounds are now but a few yards in width; yet they furnish room for an indian road, which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from south-east to north-west; and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black rock, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. "as the canoes were heavily laden, all the men not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep, but with little current; the low grounds are very narrow; the cliffs are steep, and hang over the river so much, that, in places, we could not pass them, but were obliged to cross and recross from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way." footnote: [1] dimensions of niagara falls,--american, 960 feet wide, 162 feet high; english, 700 feet wide, 150 feet high. chapter vii. journey continued. july 4.--since our arrival at the falls, we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains, in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud; and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud, and resembles precisely the sound of a six-pound piece of ordnance, at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise, like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to them, believing it to be some superstition, or else a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains, to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery, given by the philosophy of the watermen, is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain.[2] "an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloes seem to have withdrawn from our neighborhood. we contrived, however, to spread a comfortable table in honor of the day; and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock." vegetation. "july 15.--we find the prickly-pear--one of the greatest beauties, as well as one of the greatest inconveniences, of the plains--now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common to every part of the missouri, is here very abundant, and in bloom. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of this plant for bread, and in thickening their soup. they first parch, and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted; at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marmow-fat to reduce it to the consistency of common dough, and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to the rest, and thought it at that time very palatable. "there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow, and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our gardens. the fruit is not so acid, and has a more agreeable flavor." the big-horned or mountain ram. "july 18.--this morning we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies; and the only danger they encounter is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand. a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the river. "the game continues abundant. we killed to-day the largest male elk we have yet seen. on placing it in its natural, erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. "the antelopes are yet lean. this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity. when they first see the hunters, they run with great velocity. if the hunter lies down on the ground, and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times, till at last he approaches within reach of the rifle. so, too, they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves, who crouch down, and, if the antelope be frightened at first, repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other, till they decoy the antelope from his party near enough to seize it." the gates of the rocky mountains. "july 20.--during the day, in the confined valley through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet, whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains, we are tantalized with a view of the snow. a mile and a half farther on, the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for six miles, these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near the base; but judging from its lighter color above, and from fragments that have fallen from it, we suppose the upper part to be flint, of a yellowish-brown and cream color. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river, and menace us with destruction. the river, one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass: but so reluctantly has it given way, that, during the whole distance, the water is very deep even at the edges; and, for the first three miles, there is not a spot, except one of a few yards in extent, on which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain. the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible; since, at its outlet, there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain, which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies, as it were, of victory. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains." natural productions. "july 29.--this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are the only kind we have found at this place. there are numbers of the sandhill-cranes feeding in the meadows. we caught a young one, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth, could not fly. it is very fierce, and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common this side of the falls; but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. small birds are also abundant in the plains. here, too, are great quantities of grasshoppers, or crickets; and, among other animals, large ants, with a reddish-brown body and legs, and a black head, which build little cones of gravel ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and with but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks." the forks of the missouri. "july 28, 1805.--from the height of a limestone cliff, capt. lewis observed the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. the middle and south-west forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the south-east fork. the country watered by these rivers, as far as the eye could command, was a beautiful combination of meadow and elevated plain, covered with a rich grass, and possessing more timber than is usual on the missouri. a range of high mountains, partially covered with snow, is seen at a considerable distance, running from south to west. "to the south-east fork the name of gallatin was assigned, in honor of the secretary of the treasury. on examining the other two streams, it was difficult to decide which was the larger or real missouri: they are each ninety yards wide, and similar in character and appearance. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and to give to the south-west branch the name of jefferson, in honor of the president of the united states and the projector of the enterprise; and called the middle branch madison, after james madison, secretary of state. "july 30.--we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river soon became very crooked; the current, too, is rapid, impeded with shoals, which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are numerous. on the 7th of august, we had, with much fatigue, ascended the river sixty miles, when we reached the junction of a stream from the north-west, which we named wisdom river. we continued, however, to ascend the south-east branch, which we were satisfied was the true continuation of the jefferson." the shoshonees, or snake indians. "july 28.--we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route, we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such an one as will lead us to the columbia. and, even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any wood fit to make canoes; so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. "sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees came upon them, killed most of the party, and carried her away prisoner. she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly, or the philosophy, of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat, and trinkets to wear. "aug. 9.--persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees, or some other nation, who could assist us in transporting our baggage. immediately after breakfast, capt. lewis took drewyer, shields, and mcneal; and, slinging their knapsacks, they set out, with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long it might be. "aug. 11.--it was not till the third day after commencing their search that they met with any success. capt. lewis perceived with the greatest delight, at the distance of two miles, a man on horseback coming towards them. on examining him with the glass, capt. lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any we had hitherto met. he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows, and mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle; while a small string, attached to the under-jaw, answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much our success depended upon the friendly offices of that nation, capt. lewis was anxious to approach without alarming him. he therefore advanced towards the indian at his usual pace. when they were within a mile of each other, the indian suddenly stopped. capt. lewis immediately followed his example; took his blanket from his knapsack, and, holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head, and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground, as if in the act of spreading it. this signal, which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians. as usual, capt. lewis repeated this signal three times. still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields, who were now advancing on each side. capt. lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy; and they were too distant to hear his voice. he therefore took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass, and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose; and, leaving his gun, advanced unarmed towards the indian, who remained in the same position till capt. lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly. capt. lewis then called out to him, as loud as he could, 'tabba bone,'--which, in the shoshonee language, means _white man_; but, looking over his shoulder, the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, till capt. lewis made a signal to them to halt. this, drewyer obeyed; but shields did not observe it, and still went forward. the indian, seeing drewyer halt, turned his horse about, as if to wait for capt. lewis, who had now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the words, 'tabba bone,' and holding up the trinkets in his hand; at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was white. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and, giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willows. they followed his track four miles, but could not get sight of him again, nor find any encampment to which he belonged. "meanwhile the party in the canoes advanced slowly up the river till they came to a large island, to which they gave the name of three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri." footnote: [2] there are many stories, from other sources, confirmatory of these noises in mountainous districts. one solution, suggested by humboldt,--who does not, however, record the fact as of his own observation,--is, that "this curious phenomenon announces a disengagement of hydrogen, produced by a bed of coal in a state of combustion." this solution is applicable only to mountains which contain coal, unless chemical changes in other minerals might be supposed capable of producing a similar effect. chapter viii. the sources of the missouri and columbia. aug. 12, 1805.--capt. lewis decided to advance along the foot of the mountains, hoping to find a road leading across them. at the distance of four miles from his camp, he found a large, plain, indian road, which entered the valley from the north-east. following this road towards the south-west, the valley, for the first five miles, continued in the same direction; then the main stream turned abruptly to the west, through a narrow bottom between the mountains. we traced the stream, which gradually became smaller, till, two miles farther up, it had so diminished, that one of the men, in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the rivulet, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. four miles from thence, we came to the spot where, from the foot of a mountain, issues the remotest water of the mighty river. "we had now traced the missouri to its source, which had never before been seen by civilized man; and as we quenched our thirst at the pure and icy fountain, and stretched ourselves by the brink of the little rivulet which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, we felt rewarded for all our labors. "we left reluctantly this interesting spot, and, pursuing the indian road, arrived at the top of a ridge, from whence we saw high mountains, partially covered with snow, still to the west of us. the ridge on which we stood formed, apparently, the dividing-line between the waters of the pacific and atlantic oceans. we followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and, at the distance of three-quarters of a mile, reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water, running to the westward. we stopped for a moment, to taste, for the first time, the waters of the columbia; and then followed the road across hills and valleys, till we found a spring, and a sufficient quantity of dry willow-brush for fuel; and there halted for the night." they meet with indians. "aug. 13.--very early in the morning, capt. lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open, broken country. at five miles' distance, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and, on rising the hill beyond it, had a view of a handsome little valley about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that a stream probably flowed. on a sudden, they discovered two women, a man, and some dogs, on an eminence about a mile before them. the strangers viewed them apparently with much attention; and then two of them sat down, as if to await capt. lewis's arrival. he went on till he had reached within about half a mile; then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and, unfurling the flag, advanced alone towards the indians. "the women soon retreated behind the hill; but the man remained till capt. lewis came within a hundred yards of him, when he, too, went off, though capt. lewis called out 'tabba bone' ('white man'), loud enough to be heard distinctly. the dogs, however, were less shy, and came close to him. he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then to let them loose, to convince the fugitives of his friendly intentions; but the dogs would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. "he now made a signal to the men, who joined him; and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been travelling. it was dusty, and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot-passengers and horsemen. "they had not gone along it more than a mile, when, on a sudden, they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of them. one of them, a young woman, immediately took to flight: the other two, an old woman and little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and, holding down their heads, seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. capt. lewis instantly put down his rifle, and, advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the words, 'tabba bone,' at the same time stripping up his sleeve to show that he was a white man; for his hands and face had become by exposure quite as dark as their own. "she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm; and, drewyer and shields now coming up, capt. lewis gave her some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion, who had escaped to some distance, and, by alarming the indians, might cause them to attack him, without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned readily. capt. lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermilion, which, besides its ornamental effect, has the advantage of being held among the indians as emblematic of peace. "after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors. they readily complied, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors, mounted on excellent horses, riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced, capt. lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief, who, with two men, was riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to capt. lewis, and embraced him with great cordiality,--putting their left arm over his right shoulder, and clasping his back,--applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating, 'ah-hi-e!'--'_i am glad! i am glad!_' "the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint, of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, capt. lewis lighted a pipe, and offered it to the indians, who had now seated themselves in a circle around our party. but, before they would receive this mark of friendship, they pulled off their moccasons; a custom which, we afterwards learned, indicates their sincerity when they smoke with a stranger. "after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed among them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermilion. "capt. lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the mean time, as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasons; and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. capt. lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was the emblem of peace, and that now and for the future it was to be the pledge of union between us and them. the chief then moved on, our party followed, and the rest of the warriors brought up the rear. "at the distance of four miles from where they had first met the indians, they reached the camp, which was in a handsome, level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into a leathern lodge which was assigned for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope-skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge, so as to form a vacant circle of two feet in diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco; the warriors all pulled off their moccasons, and our party were requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire, and then, retreating from it, began a speech several minutes long; at the end of which he pointed the stem of his pipe towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east, and concluding with the north. after this ceremony, he presented the stem in the same way to capt. lewis, who, supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe; but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times; after which he pointed the stem to the heavens, then took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to capt. lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, and returned it. the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and, after they had taken a few whiffs, was given to the warriors. "the bowl of the pipe was made of a dense, transparent, green stone, very highly polished, about two and a half inches long, and of an oval figure; the bowl being in the same direction with the stem. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees and mandans of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the bands who live farther south. "the ceremony of smoking being concluded, capt. lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit; and, as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. "it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this fact, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of service-berries and choke-cherries which had been dried in the sun. of these, capt. lewis and his companions made as good a meal as they were able. "the chief informed him that the stream which flowed by them discharged itself, at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size; but added that there was no timber there suitable for building canoes, and that the river was rocky and rapid. the prospect of going on by land was more pleasant; for there were great numbers of horses feeding round the camp, which would serve to transport our stores over the mountains. "an indian invited capt. lewis into his lodge, and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope, and a piece of fresh salmon, roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. "on returning to the lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief; after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. the music and dancing--which were in no respect different from those of the missouri indians--continued nearly all night; but capt. lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep, though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers." chapter ix. the party in the boats. august, 1805.--while these things were occurring to capt. lewis, the party in the boats were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. it was very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes had to be dragged, that the men were in the water three-fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otters, some beavers, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes; but they killed nothing except a single deer. they caught, however, some very fine trout. the weather was cloudy and cool; and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. next day, as the morning was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday, they did not set out till seven o'clock. the river was shallow, and, as it approached the mountains, formed one continued rapid, over which they were obliged to drag the boats with great labor and difficulty. by these means, they succeeded in making fourteen miles; but this distance did not exceed more than six and a half in a straight line. several successive days were passed in this manner (the daily progress seldom exceeding a dozen miles), while the party anxiously expected to be rejoined by capt. lewis and his men, with intelligence of some relief by the aid of friendly indians. in the mean time, capt. lewis was as anxiously expecting their arrival, to confirm the good impressions he had made on the indians, as well as to remove some lurking doubts they still felt as to his intentions. capt. lewis among the shoshonees. aug. 14.--in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, capt. lewis determined to remain where he was, and obtain all the information he could with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses of the natives, to hunt. at the same time, the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or black-tailed deer in this region; and, as the common red deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows of the indian hunters, which are but feeble weapons against any animal which the huntsmen cannot previously run down. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which, when pursued, runs to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is this animal's extraordinary fleetness and wind, that a single horse has no chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp. in a short time, they descried a herd of ten antelopes. they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly enclosed. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd; the huntsman preserving his seat with wonderful tenacity, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the ravines, and along the edges of precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which, on gaining the other limit of the circle, were driven back, and pursued by fresh hunters. they turned, and flew, rather than ran, in another direction; but there, too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately driven backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped; and the party, after running two hours, returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters it is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. capt. lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a tolerable repast. having now secured the good-will of cameahwait, capt. lewis informed him of his wish,--that he would speak to the warriors, and endeavor to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where, by this time, another chief, with a large party of white men, were waiting his return. he added, that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandise; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that, when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp, they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandise. cameahwait readily consented to do as requested; and, after collecting the tribe together, he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told capt. lewis that they would be ready to accompany him next morning. capt. lewis rose early, and, having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries, felt the pain of extreme hunger. on inquiry, he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one-half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding; and, after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted with this new dish. he took a little of the flour in his hand, tasted it, and examined it very carefully, asking if it was made of roots. capt. lewis explained how it was produced, and the chief said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. breakfast being finished, capt. lewis endeavored to hasten the departure of the indians, who seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them. on inquiring the reason, capt. lewis learned that the indians were suspicious that they were to be led into an ambuscade, and betrayed to their enemies. he exerted himself to dispel this suspicion, and succeeded so far as to induce eight of the warriors, with cameahwait, to accompany him. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors. at sunset they reached the river, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills, which they had noticed in their progress some days before. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt; but he returned in the evening unsuccessful; and their only supply, therefore, was the remaining pound of flour, stirred in a little boiling water, and divided between the four white men and two of the indians. next morning, as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, capt. lewis sent two of his hunters out to procure some provision. at the same time, he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest, by their noise, they might alarm the game. this measure immediately revived their suspicions, and some of them followed our two men to watch them. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, capt. lewis mounted, with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out. just then, they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain. the chief stopped, and seemed uneasy: the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions; and capt. lewis himself was anxious, lest, by some unfortunate accident, some hostile tribe might have wandered that way. the young indian had hardly breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them; and capt. lewis, astonished at this movement, was borne along for nearly a mile, before he learned, with great satisfaction, that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. when they reached the place where drewyer, in cutting up the deer, had thrown out the intestines, the indians dismounted in confusion, and ran, tumbling over each other, like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could, and instantly began to devour it. some had the liver, some the kidneys: in short, no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them. it was, indeed, impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the refuse of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation. yet, though suffering with hunger, they did not attempt to take (as they might have done) by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. capt. lewis had the deer skinned, and, after reserving a quarter of it, gave the rest of the animal to the chief, to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured the whole without cooking. they meet the boat party. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told they should see the white men, capt. lewis, to guard against any disappointment, explained the possibility of our men not having reached the forks, in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation; so that, if they should not find us at that spot, they might be assured of our being not far below. after stopping two hours to let the horses graze, they remounted, and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry the flag, so that the party in the boats might recognize them as they approached. to their great mortification, on coming within sight of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy, lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, capt. lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him, if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes, he might defend himself with it; and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still suspicious. luckily, he had a hold on them by other ties than their generosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but, what was still more attractive, he had told them that one of their country-women, who had been taken by the minnetarees, accompanied the party below: and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity; and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favorable barter for their horses. in the mean time, the boat party under capt. clarke, struggling against rapids and shallows, had made their way to a point only four miles by land, though ten by water, from where capt. lewis and the indians were. capt. clarke had seen from an eminence the forks of the river, and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before capt. lewis's arrival. aug. 17.--capt. lewis rose early, and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. they had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river returned, with a report that he had seen the white men, who were not far below, and were coming on. the indians were all delighted; and the chief, in the warmth of his affection, renewed his embrace to capt. lewis, who, though quite as much gratified, would willingly have spared that manifestation of it. the report proved true. on commencing the day's progress, capt. clarke, with chaboneau and his wife, walked by the river-side; but they had not gone more than a mile, when capt. clarke saw sacajawea, the indian woman, who was some distance in advance, begin to dance, and show every mark of extravagant joy, pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback. as they approached, capt. clarke discovered drewyer among them, from whom he learned the situation of capt. lewis and his party. while the boats were performing the circuit, capt. clarke went towards the forks with the indians, who, as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. they soon drew near the camp; and, as they approached it, a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, when, recognizing each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching. they had been companions in childhood, and, in the war with the minnetarees, had both been taken prisoners in the same battle. they had shared the same captivity, till one had escaped, leaving her friend with scarce a hope of ever seeing her again. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, capt. clarke went on, and was received by capt. lewis and the chief, who, after the first embraces and salutations, conducted him to a sort of circular tent constructed of willow-branches. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls,--an ornament highly valued by these people. after smoking, a conference was held, sacajawea acting as interpreter. capt. lewis told them he had been sent to discover the best route by which merchandise could be conveyed to them, and, since no trade would be begun before our return, it was naturally desirable that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route; but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for any other service they should render us. in the mean time, our first wish was that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure, we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favorable impression. the chief thanked us for our friendly intentions, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he promised to return to the village next day, and to bring all his own horses, and to encourage his people to bring theirs. we then distributed our presents. to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped, with a pipe and tomahawk. to this were added a uniform-coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a lump of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received similar presents, excepting the dress-coat. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasons, awls, knives, beads, and looking-glasses. they had abundant sources of surprise in all they saw. the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the air-gun. this was immediately pronounced a _great medicine_, by which they mean something produced by the great spirit himself in some incomprehensible way. chapter x. the descent of the columbia. august, 1805.--our indian information as to the navigation of the columbia was of a very discouraging character. it was therefore agreed that capt. clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia; and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, should begin to build canoes. as soon as he should have decided on the question of proceeding, whether down the river or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men, with information of his decision, to capt. lewis, who would tarry meanwhile at the shoshonee village. aug. 20.--capt. clarke set out at six o'clock. passing through a continuation of hilly, broken country, he met several parties of indians. an old man among them was pointed out, who was said to know more of the nature of the country north than any other person; and capt. clarke engaged him as a guide. the first point to ascertain was the truth of the indian information as to the difficulty of descending the river. for this purpose, capt. clarke and his men set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by his indian guide. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and, eight miles from the camp, halted for the night. as capt. lewis was the first white man who had visited its waters, capt. clarke gave the stream the name of lewis's river. aug. 23.--capt. clarke set out very early; but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles, he reached the river; but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the stream, that there was no mode of passing except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the current was very rapid, and so deep, that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the stream for about a mile, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock, perfectly inaccessible to horses. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and continue his examination of the river on foot, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the sides of precipices which bordered the stream. the river presented a succession of shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for considerable distances over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses. even the empty boats must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in this way without great risk both to the canoes and the men. disappointed in finding a route by way of the river, capt. clarke now questioned his guide more particularly respecting an indian road which came in from the north. the guide, who seemed intelligent, drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as leading to a great river where resided a nation called tushepaws, who, having no salmon on their river, came by this road to the fish-wears on lewis's river. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, capt. clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river toward the north, without coming so low down as this, on a road impracticable for horses. he therefore hastened to return thither, sending forward a man on horseback with a note to capt. lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries. from the 25th to the 29th of august, capt. clarke and his men were occupied in their return to the shoshonee village, where capt. lewis and party were awaiting them. during their march, the want of provisions was such, that if it had not been for the liberality of the indians, who gave them a share of their own scanty supplies, they must have perished. the main dependence for food was upon salmon and berries. it was seldom they could get enough of these for a full meal; and abstinence and the strange diet caused some sickness. capt. lewis, on the contrary, had found the game sufficiently abundant to supply their own party, and to spare some to the indians; so that, when their friends rejoined them, they had it in their power to immediately relieve their wants. the shoshonees. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians,--a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains, and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees, with whom we now are, amount to about a hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection, they formerly lived in the plains; but they have been driven into the mountains by the roving indians of the saskatchawan country, and are now obliged to visit only occasionally and by stealth the country of their ancestors. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia. during this time, they subsist chiefly on salmon; and, as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed cautiously till they are joined by other bands of their own nation, or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloes in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. in this loose and wandering existence, they suffer the extremes of want: for two-thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. yet the shoshonees are not only cheerful, but gay; and their character is more interesting than that of any other indians we have seen. they are frank and communicative; fair in their dealings; and we have had no reason to suspect that the display of our new and valuable wealth has tempted them into a single act of theft. while they have shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing of us. their wealth is in horses. of these they have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. the original stock was procured from the spaniards; but now they raise their own, which are generally of good size, vigorous, and patient of fatigue as well as of hunger. every warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards of california. they are highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback. he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved for war; but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance, and a weapon called _pogamogon_, which consists of a handle of wood, with a stone weighing about two pounds, and held in a cover of leather, attached to the handle by a leather thong. at the other end is a loop, which is passed round the wrist, so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. the bow is made of cedar or pine, covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. sometimes it is made of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood. the arrows are more slender than those of other indians we have seen. they are kept, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is fastened upon the back of the wearer by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder, and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffalo-skin, about two feet four inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, with a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned with paintings of strange figures. besides these, they have a kind of armor, something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of antelope-skins, united by a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and saddle. the halter is made of strands of buffalo-hair platted together; or is merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot, and then brought down to the under-jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth. it is then drawn up on the right side, and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. with these cords dangling alongside of them, the horse is put to his full speed, without fear of falling; and, when he is turned to graze, the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle is formed, like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat, thin boards, which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross-pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, making the saddle deep and narrow. under this, a piece of buffalo-skin, with the hair on, is placed, so as to prevent the rubbing of the board; and, when the rider mounts, he throws a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for women and old men. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small, leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way, they ride with great expertness; and they have particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at some distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that, however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. the horse becomes an object of attachment. a favorite is frequently painted, and his ears cut into various shapes. the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds; and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted, the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed, they bend forward, and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horse's neck. indian horses and riders. they are so well supplied with horses, that every man, woman, and child is mounted; and all they have is packed upon horses. small children, not more than three years old, are mounted alone, and generally upon colts. they are tied upon the saddle to keep them from falling, especially when they go to sleep, which they often do when they become fatigued. then they lie down upon the horse's shoulders; and, when they awake, they lay hold of their whip, which is fastened to the wrist of their right hand, and apply it smartly to their horses: and it is astonishing to see how these little creatures will guide and run them. children that are still younger are put into an incasement made with a board at the back, and a wicker-work around the other parts, covered with cloth inside and without, or, more generally, with dressed skins; and they are carried upon the mother's back, or suspended from a high knob upon the fore part of their saddles. chapter xi. clarke's river. aug. 31.--capt. lewis, during the absence of his brother-officer, had succeeded in procuring from the indians, by barter, twenty-nine horses,--not quite one for each man. capt. clarke having now rejoined us, and the weather being fine, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. we took our leave of the shoshonees, and accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, which capt. clarke had named lewis's river. after riding twelve miles, we encamped on the bank; and, as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning, we did not feel in want of provisions. on the 31st of august, we made eighteen miles. here we left the track of capt. clarke, and began to explore the new route recommended by the indian guide, and which was our last hope of getting out of the mountains. during all day, we rode over hills, from which are many drains and small streams, and, at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek, called fish creek, emptying into the main river, which is about six miles from us. sept. 2.--this morning, all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek. we arrived shortly after at the forks of the creek. the road we were following now turned in a contrary direction to our course, and we were left without any track; but, as no time was to be lost, we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty. the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labor. our course was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills, where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks, and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life, they suffered severely. several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times, we had made five miles with great labor, and encamped in a small, stony, low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected; and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. we had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion; and, though we saw many beaver-dams in the creek, we saw none of the animals. next day, our experiences were much the same, with the addition of a fall of snow at evening. the day following, we reached the head of a stream which directed its course more to the westward, and followed it till we discovered a large encampment of indians. when we reached them, and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our shoulders, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any farther, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. next morning, we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was, however, conveyed to them in so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn, from the principal chiefs, a present, consisting of the skins of an otter and two antelopes; and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, and purchasing eleven. these indians are a band of the tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the head waters of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. they seemed kind and friendly, and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this band had with them at least five hundred. we proceeded next day, and, taking a north-west direction, crossed, within a distance of a mile and a half, a small river from the right. this river is the main stream; and, when it reaches the end of the valley, it is joined by two other streams. to the river thus formed we gave the name of clarke's river; he being the first white man who ever visited its waters. we followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, and stony, with the low grounds on its borders narrow; and encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn; and, as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. the next day, and the next, we followed the river, which widened to fifty yards, with a valley four or five miles broad. at ten miles from our camp was a creek, which emptied itself on the west side of the river. it was a fine bold creek of clear water, about twenty yards wide; and we called it traveller's rest: for, as our guide told us we should here leave the river, we determined to make some stay for the purpose of collecting food, as the country through which we were to pass has no game for a great distance. toward evening, one of the hunters returned with three indians whom he had met. we found that they were tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of strayed horses. we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents, such as a fish hook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of ribbon which we tied in the hair of each of them. their people, they said, were numerous, and resided on the great river in the plain below the mountains. from that place, they added, the river was navigable to the ocean. the distance from this place is five "sleeps," or days' journeys. on resuming our route, we proceeded up the right side of the creek (thus leaving clarke's river), over a country, which, at first plain and good, became afterwards as difficult as any we had yet traversed. we had now reached the sources of traveller's-rest creek, and followed the road, which became less rugged. at our encampment this night, the game having entirely failed us, we killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. we reached the river, which is here eighty yards wide, with a swift current and a rocky channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. kooskooskee river. sept. 16.--this morning, snow fell, and continued all day; so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. it covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. the road is, like that of yesterday, along steep hillsides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed, that the snow falls from them upon us as we pass, keeping us continually wet to the skin. we encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had made thirteen miles. we were wet, cold, and hungry; yet we could not procure any game, and were obliged to kill another horse for our supper. this want of provisions, the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospect before us, began to dispirit the men. they are growing weak, and losing their flesh very fast. after three days more of the same kind of experience, on friday, 20th september, an agreeable change occurred. capt. clarke, who had gone forward in hopes of finding game, came suddenly upon a beautiful open plain partially stocked with pine. shortly after, he discovered three indian boys, who, observing the party, ran off, and hid themselves in the grass. capt. clarke immediately alighted, and, giving his horse and gun to one of the men, went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions, and sent them forward to the village, about a mile off, with presents of small pieces of ribbon. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution; but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure the wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed capt. clarke, by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago, with all the warriors, to attack some of their enemies towards the south-west; that, in the mean time, there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffalo-meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last was one which is round, much like an onion in appearance, and sweet to the taste. it is called _quamash_, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup, or made into a cake, which is called _pasheco_. after our long abstinence, this was a sumptuous repast. we returned the kindness of the people with a few small presents, and then went on, in company with one of the chiefs, to a second village in the same plain, at a distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness, and passed the night. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents; and the people call themselves chopunnish, or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river on the sand, and explained that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village, and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river. his chart made the kooskooskee to fork a little below his camp, below which the river passed the mountains. here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom they procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. capt. clarke engaged an indian to guide him to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles, they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river-hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountains is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass. there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered. the plain is so much sheltered by the surrounding hills, that the weather is quite warm (sept. 21), while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river-hills we descended for three miles till we reached the water-side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night. here we found a small camp of five women and three children; the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river. the guide called to him, and he came over. capt. clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. next day, capt. clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere. the hunters brought in three deer; after which capt. clarke left his party, and, accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he found capt. lewis and his party just arrived. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the white men and the strange things they brought with them; but, as our guide was a perfect stranger to their language, we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country. the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk-skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place: two days' journey towards the south is another and larger fork, on which the shoshonee indians fish; five days' journey farther is a large river from the north-west, into which clarke's river empties itself. from the junction with that river to the falls is five days' journey farther. on all the forks, as well as on the main river, great numbers of indians reside; and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. provision here was abundant. we purchased a quantity of fish, berries, and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition. great crowds of the natives are round us all night; but we have not yet missed any thing, except a knife and a few other small articles. sept. 24.--the weather is fair. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco-root, large quantities of which are heaped up in piles all over the plain. we feel severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations. capt. lewis and two of his men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he can hardly sit on his horse. others could not mount without help; and some were forced to lie down by the side of the road for some time. our situation rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength; and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. capt. clarke therefore set out with twisted-hair and two young men in quest of timber for canoes. sept. 27, 28, and 29.--sickness continued. few of the men were able to work; yet preparations were made for making five canoes. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. oct. 4.--the men were now much better, and capt. lewis so far recovered as to walk about a little. the canoes being nearly finished, it became necessary to dispose of the horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and, being branded and marked, were delivered to three indians,--the two brothers and the son of a chief; the chief having promised to accompany us down the river. to each of these men we gave a knife and some small articles; and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. we had all our saddles buried in a _cache_ near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder and a bag of balls. the voyage down the kooskooskee river. oct. 7.--this morning, all the canoes were put in the water, and loaded, the oars fitted, and every preparation made for setting out. when we were all ready, the chief who had promised to accompany us was not to be found: we therefore proceeded without him. the kooskooskee is a clear, rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. this day and the next, we made a distance of fifty miles. we passed several encampments of indians on the islands and near the rapids, which situations are chosen as the most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found the chief, who, after promising to descend the river with us, had left us. he, however, willingly came on board, after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. oct. 10.--a fine morning. we loaded the canoes, and set off at seven o'clock. after passing twenty miles, we landed below the junction of a large fork of the river, from the south. our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked from all directions to see us. being again reduced to fish and roots, we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing a few dogs; and, after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs, but never use them for food; and our feeding on the flesh of that animal brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. this southern branch is, in fact, the main stream of lewis's river, on whose upper waters we encamped when among the shoshonees. at its mouth, lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish-blue color. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, is one hundred and fifty yards in width; and, after the union, the joint-stream extends to the width of three hundred yards. the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men. the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress, they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffalo or elk-skin robe, decorated with beads, sea-shells (chiefly mother-of-pearl), attached to an otter-skin collar, is the dress of the men. the same ornaments are hung in the hair, which falls in front in two cues: they add feathers, paints of different colors (principally white, green, and blue), which they find in their own country. in winter, they wear a shirt of dressed skins; long, painted leggings, and moccasons; and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of the mountain-sheep skin, reaching down to the ankles, without a girdle. to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells, and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the chopunnish have few amusements; for their life is painful and laborious, and all their exertions are necessary to earn a precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn, they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in winter, they hunt the deer on snow-shoes over the plains; and, towards spring, cross the mountains to the missouri in pursuit of the buffalo. the soil of these prairies is a light-yellow clay. it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and the prickly-pear, of which we found three species. the first is the broad-leaved kind, common to this river with the missouri; the second has a leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri; the third is peculiar to this country. it consists of small, thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other. these leaves are armed with a great number of thorns, which are strong, and appear to be barbed. as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccason, it adheres, and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied with a re-enforcement of thorns. this species was a greater annoyance on our march than either of the others. chapter xii. from the junction of the kooskooskee with lewis's river to the columbia. from the mouth of the kooskooskee to that of the lewis is about a hundred miles; which distance they descended in seven days. the navigation was greatly impeded by rapids, which they passed with more or less danger and difficulty; being greatly indebted to the assistance of the indians, as they thankfully acknowledge. sometimes they were obliged to unload their boats, and to carry them round by land. all these rapids are fishing-places, greatly resorted to in the season. on the 17th of october (1805), having reached the junction of lewis's river with the columbia, they found by observation that they were in latitude 46â° 15â´, and longitude 119â°. they measured the two rivers by angles, and found, that, at the junction, the columbia is 960 yards wide; and lewis's river, 575: but, below their junction, the joint river is from one to three miles in width, including the islands. from the point of junction, the country is a continued plain, rising gradually from the water. there is through this plain no tree, and scarcely any shrub, except a few willow-bushes; and, even of smaller plants, there is not much besides the prickly-pear, which is abundant. in the course of the day, capt. clarke, in a small canoe, with two men, ascended the columbia. at the distance of five miles, he came to a small but not dangerous rapid. on the bank of the river opposite to this is a fishing-place, consisting of three neat houses. here were great quantities of salmon drying on scaffolds; and, from the mouth of the river upwards, he saw immense numbers of dead salmon strewed along the shore, or floating on the water. the indians, who had collected on the banks to view him, now joined him in eighteen canoes, and accompanied him up the river. a mile above the rapids, he observed three houses of mats, and landed to visit them. on entering one of the houses, he found it crowded with men, women, and children, who immediately provided a mat for him to sit on; and one of the party undertook to prepare something to eat. he began by bringing in a piece of pine-wood that had drifted down the river, which he split into small pieces with a wedge made of the elk's horn, by means of a mallet of stone curiously carved. the pieces were then laid on the fire, and several round stones placed upon them. one of the squaws now brought a bucket of water, in which was a large salmon about half dried; and, as the stones became heated, they were put into the bucket till the salmon was sufficiently boiled. it was then taken out, put on a platter of rushes neatly made, and laid before capt. clarke. another was boiled for each of his men. capt. clarke found the fish excellent. at another island, four miles distant, the inhabitants were occupied in splitting and drying salmon. the multitudes of this fish are almost inconceivable. the water is so clear, that they can readily be seen at the depth of fifteen or twenty feet; but at this season they float in such quantities down the stream, and are drifted ashore, that the indians have nothing to do but collect, split, and dry them. the indians assured him by signs that they often used dry fish as fuel for the common occasions of cooking. the evening coming on, he returned to camp. capt. clarke, in the course of his excursion, shot several grouse and ducks; also a prairie-cock,--a bird of the pheasant kind, about the size of a small turkey. it measured, from the beak to the end of the toe, two feet six inches; from the extremity of the wings, three feet six inches; and the feathers of the tail were thirteen inches long. this bird we have seen nowhere except upon this river. its chief food is the grasshopper, and the seeds of wild plants peculiar to this river and the upper missouri. adventure of capt. clarke. oct. 19.--having resumed their descent of the columbia, they came to a very dangerous rapid. in order to lighten the boats, capt. clarke landed, and walked to the foot of the rapid. arriving there before either of the boats, except a canoe, he sat down on a rock to wait for them; and, seeing a crane fly across the river, shot it, and it fell near him. several indians had been, before this, passing on the opposite side; and some of them, alarmed at his appearance or the report of the gun, fled to their houses. capt. clarke was afraid that these people might not have heard that white men were coming: therefore, in order to allay their uneasiness before the whole party should arrive, he got into the canoe with three men, and rowed over towards the houses, and, while crossing, shot a duck, which fell into the water. as he approached, no person was to be seen, except three men; and they also fled as he came near the shore. he landed before five houses close to each other; but no person appeared: and the doors, which were of mat, were closed. he went towards one of them with a pipe in his hand, and, pushing aside the mat, entered the lodge, where he found thirty-two persons, men and women, with a few children, all in the greatest consternation; some hanging down their heads; others crying, and wringing their hands. he went up to them all, and shook hands with them in the most friendly manner. their apprehensions gradually subsided, but revived on his taking out a burning-glass (there being no roof to the lodge), and lighting his pipe. having at length restored some confidence by the gift of some small presents, he visited some other houses, where he found the inhabitants similarly affected. confidence was not completely attained until the boats arrived, and then the two chiefs who accompanied the party explained the friendly intentions of the expedition. the sight of chaboneau's wife also dissipated any remaining doubts, as it is not the practice among the indians to allow women to accompany a war-party. to account for their fears, they told the two chiefs that they had seen the white men fall from the sky. having heard the report of capt. clarke's rifle, and seen the birds fall, and not having seen him till after the shot, they fancied that he had himself dropped from the clouds. this belief was strengthened, when, on entering the lodge, he brought down fire from heaven by means of his burning-glass. we soon convinced them that we were only mortals; and, after one of our chiefs had explained our history and objects, we all smoked together in great harmony. our encampment that night was on the river-bank opposite an island, on which were twenty-four houses of indians, all of whom were engaged in drying fish. we had scarcely landed when about a hundred of them came over to visit us, bringing with them a present of some wood, which was very acceptable. we received them in as kind a manner as we could, smoked with them, and gave the principal chief a string of wampum; but the highest satisfaction they enjoyed was in the music of our two violins, with which they seemed much delighted. they remained all night at our fires. an indian burying-place. we walked to the head of the island for the purpose of examining a vault, or burying-place, which we had remarked in coming along. the place in which the dead are deposited is a building about sixty feet long and twelve feet wide, formed by placing in the ground poles, or forks, six feet high, across which a long pole is extended the whole length of the structure. against this ridge-pole are placed broad boards, and pieces of wood, in a slanting direction, so as to form a shed. the structure stands east and west, open at both ends. on entering the western end, we observed a number of bodies wrapped carefully in leather robes, and arranged in rows on boards, which were then covered with a mat. this part of the building was destined for those who had recently died. a little farther on, limbs, half decayed, were scattered about; and in the centre of the building was a large pile of them heaped promiscuously. at the eastern extremity was a mat, on which twenty-one skulls were arranged in a circular form: the mode of interment being first to wrap the body in robes; and, as it decays, the bones are thrown into the heap, and the skulls placed together in order. from the different boards and pieces of wood which form the vault were suspended on the inside fishing-nets, baskets, wooden bowls, robes, skins, trenchers, and trinkets of various kinds, intended as offerings of affection to deceased relatives. on the outside of the vault were the skeletons of several horses, and great quantities of bones in the neighborhood, which induced us to believe that these animals were sacrificed at the funeral-rites of their masters. in other parts of the route, the travellers found a different species of cemetery. the dead were placed in canoes, and these canoes were raised above the ground by a scaffolding of poles. the motive was supposed to be to protect them from wild beasts. falls of the columbia. about a hundred and fifty miles below the junction of lewis's river, we reached the great falls. at the commencement of the pitch, which includes the falls, we landed, and walked down to examine them, and ascertain on which side we could make a portage most easily. from the lower end of the island, where the rapids begin, to the perpendicular fall, is about two miles. here the river contracts, when the water is low, to a very narrow space; and, with only a short distance of swift water, it makes its plunge twenty feet perpendicularly; after which it rushes on, among volcanic rocks, through a channel four miles in length, and then spreads out into a gentle, broad current. we will interrupt the narrative here to introduce from later travellers some pictures of the remarkable region to which our explorers had now arrived. it was not to be expected that capts. lewis and clarke should have taxed themselves, in their anxious and troubled march, to describe natural wonders, however striking. lieut. frã©mont thus describes this remarkable spot:- the dalles.--"in a few miles we descended to the river, which we reached at one of its highly interesting features, known as the dalles of the columbia. the whole volume of the river at this place passes between the walls of a chasm, which has the appearance of having been rent through the basaltic strata which form the valley-rock of the region. at the narrowest place, we found the breadth, by measurement, fifty-eight yards, and the average height of the walls above the water twenty-five feet, forming a trough between the rocks; whence the name, probably applied by a canadian voyageur." the same scene is described by theodore winthrop in his "canoe and saddle:"- "the dalles of the columbia, upon which i was now looking, must be studied by the american dante, whenever he comes, for imagery to construct his purgatory, if not his inferno. at walla-walla, two great rivers, clarke's and lewis's, drainers of the continent north and south, unite to form the columbia. it flows furiously for a hundred and twenty miles westward. when it reaches the dreary region where the outlying ridges of the cascade chain commence, it finds a great, low surface, paved with enormous polished sheets of basaltic rock. these plates, in french, _dalles_, give the spot its name. the great river, a mile wide not far above, finds but a narrow rift in this pavement for its passage. the rift gradually draws its sides closer, and, at the spot now called the dalles, subdivides into three mere slits in the sharp-edged rock. at the highest water, there are other minor channels; but generally this continental flood is cribbed and compressed within its three chasms suddenly opening in the level floor, each chasm hardly wider than a leap a hunted fiend might take." it is not easy to picture to one's self, from these descriptions, the peculiar scenery of the dalles. frã©mont understands the name as signifying a _trough_; while winthrop interprets it as _plates_, or _slabs_, of rock. the following description by lieut. (now gen.) henry l. abbot, in his "report of explorations for a railroad route," &c., will show that the term, in each of its meanings, is applicable to different parts of the channel:- "at the dalles of the columbia, the river rushes through a chasm only about two hundred feet wide, with vertical, basaltic sides, rising from twenty to thirty feet above the water. steep hills closely border the chasm, leaving in some places scarcely room on the terrace to pass on horseback. the water rushes through this basaltic trough with such violence, that it is always dangerous, and in some stages of the water impossible, for a boat to pass down. the contraction of the river-bed extends for about three miles. near the lower end of it, the channel divides into several sluices, and then gradually becomes broader, until, where it makes a great bend to the south, it is over a quarter of a mile in width." after this interruption, the journal is resumed:-"we soon discovered that the nearest route was on the right side, and therefore dropped down to the head of the rapid, unloaded the canoes, and took all the baggage over by land to the foot of the rapid. the distance is twelve hundred yards, part of it over loose sands, disagreeable to pass. the labor of crossing was lightened by the indians, who carried some of the heavy articles for us on their horses. having ascertained the best mode of bringing down the canoes, the operation was conducted by capt. clarke, by hauling the canoes over a point of land four hundred and fifty-seven yards to the water. one mile farther down, we reached a pitch of the river, which, being divided by two large rocks, descends with great rapidity over a fall eight feet in height. as the boats could not be navigated down this steep descent, we were obliged to land, and let them down as gently as possible by strong ropes of elk-skin, which we had prepared for the purpose. they all passed in safety, except one, which, being loosed by the breaking of the ropes, was driven down, but was recovered by the indians below." our travellers had now reached what have since been called the cascade mountains; and we must interrupt their narrative to give some notices of this remarkable scenery from later explorers. we quote from abbot's report:- "there is great similarity in the general topographical features of the whole pacific slope. the sierra nevada in california, and the cascade range in oregon, form a continuous wall of mountains nearly parallel to the coast, and from one hundred to two hundred miles distant from it. the main crest of this range is rarely elevated less than six thousand feet above the level of the sea, and many of its peaks tower into the region of eternal snow." lieut. abbot thus describes a view of these peaks and of the columbia river:- "at an elevation of five thousand feet above the sea, we stood upon the summit of the pass. for days we had been struggling blindly through dense forests; but now the surrounding country lay spread out before us for more than a hundred miles. the five grand snow-peaks, mount st. helens, mount ranier, mount adams, mount hood, and mount jefferson, rose majestically above a rolling sea of dark fir-covered ridges, some of which the approaching winter had already begun to mark with white. on every side, as far as the eye could reach, terrific convulsions of nature had recorded their fury; and not even a thread of blue smoke from the camp-fire of a wandering savage disturbed the solitude of the scene." the columbia river.--"the columbia river forces its way through the cascade range by a pass, which, for wild and sublime natural scenery, equals the celebrated passage of the hudson through the highlands. for a distance of about fifty miles, mountains covered with clinging spruces, firs, and pines, where not too precipitous to afford even these a foothold, rise abruptly from the water's edge to heights varying from one thousand to three thousand feet. vertical precipices of columnar basalt are occasionally seen, rising from fifty to a hundred feet above the river level. in other places, the long mountain-walls of the river are divided by lateral caã±ons (pronounced _canyons_), containing small tributaries, and occasionally little open spots of good land, liable to be overflowed at high water." caã�ons.--the plains east of the cascade mountains, through the whole extent of oregon and california, are covered with a volcanic deposit composed of trap, basalt, and other rocks of the same class. this deposit is cleft by chasms often more than a thousand feet deep, at the bottom of which there usually flows a stream of clear, cold water. this is sometimes the only water to be procured for the distance of many miles; and the traveller may be perishing with thirst while he sees far below him a sparkling stream, from which he is separated by precipices of enormous height and perpendicular descent. to chasms of this nature the name of _caã±ons_ has been applied, borrowed from the spaniards of mexico. we quote lieut. abbot's description of the caã±on of des chutes river, a tributary of the columbia:- "sept. 30.--as it was highly desirable to determine accurately the position and character of the caã±on of des chutes river, i started this morning with one man to follow down the creek to its mouth, leaving the rest of the party in camp. having yesterday experienced the inconveniences of travelling in the bottom of a caã±on, i concluded to try to-day the northern bluff. it was a dry, barren plain, gravelly, and sometimes sandy, with a few bunches of grass scattered here and there. tracks of antelopes or deer were numerous. after crossing one small ravine, and riding about five miles from camp, we found ourselves on the edge of the vast caã±on of the river, which, far below us, was rushing through a narrow trough of basalt, resembling the dalles of the columbia. we estimated the depth of the caã±on at a thousand feet. on each side, the precipices were very steep, and marked in many places by horizontal lines of vertical, basaltic columns, fifty or sixty feet in height. the man who was with me rolled a large rock, shaped like a grindstone, and weighing about two hundred pounds, from the summit. it thundered down for at least a quarter of a mile,--now over a vertical precipice, now over a steep mass of detritus, until at length it plunged into the river with a hollow roar, which echoed and re-echoed through the gorge for miles. by ascending a slight hill, i obtained a fine view of the surrounding country. the generally level character of the great basaltic table-land around us was very manifest from this point. bounded on the west by the cascade mountains, the plain extends far towards the south,--a sterile, treeless waste." the cascades.--"about forty miles below the dalles, all navigation is suspended by a series of rapids called the cascades. the wild grandeur of this place surpasses description. the river rushes furiously over a narrow bed filled with bowlders, and bordered by mountains which echo back the roar of the waters. the descent at the principal rapids is thirty-four feet; and the total fall at the cascades, sixty-one feet. salmon pass up the river in great numbers; and the cascades, at certain seasons of the year, are a favorite fishing resort with the indians, who build slight stagings over the water's edge, and spear the fish, or catch them in rude dip-nets, as they slowly force their way up against the current." we now return to our travellers. indian mode of packing salmon. near our camp are five large huts of indians engaged in drying fish, and preparing it for market. the manner of doing this is by first opening the fish, and exposing it to the sun on scaffolds. when it is sufficiently dried, it is pounded between two stones till it is pulverized, and is then placed in a basket, about two feet long and one in diameter, neatly made of grass and rushes, and lined with the skin of the salmon, stretched and dried for the purpose. here they are pressed down as hard as possible, and the top covered with skins of fish, which are secured by cords through the holes of the basket. these baskets are then placed in some dry situation, the corded part upwards; seven being usually placed as close as they can be together, and five on the top of them. the whole is then wrapped up in mats, and made fast by cords. twelve of these baskets, each of which contains from ninety to a hundred pounds, form a stack, which is now left exposed till it is sent to market. the fish thus preserved are kept sound and sweet for several years; and great quantities of it, they inform us, are sent to the indians who live lower down the river, whence it finds its way to the whites who visit the mouth of the columbia. we observe, both near the lodges and on the rocks in the river, great numbers of stacks of these pounded fish. beside the salmon, there are great quantities of salmon-trout, and another smaller species of trout, which they save in another way. a hole of any size being dug, the sides and bottom are lined with straw, over which skins are laid. on these the fish, after being well dried, is laid, covered with other skins, and the hole closed with a layer of earth, twelve or fifteen inches deep. these supplies are for their winter food. the stock of fish, dried and pounded, was so abundant, that capt. clarke counted one hundred and seven stacks of them, making more than ten thousand pounds. the indian boatmen. the canoes used by these people are built of white cedar or pine, very light, wide in the middle, and tapering towards the ends; the bow being raised, and ornamented with carvings of the heads of animals. as the canoe is the vehicle of transportation, the indians have acquired great dexterity in the management of it, and guide it safely over the roughest waves. we had an opportunity to-day of seeing the boldness of the indians. one of our men shot a goose, which fell into the river, and was floating rapidly towards the great shoot, when an indian, observing it, plunged in after it. the whole mass of the waters of the columbia, just preparing to descend its narrow channel, carried the bird down with great rapidity. the indian followed it fearlessly to within a hundred and fifty feet of the rocks, where, had he arrived, he would inevitably have been dashed to pieces; but, seizing his prey, he turned round, and swam ashore with great composure. we very willingly relinquished our right to the bird in favor of the indian, who had thus secured it at the hazard of his life. he immediately set to work, and picked off about half the feathers, and then, without opening it, ran a stick through it, and carried it off to roast. indian houses. while the canoes were coming on, impeded by the difficulties of the navigation, capt. clarke, with two men, walked down the river-shore, and came to a village belonging to a tribe called echeloots. the village consisted of twenty-one houses, scattered promiscuously over an elevated position. the houses were nearly equal in size, and of similar construction. a large hole, twenty feet wide and thirty in length, is dug to the depth of six feet. the sides are lined with split pieces of timber in an erect position, rising a short distance above the surface of the ground. these timbers are secured in their position by a pole, stretched along the side of the building, near the eaves, supported by a post at each corner. the timbers at the gable-ends rise higher, the middle pieces being the tallest. supported by these, there is a ridge-pole running the whole length of the house, forming the top of the roof. from this ridge-pole to the eaves of the house are placed a number of small poles, or rafters, secured at each end by fibres of the cedar. on these poles is laid a covering of white cedar or arbor-vitã¦, kept on by strands of cedar-fibres. a small distance along the whole length of the ridge-pole is left uncovered for the admission of light, and to permit the smoke to escape. the entrance is by a small door at the gable-end, thirty inches high, and fourteen broad. before this hole is hung a mat; and on pushing it aside, and crawling through, the descent is by a wooden ladder, made in the form of those used among us. one-half of the inside is used as a place of deposit for their dried fish, and baskets of berries: the other half, nearest the door, remains for the accommodation of the family. on each side are arranged, near the walls, beds of mats, placed on platforms or bedsteads, raised about two feet from the ground. in the middle of the vacant space is the fire, or sometimes two or three fires, when, as is usually the case, the house contains several families. the inhabitants received us with great kindness, and invited us to their houses. on entering one of them, we saw figures of men, birds, and different animals, cut and painted on the boards which form the sides of the room, the figures uncouth, and the workmanship rough; but doubtless they were as much esteemed by the indians as our finest domestic adornments are by us. the chief had several articles, such as scarlet and blue cloth, a sword, a jacket, and hat, which must have been procured from the whites. on one side of the room were two wide split boards, placed together so as to make space for a rude figure of a man, cut and painted on them. on pointing to this, and asking what it meant, he said something, of which all we understood was "good," and then stepped to the image, and brought out his bow and quiver, which, with some other warlike implements, were kept behind it. the chief then directed his wife to hand him his _medicine-bag_, from which he brought out fourteen fore-fingers, which he told us had once belonged to the same number of his enemies. they were shown with great exultation; and after an harangue, which we were left to presume was in praise of his exploits, the fingers were carefully replaced among the valuable contents of the red medicine-bag. this bag is an object of religious regard, and it is a species of sacrilege for any one but its owner to touch it. in all the houses are images of men, of different shapes, and placed as ornaments in the parts of the house where they are most likely to be seen. a submerged forest. oct. 30.--the river is now about three-quarters of a mile wide, with a current so gentle, that it does not exceed a mile and a half an hour; but its course is obstructed by large rocks, which seem to have fallen from the mountains. what is, however, most singular, is, that there are stumps of pine-trees scattered to some distance in the river, which has the appearance of having been dammed below, and forced to encroach on the shore. note. rev. s. parker says, "we noticed a remarkable phenomenon,--trees standing in their natural position in the river, where the water is twenty feet deep. in many places, they were so numerous, that we had to pick our way with our canoe as through a forest. the water is so clear, that i had an opportunity of examining their position down to their spreading roots, and found them in the same condition as when standing in their native forest. it is evident that there has been an uncommon subsidence of a tract of land, more than twenty miles in length, and more than a mile in width. that the trees are not wholly decayed down to low-water mark, proves that the subsidence is comparatively of recent date; and their undisturbed natural position proves that it took place in a tranquil manner, not by any tremendous convulsion of nature." the river widens.--they meet the tide. nov. 2, 1805.--longitude about 122â°. at this point the first tidewater commences, and the river widens to nearly a mile in extent. the low grounds, too, become wider; and they, as well as the mountains on each side, are covered with pine, spruce, cotton-wood, a species of ash, and some alder. after being so long accustomed to the dreary nakedness of the country above, the change is as grateful to the eye as it is useful in supplying us with fuel. the ponds in the low grounds on each side of the river are resorted to by vast quantities of fowls, such as swans, geese, brants, cranes, storks, white gulls, cormorants, and plover. the river is wide, and contains a great number of sea-otters. in the evening, the hunters brought in game for a sumptuous supper, which we shared with the indians, great numbers of whom spent the night with us. during the night, the tide rose eighteen inches near our camp. a large village.--columbia valley. nov. 4.--next day, we landed on the left bank of the river, at a village of twenty-five houses. all of these were thatched with straw, and built of bark, except one, which was about fifty feet long, built of boards, in the form of those higher up the river; from which it differed, however, in being completely above ground, and covered with broad split boards. this village contains about two hundred men of the skilloot nation, who seem well provided with canoes, of which there were fifty-two (some of them very large) drawn up in front of the village. on landing, we found an indian from up the river, who had been with us some days ago, and now invited us into a house, of which he appeared to own a part. here he treated us with a root, round in shape, about the size of a small irish potato, which they call _wappatoo_. it is the common arrowhead, or sagittifolia, so much esteemed by the chinese, and, when roasted in the embers till it becomes soft, has an agreeable taste, and is a very good substitute for bread. here the ridge of low mountains running north-west and south-east crosses the river, and forms the western boundary of the plain through which we have just passed.[3] this great plain, or valley, is about sixty miles wide in a straight line; while on the right and left it extends to a great distance. it is a fertile and delightful country, shaded by thick groves of tall timber, watered by small ponds, and lying on both sides of the river. the soil is rich, and capable of any species of culture; but, in the present condition of the indians, its chief production is the wappatoo-root, which grows spontaneously and exclusively in this region. sheltered as it is on both sides, the temperature is much milder than that of the surrounding country. through its whole extent, it is inhabited by numerous tribes of indians, who either reside in it permanently, or visit its waters in quest of fish and wappatoo-roots. we gave it the name of the columbia valley. coffin rock. among some interesting islands of basalt, there is one called coffin rock, situated in the middle of the river, rising ten or fifteen feet above high-freshet water. it is almost entirely covered with canoes, in which the dead are deposited, which gives it its name. in the section of country from wappatoo island to the pacific ocean, the indians, instead of committing their dead to the earth, deposit them in canoes; and these are placed in such situations as are most secure from beasts of prey, upon such precipices as this island, upon branches of trees, or upon scaffolds made for the purpose. the bodies of the dead are covered with mats, and split planks are placed over them. the head of the canoe is a little raised, and at the foot there is a hole made for water to escape. they reach the ocean. next day we passed the mouth of a large river, a hundred and fifty yards wide, called by the indians cowalitz. a beautiful, extensive plain now presented itself; but, at the distance of a few miles, the hills again closed in upon the river, so that we could not for several miles find a place sufficiently level to fix our camp upon for the night. thursday, nov. 7.--the morning was rainy, and the fog so thick, that we could not see across the river. we proceeded down the river, with an indian for our pilot, till, after making about twenty miles, the fog cleared off, and we enjoyed the delightful prospect of the ocean, the object of all our labors, the reward of all our endurance. this cheering view exhilarated the spirits of all the party, who listened with delight to the distant roar of the breakers. for ten days after our arrival at the coast, we were harassed by almost incessant rain. on the 12th, a violent gale of wind arose, accompanied with thunder, lightning, and hail. the waves were driven with fury against the rocks and trees, which had till then afforded us a partial defence. cold and wet; our clothes and bedding rotten as well as wet; the canoes, our only means of escape from the place, at the mercy of the waves,--we were, however, fortunate enough to enjoy good health. saturday, nov. 16.--the morning was clear and beautiful. we put out our baggage to dry, and sent several of the party to hunt. the camp was in full view of the ocean. the wind was strong from the south-west, and the waves very high; yet the indians were passing up and down the bay in canoes, and several of them encamped near us. the hunters brought in two deer, a crane, some geese and ducks, and several brant. the tide rises at this place eight feet six inches, and rolls over the beach in great waves. an excursion down the bay. capt. clarke started on monday, 18th november, on an excursion by land down the bay, accompanied by eleven men. the country is low, open, and marshy, partially covered with high pine and a thick undergrowth. at the distance of about fifteen miles they reached the cape, which forms the northern boundary of the river's mouth, called cape disappointment, so named by capt. meares, after a fruitless search for the river. it is an elevated circular knob, rising with a steep ascent a hundred and fifty feet or more above the water, covered with thick timber on the inner side, but open and grassy in the exposure next the sea. the opposite point of the bay is a very low ground, about ten miles distant, called, by capt. gray, point adams. the water for a great distance off the mouth of the river appears very shallow; and within the mouth, nearest to point adams, there is a large sand-bar, almost covered at high tide. we could not ascertain the direction of the deepest channel; for the waves break with tremendous force across the bay. mr. parker speaks more fully of this peculiarity of the river:- "a difficulty of such a nature as is not easily overcome exists in regard to the navigation of this river; which is, the sand-bar at its entrance. it is about five miles, across the bar, from cape disappointment out to sea. in no part of that distance is the water upon the bar over eight fathoms deep, and in one place only five, and the channel only about half a mile in width. so wide and open is the ocean, that there is always a heavy swell: and, when the wind is above a gentle breeze, there are breakers quite across the bar; so that there is no passing it, except when the wind and tide are both favorable. outside the bar, there is no anchorage; and there have been instances, in the winter season, of ships lying off and on thirty days, waiting for an opportunity to pass: and a good pilot is always needed. high, and in most parts perpendicular, basaltic rocks line the shores." the following is theodore winthrop's description of the columbia, taken from his "canoe and saddle:"- "a wall of terrible breakers marks the mouth of the columbia,--achilles of rivers. "other mighty streams may swim feebly away seaward, may sink into foul marshes, may trickle through the ditches of an oozy delta, may scatter among sand-bars the currents that once moved majestic and united; but to this heroic flood was destined a short life and a glorious one,--a life all one strong, victorious struggle, from the mountains to the sea. it has no infancy: two great branches collect its waters up and down the continent. they join, and the columbia is born--to full manhood. it rushes forward jubilant through its magnificent chasm, and leaps to its death in the pacific." footnote: [3] since called the coast range. chapter xiii. winter-quarters. november, 1805.--having now examined the coast, it becomes necessary to decide on the spot for our winter-quarters. we must rely chiefly for subsistence upon our arms, and be guided in the choice of our residence by the supply of game which any particular spot may offer. the indians say that the country on the opposite side of the river is better supplied with elk,--an animal much larger, and more easily killed, than the deer, with flesh more nutritive, and a skin better fitted for clothing. the neighborhood of the sea is, moreover, recommended by the facility of supplying ourselves with salt, and the hope of meeting some of the trading-vessels, which are expected about three months hence, from which we may procure a fresh supply of trinkets for our journey homewards. these considerations induced us to determine on visiting the opposite side of the bay; and, if there was an appearance of plenty of game, to establish ourselves there for the winter. monday, 25th november, we set out; but, as the wind was too high to suffer us to cross the river, we kept near the shore, watching for a favorable change. on leaving our camp, seven clatsops in a canoe accompanied us, but, after going a few miles, left us, and steered straight across through immense, high waves, leaving us in admiration at the dexterity with which they threw aside each wave as it threatened to come over their canoe. next day, with a more favorable wind, we began to cross the river. we passed between some low, marshy islands, and reached the south side of the columbia, and landed at a village of nine large houses. soon after we landed, three indians came down from the village with wappatoo-roots, which we purchased with fish-hooks. we proceeded along the shore till we came to a remarkable knob of land projecting about a mile and a half into the bay, about four miles round, while the neck of land which unites it to the main is not more than fifty yards across. we went round this projection, which we named point william; but the waves then became so high, that we could not venture any farther, and therefore landed on a beautiful shore of pebbles of various colors, and encamped near an old indian hut on the isthmus. discomforts. nov. 27.--it rained hard all next day, and the next, attended with a high wind from the south-west. it was impossible to proceed on so rough a sea. we therefore sent several men to hunt, and the rest of us remained during the day in a situation the most cheerless and uncomfortable. on this little neck of land, we are exposed, with a miserable covering which does not deserve the name of a shelter, to the violence of the winds. all our bedding and stores are completely wet, our clothes rotting with constant exposure, and no food except the dried fish brought from the falls, to which we are again reduced. the hunters all returned hungry, and drenched with rain; having seen neither deer nor elk, and the swans and brants too shy to be approached. at noon, the wind shifted to the north-west, and blew with such fury, that many trees were blown down near us. the gale lasted with short intervals during the whole night; but towards morning the wind lulled, though the rain continued, and the waves were still high. 30th.--the hunters met with no better success this day and the next, and the weather continued rainy. but on monday, 2d december, one of the hunters killed an elk at the distance of six miles from the camp, and a canoe was sent to bring it. this was the first elk we had killed on the west side of the rocky mountains; and, condemned as we have been to the dried fish, it forms a most acceptable food. the rain continued, with brief interruptions, during the whole month of december. there were occasional falls of snow, but no frost or ice. winter-quarters. capt. lewis returned from an excursion down the bay, having left two of his men to guard six elks and five deer which the party had shot. he had examined the coast, and found a river a short distance below, on which we might encamp for the winter, with a sufficiency of elk for our subsistence within reach. this information was very satisfactory, and we decided on going thither as soon as we could move from the point; but it rained all night and the following day. saturday, 7th december, 1805, was fair. we therefore loaded our canoes, and proceeded: but the tide was against us, and the waves very high; so that we were obliged to proceed slowly and cautiously. we at length turned a point, and found ourselves in a deep bay. here we landed for breakfast, and were joined by a party sent out three days ago to look for the six elk. after breakfast, we coasted round the bay, which is about four miles across, and receives two rivers. we called it meriwether's bay, from the christian name of capt. lewis, who was, no doubt, the first white man who surveyed it. on reaching the south side of the bay, we ascended one of the rivers for three miles to the first point of highland, on its western bank, and formed our camp in a thick grove of lofty pines about two hundred yards from the water, and thirty feet above the level of the high tides. the clatsops at home. capt. clarke started on an expedition to the seashore, to fix upon a place for the salt-works. he took six men with him; but three of them left in pursuit of a herd of elk. he met three indians loaded with fresh salmon, which they had taken, and were returning to their village, whither they invited him to accompany them. he agreed; and they brought out a canoe hid along the bank of a creek. capt. clarke and his party got on board, and in a short time were landed at the village, consisting of twelve houses, inhabited by twelve families of clatsops. these houses were on the south exposure of a hill, and sunk about four feet deep into the ground; the walls, roof, and gable-ends being formed of split-pine boards; the descent through a small door down a ladder. there were two fires in the middle of the room, and the beds disposed round the walls, two or three feet from the floor, so as to leave room under them for their bags, baskets, and household articles. the floor was covered with mats. capt. clarke was received with much attention. as soon as he entered, clean mats were spread, and fish, berries, and roots set before him on small, neat platters of rushes. after he had eaten, the men of the other houses came and smoked with him. they appeared much neater in their persons than indians generally are. towards evening, it began to rain and blow violently; and capt. clarke therefore determined to remain during the night. when they thought his appetite had returned, an old woman presented him, in a bowl made of light-colored horn, a kind of sirup, pleasant to the taste, made from a species of berry common in this country, about the size of a cherry, called by the indians _shelwel_. of these berries a bread is also prepared, which, being boiled with roots, forms a soup, which was served in neat wooden trenchers. this, with some cockles, was his repast. the men of the village now collected, and began to gamble. the most common game was one in which one of the company was banker, and played against all the rest. he had a piece of bone about the size of a large bean; and, having agreed with any one as to the value of the stake, he would pass the bone with great dexterity from one hand to the other, singing at the same time to divert the attention of his adversary. then, holding up his closed hands, his antagonist was challenged to say in which of them the bone was, and lost or won as he pointed to the right or wrong hand. to this game of hazard they abandon themselves with great ardor. sometimes every thing they possess is sacrificed to it; and this evening several of the indians lost all the beads which they had with them. this lasted for three hours; when, capt. clarke appearing disposed to sleep, the man who had been most attentive, and whose name was cuskalah, spread two new mats by the fire; and, ordering his wife to retire to her own bed, the rest of the company dispersed at the same time. capt. clarke then lay down, and slept as well as the fleas would permit him. next morning was cloudy, with some rain. he walked on the seashore, and observed the indians walking up and down, and examining the shore. he was at a loss to understand their object till one of them explained that they were in search of fish, which are thrown on shore by the tide; adding, in english, "sturgeon is good." there is every reason to suppose that these clatsops depend for their subsistence during the winter chiefly on the fish thus casually thrown on the coast. after amusing himself for some time on the beach, capt. clarke returned toward the village. one of the indians asked him to shoot a duck which he pointed out. he did so; and, having accidentally shot off its head, the bird was brought to the village, and all the indians came round in astonishment. they examined the duck, the musket, and the very small bullet (a hundred to the pound); and then exclaimed in their language, "good musket: don't understand this kind of musket." they now placed before him their best roots, fish, and sirup; after which he bought some berry-bread and a few roots in exchange for fish-hooks, and then set out to return by the same route by which he came. he was accompanied by cuskalah and his brother part of the way, and proceeded to the camp through a heavy rain. the party had been occupied during his absence in cutting down trees and in hunting. next day, two of our hunters returned with the pleasing intelligence of their having killed eighteen elk about six miles off. our huts begin to rise; for, though it rains all day, we continue our labors, and are glad to find that the beautiful balsam-pine splits into excellent boards more than two feet in width. dec. 15.--capt. clarke, with sixteen men, set out in three canoes to get the elk which were killed. after landing as near the spot as possible, the men were despatched in small parties to bring in the game; each man returning with a quarter of an animal. it was accomplished with much labor and suffering; for the rain fell incessantly. the fort completed. we now had the meat-house covered, and all our game carefully hung up in small pieces. two days after, we covered in four huts. five men were sent out to hunt, and five others despatched to the seaside, each with a large kettle, in order to begin the manufacture of salt. the rest of the men were employed in making pickets and gates for our fort. dec. 31.--as if it were impossible to have twenty-four hours of pleasant weather, the sky last evening clouded up, and the rain began, and continued through the day. in the morning, there came down two canoes,--one from the wahkiacum village; the other contained three men and a squaw of the skilloot nation. they brought wappatoo and shanatac roots, dried fish, mats made of flags and rushes, dressed elk-skins, and tobacco, for which, particularly the skins, they asked an extravagant price. we purchased some wappatoo and a little tobacco, very much like that we had seen among the shoshonees, put up in small, neat bags made of rushes. these we obtained in exchange for a few articles, among which fish-hooks are the most esteemed. one of the skilloots brought a gun which wanted some repair; and, when we had put it in order, we received from him a present of about a peck of wappatoo. we then gave him a piece of sheepskin and blue cloth to cover the lock, and he very thankfully offered a further present of roots. there is an obvious superiority of these skilloots over the wahkiacums, who are intrusive, thievish, and impertinent. our new regulations, however, and the appearance of the sentinel, have improved the behavior of all our indian visitors. they left the fort before sunset, even without being ordered. chapter xiv. a new year. we were awaked at an early hour by the discharge of a volley of small-arms to salute the new year. this is the only way of doing honor to the day which our situation admits; for our only dainties are boiled elk and wappatoo, enlivened by draughts of water. next day, we were visited by the chief, comowool, and six clatsops. besides roots and berries, they brought for sale three dogs. having been so long accustomed to live on the flesh of dogs, the most of us have acquired a fondness for it; and any objection to it is overcome by reflecting, that, while we subsisted on that food, we were fatter, stronger, and in better health, than at any period since leaving the buffalo country, east of the mountains. the indians also brought with them some whale's blubber, which they obtained, they told us, from their neighbors who live on the sea-coast, near one of whose villages a whale has recently been thrown and stranded. it was white, and not unlike the fat of pork, though of a more porous and spongy texture; and, on being cooked, was found to be tender and palatable, in flavor resembling the flesh of the beaver. two of the five men who were despatched to make salt returned. they had formed an establishment about fifteen miles south-west of our fort, near some scattered houses of the clatsops, where they erected a comfortable camp, and had killed a stock of provisions. they brought with them a gallon of the salt of their manufacture, which was white, fine, and very good. it proves to be a most agreeable addition to our food; and, as they can make three or four quarts a day, we have a prospect of a plentiful supply. the whale. the appearance of the whale seemed to be a matter of importance to all the neighboring indians; and in hopes that we might be able to procure some of it for ourselves, or at least purchase some from the indians, a small parcel of merchandise was prepared, and a party of men got in readiness to set out in the morning. as soon as this resolution was known, chaboneau and his wife requested that they might be permitted to accompany us. the poor woman urged very earnestly that she had travelled a great way with us to see the great water, yet she had never been down to the coast; and, now that this monstrous fish also was to be seen, it seemed hard that she should not be permitted to see either the ocean or the whale. so reasonable a request could not be denied: they were therefore suffered to accompany capt. clarke, who next day, after an early breakfast, set out with twelve men in two canoes. he proceeded down the river on which we are encamped into meriwether bay; from whence he passed up a creek three miles to some high, open land, where he found a road. he there left the canoes, and followed the path over deep marshes to a pond about a mile long. here they saw a herd of elk; and the men were divided into small parties, and hunted them till after dark. three of the elk were wounded; but night prevented our taking more than one, which was brought to the camp, and cooked with some sticks of pine which had drifted down the creeks. the weather was beautiful, the sky clear, and the moon shone brightly,--a circumstance the more agreeable, as this is the first fair evening we have enjoyed for two months. thursday, jan. 2.--there was a frost this morning. we rose early, and taking eight pounds of flesh, which was all that remained of the elk, proceeded up the south fork of the creek. at the distance of two miles we found a pine-tree, which had been felled by one of our salt-makers, on which we crossed the deepest part of the creek, and waded through the rest. we then went over an open, ridgy prairie, three-quarters of a mile to the sea-beach; after following which for three miles, we came to the mouth of a beautiful river, with a bold, rapid current, eighty-five yards wide, and three feet deep in its shallowest crossings. on its north-east side are the remains of an old village of clatsops, inhabited by only a single family, who appeared miserably poor and dirty. we gave the man two fish-hooks to ferry the party over the river, which, from the tribe on its banks, we called clatsop river. the creek which we had passed on a tree approaches this river within about a hundred yards, and, by means of a portage, supplies a communication with the villages near point adams. after going on for two miles, we found the salt-makers encamped near four houses of clatsops and killimucks, who, though poor and dirty, seemed kind and well-disposed. we persuaded a young indian, by the present of a file and a promise of some other articles, to guide us to the spot where the whale lay. he led us for two and a half miles over the round, slippery stones at the foot of a high hill projecting into the sea, and then, suddenly stopping, and uttering the word "peshack," or bad, explained by signs that we could no longer follow the coast, but must cross the mountain. this threatened to be a most laborious undertaking; for the side was nearly perpendicular, and the top lost in clouds. he, however, followed an indian path, which wound along, and favored the ascent as much as possible; but it was so steep, that, at one place, we were forced to draw ourselves up for about a hundred feet by means of bushes and roots. clarke's point of view. at length, after two hours' labor, we reached the top of the mountain, where we looked down with astonishment on the height of ten or twelve hundred feet which we had ascended. we were here met by fourteen indians loaded with oil and blubber, the spoils of the whale, which they were carrying in very heavy burdens over this rough mountain. on leaving them, we proceeded over a bad road till night, when we encamped on a small run. we were all much fatigued: but the weather was pleasant; and, for the first time since our arrival here, an entire day has passed without rain. in the morning we set out early, and proceeded to the top of the mountain, the highest point of which is an open spot facing the ocean. it is situated about thirty miles south-east of cape disappointment, and projects nearly two and a half miles into the sea. here one of the most delightful views imaginable presents itself. immediately in front is the ocean, which breaks with fury on the coast, from the rocks of cape disappointment as far as the eye can discern to the north-west, and against the highlands and irregular piles of rock which diversify the shore to the south-east. to this boisterous scene, the columbia, with its tributary waters, widening into bays as it approaches the ocean, and studded on both sides with the chinook and clatsop villages, forms a charming contrast; while immediately beneath our feet are stretched rich prairies, enlivened by three beautiful streams, which conduct the eye to small lakes at the foot of the hills. we stopped to enjoy the romantic view from this place, which we distinguished by the name of clarke's point of view, and then followed our guide down the mountain. the whale. the descent was steep and dangerous. in many places, the hillsides, which are formed principally of yellow clay, have been loosened by the late rains, and are slipping into the sea in large masses of fifty and a hundred acres. in other parts, the path crosses the rugged, perpendicular, basaltic rocks which overhang the sea, into which a false step would have precipitated us. the mountains are covered with a very thick growth of timber, chiefly pine and fir; some trees of which, perfectly sound and solid, rise to the height of two hundred and ten feet, and are from eight to twelve in diameter. intermixed is the white cedar, or arbor-vitã¦, and some trees of black alder, two or three feet thick, and sixty or seventy in height. at length we reached the sea-level, and continued for two miles along the sand-beach, and soon after reached the place where the waves had thrown the whale on shore. the animal had been placed between two villages of killimucks; and such had been their industry, that there now remained nothing but the skeleton, which we found to be a hundred and five feet in length. capt. clarke named the place ecola, or whale creek. the natives were busied in boiling the blubber in a large square trough of wood by means of heated stones, preserving the oil thus extracted in bladders and the entrails of the whale. the refuse pieces of the blubber, which still contained a portion of oil, were hung up in large flitches, and, when wanted for use, were warmed on a wooden spit before the fire, and eaten, either alone, or with roots of the rush and shanatac. the indians, though they had great quantities, parted with it very reluctantly, at such high prices, that our whole stock of merchandise was exhausted in the purchase of about three hundred pounds of blubber and a few gallons of oil. next morning was fine, the wind from the north-east; and, having divided our stock of the blubber, we began at sunrise to retrace our steps in order to reach our encampment, which we called fort clatsop, thirty-five miles distant, with as little delay as possible. we met several parties of indians on their way to trade for blubber and oil with the killimucks: we also overtook a party returning from the village, and could not but regard with astonishment the heavy loads which the women carry over these fatiguing and dangerous paths. as one of the women was descending a steep part of the mountain, her load slipped from her back; and she stood holding it by a strap with one hand, and with the other supporting herself by a bush. capt. clarke, being near her, undertook to replace the load, and found it almost as much as he could lift, and above one hundred pounds in weight. loaded as they were, they kept pace with us till we reached the salt-makers' camp, where we passed the night, while they continued their route. next day, we proceeded across clatsop river to the place where we had left our canoes, and, as the tide was coming in, immediately embarked for the fort, at which place we arrived about ten o'clock at night. drewyer, the hunter. jan. 12, 1806.--two hunters had been despatched in the morning; and one of them, drewyer, had, before evening, killed seven elks. we should scarcely be able to subsist, were it not for the exertions of this excellent hunter. the game is scarce; and none is now to be seen except elk, which, to almost all the men, are very difficult to be procured. but drewyer, who is the offspring of a canadian frenchman and an indian woman, has passed his life in the woods, and unites in a wonderful degree the dexterous aim of the frontier huntsman with the sagacity of the indian in pursuing the faintest tracks through the forest. all our men have indeed become so expert with the rifle, that, when there is game of any kind, we are almost certain of procuring it. monday, jan. 13.--capt. lewis took all the men who could be spared, and brought in the seven elk, which they found untouched by the wolves. the last of the candles which we brought with us being exhausted, we now began to make others of elk-tallow. we also employed ourselves in jerking the meat of the elk. we have three of the canoes drawn up out of the reach of the water, and the other secured by a strong cord, so as to be ready for use if wanted. jan. 16.--to-day we finished curing our meat; and having now a plentiful supply of elk and salt, and our houses dry and comfortable, we wait patiently for the moment of resuming our journey. chapter xv. winter life. jan. 18, 1806.--we are all occupied in dressing skins, and preparing clothes for our journey homewards. this morning, we sent out two parties of hunters in different directions. we were visited by three clatsops, who came merely for the purpose of smoking and conversing with us. jan. 21.--two of the hunters came back with three elks, which form a timely addition to our stock of provision. the indian visitors left us at twelve o'clock. the clatsops and other nations have visited us with great freedom. having acquired much of their language, we are enabled, with the assistance of gestures, to hold conversations with great ease. we find them inquisitive and loquacious; by no means deficient in acuteness. they are generally cheerful, but seldom gay. every thing they see excites their attention and inquiries. their treatment of women and old men depends very much on the usefulness of these classes. thus, among the clatsops and chinooks, who live upon fish and roots, which the women are equally expert with the men in procuring, the women have a rank and influence far greater than they have among the hunting tribes. on many subjects their judgments and opinions are respected; and, in matters of trade, their advice is generally asked and followed. so with the old men: when one is unable to pursue the chase, his counsels may compensate for his want of activity; but in the next state of infirmity, when he can no longer travel from camp to camp as the tribe roams about for subsistence, he is found to be a burden. in this condition they are abandoned among the sioux and other hunting-tribes of the missouri. as the tribe are setting out for some new excursion where the old man is unable to follow, his children or nearest relations place before him a piece of meat and some water; and telling him that he has lived long enough, that it is now time for him to go home to his relations, who can take better care of him than his friends on earth, they leave him without remorse to perish, when his little supply is exhausted. though this is doubtless true as a general rule, yet, in the villages of the minnetarees and ricaras, we saw no want of kindness to old men: on the contrary, probably because in villages the more abundant means of subsistence renders such cruelty unnecessary, the old people appeared to be treated with attention; and some of their feasts, particularly the buffalo-dances, were intended chiefly as an occasion of contribution for the old and infirm. flathead indians. the custom of flattening the head by artificial pressure during infancy prevails among all the nations we have seen west of the rocky mountains. to the east of that barrier the fashion is so perfectly unused, that they designate the western indians, of whatever tribe, by the common name of flatheads. the practice is universal among the killimucks, clatsops, chinooks, and cathlamahs,--the four nations with whom we have had most intercourse. soon after the birth of her child, the mother places it in the compressing-frame, where it is kept for ten or twelve months. the operation is so gradual, that it is not attended with pain. the heads of the children, when they are released from the bandage, are not more than two inches thick about the upper edge of the forehead: nor, with all its efforts, can nature ever restore their shape; the heads of grown persons being often in a straight line from the tip of the nose to the top of the forehead. temperance.--gambling. their houses usually contain several families, consisting of parents, sons and daughters, daughters-in-law and grand-children, among whom the provisions are in common, and harmony seldom interrupted. as these families gradually expand into tribes, or nations, the paternal authority is represented by the chief of each association. the chieftainship is not hereditary: the chief's ability to render service to his neighbors, and the popularity which follows it, is the foundation of his authority, which does not extend beyond the measure of his personal influence. the harmony of their private life is protected by their ignorance of spirituous liquors. although the tribes near the coast have had so much intercourse with the whites, they do not appear to possess any knowledge of those dangerous luxuries; at least, they have never inquired of us for them. indeed, we have not observed any liquor of an intoxicating quality used among any indians west of the rocky mountains; the universal beverage being pure water. they, however, almost intoxicate themselves by smoking tobacco, of which they are excessively fond. but the common vice of all these people is an attachment to games of chance, which they pursue with a ruinous avidity. the game of the pebble has already been described. another game is something like the play of ninepins. two pins are placed on the floor, about the distance of a foot from each other, and a small hole made in the earth behind them. the players then go about ten feet from the hole, into which they try to roll a small piece resembling the men used at checkers. if they succeed in putting it into the hole, they win the stake. if the piece rolls between the pins, but does not go into the hole, nothing is won or lost; but the wager is lost if the checker rolls outside the pins. entire days are wasted at these games, which are often continued through the night round the blaze of their fires, till the last article of clothing or the last blue bead is lost and won. trees. the whole neighborhood of the coast is supplied with great quantities of excellent timber. the predominant growth is the fir, of which we have seen several species. the first species grows to an immense size, and is very commonly twenty-seven feet in circumference, six feet above the earth's surface. they rise to the height of two hundred and thirty feet, and one hundred and twenty of that height without a limb. we have often found them thirty-six feet in circumference. one of our party measured one, and found it to be forty-two feet in circumference at a point beyond the reach of an ordinary man. this tree was perfectly sound; and, at a moderate calculation, its height may be estimated at three hundred feet. the second is a much more common species, and constitutes at least one-half of the timber in this neighborhood. it resembles the spruce, rising from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty feet; and is from four to six feet in diameter, straight, round, and regularly tapering. the stem of the black alder arrives at a great size. it is sometimes found growing to the height of sixty or seventy feet, and is from two to four in diameter. there is a tree, common on the columbia river, much resembling the ash, and another resembling the white maple, though much smaller. the undergrowth consists of honeysuckle, alder, whortleberry, a plant like the mountain-holly, green brier, and fern. animals. the beaver of this country is large and fat: the flesh is very palatable, and, at our table, was a real luxury. on the 7th of january, our hunter found a beaver in his trap, of which he made a bait for taking others. this bait will entice the beaver to the trap as far as he can smell it; and this may be fairly stated to be at the distance of a mile, as their sense of smelling is very acute. the sea-otter resides only on the sea-coast or in the neighborhood of the salt water. when fully grown, he attains to the size of a large mastiff dog. the ears, which are not an inch in length, are thick, pointed, fleshy, and covered with short hair; the tail is ten inches long, thick at the point of insertion, and partially covered with a deep fur on the upper side; the legs are very short, covered with fur, and the feet with short hair. the body of this animal is long, and of the same thickness throughout. from the extremity of the tail to the nose, they measure five feet. the color is a uniform dark brown, and when in good condition, and in season, perfectly black. this animal is unrivalled for the beauty, richness, and softness of his fur. the inner part of the fur, when opened, is lighter than the surface in its natural position. there are some black and shining hairs intermixed with the fur, which are rather longer, and add much to its beauty. horses and dogs. the horse is confined chiefly to the nations inhabiting the great plains of the columbia, extending from latitude forty to fifty north, and occupying the tract of country lying between the rocky mountains and a range of mountains which crosses the columbia river about the great falls. in this region they are very numerous. they appear to be of an excellent race, lofty, well formed, active, and enduring. many of them appear like fine english coursers. some of them are pied, with large spots of white irregularly scattered, and intermixed with a dark-brown bay. the greater part, however, are of a uniform color, marked with stars, and white feet. the natives suffer them to run at large in the plains, the grass of which affords them their only winter subsistence; their masters taking no trouble to lay in a winter's store for them. they will, nevertheless, unless much exercised, fatten on the dry grass afforded by the plains during the winter. the plains are rarely moistened by rain, and the grass is consequently short and thin. whether the horse was originally a native of this country or not, the soil and climate appear to be perfectly well adapted to his nature. horses are said to be found wild in many parts of this country. the dog is small, about the size of an ordinary cur. he is usually party-colored; black, white, brown, and brindle being the colors most predominant. the head is long, the nose pointed, the eyes small, the ears erect and pointed like those of the wolf. the hair is short and smooth, excepting on the tail, where it is long and straight, like that of the ordinary cur-dog. the natives never eat the flesh of this animal, and he appears to be in no other way serviceable to them but in hunting the elk. to us, on the contrary, it has now become a favorite food; for it is found to be a strong, healthy diet, preferable to lean deer or elk, and much superior to horse-flesh in any state. burrowing squirrel. there are several species of squirrels not different from those found in the atlantic states. there is also a species of squirrel, evidently distinct, which we denominate the burrowing squirrel. he measures one foot five inches in length, of which the tail comprises two and a half inches only. the neck and legs are short; the ears are likewise short, obtusely pointed, and lie close to the head. the eyes are of a moderate size, the pupil black, and the iris of a dark, sooty brown. the teeth, and indeed the whole contour, resemble those of the squirrel. these animals associate in large companies, occupying with their burrows sometimes two hundred acres of land. the burrows are separate, and each contains ten or twelve of these inhabitants. there is a little mound in front of the hole, formed of the earth thrown out of the burrow; and frequently there are three or four distinct holes, forming one burrow, with their entrances around the base of a mound. these mounds, about two feet in height and four in diameter, are occupied as watch-towers by the inhabitants of these little communities. the squirrels are irregularly distributed about the tract they thus occupy,--ten, twenty, or thirty yards apart. when any person approaches, they make a shrill whistling sound, somewhat resembling "tweet, tweet, tweet;" the signal for their party to take the alarm, and to retire into their intrenchments. they feed on the grass of their village, the limits of which they never venture to exceed. as soon as the frost commences, they shut themselves up in their caverns, and continue until the spring opens. birds. the grouse, or prairie-hen.--this is peculiarly the inhabitant of the great plains of the columbia, but does not differ from those of the upper portion of the missouri. in the winter season, this bird is booted to the first joint of the toes. the toes are curiously bordered on their lower edges with narrow, hard scales, which are placed very close to each other, and extend horizontally about one-eighth of an inch on each side of the toes, adding much to the broadness of the feet,--a security which nature has furnished them for passing over the snow with more ease,--and, what is very remarkable, in the summer season these scales drop from the feet. the color of this bird is a mixture of dark brown, reddish, and yellowish brown, with white confusedly mixed. the reddish-brown prevails most on the upper parts of the body, wings, and tail; and the white, under the belly and the lower parts of the breast and tail. they associate in large flocks in autumn and winter; and, even in summer, are seen in companies of five or six. they feed on grass, insects, leaves of various shrubs in the plains, and the seeds of several species of plants which grow in richer soils. in winter, their food consists of the buds of the willow and cottonwood, and native berries. the cock of the plains is found on the plains of the columbia in great abundance. the beak is large, short, covered, and convex; the upper exceeding the lower chap. the nostrils are large, and the back black. the color is a uniform mixture of a dark-brown, resembling the dove, and a reddish or yellowish brown, with some small black specks. the habits of this bird resemble those of the grouse, excepting that his food is the leaf and buds of the pulpy-leaved thorn. the flesh is dark, and only tolerable in point of flavor. horned frog. the horned lizard, or horned frog, called, for what reason we never could learn, the prairie buffalo, is a native of these plains as well as of those of the missouri. the color is generally brown, intermixed with yellowish spots. the animal is covered with minute scales, interspersed with small horny points, or prickles, on the upper surface of the body. the belly and throat resemble those of the frog, and are of a light yellowish-brown. the edge of the belly is likewise beset with small horny projections. the eye is small and dark. above and behind the eyes there are several bony projections, which resemble horns sprouting from the head. these animals are found in greatest numbers in the sandy, open plains, and appear most abundant after a shower of rain. they are sometimes found basking in the sunshine, but generally conceal themselves in little holes of the earth. this may account for their appearance in such numbers after rain, as their holes may thus be rendered untenantable. chapter xvi. the return. march, 1806.--many reasons had inclined us to remain at fort clatsop till the 1st of april. besides the want of fuel in the columbian plains, and the impracticability of crossing the mountains before the beginning of june, we were anxious to see some of the foreign traders, from whom, by our ample letters of credit, we might recruit our exhausted stores of merchandise. about the middle of march, however, we became seriously alarmed for the want of food. the elk, our chief dependence, had at length deserted its usual haunts in our neighborhood, and retreated to the mountains. we were too poor to purchase food from the indians; so that we were sometimes reduced, notwithstanding all the exertions of our hunters, to a single day's provision in advance. the men too, whom the constant rains and confinement had rendered unhealthy, might, we hoped, be benefited by leaving the coast, and resuming the exercise of travelling. we therefore determined to leave fort clatsop, ascend the river slowly, consume the month of march in the woody country, where we hoped to find subsistence, and in this way reach the plains about the 1st of april, before which time it will be impossible to cross them. during the winter, we have been very industrious in dressing skins; so that we now have a sufficient quantity of clothing, besides between three and four hundred pairs of moccasons. but the whole stock of goods on which we are to depend for the purchase of horses or of food, during the long journey of four thousand miles, is so much diminished, that it might all be tied in two handkerchiefs. we therefore feel that our chief dependence must be on our guns, which, fortunately, are all in good order, as we took the precaution of bringing a number of extra locks, and one of our men proved to be an excellent gunsmith. the powder had been secured in leaden canisters; and, though on many occasions they had been under water, it remained perfectly dry: and we now found ourselves in possession of one hundred and forty pounds of powder, and twice that weight of lead,--a stock quite sufficient for the route homewards. we were now ready to leave fort clatsop; but the rain prevented us for several days from calking the canoes, and we were forced to wait for calm weather before we could attempt to pass point william, which projects about a mile and a half into the sea, forming, as it were, the dividing-line between the river and the ocean; for the water below is salt, while that above is fresh. on march 23, at one o'clock in the afternoon, we took a final leave of fort clatsop. we doubled point william without any injury, and at six o'clock reached the mouth of a small creek, where we found our hunters. they had been fortunate enough to kill two elks, which were brought in, and served for breakfast next morning. next day, we were overtaken by two wahkiacums, who brought two dogs, for which they wanted us to give them some tobacco; but, as we had very little of that article left, they were obliged to go away disappointed. we received at the same time an agreeable supply of three eagles and a large goose, brought in by the hunters. we passed the entrance of cowalitz river, seventy miles from our winter camp. this stream enters the columbia from the north; is one hundred and fifty yards wide; deep and navigable, as the indians assert, for a considerable distance; and probably waters the country west and north of the cascade mountains, which cross the columbia between the great falls and rapids. during the day, we passed a number of fishing-camps on both sides of the river, and were constantly attended by small parties of skilloots, who behaved in the most orderly manner, and from whom we purchased as much fish and roots as we wanted, on moderate terms. the night continued as the day had been,--cold, wet, and disagreeable; which is the general character of the weather in this region at this season. march 29.--at an early hour, we resumed our route, and halted for breakfast at the upper end of an island where is properly the commencement of the great columbian valley. we landed at a village of fourteen large wooden houses. the people received us kindly, and spread before us wappatoo and anchovies; but, as soon as we had finished enjoying this hospitality (if it deserves that name), they began to ask us for presents. they were, however, perfectly satisfied with the small articles which we distributed according to custom, and equally pleased with our purchasing some wappatoo, twelve dogs, and two sea-otter skins. we also gave the chief a small medal, which he soon transferred to his wife. april 1.--we met a number of canoes filled with families descending the river. these people told us that they lived at the great rapids, but that a scarcity of provisions there had induced them to come down in hopes of finding subsistence in this fertile valley. all those who lived at the rapids, as well as the nations above them, they said, were in much distress for want of food, having consumed their winter store of dried fish, and not expecting the return of the salmon before the next full moon, which will be on the 2d of may. this intelligence was disagreeable and embarrassing. from the falls to the chopunnish nation, the plains afford no deer, elk, or antelope, on which we can rely for subsistence. the horses are very poor at this season; and the dogs must be in the same condition, if their food, the fish, have failed. on the other hand, it is obviously inexpedient to wait for the return of the salmon, since, in that case, we may not reach the missouri before the ice will prevent our navigating it. we therefore decided to remain here only till we collect meat enough to last us till we reach the chopunnish nation, with whom we left our horses on our downward journey, trusting that we shall find the animals safe, and have them faithfully returned to us; for, without them, the passage of the mountains will be almost impracticable. april 2, 1806.--several canoes arrived to visit us; and among the party were two young men who belonged to a nation, which, they said, resides at the falls of a large river which empties itself into the south side of the columbia, a few miles below us; and they drew a map of the country with a coal on a mat. in order to verify this information, capt. clarke persuaded one of the young men, by the present of a burning-glass, to accompany him to the river, in search of which he immediately set out with a canoe and seven of our men. in the evening, capt. clarke returned from his excursion. after descending about twenty miles, he entered the mouth of a large river, which was concealed, by three small islands opposite its entrance, from those who pass up or down the columbia. this river, which the indians call multnomah, from a nation of the same name residing near it on wappatoo island, enters the columbia one hundred and forty miles above the mouth of the latter river. the current of the multnomah, which is also called willamett, is as gentle as that of the columbia; and it appears to possess water enough for the largest ship, since, on sounding with a line of five fathoms, they could find no bottom. capt. clarke ascended the river to the village of his guide. he found here a building two hundred and twenty-six feet in front, entirely above ground, and all under one roof; otherwise it would seem more like a range of buildings, as it is divided into seven distinct apartments, each thirty feet square. the roof is formed of rafters, with round poles laid on them longitudinally. the whole is covered with a double row of the bark of the white cedar, secured by splinters of dried fir, inserted through it at regular distances. in this manner, the roof is made light, strong, and durable. in the house were several old people of both sexes, who were treated with much respect, and still seemed healthy, though most of them were perfectly blind. on inquiring the cause of the decline of their village, which was shown pretty clearly by the remains of several deserted buildings, an old man, father of the guide, and a person of some distinction, brought forward a woman very much marked with the small-pox, and said, that, when a girl, she was near dying with the disorder which had left those marks, and that the inhabitants of the houses now in ruins had fallen victims to the same disease. wappatoo island and root. wappatoo island is a large extent of country lying between the multnomah river and an arm of the columbia. the island is about twenty miles long, and varies in breadth from five to ten miles. the land is high, and extremely fertile, and on most parts is supplied with a heavy growth of cottonwood, ash, and willow. but the chief wealth of this island consists of the numerous ponds in the interior, abounding with the common arrowhead (_sagittaria sagittifolia_), to the root of which is attached a bulb growing beneath it, in the mud. this bulb, to which the indians give the name of _wappatoo_, is the great article of food, and almost the staple article of commerce, on the columbia. it is never out of season; so that, at all times of the year, the valley is frequented by the neighboring indians who come to gather it. it is collected chiefly by the women, who employ for the purpose canoes from ten to fourteen feet in length, about two feet wide, and nine inches deep, tapering from the middle, where they are about twenty inches wide. they are sufficient to contain a single person and several bushels of roots; yet so light, that a woman can carry one with ease. she takes one of these canoes into a pond where the water is as high as the breast, and, by means of her toes, separates from the root this bulb, which, on being freed from the mud, rises immediately to the surface of the water, and is thrown into the canoe. in this manner, these patient females remain in the water for several hours, even in the depth of winter. this plant is found through the whole extent of the valley in which we now are, but does not grow on the columbia farther eastward. scenery of the river and shores. above the junction of the multnomah river, we passed along under high, steep, and rocky sides of the mountains, which here close in on each side of the river, forming stupendous precipices, covered with the fir and white cedar. down these heights frequently descend the most beautiful cascades,--one of which, a large stream, throws itself over a perpendicular rock, three hundred feet above the water; while other smaller streams precipitate themselves from a still greater elevation, and, separating into a mist, again collect, and form a second cascade before they reach the bottom of the rocks. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, generally abrupt and craggy, and in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, hard, basaltic rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends itself, in level plains, to a very great distance. to one remarkable elevation we gave the name of beacon rock. it stands on the north side of the river, insulated from the hills. the northern side has a partial growth of fir or pine. to the south, it rises in an unbroken precipice to the height of seven hundred feet, where it terminates in a sharp point, and may be seen at the distance of twenty miles. this rock may be considered as the point where tidewater commences. april 19.--we formed our camp at the foot of the long narrows, a little above a settlement of skilloots. their dwellings were formed by sticks set in the ground, and covered with mats and straw, and so large, that each was the residence of several families. the whole village was filled with rejoicing at having caught a salmon, which was considered as the harbinger of vast quantities that would arrive in a few days. in the belief that it would hasten their coming, the indians, according to their custom, dressed the fish, and cut it into small pieces, one of which was given to every child in the village; and, in the good humor excited by this occurrence, they parted, though reluctantly, with four horses, for which we gave them two kettles, reserving to ourselves only one. we resumed our route, and soon after halted on a hill, from the top of which we had a commanding view of the range of mountains in which mount hood stands, and which continued south as far as the eye could reach; their summits being covered with snow. mount hood bore south thirty degrees west; and another snowy summit, which we have called mount jefferson, south ten degrees west. capt. clarke crossed the river, with nine men and a large part of the merchandise, to purchase, if possible, twelve horses to transport our baggage, and some pounded fish, as a reserve, on the passage across the mountains. he succeeded in purchasing only four horses, and those at double the price that had been paid to the shoshonees. april 20.--as it was much for our interest to preserve the good will of these people, we passed over several small thefts which they had committed; but this morning we learned that six tomahawks and a knife had been stolen during the night. we addressed ourselves to the chief, who seemed angry with his people; but we did not recover the articles: and soon afterwards two of our spoons were missing. we therefore ordered them all from the camp. they left us in ill-humor, and we therefore kept on our guard against any insult. april 22.--we began our march at seven o'clock. we had just reached the top of a hill near the village, when the load of one of the horses turned; and the animal, taking fright at a robe which still adhered to him, ran furiously toward the village. just as he came there, the robe fell, and an indian made way with it. the horse was soon caught; but the robe was missing, and the indians denied having seen it. these repeated acts of knavery had quite exhausted our patience; and capt. lewis set out for the village, determined to make them deliver up the robe, or to burn their houses to the ground. this retaliation was happily rendered unnecessary; for on his way he met two of our men, who had found the robe in one of the huts, hid behind some baggage. april 24.--the indians had promised to take our canoes in exchange for horses; but, when they found that we were resolved on travelling by land, they refused giving us any thing for them, in hopes that we would be forced to leave them. disgusted at this conduct, we determined rather to cut them in pieces than suffer these people to possess them; and actually began to do so, when they consented to give us several strands of beads for each canoe. we had now a sufficient number of horses to carry our baggage, and therefore proceeded wholly by land. passing between the hills and the northern shore of the river, we had a difficult and fatiguing march over a road alternately sandy and rocky. the country through which we have passed for several days is of uniform character. the hills on both sides of the river are about two hundred and fifty feet high, in many places presenting a perpendicular face of black, solid rock. from the top of these hills, the country extends, in level plains, to a very great distance, and, though not as fertile as land near the falls, produces an abundant supply of low grass, which is an excellent food for horses. the grass must indeed be unusually nutritious: for even at this season of the year, after wintering on the dry grass of the plains, and being used with greater severity than is usual among the whites, many of the horses were perfectly fat; nor had we seen a single one that was really poor. having proceeded thirty-one miles, we halted for the night not far from some houses of the walla-wallas. soon after stopping, we were joined by seven of that tribe, among whom we recognized a chief by the name of yellept, who had visited us in october last, when we gave him a medal. he appeared very much pleased at seeing us again, and invited us to remain at his village three or four days, during which he would supply us with such food as they had, and furnish us with horses for our journey. after the cold, inhospitable treatment we had lately received, this kind offer was peculiarly acceptable. after having made a hasty meal, we accompanied him to his village. immediately on our arrival, yellept, who proved to be a man of much influence, collected the inhabitants, and after having made an harangue to them, the object of which was to induce them to treat us hospitably, set them an example by bringing himself an armful of wood, and a platter containing three roasted mullets. they immediately followed the example by furnishing us with an abundance of the only sort of fuel they use,--the stems of shrubs growing in the plains. we then purchased four dogs, on which we supped heartily, having been on short allowance for two days previously. we learned from these people, that, opposite to their village, there was a route which led to the mouth of the kooskooskee; that the road was good, and passed over a level country well supplied with water and grass; and that we should meet with plenty of deer and antelope. we knew that a road in that direction would shorten our route eighty miles; and we concluded to adopt this route. fortunately there was among these walla-wallas a prisoner belonging to a tribe of the shoshonee indians. our shoshonee woman, sacajawea, though she belonged to another tribe, spoke the same language as this prisoner; and by their means we were enabled to explain ourselves to the indians, and to answer all their inquiries with respect to ourselves and the object of our journey. our conversation inspired them with such confidence, that they soon brought several sick persons for whom they requested our assistance. we splintered the broken arm of one, gave some relief to another whose knee was contracted by rheumatism, and administered what we thought would be useful for ulcers and eruptions of the skin on various parts of the body, which are very common disorders among them. but our most valuable medicine was eye-water, which we distributed, and which, indeed, they very much required; for complaints of the eyes, occasioned by living so much on the water, and aggravated by the fine sand of the plains, were universal among them. we were by no means dissatisfied at this new resource for obtaining subsistence, as the indians would give us no provisions without merchandise, and our stock was very much reduced. we carefully abstained from giving them any thing but harmless medicines; and our prescriptions might be useful, and were therefore entitled to some remuneration. may 5.--almost the only instance of rudeness we encountered in our whole trip occurred here. we made our dinner on two dogs and a small quantity of roots. while we were eating, an indian standing by, and looking with great derision at our eating dog's-flesh, threw a half-starved puppy almost into capt. lewis's plate, laughing heartily at the humor of it. capt. lewis took up the animal, and flung it back with great force into the fellow's face, and, seizing his tomahawk, threatened to cut him down if he dared to repeat such insolence. he went off, apparently much mortified; and we continued our dog-repast very quietly. here we met our old chopunnish guide and his family; and soon afterward one of our horses, which had been separated from the others in the charge of twisted-hair, was caught, and restored to us. the walla-walla. we reached (may 1) a branch of the walla-walla river. the hills of this creek are generally abrupt and rocky; but the narrow bottom bordering the stream is very fertile, and both possess twenty times as much timber as the columbia itself. indeed, we now find, for the first time since leaving fort clatsop, an abundance of firewood. the growth consists of cotton-wood, birch, the crimson haw, willow, choke-cherry, yellow currants, gooseberry, honeysuckle, rose-bushes, sumac, together with some corn-grass and rushes. the advantage of a comfortable fire induced us, as the night was come, to halt at this place. we were soon supplied by drewyer with a beaver and an otter; of which we took only a part of the beaver, and gave the rest to the indians. the otter is a favorite food, though much inferior, in our estimation, to the dog, which they will not eat. the horse, too, is seldom eaten, and never except when absolute necessity compels. this fastidiousness does not, however, seem to proceed so much from any dislike to the food as from attachment to the animal; for many of them eat very freely of the horse-beef we give them. there is very little difference in the general face of the country here from that of the plains on the missouri, except that the latter are enlivened by vast herds of buffaloes, elks, and other animals, which are wanting here. over these wide bottoms we continued, till, at the distance of twenty-six miles from our last encampment, we halted for the night. we had scarcely encamped, when three young men from the walla-walla village came in with a steel-trap, which we had inadvertently left behind, and which they had come a whole day's journey on purpose to restore. this act of integrity was the more pleasing because it corresponds perfectly with the general behavior of the walla-wallas, among whom we had lost carelessly several knives, which were always returned as soon as found. we may, indeed, justly affirm, that, of all the indians whom we have met, the walla-wallas were the most hospitable, honest, and sincere. twisted-hair. on wednesday, the 7th of may, we reached the kooskooskee, and found it much more navigable than when we descended it last year. the water was risen, and covered the rocks and shoals. here we found the chief, named twisted-hair, in whose charge we had left our horses in our outward journey. we had suspicions that our horses, and especially our saddles, might not be easily recoverable after our long absence. the twisted-hair was invited to come, and smoke with us. he accepted the invitation, and, as we smoked our pipes over the fire, informed us, that, according to his promise, he had collected the horses, and taken charge of them; but another chief, the broken-arm, becoming jealous of him because the horses were confided to his care, was constantly quarrelling with him. at length, being an old man, and unwilling to live in perpetual disputes, he had given up the care of the horses, which had consequently become scattered. the greater part of them were, however, still in this neighborhood. he added, that on the rise of the river, in the spring, the earth had fallen from the door of the _cache_, and exposed the saddles, some of which had probably been lost; but, as soon as he was acquainted with the situation of them, he had had them buried in another place, where they were now. he promised that he would, on the morrow, send his young men, and collect such of the horses as were in the neighborhood. he kept his word. next day, the indians brought in twenty-one of the horses, the greater part of which were in excellent order; and the twisted-hair restored about half the saddles we had left in the _cache_, and some powder and lead which were buried at the same place. chapter xvii. the rocky mountains. may 17.--the country along the rocky mountains, for several hundred miles in length and fifty in width, is a high level plain; in all its parts extremely fertile, and in many places covered with a growth of tall, long-leaved pine. nearly the whole of this wide tract is covered with a profusion of grass and plants, which are at this time as high as the knee. among these are a variety of esculent plants and roots, yielding a nutritious and agreeable food. the air is pure and dry; the climate as mild as that of the same latitudes in the atlantic states, and must be equally healthy, since all the disorders which we have witnessed may fairly be imputed to other causes than the climate. of course, the degrees of heat and cold obey the influence of situation. thus the rains of the low grounds are snows in the high plains; and, while the sun shines with intense heat in the confined river-bottoms, the plains enjoy a much cooler air; and, at the foot of the mountains, the snows are even now many feet in depth. crossing the mountains. an attempt to cross the mountains in the early part of june failed on account of the snow, which still covered the track. it was plain we should have no chance of finding either grass or underwood for our horses. to proceed, therefore, would be to hazard the loss of our horses; in which case, if we should be so fortunate as to escape with our lives, we should be obliged to abandon our papers and collections. it was accordingly decided not to venture farther; to deposit here all the baggage and provisions for which we had no immediate use, and to return to some spot where we might live by hunting till the snow should have melted, or a guide be procured to conduct us. we submitted, june 17, to the mortification of retracing our steps three days' march. on the 24th june, having been so fortunate as to engage three indians to go with us to the falls of the missouri for the compensation of two guns, we set out on our second attempt to cross the mountains. on reaching the place where we had left our baggage, we found our deposit perfectly safe. it required two hours to arrange our baggage, and prepare a hasty meal; after which the guides urged us to set off, as we had a long ride to make before we could reach a spot where there was grass for our horses. we mounted, and followed their steps; sometimes crossed abruptly steep hills, and then wound along their sides, near tremendous precipices, where, had our horses slipped, we should have been irrecoverably lost. our route lay along the ridges which separate the waters of the kooskooskee and chopunnish, and above the heads of all the streams; so that we met no running water. late in the evening, we reached a spot where we encamped near a good spring of water. it was on the steep side of a mountain, with no wood, and a fair southern aspect, from which the snow seemed to have disappeared for about ten days, and an abundant growth of young grass, like greensward, had sprung up. there was also a species of grass not unlike flag, with a broad succulent leaf, which is confined to the upper parts of the mountains. it is a favorite food with the horses; but it was then either covered with snow, or just making its appearance. june 27.--we continued our route over the high and steep hills of the same great ridge. at eight miles' distance, we reached an eminence where the indians have raised a conical mound of stone six or eight feet high. from this spot we have a commanding view of the surrounding mountains, which so completely enclose us, that, although we have once passed them, we should despair of ever escaping from them without the assistance of the indians; but our guides traverse this trackless region with a kind of instinctive sagacity. they never hesitate; they are never embarrassed; yet so undeviating is their step, that, wherever the snow has disappeared for even a hundred paces, we find the summer road. with their aid, the snow is scarcely a disadvantage; for although we are often obliged to slide down, yet the fallen timber and the rocks, which are now covered up, were much more troublesome when we passed in the autumn. note. a later traveller through this region writes, "the mountains are indeed _rocky_. they are rocks heaped upon rocks, with no vegetation, excepting a few cedars growing out of the crevices near their base. their tops are covered with perpetual snow. the main ridge of the mountains is of _gneiss_ rock; yet, to-day, parallel ridges of a rock, nearly allied to _basalt_, have abounded. these ridges appear to be volcanic, forced up in _dikes_ at different distances from each other, running from east-north-east to west-south-west. the strata are mostly vertical; but some are a little dipped to the south. "our encampment was near a small stream which runs through a volcanic chasm, which is more than a hundred feet deep, with perpendicular sides. here was a passage made for the _water_ by _fire_." the party agree to separate. july 3, 1806.--it was agreed here that the expedition should be divided, to unite again at the confluence of the missouri and the yellowstone. the separation took place near the point where clarke's river is crossed by the forty-seventh parallel of latitude. capt. lewis, with nine men, was to cross the mountains in a direction as nearly due east as possible, expecting to find some tributary of the missouri, by following which he might reach that river, and by it retrace his way homeward. capt. clarke, with the remainder of the party, was to seek the head waters of the yellowstone, and follow that stream to the proposed place of re-union. in conformity with this arrangement, capt. lewis, under the guidance of friendly indians, crossed the mountains by a route which led him, after travelling one hundred and four miles, to medicine river, and by that river to the missouri. he reached the falls of the missouri on the 17th of july, and leaving there a portion of his party, under sergt. gass, to make preparations for transporting their baggage and canoes round the falls, set out, accompanied by drewyer and the two brothers fields, with six horses, to explore maria's river, to ascertain its extent toward the north. from the 18th to the 26th, they were engaged in this exploration. on the eve of their return, an event occurred, which, being the only instance in which the expedition was engaged in any conflict with the indians with loss of life, requires to be particularly related. conflict with the indians. we were passing through a region frequented by the minnetarees, a band of indians noted for their thievish propensities and unfriendly dispositions. capt. lewis was therefore desirous to avoid meeting with them. drewyer had been sent out for game, and capt. lewis ascended a hill to look over the country. scarcely had he reached the top, when he saw, about a mile on his left, a collection of about thirty horses. by the aid of his spy-glass, he discovered that one-half of the horses were saddled, and that, on the eminence above the horses, several indians were looking down towards the river, probably at drewyer. this was a most unwelcome sight. their probable numbers rendered any contest with them of doubtful issue. to attempt to escape would only invite pursuit; and our horses were so bad, that we must certainly be overtaken: besides which, drewyer could not yet be aware that indians were near; and, if we ran, he would most probably be sacrificed. we therefore determined to make the best of our situation, and advance towards them in a friendly manner. the flag which we had brought in case of such an emergency was therefore displayed, and we continued slowly our march towards them. their whole attention was so engaged by drewyer, that they did not immediately discover us. as soon as they did so, they appeared to be much alarmed, and ran about in confusion. when we came within a quarter of a mile, one of the indians mounted, and rode towards us. when within a hundred paces of us, he halted; and capt. lewis, who had alighted to receive him, held out his hand, and beckoned him to approach: but he only looked at us, and then, without saying a word, returned to his companions. the whole party now descended the hill, and rode towards us. as yet we saw only eight, but presumed that there must be more behind, as there were several more horses saddled. capt. lewis had with him but two men; and he told them his fears that these were indians of the minnetaree tribe, and that they would attempt to rob us, and advised them to be on the alert, should there appear any disposition to attack us. when the two parties came within a hundred yards of each other, all the indians, except one, halted. capt. lewis therefore ordered his two men to halt, while he advanced, and, after shaking hands with the indian, went on and did the same with the others in the rear, while the indian himself shook hands with our two men. they all now came up; and, after alighting, the indians asked to smoke with us. capt. lewis, who was very anxious for drewyer's safety, told them that the man who had gone down the river had the pipe, and requested, that, as they had seen him, one of them would accompany r. fields to bring him back. to this they assented; and fields went with a young man in search of drewyer, who returned with them. as it was growing late, capt. lewis proposed that they should encamp with us; for he was glad to see them, and had a great deal to say to them. they assented; and, being soon joined by drewyer, the evening was spent in conversation with the indians, in which capt. lewis endeavored to persuade them to cultivate peace with their neighbors. finding them very fond of the pipe, capt. lewis, who was desirous of keeping a constant watch during the night, smoked with them to a late hour; and, as soon as they were all asleep, he woke r. fields, and ordering him to rouse us all in case any indian left the camp, as he feared they would attempt to steal our horses, he lay down by the side of drewyer in the tent with the indians, while the brothers fields were stretched near the fire at the mouth of the tent. at sunrise, the indians got up, and crowded round the fire, near which j. fields, who was then on watch, had carelessly left his rifle, near the head of his brother, who was asleep. one of the indians slipped behind him, and, unperceived, took his brother's and his own rifle; while at the same time two others seized those of drewyer and capt. lewis. as soon as fields turned round, he saw the indian running off with the rifles; and, instantly calling his brother, they pursued him for fifty or sixty yards; and just as they overtook him, in the scuffle for the rifles, r. fields stabbed him through the heart with his knife. the indian ran a few steps, and fell dead. they recovered their rifles, and ran back to the camp. the moment the fellow touched his gun, drewyer, who was awake, jumped up, and wrested it from him. the noise awoke capt. lewis, who instantly started from the ground, and reached to seize his gun, but found it gone, and, turning about, saw the indian running off with it. he followed, and called to him to lay down the gun; which he did. by this time, the rest of the indians were endeavoring to drive off our horses; and capt. lewis ordered his men to follow them, and fire upon the thieves if they did not release our horses. the result was, that we recovered four of our horses, and as many of theirs which they had left behind; so that we were rather gainers by the contest. besides the indian killed by fields, one other was badly wounded. we had no doubt but that we should be immediately pursued by a much larger party. our only chance of safety was in rejoining our friends, who were many miles distant. we therefore pushed our horses as fast as we could; and, fortunately for us, the indian horses proved very good. the plains were level, free from stones and prickly-pears, and in fine order for travelling over from the late rains. we commenced our ride in the early morning. at three o'clock, we had ridden, by estimate, sixty-three miles. we halted for an hour and a half to refresh our horses; then pursued our journey seventeen miles farther, when, as night came on, we killed a buffalo, and again stopped for two hours. the sky was now overclouded; but, as the moon gave light enough to show us the route, we continued for twenty miles farther, and then, exhausted with fatigue, halted at two in the morning. next day, we rejoined the main body of our party in safety. capt. lewis with his companions pursued their way down the missouri, passing those points already noticed in their ascent. our narrative, therefore, will leave them here, and attend the course of capt. clarke and his party down the yellowstone. chapter xviii. capt. clarke's route down the yellowstone. july 3, 1806.--the party under capt. clarke, consisting of fifteen men, with fifty horses, set out through the valley of clarke's river, along the western side of which they rode in a southern direction. the valley is from ten to fifteen miles in width, and is diversified by a number of small open plains, abounding with grass and a variety of sweet-scented plants, and watered by numerous streams rushing from the western mountains. these mountains were covered with snow about one-fifth of the way from the top; and some snow was still to be seen in the hollows of the mountains to the eastward. july 7.--they reached wisdom river, and stopped for dinner at a hot spring situated in the open plain. the bed of the spring is about fifteen yards in circumference, and composed of loose, hard, gritty stones, through which the water boils in large quantities. it is slightly impregnated with sulphur, and so hot, that a piece of meat, about the size of three fingers, was completely cooked in twenty-five minutes. july 8.--they arrived at jefferson's river, where they had deposited their goods in the month of august the year before. they found every thing safe, though some of the goods were a little damp, and one of the canoes had a hole in it. they had now crossed from traveller's-rest creek to the head of jefferson's river, which seems to form the best and shortest route over the mountains during almost the whole distance of one hundred and sixty-four miles. it is, in fact, an excellent road; and, by cutting down a few trees, it might be rendered a good route for wagons, with the exception of about four miles over one of the mountains, which would require a little levelling. july 10.--the boats were now loaded, and capt. clarke divided his men into two bands. sergt. ordway, with nine men, in six canoes, was to descend the river; while capt. clarke, with the remaining ten, the wife and child of chaboneau, and fifty horses, were to proceed by land to the yellowstone. the latter party set out at five in the afternoon from the forks of the missouri, in a direction nearly east. the plain was intersected by several great roads leading to a gap in the mountain about twenty miles distant, in a direction east-north-east; but the indian woman, who was acquainted with the country, recommended another gap more to the south, through which capt. clarke determined to proceed. they started early the next morning, and, pursuing the route recommended by the squaw, encamped in the evening at the entrance of the gap mentioned by her. through this gap they passed next day, and, at the distance of six miles, reached the top of the dividing ridge which separates the waters of the missouri from those of the yellowstone. nine miles from the summit, they reached the yellowstone itself, about a mile and a half below where it issues from the rocky mountains. the distance from the head of the missouri to this place is forty-eight miles, the greater part of which is through a level plain. they halted for three hours to rest their horses, and then pursued the buffalo road along the banks of the river. although but just emerging from a high, snowy mountain, the yellowstone is here a bold, rapid, and deep stream, one hundred and twenty yards in width. they continued their course along the river till the 23d, when the party embarked on board of two canoes, each of which was twenty-eight feet long, sixteen or eighteen inches deep, and from sixteen to twenty-four inches wide. sergt. prior, with two men, was directed to take the horses to the mandans for safe keeping until the re-union of the expedition. july 24.--at eight o'clock, capt. clarke and the remainder of his party embarked, and proceeded very steadily down the river. they passed the mouths of several large rivers emptying into the yellowstone; one of which was called the big-horn, from the numbers of that remarkable species of sheep seen in its neighborhood. next day, capt. clarke landed to examine a curious rock, situated in an extensive bottom on the right, about two hundred and fifty paces from the shore. it is nearly two hundred paces in circumference, two hundred feet high, and accessible only from the north-east; the other sides consisting of perpendicular cliffs, of a light-colored, gritty stone. the soil on the summit is five or six feet deep, of a good quality, and covered with short grass. from this height, the eye ranges over a wide extent of variegated country. on the south-west are the rocky mountains, covered with snow; on the north, a lower range, called the little wolf mountains. the low grounds of the river extend nearly six miles to the southward, when they rise into plains, reaching to the mountains. the north side of the river is bounded by jutting, romantic cliffs, beyond which the plains are open and extensive, and the whole country enlivened by herds of buffaloes, elks, and wolves. after enjoying the prospect from this rock, to which capt. clarke gave the name of pompey's pillar, he descended, and continued his route. at the distance of six or seven miles, he stopped to secure two bighorns, which had been shot from the boat, and, while on shore, saw in the face of the cliff, about twenty feet above the water, a fragment of the rib of a fish, three feet long, and nearly three inches round, embedded in the rock itself. beavers, buffaloes, mosquitoes. the beavers were in great numbers along the banks of the river, and through the night were flapping their tails in the water round the boats. aug. 1.--the buffaloes appeared in vast numbers. a herd happened to be on their way across the river. such was the multitude of these animals, that although the river, including an island over which they passed, was a mile in width, the herd stretched, as thick as they could swim, completely from one side to the other. our party, descending the river, was obliged to stop for an hour to let the procession pass. we consoled ourselves for the delay by killing four of the herd, and then proceeded, till, at the distance of forty-five miles, two other herds of buffaloes, as numerous as the first, crossed the river in like manner. aug. 4.--the camp became absolutely uninhabitable, in consequence of the multitude of mosquitoes. the men could not work in preparing skins for clothing, nor hunt in the low grounds: in short, there was no mode of escape, except by going on the sand bars in the river, where, if the wind should blow, the insects do not venture. but when there is no wind, and particularly at night, when the men have no covering except their worn-out blankets, the pain they inflict is scarcely to be endured. on one occasion, capt. clarke went on shore, and ascended a hill after one of the bighorns; but the mosquitoes were in such multitudes, that he could not keep them from the barrel of his rifle long enough to take aim. this annoyance continued, till, on the 11th of september, they write, "we are no longer troubled with mosquitoes, which do not seem to frequent this part of the river; and, after having been persecuted with them during the whole route from the falls, it is a most happy exemption. their noise was very agreeably exchanged for that of the wolves, which were howling in various directions all round us." aug. 12, 1806.--the party continued to descend the river. one of their canoes had, by accident, a small hole made in it; and they halted for the purpose of covering it with a piece of elk-skin. while there, about noon, they were overjoyed at seeing the boats of capt. lewis's party heave in sight. the whole expedition being now happily re-united, at about three o'clock all embarked on board the boats; but as the wind was high, accompanied with rain, we did not proceed far before we halted for the night. they part with some of their companions. on the 14th august, having now reached a part of the river where we occasionally met the boats of adventurous traders ascending the river, capt. lewis was applied to by one of the men, colter, who was desirous of joining two trappers, who proposed to him to accompany them, and share their profits. the offer was an advantageous one; and as he had always performed his duty, and his services might be dispensed with, capt. lewis consented to his going, provided none of the rest would ask or expect a similar indulgence. to this they cheerfully answered, that they wished colter every success, and would not apply for a discharge before we reached st. louis. we therefore supplied him, as did his comrades also, with powder and lead, and a variety of articles which might be useful to him; and he left us the next day. the example of this man shows how easily men may be weaned from the habits of civilized life, and brought to relish the manners of the woods. this hunter had now been absent many years from his country, and might naturally be presumed to have some desire to return to his native seats; yet, just at the moment when he is approaching the frontiers, he is tempted by a hunting-scheme to go back to the solitude of the woods. a few days after this, chaboneau, with his wife and child, concluded to follow us no longer, as he could be no longer useful to us. we offered to take him with us to the united states; but he said that he had there no acquaintance, and preferred remaining among the indians. this man has been very serviceable to us, and his wife particularly so, among the shoshonees. she has borne with a patience truly admirable the fatigues of our long journey, encumbered with the charge of an infant, which is now only nineteen months old. we paid him his wages, amounting to five hundred dollars and thirty-three cents, including the price of a horse and a lodge purchased of him, and pursued our journey without him. they reach home. sept. 8, 1806.--we reached council bluffs, and stopped for a short time to examine the situation of the place, and were confirmed in our belief that it would be a very eligible spot for a trading establishment.[4] being anxious to reach the junction of the platte river, we plied our oars so well, that by night we had made seventy-eight miles, and landed at our old encampment, on the ascent, twelve miles above that river. we had here occasion to remark the wonderful evaporation from the missouri. the river does not appear to contain more water, nor is its channel wider, than at the distance of one thousand miles nearer its source, although within that space it receives about twenty rivers (some of them of considerable width), and a great number of smaller streams. a few days more brought us to the mouth of the kansas river. about a mile below it, we landed to view the country. the low grounds are delightful, the whole country exhibiting a rich appearance; but the weather was oppressively warm. descending as we had done from a high, open country, between the latitudes of forty-six and forty-nine degrees, to the wooded plains in thirty-eight and thirty-nine degrees, the heat would have been intolerable, had it not been for the constant winds from the south and the south-west. on the 20th september, we reached the mouth of osage river. a few miles lower down, we saw on the banks some cows feeding; and the whole party involuntarily raised a shout of joy at the sight of this evidence of civilization and domestic life. we soon after reached the little french village of la charette, which we saluted with a discharge of four guns and three hearty cheers. we landed, and were received with kindness by the inhabitants, as well as by some traders who were on their way to traffic with the osages. they were all surprised and pleased at our arrival; for they had long since abandoned all hopes of ever seeing us return. the third day after this,--viz., on tuesday, the 23d of september, 1806,--we arrived at st. louis, and, having fired a salute, went on shore, and received the heartiest and most hospitable welcome from the whole village. conclusion. the successful termination of the expedition was a source of surprise and delight to the whole country. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties, too, for the safety of the party, had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumors, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters or other direct information, from the time when the party left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river, in 1804, until their actual return to st. louis. the courage, perseverance, and discretion displayed by the commanders, and the fidelity and obedience of the men, were the theme of general approbation, and received the favorable notice of government. a donation of lands was made to each member of the party; capt. lewis was appointed governor of louisiana, which, at that time, embraced the whole country west of the mississippi, within the boundaries of the united states; and capt. clarke was made superintendent of indian affairs. it was not until some years after, however, that the world was put in possession of the detailed history of the expedition. capt. lewis, in the midst of other cares, devoted what time he could to the preparation of his journals for publication, and, in 1809, was on his way to philadelphia for that purpose, but, at a village in tennessee, was taken ill, and prevented from proceeding. here the energetic mind, which had encountered so unfalteringly the perils and sufferings of the desert, gave way. constitutional despondency overcame him: it is probable he lost his reason; for, in a rash moment, he applied a pistol to his head, and destroyed his life. his journals were published under the charge of paul allen of philadelphia. footnote: [4] now the site of omaha city. eldorado. eldorado chapter i. the discovery. what is meant by eldorado? is there such a country? and, if there be, where is it? the name literally means "the golden country," and was given to an unknown region in south america by the spaniards, who had heard from the indians marvellous tales of such a land lying in the interior of the continent, where gold and precious stones were as common as rocks and pebbles in other countries, and to be had for the trouble of picking them up. it was also a land of spices and aromatic gums. the first notion of this favored region was communicated by an indian chief to gonzalo pizarro, brother of the conqueror of peru, whose imagination was captivated by the account, and his ambition fired with a desire to add this, which promised to be the most brilliant of all, to the discoveries and conquests of his countrymen. he found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusiasm in the bosoms of his followers. in a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty spaniards, and four thousand indians. one hundred and fifty of his company were mounted. the indians were to carry the baggage and provisions, and perform the labors of the expedition. a glance at the map of south america will give us a clear idea of the scene of the expedition. the river amazon, the largest river of the globe, rises in the highest ranges of the andes, and flows from west to east through nearly the whole breadth of the continent. pizarro's expedition started in the year 1540 from quito, near the sources of the great river, and, marching east, soon became entangled in the deep and intricate passes of the mountains. as they rose into the more elevated regions, the icy winds that swept down the sides of the cordilleras benumbed their limbs, and many of the natives found a wintry grave in the wilderness. on descending the eastern slope, the climate changed; and, as they came to a lower level, the fierce cold was succeeded by a suffocating heat, while tempests of thunder and lightning poured on them with scarcely any intermission day or night. for more than six weeks, the deluge continued unabated; and the forlorn wanderers, wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely able to drag their limbs along the soil, broken up as it was, and saturated with the moisture. after months of toilsome travel, they reached the region where grew the spice-trees. their produce resembled the cinnamon of the east in taste, but was of inferior quality. they saw the trees bearing the precious bark spreading out into broad forests; yet, however valuable it might be for future commerce, it was of but little worth to them. but, from the savages whom they occasionally met, they learned, that at ten days' distance was a rich and fruitful land, abounding with gold, and inhabited by populous nations. the spaniards were so convinced of the existence of such a country, that if the natives, on being questioned, professed their ignorance of it, they were supposed to be desirous of concealing the fact, and were put to the most horrible tortures, and even burnt alive, to compel them to confess. it is no wonder, therefore, if they told, in many instances, such stories as the spaniards wished to hear, which would also have the effect of ridding their own territories of their troublesome guests by inducing them to advance farther. pizarro had already reached the limit originally proposed for the expedition; but these accounts induced him to continue on. as they advanced, the country spread out into broad plains, terminated by forests, which seemed to stretch on every side as far as the eye could reach. the wood was thickly matted with creepers and climbing plants, and at every step of the way they had to hew open a passage with their axes; while their garments, rotting from the effects of the drenching rains, caught in every bush, and hung about them in shreds. their provisions failed, and they had only for sustenance such herbs and roots as they could gather in the forest, and such wild animals as, with their inadequate means, they could capture. at length they came to a broad expanse of water, from whence flowed a stream,--one of those which discharge their waters into the great river amazon. the sight gladdened their hearts, as they hoped to find a safer and more practicable route by keeping along its banks. after following the stream a considerable distance, the party came within hearing of a rushing noise, that seemed like thunder issuing from the bowels of the earth. the river tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, and then discharged itself in a magnificent cataract, which they describe as twelve hundred feet high. doubtless this estimate must be taken with some allowance for the excited feelings of the spaniards, keenly alive to impressions of the sublime and the terrible. for some distance above and below the falls, the bed of the river contracted; so that its width did not exceed twenty feet. they determined to cross, in hopes of finding a country that might afford them better sustenance. a frail bridge was constructed by throwing trunks of trees across the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down a perpendicular depth of several hundred feet. over this airy causeway, the men and horses succeeded in effecting their passage; though one spaniard, made giddy by heedlessly looking down, lost his footing, and fell into the boiling surges below. they gained little by the exchange. the country wore the same unpromising aspect: the indians whom they occasionally met in the pathless wilderness were fierce and unfriendly, and the spaniards were engaged in perpetual conflict with them. from these they learned that a fruitful country was to be found down the river, at the distance of only a few days' journey; and the spaniards held on their weary way, still hoping, and still deceived, as the promised land flitted before them, like the rainbow, receding as they advanced. at length, spent with toil and suffering, pizarro resolved to construct a bark large enough to transport the weaker part of his company and his baggage. the forests furnished him with timber; the shoes of the horses, which had died on the road, or been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; gum, distilled from the trees, took the place of pitch; and the tattered garments of the soldiers served for oakum. at the end of two months, the vessel was ready, and the command given to francisco orellana. the troops now moved forward through the wilderness, following the course of the river; the vessel carrying the feebler soldiers. every scrap of provisions had long since been consumed. the last of their horses had been devoured; and they greedily fed upon toads, serpents, and even insects, which that country, teeming with the lower forms of animal life, abundantly supplied. the natives still told of a rich district, inhabited by a populous nation. it was, as usual, at the distance of several days' journey; and pizarro resolved to halt where he was, and send orellana down in his brigantine to procure a stock of provisions, with which he might return, and put the main body in condition to resume their march. orellana, with fifty of the adventurers, pushed off into the middle of the river, where the stream ran swiftly; and his bark, taken by the current, shot forward as with the speed of an arrow, and was soon out of sight. days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did not return; and no speck was to be seen on the waters as the spaniards strained their eyes to the farthest point, till the banks closed in, and shut the view. detachments were sent out, and, though absent several days, came back without intelligence of their comrades. weary of suspense, pizarro determined to continue their march down the river, which they did, with incredible suffering, for two months longer, till their doubts were dispelled by the appearance of a white man, wandering, half naked, in the woods, in whose famine-stricken countenance they recognized the features of one of their countrymen. orellana had passed swiftly down the river to the point of its confluence with the amazon, where he had been led to expect that he should find supplies for the wants of himself and his companions, but found none. nor was it possible to return as he had come, and make head against the current of the river. in this dilemma, a thought flashed across his mind: it was, to leave the party under pizarro to their fate, and to pursue his course down the great river on which he had entered; to explore eldorado for himself, and make the best of his way home to spain to claim the glory and reward of discovery. his reckless companions readily consented to this course, with the exception of the individual whom pizarro found; and him, when he remonstrated, they put ashore, and left to shift for himself. pizarro and his party, deserted in the wilderness, unable to advance farther, had no alternative but to remain, or retrace their miserable way to quito, the place they had started from more than a year before. they chose the latter, and commenced their return march with heavy hearts. they took a more northerly route than that by which they had approached the amazon; and, though it was attended with fewer difficulties, they experienced yet greater distresses, from their greater inability to overcome them. their only food was such scanty fare as they could pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some forsaken indian settlement, or wring by violence from the natives. some sickened and sank down by the way, and perished where they fell; for there was none to help them. intense misery had made them selfish; and many a poor wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, while living, by the wild animals which roamed over it. it took them a year to measure back their way to quito; and the miseries they had endured were testified to by their appearance when they arrived, in sadly reduced numbers, at the place of their starting. their horses gone, their arms broken and rusted, the skins of wild animals their only clothes, their long and matted locks streaming wildly down their shoulders, their faces blackened by the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and disfigured by scars, it seemed as if the charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with unsteady step, they crept slowly onwards. more than half of the four thousand indians who had accompanied the expedition had perished; and of the spaniards, only eighty, and many of these irretrievably broken in constitution, found their way back to quito. meanwhile, orellana glided down the stream, which then was nameless and unknown, but which has since been called by his name, though it is more generally known by a name derived from a story which orellana told, in his account of his voyage, of a nation of amazons inhabiting its banks. but an account of orellana's adventures must be reserved for our next chapter. chapter ii. orellana descends the river. when orellana, in his ill-appointed bark, and with his crew enfeebled by famine, had reached the junction of the river napo with the amazon, and found no sources of supply which he had been led to expect, he had no difficulty in satisfying his companions that their only chance of preservation was in continuing their descent of the river, and leaving the party under pizarro to their fate. he then formally renounced the commission which pizarro had given him, and received the command anew from the election of his men, that so he might make discoveries for himself, and not, holding a deputed authority, in the name of another. it was upon the last day of december, 1541, that this voyage was begun,--one of the most adventurous that has ever been undertaken. the little stock of provisions with which they had parted from the army was already exhausted, and they boiled their leathern girdles and the leather of their shoes with such herbs as seemed most likely to be nourishing and harmless; for it was only by experiment that they were able to distinguish the wholesome from the poisonous. on the 8th of january, being reduced almost to the last extremity with hunger, they heard before daylight an indian drum,--a joyful sound; for be the natives what they would, friendly or hostile, this they knew, that it must be their own fault now if they should die of hunger. at daybreak, being eagerly upon the lookout, they perceived four canoes, which put back upon seeing the brigantine; and presently they saw a village where a great body of the natives were assembled, and appeared ready to defend it. the spaniards were too hungry to negotiate. orellana bade them land in good order, and stand by each other. they attacked the indians like men who were famishing, and fought for food, put them speedily to the rout, and found an immediate supply. while they were enjoying the fruits of their victory, the indians came near them, more to gratify curiosity than resentment. orellana spoke to them in some indian language which they partly understood. some of them took courage, and approached him. he gave them a few european trifles, and asked for their chief, who came without hesitation, was well pleased with the presents which were given him, and offered them any thing which it was in his power to supply. provisions were requested; and presently peacocks, partridges, fish, and other things, were brought in great abundance. the next day, thirteen chiefs came to see the strangers. they were gayly adorned with feathers and gold, and had plates of gold upon the breast. orellana received them courteously, required them to acknowledge obedience to the crown of castile, took advantage as usual of their ignorance to affirm that they consented, and took possession of their country in the emperor's name. such is orellana's own account of this first interview. it was his object to create a high idea of the riches of the provinces which he had discovered. it is not probable that these tribes had any gold; for later discoveries showed that none of the tribes on the amazon were so far advanced as to use it. it was here that they heard the first accounts of the rich and powerful nation composed wholly of women, whom, in recollection of the female warriors of classic antiquity, they called the amazons. here the spaniards built a better brigantine than the frail one in which they were embarked. all fell to work, orellana being the first at any exertion that was required. they calked it with cotton; the natives supplied pitch; and in thirty-five days the vessel was launched. on the 24th of april, they once more embarked. for eighty leagues, the banks were peopled with friendly tribes; then the course of the river lay between desert mountains, and they were fain to feed upon herbs and parched corn, not even finding a place where they could fish. thus far they seem to have found the natives friendly, or not actively hostile; but, as they descended, they came to a populous province, belonging to a chief called omagua, if, as is conjectured, that is not rather the name of the tribe itself than of their chief. one morning, a fleet of canoes was seen advancing with hostile demonstrations. the indians carried shields made of the skins of the alligator. they came on with beat of tambour and with war-cries, threatening to devour the strangers. the spaniards brought their two vessels close together, that they might aid one another in the defence. but, when they came to use their powder, it was damp, and they had nothing but their cross-bows to trust to; and, plying these as well as they could, they continued to fall down the stream, fighting as they went. presently they came to an indian town. half the spaniards landed to attack it, leaving their companions to maintain the fight upon the water. they won the town, and loaded themselves with provisions; but eighteen of the party were wounded, and one killed. they had neither surgeon nor any remedy for the wounded. nothing could be done for them except "psalming;" that is, repeating some verses of the psalms over the wound. this mode of treatment was not unusual; and, as it was less absurd than the methods which were ordinarily in use at that day, it is no wonder if it proved more successful. for two days and two nights after this, they were constantly annoyed by the canoes of the natives following, and endeavoring to board them. but the spaniards had now dried some powder; and one of them, getting a steady mark at the chief of the indians, shot him in the breast. his people gathered round him; and, while they were thus occupied, the brigantines shot ahead. thus they proceeded with alternate good and evil fortune, now finding the indians friendly, and supplies of provisions abundant; and then encountering hostile tribes which assailed them with all their power, or long regions of unpeopled country, where they were reduced to the utmost straits for want of food. six months had now been consumed on their voyage, and as yet no appearance of eldorado; though, if their accounts may be trusted, they several times came upon populous places, which had many streets, all opening upon the river, and apparently leading to some greater city in the interior. on the 22d of june, on turning an angle of the river, they saw the country far before them, and great numbers of people collected, seemingly with hostile intentions. orellana offered them trinkets, at which they scoffed; but he persisted in making towards the shore to get food, either by persuasion or force. a shower of arrows was discharged from the shore, which wounded five of the crew. they nevertheless landed, and, after a hot contest, repulsed the natives, killing some seven or eight of them. the historian of the voyage, who was one of the adventurers, affirms that ten or twelve amazons fought at the head of these people, who were their subjects, and fought desperately; because any one who fled in battle would be beaten to death by these female tyrants. he describes the women as very tall and large-limbed, white of complexion, the hair long, platted, and banded round the head. it is amusing to observe how this story was magnified by later narrators, who learned it only by tradition. it is stated in these late accounts that orellana fought on this occasion with a great army of women. of a prisoner whom they took, orellana asked questions about eldorado and the amazons, and got, as usual, such answers as he expected. this may partly be set down to the score of self-deception, and partly to the fact that they conversed with these people by signs, and by means of the few words of their language which the spaniards knew, or supposed they knew, the meaning of. he learned from the prisoner that the country was subject to women, who lived after the manner of the amazons of the ancients, and who possessed gold and silver in abundance. there were in their dominions fine temples of the sun, all covered with plates of gold. their houses were of stone, and their cities walled. we can hardly doubt that the desire to tempt adventurers to join him in his subsequent expedition to conquer and colonize those countries had its effect in magnifying these marvels. shortly after this, the spaniards thought they perceived the _tide_. after another day's voyage, they came to some inhabited islands, and, to their infinite joy, saw that they had not been mistaken; for the marks of the tide here were certain. here they lost another of their party in a skirmish with the natives. from this place the country was low; and they could never venture to land, except upon the islands, among which they sailed, as they supposed, about two hundred leagues; the tide coming up with great force. one day the smaller vessel struck upon a snag, which stove in one of her planks, and she filled. they, however, landed to seek for provisions; but the inhabitants attacked them with such force, that they were forced to retire; and, when they came to their vessels, they found that the tide had left the only serviceable one dry. orellana ordered half his men to fight, and the other half to thrust the vessel into the water: that done, they righted the old brigantine, and fastened in a new plank, all which was completed in three hours, by which time the indians were weary of fighting, and left them in peace. the next day they found a desert place, where orellana halted to repair both vessels. this took them eighteen days, during which they suffered much from hunger. as they drew near the sea, they halted again for fourteen days, to prepare for their sea-voyage; made cordage of herbs; and sewed the cloaks, on which they slept, into sails. on the 8th of august, they proceeded again, anchoring with stones when the tide turned, though it sometimes came in such strength as to drag these miserable anchors. here the natives were happily of a milder mood than those whom they had lately dealt with. from them they procured roots and indian corn; and, having laid in what store they could, they made ready to enter upon the sea in these frail vessels, with their miserable tackling, and with insufficient food, without pilot, compass, or any knowledge of the coast. it was on the 26th of august that they sailed out of the river, passing between two islands, which were about four leagues asunder. the whole length of the voyage from the place where they had embarked to the sea they computed at eighteen hundred leagues. thus far their weather had been always favorable, and it did not fail them now. they kept along the coast to the northward, just at safe distance. the two brigantines parted company in the night. they in the larger one got into the gulf of paria, from whence all their labor at the oar for seven days could not extricate them. during this time, they lived upon a sort of plum called "nogos," being the only food they could find. at length they were whirled through those tremendous channels which columbus called the "dragon's mouths," and, september the 11th, not knowing where they were, reached the island of cubagua, where they found a colony of their countrymen. the old brigantine had arrived at the same place two days before them. here they were received with the welcome which their wonderful adventure deserved; and from hence orellana proceeded to spain, to give the king an account of his discoveries in person. chapter iii. orellana's adventure continued. orellana arrived safe in spain, and was favorably received. his act of insubordination in leaving his commander was forgotten in the success of his achievement; for it had been successful, even if the naked facts only had been told, inasmuch as it was the first event which led to any certain knowledge of the immense regions that stretch eastward from the andes to the ocean, besides being in itself one of the most brilliant adventures of that remarkable age. but orellana's accounts went far beyond these limits, and confirming all previous tales of the wonderful eldorado, with its temples roofed with gold, and its mountains composed of precious stones, drew to his standard numerous followers. every thing promised fairly. the king granted him a commission to conquer the countries which he had explored. he raised funds for the expedition, and even found a wife who was willing to accompany him in may, 1544, he set sail with four ships and four hundred men. but the tide of orellana's fortune had turned. he stopped three months at teneriffe, and two at the cape de verde, where ninety-eight of his people died, and fifty were invalided. the expedition proceeded with three ships, and met with contrary winds, which detained them till their water was exhausted; and, had it not been for heavy rains, all must have perished. one ship put back in this distress, with seventy men and eleven horses on board, and was never heard of after. the remaining two reached the river. having ascended about a hundred leagues, they stopped to build a brigantine. provisions were scarce here, and fifty-seven more of his party died. these men were not, like his former comrades, seasoned to the climate, and habituated to the difficulties of the new world. one ship was broken up here for the materials: the other met with an accident, and became unserviceable; and they cut her up, and made a bark of the timbers. orellana meanwhile, in the brigantine, was endeavoring to discover the main branch of the river, which it had been easy to keep when carried down by the stream, but which he now sought in vain for thirty days among a labyrinth of channels. when he returned from this fruitless search, he was ill, and told his people that he would go back to point st. juan; and there he ordered them to seek him when they had got the bark ready. but he found his sickness increase upon him, and determined to abandon the expedition, and return to europe. while he was seeking provisions for the voyage, the indians killed seventeen of his men. what with vexation and disorder, he died in the river. this sealed the fate of the expedition. the survivors made no further exertions to reach eldorado, but returned to their own country as they could. such was the fate of orellana, who, as a discoverer, surpassed all his countrymen; and though, as a conqueror, he was unfortunate, yet neither is he chargeable with any of those atrocities toward the unhappy natives which have left such a stain on the glories of cortes and pizarro. the next attempt we read of to discover eldorado was made a few years after, under hernando de ribera, by ascending the la plata, or river of paraguay. he sailed in a brigantine with eighty men, and encountered no hostility from the natives. they confirmed the stories of the amazons with their golden city. "how could they get at them?" was the next question: "by land, or by water?"--"only by land," was the reply. "but it was a two-months' journey; and to reach them now would be impossible, because the country was inundated." the spaniards made light of this obstacle, but asked for indians to carry their baggage. the chief gave ribera twenty for himself, and five for each of his men; and these desperate adventurers set off on their march over a flooded country. eight days they travelled through water up to their knees, and sometimes up to their middle. by slinging their hammocks to trees, and by this means only, could they find dry positions for the night. before they could make a fire to dress their food, they were obliged to raise a rude scaffolding; and this was unavoidably so insecure, that frequently the fire burned through, and food and all fell into the water. they reached another tribe, and were told that the amazons' country was still nine days farther on; and then still another tribe, who told them it would take a month to reach them. perhaps they would still have advanced; but here an insuperable obstacle met them. the locusts for two successive years had devoured every thing before them, and no food was to be had. the spaniards had no alternative but to march back. on their way, they were reduced to great distress for want of food; and from this cause, and travelling so long half under water, the greater number fell sick, and many died. of eighty men who accompanied ribera upon this dreadful march, only thirty recovered from its effects. this expedition added a few items to the story of eldorado. ribera declares under oath that the natives told him of a nation of women, governed by a woman, and so warlike as to be dreaded by all their neighbors. they possessed plenty of white and yellow metal: their seats, and all the utensils in their houses, were made of them. they lived on a large island, which was in a huge lake, which they called the "mansion of the sun," because the sun sank into it. the only way of accounting for these stories is, that the spaniards furnished, in the shape of questions, the information which they fancied they received in reply; the indians assenting to what they understood but imperfectly, or not at all. martinez. another expedition, not long after orellana's, was that conducted by don diego ordaz, of which sir walter raleigh, in his "history of guiana," gives an account. the expedition failed; ordaz being slain in a mutiny of his men, and those who went with him being scattered. the only noticeable result was in the adventures of one martinez, an officer of ordaz, who had charge of the ammunition. we tell the story in the language of sir walter, slightly modernized:- "it chanced, that while ordaz, with his army, rested at the port of morequito, by some negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire; and martinez, having the chief charge thereof, was condemned by the general to be executed forthwith. martinez, being much favored by the soldiers, had all means possible employed to save his life; but it could not be obtained in other way but this,--that he should be set into a canoe alone, without any food, and so turned loose into the great river. but it pleased god that the canoe was carried down the stream, and that certain of the guianians met it the same evening: and, not having at any time seen any european, they carried martinez into the land to be wondered at; and so from town to town until he came to the great city of manoa, the seat and residence of inga, the emperor. the emperor, when he beheld him, knew him to be a christian of those who had conquered the neighboring country of peru, and caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. he lived seven months in manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country anywhere. he was also brought thither all the way blindfolded by the indians, until he came to the entrance of manoa itself. he avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he travelled all that day till night through the city, ere he came to the palace of inga. "after martinez had lived seven months in manoa, and began to understand the language of the country, inga asked him whether he desired to return to his own country, or would willingly abide with him. martinez, not desirous to stay, obtained permission of inga to depart, who sent with him some guianians to conduct him to the river of orinoco, with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to martinez at his departure. but, when he arrived at the river's side, the natives, being at that time at war with inga, robbed him and his guianians of all his treasure, save only two bottles made of gourds, which were filled with beads of gold, which those people thought to contain his drink or food, with which he was at liberty to depart. so, in a canoe, he passed down by the river to trinidad, and from thence to porto rico, where he died. in the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered this relation of his travels, and also called for his calabazas, or gourds of gold beads, which he gave to the church and the friars, to be prayed for. "this martinez was the one who christened the city of manoa by the name 'eldorado,' and upon this occasion. at the times of their solemn feasts, when the emperor carouses with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the manner is thus: all those that pledge him are first stripped naked, and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsam very precious. when they are anointed all over, certain servants of the emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes upon their naked bodies until they be all shining from the head to the foot. upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armors, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called it eldorado." such is sir walter's narrative of one of the traditions which fired his enthusiasm to undertake the conquest of eldorado. he asserts that he read it in "the chancery of saint juan de porto rico," of which berrio had a copy. it is pretty plainly tinctured with fable, but probably had an historical foundation. after this, a good many years elapsed before any other expedition of note was fitted out in search of eldorado. but the story grew, notwithstanding. an imaginary kingdom was shaped out. it was governed by a potentate who was called the great paytiti, sometimes the great moxu, sometimes the enim, or great parã¡. an impostor at lima affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths' street. he even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. the columns of the palace were described as of porphyry and alabaster, the galleries of ebony and cedar: the throne was of ivory, and the ascent to it by steps of gold. the palace was built of white stone. at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column twenty-five feet in height. on its top was a large silver moon; and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. having passed by these keepers, you came into a quadrangle planted with trees, and watered by a silver fountain, which spouted through four golden pipes. the gate of the palace was of copper, and its bolt was received in the solid rock. within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver; and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. it may surprise us that tales so palpably false as these should have deceived any, to such an extent as to lead them to get up costly and hazardous expeditions to go in search of the wonder; but we must remember, that what the spaniards had already realized and demonstrated to the world in their conquests of mexico and peru was hardly less astonishing than these accounts. it is therefore no wonder that multitudes should be found willing to admit so much of the marvels of eldorado as to see in them a sufficient inducement to justify the search; and others less credulous were perhaps willing to avail themselves of the credulity of the multitude to accomplish plans of conquest and ambition for themselves. of the latter class, we may imagine the celebrated sir walter raleigh to be one, who, at this time, undertook an expedition for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. chapter iv. sir walter raleigh. walter raleigh was born in the year 1552 in devonshire, england, and received a good education, completed by a residence of two years at the university of oxford. at the age of seventeen, he joined a volunteer corps of english to serve in france in aid of the protestant cause. afterwards he served five years in the netherlands. in 1576, he accompanied his half-brother, sir humphrey gilbert, on an expedition to colonize some part of north america; which expedition was unsuccessful. we next find him commanding a company of the royal troops in ireland during the rebellion raised by the earl of desmond. in consequence of some serious differences which arose between him and his superior officer, he found it necessary to repair to court to justify himself. it was at this time that an incident occurred which recommended him to the notice of queen elizabeth, and was the foundation of his fortunes. raleigh stood in the crowd one day where the queen passed on foot; and when she came to a spot of muddy ground, and hesitated for a moment where to step, he sprang forward, and, throwing from his shoulders his handsome cloak ("his clothes being then," says a quaint old writer, "a considerable part of his estate"), he spread it over the mud, so that the queen passed over dry-shod, doubtless giving an approving look to the handsome and quick-witted young officer. there is another story which is not less probable, because it is not less in character with both the parties. finding some hopes of the queen's favor glancing on him, he wrote, on a window where it was likely to meet her eye,-"fain would i climb, but that i fear to fall." and her majesty, espying it, wrote underneath,-"if thy heart fail thee, wherefore climb at all?" his progress in the queen's favor was enhanced by his demeanor when the matter in dispute between him and his superior officer was brought before the privy council, and each party was called upon to plead his own cause. "what advantage he had in the case in controversy," says a contemporary writer, "i know not; but he had much the better in the manner of telling his tale." the result was, that he became a man of "no slight mark;" "he had gotten the queen's ear in a trice;" "she took him for a kind of oracle," and "loved to hear his reasons to her demands," or, in more modern phrase, "his replies to her questions." the reign of queen elizabeth has been called the heroic age of england. and, let us remember, the england of that day is ours as much as theirs who still bear the name of englishmen. the men whose gallant deeds we now record were our ancestors, and their glory is our inheritance. the reformation in religion had awakened all the energies of the human mind. it had roused against england formidable enemies, among which spain was the most powerful and the most intensely hostile. she fitted out the famous armada to invade england; and england, on her part, sent various expeditions to annoy the spaniards in their lately acquired possessions in south america. these expeditions were generally got up by private adventurers; the queen and her great nobles often taking a share in them. when there was nominal peace with spain, such enterprises were professedly for discovery and colonization, though the adventurers could not always keep their hands off a rich prize of spanish property that fell in their way; but, for the last fifteen years of elizabeth's reign, there was open war between the two powers: and then these expeditions had for their first object the annoyance of spain, and discovery and colonization for their second. we find raleigh, after fortune began to smile upon him, engaged in a second expedition, with sir humphrey gilbert, for discovery and colonization in america. he furnished, from his own means, a ship called "the raleigh," on board of which he embarked; but when a few days out, a contagious disease breaking out among the crew, he put back into port, and relinquished the expedition. sir humphrey, with the rest of the squadron, consisting of five vessels, reached newfoundland without accident, took possession of the island, and left a colony there. he then set out exploring along the american coast to the south, he himself doing all the work in his little ten-ton cutter; the service being too dangerous for the larger vessels to venture on. he spent the summer in this labor till toward the end of august, when, in a violent storm, one of the larger vessels, "the delight," was lost with all her crew. "the golden hind" and "squirrel" were now left alone of the five ships. their provisions were running short, and the season far advanced; and sir humphrey reluctantly concluded to lay his course for home. he still continued in the small vessel, though vehemently urged by his friends to remove to the larger one. "i will not forsake my little company, going homeward," said he, "with whom i have passed so many storms and perils." on the 9th of september, the weather was rough, and the cutter was with difficulty kept afloat, struggling with the violence of the waves. when the vessels came within hearing distance, sir humphrey cried out to his companions in "the hind," "be of good courage: we are as near to heaven by sea as by land." "that night, at about twelve o'clock," writes the historian of the voyage, who was himself one of the adventurers, "the cutter being ahead of us in 'the golden hind,' suddenly her lights were out, and the watch cried, 'the general is cast away!' which was too true." so perished a christian hero. it was a fine end for a mortal man. let us not call it sad or tragic, but heroic and sublime. raleigh, not discouraged by the ill success of this expedition, shortly after obtained letters-patent for another enterprise of the same kind, on the same terms as had been granted to sir humphrey. two barks were sent to explore some undiscovered part of america north of florida, and look out for a favorable situation for the proposed colony. this expedition landed on roanoke island, near the mouth of albemarle sound. having taken formal possession of the country for the queen of england and her servant sir walter raleigh, they returned, and gave so favorable an account of the country, that her majesty allowed it to be called virginia, after herself, a virgin queen. the next year, raleigh sent out a second expedition, and left a colony of a hundred men, which was the first colony planted by englishmen on the continent of america. soon after, raleigh sent a third expedition with a hundred and fifty colonists; but having now expended forty thousand pounds upon these attempts, and being unable to persist further, or weary of waiting so long for profitable returns, he assigned over his patent to a company of merchants, and withdrew from further prosecution of the enterprise. the years which followed were the busiest of raleigh's adventurous life. he bore a distinguished part in the defeat of the spanish armada; and, in the triumphant procession to return thanks at st. paul's for that great deliverance, he was conspicuous as commander of the queen's guard. he was a member of parliament, yet engaged personally in two naval expeditions against the spaniards, from which he reaped honor, but no profit; and was at the height of favor with the queen. but, during his absence at sea, the queen discovered that an intrigue existed between raleigh and one of the maids of honor, which was an offence particularly displeasing to elizabeth, who loved to fancy that all her handsome young courtiers were too much attached to herself to be capable of loving any other object. raleigh, on his return, was committed a prisoner to the tower, and, on being released after a short confinement, retired to his estate in dorsetshire. it was during this retirement that he formed his scheme for the discovery and conquest of eldorado. it had long been a subject of meditation to raleigh, who declares in the dedication of his "history of guiana," published after his return, that "many years since, he had knowledge, by relation, of that mighty, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana, and of that great and golden city which the spaniards call eldorado, and the naturals manoa."--"it is not possible," says one of the historians of these events, "that raleigh could have believed the existence of such a kingdom. credulity was not the vice of his nature; but, having formed the project of colonizing guiana, he employed these fables as baits for vulgar cupidity." other writers judge him more favorably. it is probably true that he believed in the existence of such a country as eldorado; but we can hardly suppose that he put faith in all the marvellous details which accompanied the main fact in popular narration. chapter v. raleigh's first expedition. as the attempts of pizarro and orellana were made by the route of the river of the amazons, and that of ribera by the river of paraguay, raleigh's approach was by the orinoco, a river second in size only to the amazons, and which flows in a course somewhat parallel to that, and some five or ten degrees farther to the north. the region of country where this river discharges itself into the atlantic was nominally in possession of the spaniards, though they had but one settlement in what was called the province of guiana,--the town of st. joseph, then recently founded; and another on the island of trinidad, which lies nearly opposite the mouth of the river. raleigh, arriving at trinidad, stopped some days to procure such intelligence as the spaniards resident there could afford him respecting guiana. he then proceeded to the main land, destroyed the town which the spaniards had lately built there, and took the governor, berrio, on board his own ship. he used his prisoner well, and "gathered from him," he says, "as much of guiana as he knew." berrio seems to have conversed willingly upon his own adventures in exploring the country, having no suspicion of raleigh's views. he discouraged raleigh's attempts to penetrate into the country, telling him that he would find the river unnavigable for his ships, and the nations hostile. these representations had little weight with raleigh, as he attributed them to a very natural wish on berrio's part to keep off foreigners from his province; but, on trying to find the entrance to the river, he discovered berrio's account to be true, so far as related to the difficulties of the navigation. after a thorough search for a practicable entrance, he gave up all hopes of passing in any large vessel, and resolved to go with the boats. he took in his largest boat, with himself, sixty men, including his cousin, his nephew, and principal officers. another boat carried twenty, and two others ten each. "we had no other means," he says in his account afterward published, "but to carry victual for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil and dress our meat." the orinoco, at nearly forty leagues from the sea, forms, like the nile, a kind of fan, strewed over with a multitude of little islands, that divide it into numerous branches and channels, and force it to discharge itself through this labyrinth into the sea by an infinity of mouths, occupying an extent of more than sixty leagues. "the indians who inhabit those islands," says raleigh, "in the summer, have houses upon the ground, as in other places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very artificial towns and villages: for, between may and september, the river rises to thirty feet upright, and then are those islands overflowed twenty feet high above the level of the ground; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. they use the tops of palmitos for bread; and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance." raleigh's account is confirmed by later travellers. humboldt says, "the navigator, in proceeding along the channels of the delta of the orinoco at night, sees with surprise the summits of the palm-trees illuminated by large fires. these are the habitations of the guaraons, which are suspended from the trees. these tribes hang up mats in the air, which they fill with earth, and kindle, on a layer of moist clay, the fire necessary for their household wants." passing up with the flood, and anchoring during the ebb, raleigh and his companions went on, till on the third day their galley grounded, and stuck so fast, that they feared their discovery must end there, and they be left to inhabit, like rooks upon trees, with these nations; but on the morrow, after casting out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro, they got her afloat. after four days more, they got beyond the influence of the tide, and were forced to row against a violent current, till they began to despair; the weather being excessively hot, and the river bordered with high trees, that kept away the air. their provisions began to fail them; but some relief they found by shooting birds of all colors,--carnation, crimson, orange, purple, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed. an old indian whom they had pressed into their service was a faithful guide to them, and brought them to an indian village, where they got a supply of bread, fish, and fowl. they were thus encouraged to persevere, and next day captured two canoes laden with bread, "and divers baskets of roots, which were excellent meat." probably these roots were no other than potatoes; for the mountains of quito, to which sir walter was now approaching, were the native country of the potato, and the region from whence it was first introduced into europe. the spaniards and portuguese introduced it earlier than the english; but to raleigh belongs the credit of making it known to his countrymen. the story is, that sir walter, on his return home, had some of the roots planted in his garden at youghal, in ireland, and that his gardener was sadly disappointed in autumn on tasting the apples of the "fine american fruit," and proceeded to root up the "useless weeds," when he discovered the tubers. raleigh treated the natives with humanity, and, in turn, received friendly treatment from them. the chiefs told him fine stories about the gold-mines; but, unfortunately, the gold was not to be had without labor, and the adventurers were in no condition to undertake mining operations. what they wanted was to find a region like mexico or peru, only richer, where gold might be found, not in the rocks or the bowels of the earth, but in possession of the natives, in the form of barbaric ornaments that they would freely barter for european articles, or images of their gods, such as christians might seize and carry away with an approving conscience. thus far, their search for such a region had been unsuccessful, and their only hope was of reaching it by farther explorations. but the river was rising daily, and the current flowed with such rapidity, that they saw clearly, if it went on to increase as it had done for some time past, it must soon debar all farther progress. raleigh found by talking with the chiefs that they were all hostile to the spaniards, and willing enough to promise him their aid in driving them out of the country. he accordingly told them that he was sent by a great and virtuous queen to deliver them from the tyranny of the spaniards. he also learned that the indians with whom he was conversing were an oppressed race, having been conquered by a nation who dwelt beyond the mountains,--a nation who wore large coats, and hats of crimson color, and whose houses had many rooms, one over the other. they were called the eperumei; and against them all the other tribes would gladly combine, for they were the general oppressors. moreover, the country of these eperumei abounded in gold and all other good things. he continued to make daily efforts to ascend the river, and to explore the tributary streams, but found his progress debarred in some quarters by the rapid current of the swollen streams, and in others by falls in the rivers. the falls of one of the tributaries of the orinoco, the caroli, he describes as "a wonderful breach of waters, running in three parts; and there appeared some ten or twelve over-falls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church-tower." he was informed that the lake from which the river issued was above a day's journey for one of their canoes to cross, which he computed at about forty miles; that many rivers fall into it, and great store of grains of gold was found in those rivers. on one of these rivers, he was told, a nation of people dwell "whose heads appear not above their shoulders;" which, he says, "though it may be thought a mere fable, yet, for my own part, i am resolved it is true, because every child in those provinces affirm the same. they are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of hair growth backward between their shoulders." raleigh adds, "it was not my chance to hear of them till i was come away. if i had but spoken one word of it while i was there, i might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out of doubt." it might have been more satisfactory for the philosophers if he had done so; but his word was quite enough for the poets. one of that class, and the greatest of all, william shakspeare, was, at that very time, writing plays for the gratification of raleigh's gracious mistress and her subjects, and eagerly availed himself of this new-discovered tribe to introduce one of them in his play of "the tempest," under the name of caliban. he also makes othello tell the gentle desdemona "of most disastrous chances, and of the cannibals that each other eat; the anthropophagi, and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders." nor are these the only instances in which we think we trace the influence of the romantic adventurer on the susceptible poet. the name of the divinity whom caliban calls "my dam's god setebos" occurs in raleigh's narrative as the name of an indian tribe; and trinculo's plan of taking caliban to england to make a show of him seems borrowed from this hint of raleigh's. in his days of prosperity, raleigh instituted a meeting of intellectual men at "the mermaid," a celebrated tavern. to this club, shakspeare, beaumont, fletcher, jonson, selden, donne, and other distinguished literary men, were accustomed to repair; and here doubtless the adventures and discoveries of sir walter, set forth with that talent of which his writings furnish abundant proof, often engaged the listening group. raleigh was then forty-eight, and shakspeare thirty-six, years old. but, in justice to raleigh, it should be added, that he did not invent these stories, and that later travellers and missionaries testify that such tales were current among the indians, though as yet no specimen of the tribe has been seen by trustworthy narrators. raleigh now found that he must bring his westward progress to a conclusion: "for no half-day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully; and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abundance, and men began to cry out for want of shift; for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on his body for the most part ten times a day; and we had now been near a month, every day passing to the westward, farther from our ships." they turned back, therefore, and, passing down the stream, went, without labor and against the wind, little less than one hundred miles a day. they stopped occasionally, both for provisions, and for conference with the natives. in particular, one old chief, with whom he had conferred formerly on his ascent, gave him the confidential communication, that the attempt to attack the city of manoa, at that time, was desperate; for neither the time of the year was favorable, nor had he nearly a sufficient force. he advised, that, forbearing any further attempts at that time, raleigh should rest satisfied with the information he had gained, and return to his own country for a larger force, with which to come again the next year, and unite all the tribes which were hostile to the eperumei, or people of manoa, and by their aid make an easy conquest of them. the old chief added, that, for his part and his people's, they wanted no share of the spoils of gold or precious stones: they only wanted to be avenged on their enemies, and to rescue from them their women whom the eperumei had carried away in their frequent incursions; "so that, whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve wives apiece, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or four." raleigh met with no material misadventure in his way down the river; and, though a storm attacked them the same night, they anchored in the mouth of the river; so that, in spite of every shelter they could derive from the shores, the galley "had as much to do to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, and all those in her:" yet next day they arrived safe at the island of trinidad, and found the ships at anchor, "than which," says raleigh, "there was never to us a more joyful sight." raleigh was not favorably received by the queen on his return, nor was he welcomed with any popular applause; for he had brought home no booty, and his account of the riches of the land into which he had led the way was received with suspicion. he published it under this boastful title: "the discovery of the large, rich, and beautiful empire of guiana; with a relation of the great and golden city of manoa, which the spaniards call eldorado. performed by sir walter raleigh." in spite of all the great promises which he held out, the acknowledgment that he had made a losing voyage tended to abate that spirit of cupidity and enterprise which he wished to excite. sir walter's history of his expedition contains, besides the marvels already cited, numerous others, some of which have a basis of fact, others not. of the former kind is his account of oysters growing on trees. he says, "we arrived at trinidado the 22d of march, casting anchor at port curiapan. i left the ships, and kept by the shore in my barge, the better to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island. in the way, i passed divers little brooks of fresh water, and one salt river, that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees. all their oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground. the like is commonly seen in the west indies and elsewhere." upon this narrative, sir robert schomburgh, a late explorer, has the following remark: "the first accounts brought to europe, of oysters growing on trees, raised as great astonishment as the relation of eldorado itself; and to those who were unacquainted with the fact that these mollusks select the branches of the tree, on which they fix themselves during high water, when the branches are immersed, it may certainly sound strange, that shells, which we know live in europe on banks in the depths of the sea, should be found in the west indies on the branches of trees. they attach themselves chiefly to the mangrove-tree, which grows along the shore of the sea, and rivers of brackish water, and covers immense tracts of coast; rooting and vegetating in a manner peculiar to itself, even as far as low-water mark. the water flowing off during ebb leaves the branches, with the oysters attached to them, high and dry." respecting the republic of amazons, sir walter says, "i made inquiry among the most ancient and best travelled of the orenoqueponi; and i was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, because of some it is believed, of others not. i will set down what hath been delivered me for truth of those women; and i spake with a cacique, or lord of people, who said that he had been in the river, and beyond it also. the nations of those women are on the south side of the river, in the province of topago; and their chiefest strengths and retreats are in the islands of said river. they accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month, which, i gather from their relation, to be in april. at that time, all the kings of the borders assemble, and the queens of the amazons; and, after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. this one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and, the moon being done, they all depart to their own provinces. if a son be born, they return him to the father; if a daughter, they nourish it and retain it, all being desirous to increase their own sex and kind. they carry on wars, and are very blood-thirsty and cruel." sir robert schomburgh, who explored these regions extensively between the years 1835 and 1844, says, in reference to this subject, "the result of this fatiguing and perilous journey has only strengthened our conviction that this republic of women was one of those inventions, designed merely to enhance the wonders, of which the new world was regarded as the seat." it would, however, be unjust to condemn raleigh's proneness to a belief in their existence, when we find that condamine believed in them; that humboldt hesitated to decide against them; and that even southey, the learned historian of brazil, makes this remark, "had we never heard of the amazons of antiquity, i should, without hesitation, believe in those of america. their existence is not the less likely for that reason; and yet it must be admitted, that the probable truth is made to appear suspicious by its resemblance to a known fable." chapter vi. raleigh's adventures continued. when raleigh, on his first arrival, broke up the spanish settlement in trinidad, he took berrio, the governor, prisoner, and carried him with him in his voyage up the river. berrio seems to have borne his fate with good temper, and conciliated the good will of raleigh; so that, when the expedition returned to the mouth of the river, he was set at liberty, and collected his little colony again. berrio probably shared the same belief as raleigh in the existence of the kingdom of eldorado within the limits of his province, and was naturally desirous to avail himself of the respite which he gained by the termination of raleigh's expedition, until it should return in greater force to penetrate to eldorado, and take possession for himself and his countrymen. with these views, he sent an officer of his, domingo de vera, to spain, to levy men; sending, according to raleigh's account, "divers images, as well of men as of beasts, birds, and fishes, cunningly wrought in gold," in hopes to persuade the king to yield him some further help. this agent was more successful than raleigh in obtaining belief. he is described as a man of great ability, and little scrupulous as to truth. having been favorably received by the government, he attracted notice by appearing in a singular dress, which, as he was of great stature, and rode always a great horse, drew all eyes, and made him generally known as the indian chief of eldorado and the rich lands. some trinkets in gold he displayed, of indian workmanship, and some emeralds, which he had brought from america, and promised stores of both; and, by the aid of influential persons, he obtained seventy thousand dollars at madrid, and five thousand afterwards at seville, authority to raise any number of adventurers (though berrio had asked only for three hundred men), and five good ships to carry them out. adventurers flocked to him in toledo, la mancha, and estremadura. the expedition was beyond example popular. twenty captains of infantry, who had served in italy and flanders, joined it. not only those who had their fortunes to seek were deluded: men of good birth and expectations left all to engage in the conquest of eldorado; and fathers of families gave up their employments, and sold their goods, and embarked with their wives and children. solicitations and bribes were made use of by eager volunteers. the whole expedition consisted of more than two thousand persons. they reached trinidad after a prosperous voyage, and took possession of the town. the little mischief which raleigh had done had been easily repaired; for indeed there was little that he could do. the place did not contain thirty families, and the strangers were to find shelter as they could. rations of biscuit and salt meat, pulse, or rice, were served out to them; but, to diminish the consumption as much as possible, detachments were sent off in canoes to the main land, where berrio had founded the town of st. thomas. some flotillas effected their progress safely; but one, which consisted of six canoes, met with bad weather, and only three succeeded in entering the river, after throwing their cargoes overboard. the others made the nearest shore, where they were descried by the caribs, a fierce tribe of natives, who slew them all, except a few women whom they carried away, and one soldier, who escaped to relate the fate of his companions. the city of st. thomas contained at that time four hundred men, besides women and children. berrio, to prepare the way for the discovery and conquest of eldorado, sent out small parties of the new-comers under experienced persons, that they might be seasoned to the difficulties which they would have to undergo, and learn how to conduct themselves in their intercourse with the indians. they were to spread the news that the king had sent out many spaniards, and a large supply of axes, caps, hawk-bells, looking-glasses, combs, and such other articles of traffic as were in most request. they saw no appearance of those riches which raleigh had heard of, nor of that plenty which he had found. the people with whom they met had but a scanty subsistence for themselves, and so little of gold or silver or any thing else to barter for the hatchets and trinkets of the spaniards, that they were glad of the chance to labor as boatmen, or give their children, in exchange for them. berrio was not discouraged by the result of these journeys. like raleigh, he was persuaded that the great and golden city stood on the banks of a great lake, from which the river caroli issued, about twelve leagues east of the mouth whereof his town was placed. a force of eight hundred men was now ordered on the discovery. the command was given to correa, an officer accustomed to indian warfare. three franciscan monks, and a lay brother of the same order, accompanied the expedition. having reached a spot where the country was somewhat elevated, and the temperature cooler than in the region they had passed, they hutted themselves on a sort of prairie, and halted there in the hope that rest might restore those who began to feel the effect of an unwholesome climate. the natives not only abstained from any acts of hostility, but supplied them with fruits, and a sort of cassava (tapioca). this they did in sure knowledge that disease would soon subdue these new-come spaniards to their hands. it was not long before a malignant fever broke out among the adventurers, which carried off a third part of their number. one comfort only was left them: the friars continued every day to perform mass in a place where all the sufferers could hear it; and no person died without performing and receiving all the offices which the romish church has enjoined. correa himself sank under the disease. he might possibly have escaped it, acclimated as he was, if he had not overtasked himself when food was to be sought from a distance, and carried heavy loads to spare those who were less equal to the labor: for now the crafty indians no longer brought supplies, but left the weakened spaniards to provide for themselves as they could; and when correa was dead, of whom, as a man accustomed to indian war, they stood in fear, they collected their forces, and fell upon the spaniards, who apprehended no danger, and were most of them incapable of making any defence. the plan appears to have been concerted with a young indian chief who accompanied the spaniards under pretence of friendship; and the women whom the indians brought with them to carry home the spoils of their enemies bore their part with stones and stakes in the easy slaughter. the spaniards who escaped the first attack fled with all speed, some without weapons, and some without strength to use them. the friars were the last to fly. with the soldiers to protect them, they brought off their portable altar, two crosses, and a crucifix. no attempt at resistance was made, except when a fugitive fell by the way. the word then passed for one of the fathers: some soldiers stood with their muskets to protect him while he hastily confessed and absolved the poor wretch, whom his countrymen then commended to god, and left to the mercy of the indians. in some places, the enemy set fire to the grass and shrubbery, which in that climate grow with extreme luxuriance; by which means many of this miserable expedition perished. not quite thirty out of the whole number got safe back to the town of st. thomas. that place was in a deplorable state, suffering at once from a contagious disease and from a scarcity of provisions. to add to the distress, about a hundred persons more had just arrived from trinidad. they came of necessity; for there were no longer supplies of food at trinidad to sustain them. but they came with high-raised hopes, only repining at their ill luck in not having been in the first expedition, by which they supposed the first spoils of eldorado had already been shared. they arrived like skeletons at a city of death. not only were provisions scarce, but the supply of salt had altogether failed; and, without it, health in that climate cannot be preserved. to add to their misery, the shoes had all been consumed, and the country was infested by that insect (the chigua) which burrows in the feet, and attacks the flesh wherever the slightest wound gives it access. the torment occasioned by these insects was such, that the men willingly submitted to the only remedy they knew of, and had the sores cauterized with hot iron. among those who had come from spain to enter upon this land of promise, there was a "beata," or pious woman, who had been attached to a convent in madrid, and accompanied a married daughter and her husband on this unhappy adventure, and devoted herself to the service of the sick. some of the women, and she among them, looking upon the governor, berrio, as the cause of their miseries, and thinking, that, as long as he lived, there was no hope of their escaping from this fatal place, resolved to murder him, and provided themselves with knives for the purpose. the indignation against him was so general, that they hesitated not to impart their design to one of the friars; and, luckily for berrio, he interposed his influence to prevent it. one of the women who had sold her possessions in spain to join the expedition made her way to the governor when the officers and friars were with him, and, emptying upon the ground before him a bag which contained one hundred and fifty doubloons, said, "tyrant, take what is left, since you have brought us here to die." berrio replied, with less of anger than of distress in his countenance, "i gave no orders to domingo de vera that he should bring more than three hundred men." he offered no opposition to the departure of such as would. many who had strength or resolution enough trusted themselves to the river in such canoes as they could find, without boatmen or pilot, and endeavored to make their way back to trinidad; some perishing by the hands of the natives, others by drowning, others by hunger, on the marshy shores which they reached. vera soon died of a painful disease in trinidad; and berrio did not long survive him. such was the issue of this great attempt for the conquest of the golden empire; "of which," says an old spanish historian, "it may be said, that it was like nebuchadnezzar's image, beginning in gold, but continuing through baser metal, till it ended in rude iron and base clay." chapter vii. raleigh's second expedition. raleigh's first voyage disappointed every one but himself. he pretended to have obtained satisfactory evidence of the existence of eldorado, and information of the place where it was; also proof of the existence of mines of gold; and to have conciliated the good will of the natives, and secured their co-operation with him in any future attempt. but he had brought home no gold; the shining stones which his followers had abundantly supplied themselves with were found to be worthless: and there was no evidence of the existence of a native sovereignty as far advanced in civilization and refinement as the mexicans and peruvians, the conquest of which would reflect as much glory upon the english name as the achievements of cortez and pizarro had reflected upon that of spain. raleigh's boastful representations, therefore, failed of effect. none of his countrymen were inclined to join with him in a further prosecution of the enterprise; and the subject was dropped for the time. raleigh was soon restored to favor, and employed in the naval expeditions against spain which took place at this time. he greatly distinguished himself on several occasions, and was in high favor with queen elizabeth till her death; but, with the accession of james, his fortunes fell. he was accused (whether justly or not is still doubtful) of being concerned in treasonable plots against the king, and was brought to trial, found guilty, condemned to death, and committed prisoner to the tower to await the execution of his sentence. raleigh, withdrawn from active labors by his imprisonment, was not idle. he turned to intellectual pursuits, and, with many minor pieces in prose and verse, executed his greatest work, "the history of the world,"--a project of such vast extent, that the bare idea of his undertaking it excites our admiration. as an author, he stands on an eminence as high as that which he obtained in other paths. hume says, "he is the best model of our ancient style;" and hallam confirms the judgment. his imprisonment lasted thirteen years. at the expiration of that time, he had influence to have his sentence so far remitted as to allow him to go on a second expedition in search of eldorado. twenty years had elapsed since the former expedition; and the present was of a magnitude more like a national enterprise than a private one. sir walter's own ship, "the destiny," carried thirty-six guns and two hundred men. there were six other vessels, carrying from twenty-five guns to three each. raleigh embarked all his means in this expedition. his eldest son commanded one of the ships; and eighty of his companions were gentlemen volunteers and adventurers, many of them his relations. those who have thoughtfully considered raleigh's career have seen reason to doubt whether he really believed the stories which he was so anxious to impress upon others. they have thought it more likely that his real object was to emulate the fame of cortez and pizarro; to dispossess spain of some portion of her conquests in south america, and transfer them to his own country. this latter object was admissible at the time of his first expedition, because spain and england were then at war; but was not so on the second, as the two nations were then at peace. but raleigh had reason to think, that, if he could succeed in his object, there was no danger of his being called to very strict account respecting his measures. he arrived off the coast of guiana on the 12th of november, 1617; having had a long and disastrous voyage. one ship had left him, and returned home; another had foundered; forty-two of his men had died; many were suffering from sickness, and himself among the number. but he found the indians friendly, and not forgetful of his former visit. he writes to his wife, "to tell you that i might be here king of the country were a vanity; but my name hath still lived among them here. they feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields. all offer to obey me." being too feeble from sickness to go himself, he sent forward an expedition, under capt. keymis, to enter the orinoco, and take possession of the mines. five companies of fifty men each, in five shallops, composed the expedition; raleigh, with the remainder of his vessels, repairing to trinidad to await the result. since raleigh's former expedition, the spaniards had made a settlement upon the main land, and founded a town to which they gave the name of st. thomas. the governor resided there, and there were in all about five hundred inhabitants. on the 12th of january, the english flotilla reached a part of the river twelve leagues from st. thomas; and an indian fisherman carried the alarm to that place. the governor, palameque, mustered immediately the little force which he had at hand. this consisted of fifty-seven men only. messengers were sent to summon those men who were at their farms, and two horsemen were sent out to watch the invaders' movements. at eleven in the forenoon, the vessels anchored about a league from the town. the men landed, and the scouts hastened back with the intelligence. a spanish officer, with ten men, was placed in ambush near the city. as soon as he was informed of the direction which the english were taking, he cut a match-cord in pieces, which he lighted at dark, and placed at intervals, where they might deceive the invaders by presenting the appearance of a greater force. the first discharge was from two pieces of cannon against the boats. the spaniard, with his little band, then opened his fire upon the troops, and kept it up from the bushes as he retired before them. this skirmishing continued about an hour and a half, till he had fallen back to the place where the governor and his people were drawn up, at the entrance of the city, to make a stand. it was now nine at night. raleigh says, in his account of the action, that some of the english, at the first charge, began to pause and recoil shamefully; whereupon his son, not tarrying for any musketeers, ran up at the head of a company of pikemen, and received a shot wound. pressing then upon a spanish captain with his sword, the spaniard, taking the small end of his musket in his hand, struck him on the head with the stock, and felled him. his last words were, "lord, have mercy upon me, and prosper the enterprise!" and his death was instantly avenged by his sergeant, who thrust the spaniard through with his halberd. in the heat of the fight, and in the confusion which the darkness occasioned, the spanish commander was separated from his people, and slain. the spaniards, however, had the advantage of knowing the ground; and, betaking themselves to the houses, they fired from them on the english, and killed many, till the assailants set fire to the houses; thus depriving themselves of that booty which was their main object. the english were now masters of the place; the remainder of the defendants, with the women and children, under the command of grados, the officer who had deported himself so well in the first ambush, effecting their escape across the river. grados stationed them at a place about ten miles distant from the town, where a few slight huts were erected for the women and children. the captors searched in vain for gold in the city; but they had an idea that there was a rich gold-mine a short distance up the river. accordingly, two launches, with twenty or thirty men in each, were despatched up the orinoco. they came to the mouth of the creek, which led to the place where grados had hutted the women and children; and the largest of the launches was about to enter, when grados, who had posted nine of the invalids in ambush there, with about as many indian bowmen, fired upon them so unexpectedly, and with such good aim, that only one of the crew is said to have escaped unhurt. the other launch also suffered some loss. three days after, three launches were sent to take vengeance for this defeat; but grados had removed his charge some two leagues into the country, and these vessels went up the river about a hundred leagues, treating with the indians, to whom they made presents and larger promises, and after eighteen or twenty days returned, having effected nothing of importance. the english had now been four weeks in the city, annoyed by the spaniards and indians, and losing many of their men, cut off in their foraging excursions by ambushes. after the unsuccessful attempt to discover the mine, no further effort was made for that purpose; keymis alleging in his excuse, that "the spaniards, being gone off in a whole body, lay in the woods between the mine and us, and it was impossible, except they had been beaten out of the country, to pass up the woods and craggy hills without the loss of the commanders, without whom the rest would easily be cut to pieces." the english, accordingly, retreated from the city, setting fire to the few houses that remained, and promising the indians, as they went, that they would return next year, and complete the destruction of the spaniards. raleigh was by no means satisfied with keymis's excuses for his failure to discover the mine, and reproached him with so much severity, that keymis, after the interview, retired to his cabin, and shot himself through the heart. when raleigh arrived in england, he found that the tidings of his attack on the spaniards, and the utter failure of his expedition, had reached there before him. the spanish ambassador was clamorous for punishment on what he called a piratical proceeding; and the king and the nation, who might have pardoned a successful adventurer, had no indulgence to extend to one so much the reverse. finding a proclamation had been issued for his arrest, raleigh endeavored to escape to france, but was taken in the attempt, and committed close prisoner to the tower. he was made a victim to court intrigue. the weak king, james, was then negotiating a spanish match for his son, and, to gratify the king of spain and his court, sacrificed one of the noblest of his subjects. without being put on trial for his late transactions, raleigh's old sentence, which had been suspended sixteen years, was revived against him; and on the 29th of october, 1618, four months after his arrival, he was beheaded on the scaffold. the fate of raleigh caused a great sensation at the time, and has not yet ceased to excite emotion. the poet thomson, in his "summer," finely alludes to the various circumstances of his history, which we have briefly recorded:- "but who can speak the numerous worthies of the 'maiden reign'? in raleigh mark their every glory mixed,-raleigh, the scourge of spain, whose breast with all the sage, the patriot, and the hero, burned. nor sunk his vigor when a coward reign the warrior fettered, and at last resigned to glut the vengeance of a vanquished foe: then, active still and unrestrained, his mind explored the vast extent of ages past, and with his prison-hours enriched the world; yet found no times in all the long research so glorious or so base as those he proved in which he conquered and in which he bled." chapter viii. the french philosophers. after so many abortive attempts to reach the golden empire, the ardor of research greatly abated. no expeditions, composed of considerable numbers, have since embarked in the enterprise; but from time to time, for the century succeeding raleigh's last attempt, private expeditions were undertaken and encouraged by provincial governors; and several hundred persons perished miserably in those fruitless endeavors. the adventure we are now about to record was of an entirely different character in respect to its objects and the means employed; but it occupied the same field of action, and called into exercise the same qualities of courage and endurance. in 1735, the french academy of science made arrangements for sending out two commissions of learned men to different and distant parts of the world to make measurements, with a view to determining the dimensions and figure of the earth. the great astronomer, sir isaac newton, had deduced from theory, and ventured to maintain, that the earth was not a perfect globe, but a spheroid; that is, a globe flattened at the poles. for a long time after newton's splendid discoveries in astronomy, a degree of national jealousy prevented the french philosophers from accepting his conclusions; and they were not displeased to find, when they could, facts opposed to them. now, there were some supposed facts which were incompatible with this idea of newton's, that the earth was flattened at the poles. the point was capable of being demonstrated by measurements, with instruments, on the surface; for, if his theory was true, a degree of latitude would be longer in the northern parts of the globe than in the regions about the equator. we must not allow our story to become a scientific essay; and yet we should like to give our readers, if we could, some idea of the principle on which this process, which is called the measurement of an arc of the meridian, was expected to show the magnitude and form of the earth. we all know that geographical latitude means the position of places north or south of the equator, and is determined by reference to the north or pole star. a person south of the equator would not see the pole-star at all. one at the equator, looking at the pole-star, would see it, if no intervening object prevented, in the horizon. advancing northward, he would see it apparently rise, and advance toward him. as he proceeded, it would continue to rise. when he had traversed half the distance to the pole, he would see the pole-star about as we see it in boston; that is, nearly midway between the horizon and the zenith: and, when he had reached the pole, he would see the pole-star directly over his head. dividing the quarter circle which the star has moved through into ninety parts, we say, when the star has ascended one-ninetieth part, that the observer has travelled over one degree of latitude. when the observer has reached boston, he has passed over somewhat more than forty-two degrees, and, when he has reached the north-pole, ninety degrees, of latitude. thus we measure our latitude over the earth's surface by reference to a circle in the heavens; and, because the portions into which we divide that circle are equal, we infer that the portions of the earth's surface which correspond to them are equal. this would be true if the earth were a perfect globe: but if the earth be a spheroid, as newton's theory requires it to be, it would _not_ be true; for that portion of the earth's surface which is flattened will have less curvature than that which is not so, and less still than that portion which is protuberant. the degrees of least curvature will be longest, and those of greatest curvature shortest; that is, one would have to travel farther on the flattened part of the earth to see any difference in the position of the north-star than in those parts where the curvature is greater. so a degree of latitude near the pole, if determined by the position of the north-star, would be found, by actual measurement, to be longer than one similarly determined at the equator. it was to ascertain whether the fact was so that the two scientific expeditions were sent out. the party which was sent to the northern regions travelled over snow and ice, swamps and morasses, to the arctic circle, and fixed their station at tornea, in lapland. the frozen surface of the river afforded them a convenient level for fixing what is called by surveyors the base line. the cold was so intense, that the glass froze to the mouth when they drank, and the metallic measuring rod to the hand. in spite, however, of perils and discomforts, they persevered in their task, and brought back careful measurements of a degree in latitude 66â° north, to be compared with those made by the other party at the equator, whose movements we propose more particularly to follow. before we take leave of the northern commissioners, however, we will mention another method they took of demonstrating the same fact. if the earth be depressed at the poles, it must follow that bodies will weigh heavier there, because they are nearer the centre of the earth. but how could they test this fact, when all weights would be increased alike,--the pound of feathers and the pound of lead? the question was settled by observing the oscillation of a pendulum. the observers near the pole found that the pendulum vibrated faster than usual, because, being nearer the centre of the earth, the attracting power was increased. to balance this, they had to lengthen the pendulum; and the extent to which they had to do this measured the difference between the earth's diameter at the poles, and that in the latitude from which they came. the commissioners who were sent to the equatorial regions were messrs. bouguer, la condamine, and godin, the last of whom was accompanied by his wife. two spanish officers, messrs. juan and de ulloa, joined the commission. the party arrived at quito in june, 1736, about two hundred years after gonzalo pizarro started from the same place in his search for eldorado. in the interval, the country had become nominally christian. the city was the seat of a bishopric, an audience royal, and other courts of justice; contained many churches and convents, and two colleges. but the population was almost entirely composed of indians, who lived in a manner but very little different from that of their ancestors at the time of the conquest. cuenã§a was the place next in importance to the capital; and there, or in its neighborhood, the chief labors of the commission were transacted. they were conducted under difficulties as great as those of their colleagues in the frozen regions of the north, but of a different sort. the inhabitants of the country were jealous of the french commissioners, and supposed them to be either heretics or sorcerers, and to have come in search of gold-mines. even persons connected with the administration employed themselves in stirring up the minds of the people, till at last, in a riotous assemblage at a bullfight, the surgeon of the french commissioners was killed. after tedious and troublesome legal proceedings, the perpetrators were let off with a nominal punishment. notwithstanding every difficulty, the commissioners completed their work in a satisfactory manner, spending in all eight years in the task, including the voyages out and home. the commissioners who had made the northern measurements reported the length of the degree at 66â° north latitude to be 57.422 toises; messrs. bouguer and la condamine, the equatorial degree, 56.753 toises; showing a difference of 669 toises, or 4,389-â¾ feet. the difference, as corrected by later measurements, is stated by recent authorities at 3,662 english feet; by which amount the polar degree exceeds the equatorial. thus newton's theory was confirmed. his scientific labors having been finished, la condamine conceived the idea of returning home by way of the amazon river; though difficulties attended the project, which we who live in a land of mighty rivers, traversed by steamboats, can hardly imagine. the only means of navigating the upper waters of the river was by rafts or canoes; the latter capable of containing but one or two persons, besides a crew of seven or eight boatmen. the only persons who were in the habit of passing up and down the river were the jesuit missionaries, who made their periodical visits to their stations along its banks. a young spanish gentleman, don pedro maldonado, who at first eagerly caught at the idea of accompanying the french philosopher on his homeward route by way of the river, was almost discouraged by the dissuasives urged by his family and friends, and seemed inclined to withdraw from the enterprise; so dangerous was the untried route esteemed. it was, however, at length resolved that they should hazard the adventure; and a place of rendezvous was appointed at a village on the river. on the 4th of july, 1743, la condamine commenced his descent of one of the streams which flow into the great river of the amazons. the stream was too precipitous in its descent to be navigated by boats of any kind, and the only method used was by rafts. these are made of a light kind of wood, or rather cane, similar to the bamboo, the single pieces of which are fastened together by rushes, in such a manner, that they yield to every shock of moderate violence, and consequently are not subject to be separated even by the strongest. on such a conveyance, the french philosopher glided down the stream of the chuchunga, occasionally stopping on its banks for a day or two at a time to allow the waters to abate, and admit of passing a dangerous rapid more safely; and sometimes getting fast on the shallows, and requiring to be drawn off by ropes by the indian boatmen. it was not till the 19th of july that he entered the main river at laguna, where he found his friend maldonado, who had been waiting for him some weeks. on the 23d of july, 1743, they embarked in two canoes of forty-two and forty-four feet long, each formed out of one single trunk of a tree, and each provided with a crew of eight rowers. they continued their course night and day, in hopes to reach, before their departure, the brigantines of the missionaries, in which they used to send once a year, to parã¡, the cacao which they collected in their missions, and for which they got, in return, supplies of european articles of necessity. on the 25th of july, la condamine and his companion passed the village of a tribe of indians lately brought under subjection, and in all the wildness of savage life: on the 27th, they reached another more advanced in civilization, yet not so far as to have abandoned their savage practices of artificially flattening their heads, and elongating their ears. the 1st of august, they landed at a missionary station, where they found numerous indians assembled, and some tribes so entirely barbarous as to be destitute of clothing for either sex. "there are in the interior," the narration goes on to say, "some tribes which devour the prisoners taken in war; but there are none such on the banks of the river." after leaving this station, they sailed day and night, equal to seven or eight days' journey, without seeing any habitation. on the 5th of august, they arrived at the first of the portuguese missionary stations, where they procured larger and more commodious boats than those in which they had advanced hitherto. here they began to see the first signs of the benefits of access to european sources of supply, by means of the vessel which went every year from parã¡ to lisbon. they tarried six days at the last of the missionary stations, and again made a change of boats and of indian crews. on the 28th august, being yet six hundred miles from the sea, they perceived the ebb and flow of the tide. on the 19th september, they arrived at parã¡, which la condamine describes as a great and beautiful city, built of stone, and enjoying a commerce with lisbon, which made it flourishing and increasing. he observes, "it is, perhaps, the only european settlement where silver does not pass for money; the whole currency being cocoa." he adds in a note, "specie currency has been since introduced." the portuguese authorities received the philosophers with all the civilities and hospitalities due to persons honored with the special protection and countenance of two great nations,--france and spain. the cannon were fired; and the soldiers of the garrison, with the governor of the province at their head, turned out to receive them. the governor had received orders from the home government to pay all their expenses, and to furnish them every thing requisite for their comfort and assistance in their researches. la condamine remained three months at parã¡; and then, declining the urgent request of the governor to embark in a portuguese vessel for home by way of lisbon, he embarked in a boat rowed by twenty-two indians, under the command of a portuguese officer, to coast along the shores of the continent to the french colony of cayenne. the city of parã¡ from whence he embarked is not situated upon the amazon river, but upon what is called the river of parã¡, which branches off from the amazon near its mouth, and discharges itself into the sea at a distance of more than a hundred miles east of the amazon. the intervening land is an island called marajo, along the coast of which la condamine and his party steered till they came to the place where the amazon river discharges into the sea that vast bulk of waters which has been swelled by the contributions of numerous tributaries throughout a course of more than three thousand miles in length. it here meets the current which runs along the north-eastern coast of brazil, and gives rise to that phenomenon which is called by the indians pororoca. the river and the current, having both great rapidity, and meeting nearly at right angles, come into contact with great violence, and raise a mountain of water to the height of one hundred and eighty feet. the shock is so dreadful, that it makes all the neighboring islands tremble; and fishermen and navigators fly from it in the utmost terror. the river and the ocean appear to contend for the empire of the waves: but they seem to come to a compromise; for the sea-current continues its way along the coast of guiana to the island of trinidad, while the current of the river is still observable in the ocean at a distance of five hundred miles from the shore. la condamine passed this place of meeting in safety by waiting for a favorable course of tides, crossing the amazon at its mouth, steering north; and after many delays, caused by the timidity and bad seamanship of his indian crew, arrived at last safe at cayenne on the 26th february, 1744, having been eight months on his voyage, two of which were spent in his passage from parã¡, a passage which he avers a french officer and crew, two years after him, accomplished in six days. la condamine was received with all possible distinction at cayenne, and in due time found passage home to france, where he arrived 25th february, 1745. chapter ix. madame godin's voyage down the amazon. one of the french commissioners, m. godin, had taken with him on his scientific errand to peru his wife; a lady for whom we bespeak the kind interest of our readers, for her name deserves honorable mention among the early navigators of the amazon. the labors of the commission occupied several years; and when, in the year 1742, those labors were happily brought to a conclusion, m. godin was prevented, by circumstances relating to himself individually, from accompanying his colleagues in their return to france. his detention was protracted from year to year, till at last, in 1749, he repaired alone to the island of cayenne to prepare every thing necessary for the homeward voyage of himself and his wife. from cayenne he wrote to paris to the minister of marine, and requested that his government would procure for him the favorable interposition of the court of portugal to supply him with the means of ascending the river amazon to bring away his wife from peru, and descend the stream with her to the island of cayenne. thirteen years had rolled by since their arrival in the country, when at last madame godin saw her earnest wish to return home likely to be gratified. all that time, she had lived apart from her husband; she in peru, he in the french colony of cayenne. at last, m. godin had the pleasure to see the arrival of a galoot (a small vessel having from sixteen to twenty oars on a side, and well adapted for rapid progress), which had been fitted out by the order of the king of portugal, and despatched to cayenne for the purpose of taking him on his long-wished-for journey. he immediately embarked; but, before he could reach the mouth of the amazon river, he was attacked by so severe an illness, that he saw himself compelled to stop at oyapoc, a station between cayenne and the mouth of the river, and there to remain, and to send one tristan, whom he thought his friend, in lieu of himself, up the river to seek madame godin, and escort her to him. he intrusted to him also, besides the needful money, various articles of merchandise to dispose of to the best advantage. the instructions which he gave him were as follows:-the galiot had orders to convey him to loreto about half-way up the amazon river, the first spanish settlement. from there he was to go to laguna, another spanish town about twelve miles farther up, and to give mr. godin's letter, addressed to his wife, in charge to a certain ecclesiastic of that place, to be forwarded to the place of her residence. he himself was to wait at laguna the arrival of madame godin. the galiot sailed, and arrived safe at loreto. but the faithless tristan, instead of going himself to laguna, or sending the letter there, contented himself with delivering the packet to a spanish jesuit, who was going to quite another region on some occasional purpose. tristan himself, in the mean while, went round among the portuguese settlements to sell his commodities. the result was, that m. godin's letter, passing from hand to hand, failed to reach the place of its destination. meanwhile, by what means we know not, a blind rumor of the purpose and object of the portuguese vessel lying at loreto reached peru, and came at last, but without any distinctness, to the ears of madame godin. she learned through this rumor that a letter from her husband was on the way to her; but all her efforts to get possession of it were fruitless. at last, she resolved to send a faithful negro servant, in company with an indian, to the amazon, to procure, if possible, more certain tidings. this faithful servant made his way boldly through all hinderances and difficulties which beset his journey, reached loreto, talked with tristan, and brought back intelligence that he, with the portuguese vessel and all its equipments, were for her accommodation, and waited her orders. now, then, madame godin determined to undertake this most perilous and difficult journey. she was staying at the time at riobamba, about one hundred and twenty miles south of quito, where she had a house of her own with garden and grounds. these, with all other things that she could not take with her, she sold on the best terms she could. her father, m. grandmaison, and her two brothers, who had been living with her in peru, were ready to accompany her. the former set out beforehand to a place the other side of the cordilleras to make arrangements for his daughter's journey on her way to the ship. madame godin received about this time a visit from a certain mr. r., who gave himself out for a french physician, and asked permission to accompany her. he promised, moreover, to watch over her health, and to do all in his power to lighten the fatigues and discomforts of the arduous journey. she replied, that she had no authority over the vessel which was to carry her, and therefore could not answer for it that he could have a place in it. mr. r., thereupon, applied to the brothers of madame godin; and they, thinking it very desirable that she should have a physician with her, persuaded their sister to consent to take him in her company. so, then, she started from riobamba, which had been her home till this time, the 1st of october, 1749, in company of the above-named persons, her black man, and three indian women. thirty indians, to carry her baggage, completed her company. had the luckless lady known what calamities, sufferings, and disappointments awaited her, she would have trembled at the prospect, and doubted of the possibility of living through it all, and reaching the wished-for goal of her journey. the party went first across the mountains to canelos, an indian village, where they thought to embark on a little stream which discharges itself into the amazon. the way thither was so wild and unbroken, that it was not even passable for mules, and must be travelled entirely on foot. m. grandmaison, who had set out a whole month earlier, had stopped at canelos no longer than was necessary to make needful preparations for his daughter and her attendants. then he had immediately pushed on toward the vessel, to still keep in advance, and arrange matters for her convenience at the next station to which she would arrive. hardly had he left canelos, when the small-pox, a disease which in those regions is particularly fatal, broke out, and in one week swept off one-half of the inhabitants, and so alarmed the rest, that they deserted the place, and plunged into the wilderness. consequently, when madame godin reached the place with her party, she found, to her dismay, only two indians remaining, whom the fury of the plague had spared; and, moreover, not the slightest preparation either for her reception, or her furtherance on her journey. this was the first considerable mishap which befell her, and which might have served to forewarn her of the greater sufferings which she was to encounter. a second followed shortly after. the thirty indians who thus far had carried the baggage, and had received their pay in advance, suddenly absconded, whether from fear of the epidemic, or that they fancied, having never seen a vessel except at a distance, that they were to be compelled to go on board one, and be carried away. there stood, then, the deserted and disappointed company, overwhelmed, and knowing not what course to take, or how to help themselves. the safest course would have been to leave all their baggage to its fate, and return back the way they came; but the longing of madame godin for her beloved husband, from whom she had now been separated so many years, gave her courage to bid defiance to all the hinderances which lay in her way, and even to attempt impossibilities. she set herself, therefore, to persuade the two indians above mentioned to construct a boat, and, by means of it, to take her and her company to andoas, another place about twelve days' journey distant. they willingly complied, receiving their pay in advance. the boat was got ready; and all the party embarked in it under the management of the two indians. after they had run safely two days' journey down the stream, they drew up to the bank to pass the night on shore. here the treacherous indians took the opportunity, while the weary company slept, to run away; and, when the travellers awoke next morning, they were nowhere to be found. this was a new and unforeseen calamity, by which their future progress was rendered greatly more hazardous. without a knowledge of the stream or the country, and without a guide, they again got on board their boat, and pushed on. the first day went by without any misadventure. the second, they came up with a boat which lay near the shore, alongside of an indian hut built of branches of trees. they found there an indian, just recovered from the sickness, and prevailed on him, by presents, to embark with them to take the helm. but fate envied them this relief: for, the next day, mr. r.'s hat fell into the water; and the indian, in endeavoring to recover it, fell overboard, and was drowned, not having strength to swim to the shore. now was the vessel again without a pilot, and steered by persons, not one of whom had the least knowledge of the course. ere long, the vessel sprung a leak; and the unhappy company found themselves compelled to land, and build a hut to shelter them. they were yet five or six days' journey from andoas, the nearest place of destination. mr. r. offered, for himself and another frenchman his companion, to go thither, and make arrangements, that, within fourteen days, a boat from there should arrive and bring them off. his proposal was approved of. madame godin gave him her faithful black man to accompany him. he himself took good care that nothing of his property should be left behind. fourteen days were now elapsed; but in vain they strained their eyes to catch sight of the bark which mr. r. had promised to send to their relief. they waited twelve days longer, but in vain. their situation grew more painful every day. at last, when all hope in this quarter was lost, they hewed trees, and fastened them together as well as they could, and made in this way a raft. when they had finished it, they put on their baggage, and seated themselves upon it, and suffered it to float down the stream. but even this frail bark required a steersman acquainted with navigation; but they had none such. in no long time, it struck against a sunken log, and broke to pieces. the people and their baggage were cast into the river. great, however, as was the danger, no one was lost. madame godin sunk twice to the bottom, but was at last rescued by her brothers. wet through and through, exhausted, and half dead with fright, they at last all gained the shore. but only imagine their lamentable, almost desperate, condition! all their supplies lost; to make another raft impossible; even their stock of provisions gone! and where were they when all these difficulties overwhelmed them? in a horrid wilderness, so thick grown up with trees and bushes, that one could make a passage through it no other way than by axe and knife; inhabited only by fiercest tigers, and by the most formidable of serpents,--the rattlesnake. moreover, they were without tools, without weapons! could their situation be more deplorable? chapter x. madame godin's voyage continued. the unfortunate travellers had now but the choice of two desperate expedients,--either to wait where they were the termination of their wretched existence, or try the almost impossible task of penetrating along the banks of the river, through the unbroken forest, till they might reach andoas. they chose the latter, but first made their way back to their lately forsaken hut to take what little provisions they had there left. having accomplished this, they set out on their most painful and dangerous journey. they observed, when they followed the shore of the river, that its windings lengthened their way. to avoid this, they endeavored, without leaving the course of the river, to keep a straight course. by this means, they lost themselves in the entangled forest; and every exertion to find their way was ineffectual. their clothes were torn to shreds, and hung dangling from their limbs; their bodies were sadly wounded by thorns and briers; and, as their scanty provision of food was almost gone, nothing seemed left to them but to sustain their wretched existence with wild fruit, seeds and buds of the palm-trees. at last, they sank under their unremitted labor. wearied with the hardships of such travel, torn and bleeding in every part of their bodies, and distracted with hunger, terror, and apprehensions, they lost the small remnant of their energy, and could do no more. they sat down, and had no power to rise again. in three or four days, one after another died at this stage of their journey. madame godin lay for the space of twenty-four hours by the side of her exhausted and helpless brothers and companions: she felt herself benumbed, stupefied, senseless, yet at the same time tormented by burning thirst. at last, providence, on whom she relied, gave her courage and strength to rouse herself and seek for a rescue, which was in store for her, though she knew not where to look for it. around lay the dead bodies of her brothers and her other companions,--a sight which at another time would have broken her heart. she was almost naked. the scanty remnants of her clothing were so torn by the thorns as to be almost useless. she cut the shoes from her dead brothers' feet, bound the soles under her own, and plunged again into the thicket in search of something to allay her raging hunger and thirst. terror at seeing herself so left alone in such a fearful wilderness, deserted by all the world, and apprehension of a dreadful death constantly hovering before her eyes, made such an impression upon her, that her hair turned gray. it was not till the second day after she had resumed her wandering that she found water, and, a little while after, some wild fruit, and a few eggs of birds. but her throat was so contracted by long fasting, that she could hardly swallow. these served to keep life in her frame. eight long days she wandered in this manner hopelessly, and strove to sustain her wretched existence. if one should read in a work of fiction any thing equal to it, he would charge the author with exaggeration, and violation of probability. but it is history; and, however incredible her story may sound, it is rigidly conformed to the truth in all its circumstances, as it was afterwards taken down from the mouth of madame godin herself. on the eighth day of her hopeless wandering, the hapless lady reached the banks of the bobonosa, a stream which flows into the amazon. at the break of day, she heard at a little distance a noise, and was alarmed at it. she would have fled, but at once reflected that nothing worse than her present circumstances could happen to her. she took courage, and went towards the place whence the sound proceeded; and here she found two indians, who were occupied in shoving their boat into the water. madame godin approached, and was kindly received by them. she told to them her desire to be conveyed to andoas; and the good savages consented to carry her thither in their boat. they did so; and now behold her arrived at that place which the mean and infamous treachery of mr. r. was the only cause of her not having reached long ago. this base fellow had, with unfeeling cruelty, thrown to the winds his promise to procure them a boat, and had gone on business of his own to omaguas, a spanish mission station, without in the least troubling himself about his pledged word, and the rescue of the unfortunates left behind. the honest negro was more true to duty, though he was born and bred a heathen, and the other a christian. while the civilized and polished frenchman unfeelingly went away, and left his benefactress and her companions to languish in the depths of misery, the sable heathen ceased not his exertions till he had procured two indians to go up the river with him, and bring away his deserted mistress and her companions. but, most unfortunately, he did not reach the hut where he had left them before they had carried into execution the unlucky determination to leave the hut, and seek their way through the wilderness. so he had the pain of failing to find her on his arrival. even then, the faithful creature did not feel as if all was done. he, with his indian companions, followed the traces of the party till he came to the place where the bodies of the perished adventurers lay, which were already so decayed, that he could not distinguish one from the other. this pitiable sight led him to conclude that none of the company could have escaped death. he returned to the hut to take away some things of madame godin's which were left there, and carried them not only back with him to andoas, but from thence (another touching proof of his fidelity) to omaguas, that he might deposit the articles, some of which were of considerable value, in the hands of the unworthy mr. r., to be by him delivered to the father of his lamented mistress. and how did this unworthy mr. r. behave when he was apprised by the negro of the lamentable death of those whom he had so unscrupulously given over to destitution? did he shudder at the magnitude and baseness of his crime? oh, no! like a heartless knave, he added dishonesty to cruelty, took the things into his keeping, and, to secure himself in the possession of them, sent the generous negro back to quito. joachim--for that was the name of this honest and noble black man--had unluckily set out on his journey back before madame godin arrived at andoas. thus he was lost to her; and her affliction at the loss of such a tried friend showed that the greatness of her past misfortunes had not made her incapable of feeling new distresses. in andoas she found a christian priest, a spanish missionary; and the behavior of this unchristian christian contrasts with the conduct of her two indian preservers, as that of the treacherous r. with that of the generous negro. for instance, when madame godin was in embarrassment how to show her gratitude to the good indians who had saved her life, she remembered, that, according to the custom of the country, she wore around her neck a pair of gold chains, weighing about four ounces. these were her whole remaining property; but she hesitated not a moment, but took them off, and gave one to each of her benefactors. they were delighted beyond measure at such a gift; but the avaricious and dishonest priest took them away from them before the face of the generous giver, and gave them instead some yards of coarse cotton cloth, which they call, in that country, tukujo. and this man was one of those who were sent to spread christianity among the heathen, and one from whom those same indians whom he had treated so dishonestly would hear the lesson, "thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's goods"! madame godin felt, at seeing such unchristian and unmanly behavior, such deep disgust, that, as soon as she was somewhat recruited from the effects of so many sufferings, she longed for a sight of some boat to enable her to escape from the companionship of this unjust priest, and get to laguna, one of the aforementioned spanish mission stations. a kind indian woman made her a petticoat of cotton cloth, though madame godin had nothing to give her in payment for it. but this petticoat was to her, afterwards, a sacred thing, that she would not have parted with for any price. she laid it carefully away with the slippers which she made of her brothers' shoes, and never could, in after-times, look at the two without experiencing a rush of sad and tender recollections. at laguna she had the good fortune to find a missionary of better disposition. this one received her with kindness and sympathy, and exerted himself every way he could to restore her health, shattered by so much suffering. he wrote also on her behalf to the governor of omaguas, to beg him to aid in expediting her journey. by this means, the elegant mr. r. learned that she was still alive; and as she was not likely in future to be burdensome to him, while he might, through her means, get a passage in the portuguese vessel, he failed not to call upon her at laguna. he delivered to her there some few of the things which joachim had left in his charge; but to the question, "what had become of the rest?" he had no other answer to make but "they were spoilt." the knave forgot, when he said this, that gold bracelets, snuff-boxes, ear-rings, and pearls, of which this property consisted, are not apt to spoil. madame godin could not forbear making to him the well-merited reproach that he was the cause of her late sufferings, and guilty of the mournful death of her brothers and her other companions. she desired to know, moreover, why he had sent away her faithful servant, the good joachim; and his unworthy reply was, he had apprehensions that he would murder him. to the question, how he could have such a suspicion against a man whose tried fidelity and honest disposition were known to him, he knew not what to answer. the good missionary explained to madame godin, after she was somewhat recruited from her late sufferings, the frightful length of the way, and the labors and dangers of her journey yet to come, and tried hard to induce her to alter her intention, and return to rio bambas, her former residence, instead of setting forth to encounter a new series of disappointments and perils. he promised, in that case, to convey her safely and with comfort. but the heroic woman rejected the proposal with immovable firmness. "god, who had so wonderfully protected her so far," she said, "would have her in his keeping for the remainder of her way. she had but one wish remaining, and that was to be re-united to her husband; and she knew no danger terrible enough to induce her to give up this one ruling desire of her heart." the missionary, therefore, had a boat got ready to carry her to the portuguese vessel. the governor of omaguas furnished the boat, and supplied it well with provisions: and, that the commander of the portuguese galiot might be informed of her approach, he sent a smaller boat with provisions, and two soldiers by land, along the banks of the river, and betook himself to loreto, where the galiot had been so long lying; and there he waited till madame godin arrived. she still suffered severely from the consequences of the injuries which she had sustained during her wanderings in the wilderness. particularly, the thumb of one hand, in which she had thrust a thorn, which they had not been able to get out, was in a bad condition. the bone itself was become carious, and she found it necessary to have the flesh cut open to allow fragments of the bone to come out. as for the rest, she experienced from the commander of the portuguese vessel all possible kindness, and reached the mouth of the amazon river without any further misadventure. mr. godin, who still continued at oyapoc (the same place where on account of sickness he had been obliged to stop), was no sooner informed of the approach of his wife than he went on board a vessel, and coasted along the shore till he met the galiot. the joy of again meeting, after a separation of so many years, and after such calamities undergone, was, as may well be supposed, on both sides, indescribably great. their re-union seemed like a resurrection from the dead, since both of them had more than once given up all hope of ever seeing the other in this life. the happy husband now conveyed his wife to oyapoc, and thence to cayenne; whence they departed on their return to france, in company with the venerable mr. de grandmaison. madame godin remained, however, constantly sad, notwithstanding her present ample cause for joy; and every endeavor to raise her spirits was fruitless, so deep and inextinguishable an impression had the terrible sufferings she had undergone made upon her mind. she spoke unwillingly of all that she had suffered; and even her husband found out with difficulty, and by little and little, the circumstances which we have narrated, taken from accounts under his own hand. he thought he could thereby infer that she had kept to herself, to spare his feelings, many circumstances of a distressing nature, which she herself preferred to forget. her heart, too, was, by reason of her sufferings, so attuned to pity and forbearance, that her compassion even extended to the base and wicked men who had treated her with such injustice. she would therefore add nothing to induce her husband to invoke the vengeance of the law against the faithless tristan, the first cause of all her misfortunes, who had converted to his own use many thousand dollars' worth of property which had been intrusted to him. she had even allowed herself to be persuaded to take on board the boat from omaguas down, for a second time, the mean-souled mr. r. so true is it that adversity and suffering do fulfil the useful purpose of rendering the human heart tender, placable, and indulgent. chapter xi. herndon's expedition. in the month of august, 1850, lieut. herndon, of the united-states navy, being on board the frigate "vandalia," then lying at anchor in the harbor of valparaiso, received information that he was designated by the secretary of the navy to explore the valley of the amazon. on the 4th of april, being then at lima, he received his orders, and, on the 21st of may, commenced his land journey to the highest point on the amazon navigable for boats, which is about three hundred miles from its source; in which distance there are twenty-seven rapids, the last of which is called the pongo (or falls) de manseriche. over these the water rushes with frightful rapidity; but they are passed, with great peril and difficulty, by means of rafts. from the pongo de manseriche, lieut. herndon states that an unbroken channel of eighteen feet in depth may be found to the atlantic ocean,--a distance of three thousand miles. the party consisted of lieut. herndon, commander; passed-midshipman gibbon; a young master's mate named richards; a young peruvian, who had made the voyage down the amazon a few years before, who was employed as interpreter to the indians; and mauricio, an indian servant. they were mounted on mules; and their baggage of all kinds, including looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets for the indians, and some supplies of provisions, were carried also on muleback, under the charge of an _arriero_, or muleteer, who was an indian. the party were furnished with a tent, which often came in use for nightly shelter, as the roadside inns furnished none, and the haciendas, or farm-houses, which they sometimes availed themselves of, afforded but poor accommodation. the following picture of the lieutenant's first night's lodgings, not more than ten miles from lima, is a specimen: "the house was built of _adobe_, or sun-dried bricks, and roofed with tiles. it had but one room, which was the general receptacle for all comers. a mud projection, of two feet high and three wide, stood out from the walls of the room all around, and served as a permanent bedplace for numbers. others laid their blankets and cloaks, and stretched themselves, on the floor; so that, with whites, indians, negroes, trunks, packages, horse-furniture, game-cocks, and guinea-pigs, we had quite a caravansera appearance." the lieutenant found the general answer to his inquiry for provisions for his party, and of fodder for their animals, was, "no hay" (there is none). the refusal of the people to sell supplies of these indispensable articles was a source of continued inconvenience. it arose probably from their fear to have it known that they had possessions, lest the hand of authority should be laid upon them, and their property be taken without payment. the cultivators, it must be remembered, are native indians, under the absolute control of their spanish masters, and have no recognized rights protected by law. while this state of things continues, civilization is effectually debarred progress. the usual day's travel was twelve to fifteen miles. the route ascended rapidly; and the river rimac, along whose banks their road lay, was soon reduced to a mountain torrent, raging in foam over the fragments of the rocky cliffs which overhung its bed. the road occasionally widened out, and gave room for a little cultivation. may 27.--they had now reached a height of ten thousand feet above the level of the sea. here the traveller feels that he is lifted above the impurities of the lower regions of the atmosphere, and is breathing air free from taint. the stars sparkled with intense brilliancy. the temperature at night was getting cool, and the travellers found they required all their blankets. but by day the heat was oppressive until tempered by the sea-breeze, which set in about eleven o'clock in the morning. the productions of the country are indian corn, alfalfa (a species of lucern), and potatoes. the potato, in this its native country, is small, but very fine. they saw here a vegetable of the potato kind called _oca_. boiled or roasted, it is very agreeable to the taste, in flavor resembling green corn. here they entered upon the mining region. "the earth here shows her giant skeleton bare: mountains, rather than rocks, rear their gray heads to the skies; and proximity made the scene more striking and sublime." lieut. herndon had brought letters to the superintendent of the mines, who received the travellers kindly and hospitably. this establishment is managed by a superintendent and three assistants, and about forty working hands. the laborers are indians,--strong, hardy-looking fellows, though low in stature, and stupid in expression. the manner of getting the silver from the ore is this: the ore is broken into pieces of the size of an english walnut, and then ground to a fine powder. the ground ore is then mixed with salt, at the rate of fifty pounds of salt to every six hundred of ore, and taken to the ovens to be toasted. after being toasted, the ore is laid in piles of about six hundred pounds upon the stone floor. the piles are then moistened with water, and quicksilver is sprinkled on them through a woollen cloth. the mass is well mixed by treading with the feet, and working with hoes. a little calcined iron pyrites, called _magistral_, is also added. the pile is often examined to see if the amalgamation is going on well. it is left to stand for eight or nine days until the amalgamation is complete; then carried to an elevated platform, and thrown into a well, or cavity: a stream of water is turned on, and four or five men trample and wash it with their feet. the amalgam sinks to the bottom, and the mud and water are let off by an aperture in the lower part of the well. the amalgam is then put into conical bags of coarse linen, which are hung up; and the weight of the mass presses out a quantity of quicksilver, which oozes through the linen, and is caught in vessels below. the mass, now dry, and somewhat harder than putty, is carried to the ovens, where the remainder of the quicksilver is driven off by heat, and the residue is _plata pina_, or pure silver. the proportion of pure silver in the amalgam is about twenty-two per cent. this is an unusually rich mine. returning from the mine, the party met a drove of llamas on their way from the hacienda. this is quite an imposing sight, especially when the drove is encountered suddenly at a turn of the road. the leader, who is always selected on account of his superior height, has his head decorated with tufts of woollen fringe, hung with little bells; and his great height (often six feet), gallant and graceful carriage, pointed ear, restless eye, and quivering lip, as he faces you for a moment, make him as striking an object as one can well conceive. upon pressing on him, he bounds aside either up or down the cliff, and is followed by the herd, scrambling over places that would be impassable for the mule or the ass. the llama travels not more than nine or ten miles a day, his load being about one hundred and thirty pounds. he will not carry more, and will be beaten to death rather than move when he is overloaded or tired. the males only are worked: they appear gentle and docile, but, when irritated, have a very savage look, and spit at the object of their resentment. the guanaco, or alpaca, is another species of this animal, and the vicunia a third. the guanaco is as large as the llama, and bears a fleece of long and coarse wool. the vicunia is much smaller, and its wool is short and fine: so valuable is it, that it brings at the port of shipment a dollar a pound. our travellers saw no guanacos, but now and then, in crossing the mountains, caught a glimpse of the wild and shy vicunia. they go in herds of ten or fifteen females, accompanied by one male, who is ever on the alert. on the approach of danger, he gives warning by a shrill whistle; and his charge make off with the speed of the wind. on the 31st of may, the thermometer stood at thirty-six degrees at five, a.m. this, it must be remembered, was in the torrid zone, in the same latitude as congo in africa, and sumatra in asia; yet how different the climate! this is owing to the elevation, which at this water-shed of the continent, which separates the rivers of the atlantic from those of the pacific, was about sixteen thousand feet above the level of the sea. the peaks of the cordillera presented the appearance of a hilly country at home on a winter's day; while the lower ranges were dressed in bright green, with placid little lakes interspersed, giving an air of quiet beauty to the scene. the travellers next arrived at morococha, where they found copper-mining to be the prevailing occupation. the copper ore is calcined in the open air, in piles consisting of ore and coal, which burn for a month. the ore thus calcined is taken to the ovens; and sufficient heat is employed to melt the copper, which runs off into moulds below. the copper, in this state, is impure, containing fifty per cent of foreign matter; and is worth fifteen cents the pound in england, where it is refined. there is a mine of fine coal near the hacienda, which yields an abundant supply. the travellers passed other mining districts, rich in silver and copper. a large portion of the silver which forms the circulation of the world is dug from the range of mountains which they were now crossing, and chiefly from that slope of them which is drained off into the amazon. their descent, after leaving the mining country, was rapid. on june 6, we find them at the head of a ravine leading down to the valley of tarma. the height of this spot above the level of the sea was 11,270 feet. as they rode down the steep descent, the plants and flowers that they had left on the other side began to re-appear. first the short grass and small clover, then barley, lucern, indian corn, beans, turnips, shrubs, bushes, trees, flowers, growing larger and gayer in their colors, till the pretty little city of tarma, imbosomed among the hills, and enveloped in its covering of willows and fruit-trees, with its long lawns of _alfalfa_ (the greenest of grasses) stretching out in front, broke upon their view. it is a place of seven thousand inhabitants, beautifully situated in an amphitheatre of mountains, which are clothed nearly to the top with waving fields of barley. the lieutenant gives an attractive description of this mountain city, whose natural productions extend from the apples and peaches of the temperate zone to the oranges and pine-apples of the tropics; and whose air is so temperate and pure, that there was but one physician to a district of twenty thousand people, and he was obliged to depend upon government for a part of his support. the party left tarma on the 16th of june, and resumed their descent of the mountains. the ride was the wildest they had yet had. the ascents and descents were nearly precipitous; and the scene was rugged, wild, and grand beyond description. at certain parts of the road, it is utterly impossible for two beasts to pass abreast, or for one to turn and retreat; and the only remedy, when they meet, is to tumble one off the precipice, or to drag him back by the tail until he reaches a place where the other can pass. they met with a considerable fright in this way one day. they were riding in single file along one of those narrow ascents where the road is cut out of the mountain-side, and the traveller has a perpendicular wall on one hand, and a sheer precipice of many hundreds of feet upon the other. mr. gibbon was riding ahead. just as he was about to turn a sharp bend of the road, the head of a bull peered round it, on the descent. when the bull came in full view, he stopped; and the travellers could see the heads of other cattle clustering over his quarters, and hear the shouts of the cattle-drivers far behind, urging on their herd. the bull, with lowered crest, and savage, sullen look, came slowly on, and actually got his head between the perpendicular rock and the neck of gibbon's mule. but the sagacious beast on which he was mounted, pressing her haunches hard against the wall, gathered her feet close under her, and turned as upon a pivot. this placed the bull on the outside (there was room to pass, though no one would have thought it); and he rushed by at the gallop, followed in single file by the rest of the herd. the lieutenant owns that he and his friend "felt frightened." on the 18th of june, they arrived at the first hacienda, where they saw sugar-cane, yucca, pine-apples, and plantains. besides these, cotton and coffee were soon after found in cultivation. the laborers are native indians, nominally free, but, by the customs of the country, pretty closely held in subjection to their employers. their nominal wages are half a dollar a day; but this is paid in articles necessary for their support, which are charged to them at such prices as to keep them always in debt. as debtors, the law will enforce the master's claim on them; and it is almost hopeless for them to desert; for, unless they get some distance off before they are recognized, they will be returned as debtors to their employers. freedom, under such circumstances, is little better than slavery; but it _is_ better, for this reason,--that it only requires some improvement in the intelligence and habits of the laborers to convert it into a system of free labor worthy of the name. the _yucca_ (cassava-root) is a plant of fifteen or twenty feet in height. it is difficult to distinguish this plant from the _mandioc_, which is called "wild yucca;" and this, "sweet yucca." this may be eaten raw; but the other is poisonous until subjected to heat in cooking, and then is perfectly wholesome. the yucca answers the same purpose in peru that the mandioc does in brazil. it is the general substitute for bread, and, roasted or boiled, is very pleasant to the taste. the indians also make from it an intoxicating drink. each plant will give from twenty to twenty-five pounds of the eatable root, which grows in clusters like the potato, and some tubers of which are as long and thick as a man's arm. chapter xii. herndon's expedition continued. on the 4th of july, the travellers arrived at the great mining station of cerro pasco. the weather was so cold, that the lieutenant, not being quite well, sat by the fire all day, trying to keep himself warm. the town is a most curious-looking place, entirely honey-combed, and having the mouths of mines, some of them two or three yards in diameter, gaping everywhere. from the top of a hill, the best view is obtained of the whole. vast pits, called tajos, surround this hill, from which many millions of silver have been taken; and the miners are still burrowing, like so many rabbits, in their bottoms and sides. the hill is penetrated in every direction; and it would not be surprising if it should cave in, any day, and bury many in its ruins. the falling-in of mines is of frequent occurrence: one caved in, some years ago, and buried three hundred persons. an english company undertook mining here in 1825, and failed. vast sums have been spent in constructing tunnels, and employing steam machinery to drain the mines; and the parties still persevere, encouraged by discovering, that, the lower they penetrate, the richer are the ores. the yield of these mines is about two million dollars' worth a year, which is equal to the yield of all the other mines of peru together. the lieutenant found the leading people here, as well as at tarma, enthusiastic on the subject of opening the amazon to foreign commerce. it will be a great day for them, they say, when the americans get near them with a steamer. on the 14th of july, they arrived at a spot of marshy ground, from which trickled in tiny streams the waters, which, uniting with others, swell till they form the broad river huallaga, one of the head tributaries of the amazon. their descent was now rapid; and the next day they found themselves on a sudden among fruit-trees, with a patch of sugar-cane, on the banks of the stream. the sudden transition from rugged mountain-peaks, where there was no cultivation, to a tropical vegetation, was marvellous. two miles farther on, they came in sight of a pretty village, almost hidden in the luxuriant vegetation. the whole valley here becomes very beautiful. the land, which is a rich river-bottom, is laid off into alternate fields of sugar-cane and alfalfa. the blended green and yellow of this growth, divided by willows, interspersed with fruit-trees, and broken into wavy lines by the serpentine course of the river, presented a scene which filled them with pleasurable emotions, and indicated that they had exchanged a semi-barbarous for a civilized society. the party had had no occasion to complain of want of hospitality in any part of their route; but here they seemed to have entered upon a country where that virtue flourished most vigorously, having at its command the means of gratifying it. the owner of the hacienda of quicacan, an english gentleman named dyer, received the lieutenant and his large party exactly as if it were a matter of course, and as if they had quite as much right to occupy his house as they had to enter an inn. the next day they had an opportunity to compare with the englishman a fine specimen of the peruvian country gentleman. col. lucar is thus described: "he is probably the richest and most influential man in the province. he seems to have been the father of husbandry in these parts, and is the very type of the old landed proprietor of virginia, who has always lived upon his estates, and attended personally to their cultivation. seated at the head of his table, with his hat on to keep the draught from his head, and which he would insist upon removing unless i would wear mine; his chair surrounded by two or three little negro children, whom he fed with bits from his plate; and attending with patience and kindness to the clamorous wants of a pair of splendid peacocks, a couple of small parrots of brilliant and variegated plumage, and a beautiful and delicate monkey,--i thought i had never seen a more perfect pattern of the patriarch. his kindly and affectionate manner to his domestics, and to his little grand-children, a pair of sprightly boys, who came in the evening from the college, was also very pleasing." the mention of a college in a region in some respects so barbarous may surprise our readers; but such there is. it has a hundred pupils, an income of seventy-five thousand dollars yearly, chemical and philosophical apparatus, and one thousand specimens of european minerals. ijurra, our lieutenant's peruvian companion, had written to the governor of the village of tingo maria, the head of canoe navigation on the huallaga, to send indians to meet the travellers here, and take their luggage on to the place of embarkation. july 30.--the indians came shouting into the farm-yard, thirteen in number. they were young, slight, but muscular-looking fellows, and wanted to shoulder the trunks, and be off at once. the lieutenant, however, gave them some breakfast; and then the party set forward, and, after a walk of six miles, reached the river, and embarked in the canoe. two indian laborers, called _peons_, paddled the canoe, and managed it very well. the peons cooked their dinner of cheese and rice, and made them a good cup of coffee. they are lively, good-tempered fellows, and, properly treated, make good and serviceable travelling companions. the canoe was available only in parts of the river where the stream was free from rapids. where these occur, the cargo must be landed, and carried round. lieut. herndon and his party were compelled to walk a good part of the distance to tingo maria, which was thirty-six miles from where they first took the canoe. "i saw here," says our traveller, "the _lucernago_, or fire-fly of this country. it is a species of beetle, carrying two white lights in its eyes, or rather in the places where the eyes of insects generally are, and a red light between the scales of the belly; so that it reminded me somewhat of the ocean steamers. they are sometimes carried to lima (enclosed in an apartment cut into a sugar-cane), where the ladies at balls or theatres put them in their hair for ornament." at tingo maria, their arrival was celebrated with much festivity. the governor got up a ball for them, where there was more hilarity than ceremony. the next morning, the governor and his wife accompanied our friends to the port. the governor made a short address to the canoe-men, telling them that their passengers were "no common persons; that they were to have a special care of them; to be very obedient," &c. they then embarked, and stood off; the boatmen blowing their horns, and the party on shore waving their hats, and shouting their adieus. the party had two canoes, about forty feet long by two and a half broad, each hollowed out of a single log. the rowers stand up to paddle, having one foot in the bottom of the boat, and the other on the gunwale. there is a man at the bow of the boat to look out for rocks or sunken trees ahead; and a steersman, who stands on a little platform at the stern of the boat, and guides her motions. when the river was smooth, and free from obstruction, they drifted with the current, the men sitting on the trunks and boxes, chatting and laughing with each other; but, when they approached a "bad place," their serious looks, and the firm position in which each one planted himself at his post, showed that work was to be done. when the bark had fairly entered the pass, the rapid gestures of the bow-man, indicating the channel; the graceful position of the steersman, holding his long paddle; and the desperate exertions of the rowers, the railroad rush of the canoes, and the wild screaming laugh of the indians as the boat shot past the danger,--made a scene so exciting as to banish the sense of danger. after this specimen of their travel, let us take a glimpse of their lodging. "at half-past five, we camped on the beach. the first business of the boatmen, when the canoe is secured, is to go off to the woods, and cut stakes and palm-branches to make a house for the 'commander.' by sticking long poles in the sand, chopping them half-way in two about five feet above the ground, and bending the upper parts together, they make in a few minutes the frame of a little shanty, which, thickly thatched with palm-leaves, will keep off the dew or an ordinary rain. some bring the drift-wood that is lying about the beach, and make a fire. the provisions are cooked and eaten, the bedding laid down upon the leaves that cover the floor of the shanty, the mosquito nettings spread; and after a cup of coffee, a glass of grog, and a cigar (if they are to be had), everybody retires for the night by eight o'clock. the indians sleep round the hut, each under his narrow mosquito curtain, which glisten in the moonlight like so many tombstones." the indians have very keen senses, and see and hear things that would escape more civilized travellers. one morning, they commenced paddling with great vigor; for they said they heard monkeys ahead. it was not till after paddling a mile that they reached the place. "when we came up to them," says the lieutenant, "we found a gang of large red monkeys in some tall trees by the river-side, making a noise like the grunting of a herd of hogs. we landed; and, in a few moments, i found myself beating my way through the thick undergrowth, and hunting monkeys with as much excitement as i had ever felt in hunting squirrels when a boy." they found the game hard to kill, and only got three,--the lieutenant, with his rifle, one; and the indians, with their blow-guns, two. the indians roasted and ate theirs, and lieut. herndon tried to eat a piece; but it was so tough, that his teeth would make no impression upon it. aug. 19.--the party arrived at tarapoto. it is a town of three thousand five hundred inhabitants, and the district of which it is the capital numbers six thousand. the principal productions are rice, cotton, and tobacco; and cotton-cloth, spun and woven by the women, with about as little aid from machinery as the women in solomon's time, of whom we are told, "she layeth her hands to the spindle, and her hands hold the distaff." the little balls of cotton thread which the women spin in this way are used as currency (and this in a land of silver-mines), and pass for twenty-five cents apiece in exchange for other goods, or twelve and a half cents in money. most of the trade is done by barter. a cow is sold for one hundred yards of cotton cloth; a fat hog, for sixty; a large sheep, twelve; twenty-five pounds of salt fish, for twelve; twenty-five pounds of coffee, six; a head of plantains, which will weigh from forty to fifty pounds, for three needles; and so forth. all transportation of merchandise by land is made upon the backs of indians, for want of roads suitable for beasts of burden. the customary weight of a load is seventy-five pounds: the cost of transportation to moyobamba, seventy miles, is six yards of cloth. it is easy to obtain, in the term of six or eight days, fifty or sixty peons, or indian laborers, for the transportation of cargoes, getting the order of the governor, and paying the above price, and supporting the peons on the way. the town is the most important in the province of mainas. the inhabitants are called civilized, but have no idea of what we call comfort in their domestic arrangements. the houses are of mud, thatched with palm, and have uneven earth floors. the furniture consists of a grass hammock, a standing bedplace, a coarse table, and a stool or two. the governor of this populous district wore no shoes, and appeared to live pretty much like the rest of them. vessels of five feet draught of water may ascend the river, at the lowest stage of the water, to within eighteen miles of tarapoto. our travellers accompanied a large fishing-party. they had four or five canoes, and a large quantity of barbasco; a root which has the property of stupefying, or intoxicating, the fish. the manner of fishing is to close up the mouth of an inlet of the river with a network made of reeds; and then, mashing the barbasco-root to a pulp, throw it into the water. this turns the water white, and poisons it; so that the fish soon begin rising to the surface, dead, and are taken into the canoes with small tridents, or pronged sticks. almost at the moment of throwing the barbasco into the water, the smaller fish rise to the surface, and die in one or two minutes; the larger fish survive longer. the salt fish, which constitutes an important article of food and also of barter trade, is brought from down the river in large pieces of about eight pounds each, cut from the _vaca marina_, or sea-cow, also found in our florida streams, and there called _manatee_. it is found in great numbers in the amazon and its principal tributaries. it is not, strictly speaking, a fish, but an animal of the whale kind, which nourishes its young at the breast. it is not able to leave the water; but, in feeding, it gets near the shore, and raises its head out. it is most often taken when feeding. our travellers met a canoe of indians, one man and two women, going up the river for salt. they bought, with beads, some turtle-eggs, and proposed to buy a monkey they had; but one of the women clasped the little beast in her arms, and set up a great outcry, lest the man should sell it. the man wore a long cotton gown, with a hole in the neck for the head to come through, and short, wide sleeves. he had on his arm a bracelet of monkeys' teeth, and the women had nose-rings of white beads. their dress was a cotton petticoat, tied round the waist; and all were filthy. sept. 1.--they arrived at laguna. here they found two travelling merchants, a portuguese and a brazilian. they had four large boats, of about eight tons each, and two or three canoes. their cargo consisted of iron and iron implements, crockery-ware, wine, brandy, copper kettles, coarse short swords (a very common implement of the indians), guns, ammunition, salt, fish, &c., which they expected to exchange for straw hats, cotton cloth, sugar, coffee, and money. they were also buying up all the sarsaparilla they could find, and despatching it back in canoes. they invited our travellers to breakfast; and the lieutenant says, "i thought that i never tasted any thing better than the _farinha_, which i saw now for the first time." farinha is a general substitute for bread in all the course of the amazon below the brazilian frontier. it is used by all classes; and the boatmen seemed always contented with plenty of salt fish and farinha. the women make it in this way: they soak the root of the _mandioc_ in water till it is softened a little, when they scrape off the skin, and grate the root upon a board, which is made into a rude grater by being smeared with some of the adhesive gums of the forest, and then sprinkled with pebbles. the white grated pulp is put into a conical-shaped bag made of the coarse fibres of the palm. the bag is hung up to a peg driven into a post of the hut; a lever is put through a loop at the bottom of the bag; the short end of the lever is placed under a chock nailed to the post below; and the woman hangs her weight on the long end. this elongates the bag, and brings a heavy pressure upon the mass within, causing the juice to ooze out through the wicker-work of the bag. when sufficiently pressed, the mass is put on the floor of a mud oven; heat is applied, and it is stirred with a stick till it granulates into very irregular grains, and is sufficiently toasted to drive off all the poisonous qualities which it has in a crude state. it is then packed in baskets (lined and covered with palm-leaves) of about sixty-four pounds' weight, which are generally sold all along the river at from seventy-five cents to one dollar. the sediment of the juice is tapioca, and is used to make custards, puddings, starch, &c. it will surprise some of our readers to be told that the juice extracted in the preparation of these wholesome and nutritive substances is a powerful poison, and used by the indians for poisoning the points of their arrows. chapter xiii. herndon's expedition continued. the huallaga is navigable, for vessels drawing five feet depth of water, 285 miles; and forty miles farther for canoes. our travellers had now arrived at its junction with the amazon; and their first sight of its waters is thus described: "the march of the great river in its silent grandeur was sublime; but in the untamed might of its turbid waters, as they cut away its banks, tore down the gigantic denizens of the forest, and built up islands, it was awful. i was reminded of our mississippi at its topmost flood; but this stream lacked the charm which the plantation upon the bank, the city upon the bluff, and the steamboat upon the waters, lend to its fellow of the north. but its capacities for trade and commerce are inconceivably great; and to the touch of steam, settlement, and cultivation, this majestic stream and its magnificent water-shed would start up in a display of industrial results that would make the valley of the amazon one of the most enchanting regions on the face of the earth." lieut. herndon speaks of the valley of the amazon in language almost as enthusiastic as that of sir walter raleigh: "from its mountains you may dig silver, iron, coal, copper, zinc, quicksilver, and tin; from the sands of its tributaries you may wash gold, diamonds, and precious stones; from its forests you may gather drugs of virtues the most rare, spices of aroma the most exquisite, gums and resins of the most varied and useful properties, dyes of hue the most brilliant, with cabinet and building woods of the finest polish and the most enduring texture. its climate is an everlasting summer, and its harvest perennial." sept. 8.--the party encamped at night on an island near the middle of the river. "the indians, cooking their big monkeys over a large fire on the beach, presented a savage and most picturesque scene. they looked more like devils roasting human beings, than any thing mortal." we ask ourselves, on reading this, whether some such scene may not have given rise to the stories of cannibalism which raleigh and others record. they arrived at nauta, a village of a thousand inhabitants, mostly indians. the governor of the district received them hospitably. each district has its governor, and each town its lieutenant-governor. these are of european descent. the other authorities of a town are _curacas_, captains, alcades, and constables. all these are indians. the office of curaca is hereditary, and is not generally interfered with by the white governor. the indians treat their curaca with great respect, and submit to corporal punishment at his mandate. sarsaparilla is one of the chief articles of produce collected here. it is a vine of sufficient size to shoot up fifteen or twenty feet from the root without support. it thus embraces the surrounding trees, and spreads to a great distance. the main root sends out many tendrils, generally about the thickness of a straw, and five feet long. these are gathered, and tied up in bundles of about an _arroba_, or thirty-two pounds' weight. it is found on the banks of almost every river of the region; but many of these are not worked, on account of the savages living on them, who attack the parties that come to gather it. the price in nauta is two dollars the arroba, and in europe from forty to sixty dollars. from nauta, lieut. herndon ascended the ucayali, a branch of the amazon, stretching to the north-west in a direction somewhat parallel to the huallaga. there is the essential difference between the two rivers, as avenues for commerce, that the ucayali is still in the occupation of savage tribes, unchristianized except where under the immediate influence of the mission stations planted among them; while the population of the huallaga is tolerably advanced in civilization. the following sentences will give a picture of the indians of the ucayali: "these people cannot count, and i can never get from them any accurate idea of numbers. they are very little removed above 'the beasts that perish.' they are filthy, and covered with sores. the houses are very large, between thirty and forty feet in length, and ten or fifteen in breadth. they consist of immense roofs of small poles and canes, thatched with palm, and supported by short stakes, four feet high, planted in the ground three or four feet apart, and having the spaces, except between two in front, filled in with cane. they have no idea of a future state, and worship nothing. but they can make bows and canoes; and their women weave a coarse cloth from cotton, and dye it. their dress is a long cotton gown. they paint the face, and wear ornaments suspended from the nose and lower lip." next let us take a view of the means in operation to elevate these people to civilization and christianity. sarayacu is a missionary station, governed by four franciscan friars, who are thus described: "father calvo, meek and humble in personal concerns, yet full of zeal and spirit for his office, clad in his long serge gown, belted with a cord, with bare feet and accurate tonsure, habitual stoop, and generally bearing upon his shoulder a beautiful and saucy bird of the parrot kind, was my beau-ideal of a missionary monk. bregati is a young and handsome italian, whom father calvo sometimes calls st. john. lorente is a tall, grave, and cold-looking catalan. a lay-brother named maguin, who did the cooking, and who was unwearied in his attentions to us, made up the establishment. i was sick here, and think that i shall ever remember with gratitude the affectionate kindness of these pious and devoted friars of st. francis." the government is paternal. the indians recognize in the "padre" the power to appoint and remove curacas, captains, and other officers; to inflict stripes, and to confine in the stocks. they obey the priests' orders readily, and seem tractable and docile. the indian men are drunken and lazy: the women do most of the work; and their reward is to be maltreated by their husbands, and, in their drunken frolics, to be cruelly beaten, and sometimes badly wounded. our party returned to the amazon; and we find occurring in their narrative names which are familiar to us in the history of our previous adventurers. they touched at omaguas, the port where madame godin found kind friends in the good missionary and the governor, and where she embarked on her way to the galiot at loreto; and they passed the mouth of the napo, which enters the amazon from the north,--the river down which orellana passed in the first adventure. the lieutenant says, "we spoke two canoes that had come from near quito by the napo. there are few christianized towns on the napo; and the rowers of the boats were a more savage-looking set than i had seen,"--so slow has been the progress of civilization in three hundred years. the amazon seems to be the land of monkeys. our traveller says, "i bought a young monkey of an indian woman to-day. it had coarse gray and white hair; and that on the top of its head was stiff, like the quills of the porcupine, and smoothed down in front as if it had been combed. i offered the little fellow some plantain; but, finding he would not eat, the woman took him, and put him to her breast, when he sucked away manfully and with great gusto. she weaned him in a week, so that he would eat plantain mashed up, and put into his mouth in small bits; but the little beast died of mortification because i would not let him sleep with his arms around my neck." they got from the indians some of the milk from the cow-tree. this the indians drink, when fresh; and, brought in a calabash, it had a foamy appearance, as if just drawn from the cow. it, however, coagulates very soon, and becomes as hard and tenacious as glue. it does not appear to be as important an article of subsistence as one would expect from the name. dec. 2.--they arrived at loreto, the frontier town of the peruvian territory, and which reminds us again of madame godin, who there joined the portuguese galiot. loreto is situated on an eminence on the left bank of the river, which is here three-fourths of a mile wide, and one hundred feet deep. there are three mercantile houses in loreto, which do a business of about ten thousand dollars a year. the houses at loreto are better built and better furnished than those of the towns on the river above. the population of the place is two hundred and fifty, made up of brazilians, mulattoes, negroes, and a few indians. at the next town, tabatinga, the lieutenant entered the territory of brazil. when his boat, bearing the american flag, was descried at that place, the brazilian flag was hoisted; and when the lieutenant landed, dressed in uniform, he was received by the commandant, also in uniform, to whom he presented his passport from the brazilian minister at washington. as soon as this document was perused, and the lieutenant's rank ascertained, a salute of seven guns was fired from the fort; and the commandant treated him with great civility, and entertained him at his table, giving him roast beef, which was a great treat. it was quite pleasant, after coming from the peruvian villages, which are all nearly hidden in the woods, to see that tabatinga had the forest cleared away from about it; so that a space of forty or fifty acres was covered with green grass, and had a grove of orange-trees in its midst. the commandant told him that the trade of the river was increasing very fast; that, in 1849, scarce one thousand dollars' worth of goods passed up; in 1850, two thousand five hundred dollars; and this year, six thousand dollars. the sarsaparilla seems thus far to have been the principal article of commerce; but here they find another becoming of importance,--_manteca_, or oil made of turtle-eggs. the season for making manteca generally ends by the 1st of november. a commandant is appointed every year to take care of the beaches, prevent disorder, and administer justice. sentinels are placed at the beginning of august, when the turtles commence depositing their eggs. they see that no one wantonly interferes with the turtles, or destroys the eggs. the process of making the oil is very disgusting. the eggs are collected, thrown into a canoe, and trodden into a mass with the feet. water is poured on, and the mass is left to stand in the sun for several days. the oil rises to the top, is skimmed off, and boiled in large copper boilers. it is then put in earthen pots of about forty-five pounds' weight. each pot is worth, on the beach, one dollar and thirty cents; and at parã¡, from two and a half to three dollars. the beaches of the amazon and its tributaries yield from five to six thousand pots annually. it is used for the same purposes as lard with us. chapter xiv. herndon's expedition concluded. on jan. 4, at about the point of the junction of the purus river with the amazon, lieut. herndon remarks, "the banks of the river are now losing the character of savage and desolate solitude that characterizes them above, and begin to show signs of habitation and cultivation. we passed to-day several farms, with neatly framed and plastered houses, and a schooner-rigged vessel lying off several of them." they arrived at the junction of the river negro. this is one of the largest of the tributaries of the amazon, and derives its name from the blackness of its waters. when taken up in a tumbler, the water is a light-red color, like a pale juniper-water, and is probably colored by some such berry. this river, opposite the town of barra, is about a mile and a half wide, and very beautiful. it is navigable for almost any draughts to the masaya, a distance of about four hundred miles: there the rapids commence, and the farther ascent must be made in boats. by this river, a communication exists with the orinoco, by means of a remarkable stream, the cassaquiare, which seems to have been formed for the sole purpose of connecting these two majestic rivers, and the future dwellers upon them, in the bonds of perpetual union. humboldt, the great traveller and philosopher, thus speaks of it, "the cassaquiare, as broad as the rhine, and whose course is one hundred and eighty miles in length, will not much longer form in vain a navigable canal between two basins of rivers which have a surface of one hundred and ninety thousand square leagues. the grain of new grenada will be carried to the banks of the rio negro; boats will descend from the sources of the napo and the ucayali, from the andes of quito and upper peru, to the mouths of the orinoco. a country nine or ten times larger than spain, and enriched with the most varied productions, is accessible in every direction by the medium of the natural canal of the cassaquiare and the bifurcation of the rivers." the greatest of all the tributaries of the amazon is the madeira, whose junction our travellers next reached. for four hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, there is good navigation: then occur cascades, which are navigable only for boats, and occupy three hundred and fifty miles, above which the river is navigable for large vessels, by its great tributaries, into bolivia and brazil. they next entered the country where the cocoa is regularly cultivated; and the banks of the river present a much less desolate and savage appearance than they do above. the cocoa-trees have a yellow-colored leaf; and this, together with their regularity of size, distinguishes them from the surrounding forest. lieut. herndon says, "i do not know a prettier place than one of these plantations. the trees interlock their branches, and, with their large leaves, make a shade impenetrable to any ray of the sun; and the large, golden-colored fruits, hanging from branch and trunk, shine through the green with a most beautiful effect. this is the time of the harvest; and we found the people of every plantation engaged in the open space before the house in breaking open the shells of the fruit, and spreading the seed to dry in the sun. they make a pleasant drink for a hot day by pressing out the juice of the gelatinous pulp that envelops the seeds. it is called cocoa-wine: it is a white, viscid liquor, has an agreeable, acid taste, and is very refreshing." we must hasten on, and pass without notice many spots of interest on the river; but, as we have now reached a comparatively civilized and known region, it is less necessary to be particular. the tapajos river stretches its branches to the town of diamantino, situated at the foot of the mountains, where diamonds are found. lieut. herndon saw some of the diamonds and gold-sand in the possession of a resident of santarem, who had traded much on the river. the gold-dust appeared to him equal in quality to that he had seen from california. gold and diamonds, which are always united in this region as in many others, are found especially in the numerous water-courses, and also throughout the whole country. after the rains, the children of diamantino hunt for the gold contained in the earth even of the streets, and in the bed of the river ouro, which passes through the city; and they often collect considerable quantities. it is stated that diamonds are sometimes found in the stomachs of the fowls. the quantity of diamonds found in a year varies from two hundred and fifty to five hundred _oitavas_; the oitava being about seventeen carats. the value depends upon the quality and size of the specimen, and can hardly be reduced to an estimate. it is seldom that a stone of over half an oitava is found; and such a one is worth from two to three hundred dollars. as an offset to the gold and diamonds, we have this picture of the climate: "from the rising to the setting of the sun, clouds of stinging insects blind the traveller, and render him frantic by the torments they cause. take a handful of the finest sand, and throw it above your head, and you would then have but a faint idea of the number of these demons who tear the skin to pieces. it is true, these insects disappear at night, but only to give place to others yet more formidable. large bats (true, thirsty vampires) literally throng the forests, cling to the hammocks, and, finding a part of the body exposed, rest lightly there, and drain it of blood. the alligators are so numerous, and the noise they make so frightful, that it is impossible to sleep." at santarem they were told the tide was perceptible, but did not perceive it. at gurupa it was very apparent. this point is about five hundred miles from the sea. about thirty-five miles below gurupa commences the great estuary of the amazon. the river suddenly flows out into an immense bay, which might appropriately be called the "bay of a thousand islands;" for it is cut up into innumerable channels. the travellers ran for days through channels varying from fifty to five hundred yards in width, between numberless islands. this is the india-rubber country. the shores are low: indeed, one seldom sees the land at all; the trees on the banks generally standing in the water. the party stopped at one of the establishments for making india-rubber. the house was built of light poles, and on piles, to keep it out of the water, which flowed under and around it. this was the store, and, rude as it was, was a palace compared to the hut of the laborer who gathers the india-rubber. the process is as follows: a longitudinal gash is made in the bark of the tree with a hatchet. a wedge of wood is inserted to keep the gash open; and a small clay cup is stuck to the tree, beneath the gash. the cups may be stuck as close together as possible around the tree. in four or five hours, the milk has ceased to run, and each wound has given from three to five table-spoonfuls. the gatherer then collects it from the cups, pours it into an earthen vessel, and commences the operation of forming it into shapes, and smoking it. this must be done at once, as the juice soon coagulates. a fire is made on the ground, and a rude funnel placed over it to collect the smoke. the maker of the rubber now takes his last, if he is making shoes, or his mould, which is fastened to the end of a stick, pours the milk over it with a cup, and passes it slowly several times through the smoke until it is dry. he then pours on the other coats until he has the required thickness, smoking each coating till it is dry. from twenty to forty coats make a shoe. the soles and heels are, of course, given more coats than the body of the shoe. the figures on the shoes are made by tracing them on the rubber, while soft, with a coarse needle, or bit of wire. this is done two days after the coating. in a week, the shoes are taken from the last. the coating occupies about twenty-five minutes. the tree is tall, straight, and has a smooth bark. it sometimes reaches a diameter of thirteen inches or more. each incision makes a rough wound on the tree, which, although it does not kill it, renders it useless, because a smooth place is wanted to which to attach the cups. the milk is white and tasteless, and may be taken into the stomach with impunity. our travellers arrived at parã¡ on the 12th of april, 1852, and were most hospitably and kindly received by mr. norris, the american consul. the journey of our travellers ends here. lieut. herndon's book is full of instruction, conveyed in a pleasant style. he seems to have manifested throughout good judgment, good temper, energy, and industry. he had no collisions with the authorities or with individuals, and, on his part, seems to have met friendly feelings and good offices throughout his whole route. william lewis herndon was born in fredericksburg, va., on the 25th of october, 1813. he entered the navy at the age of fifteen; served in the mexican war; and was afterwards engaged for three years, with his brother-in-law, lieut. maury, in the national observatory at washington. in 1851-2, he explored the amazon river, under commission of the united-states government. in 1857, he was commander of the steamer "central america," which left havana for new york on sept. 8, having on board four hundred and seventy-four passengers and a crew of one hundred and five men, and about two million dollars of gold. on sept. 11, during a violent gale from the north-east and a heavy sea, she sprung a leak, and sunk, on the evening of sept. 12, near the outer edge of the gulf stream, in lat. 31â° 44â´ n. only one hundred and fifty of the persons on board were saved, including the women and children. the gallant commander of the steamer was seen standing upon the wheel-house at the time of her sinking. in a former chapter, we have told the fate of sir humphrey gilbert. how fair a counterpart of that heroic death is this of the gallant herndon! chapter xv. latest explorations. in the year 1845, an english gentleman, henry walter bates, visited the region of the amazon for the purpose of scientific exploration. he went prepared to spend years in the country, in order to study diligently its natural productions. his stay was protracted until 1859, during which time he resided successively at parã¡, santarem, ega, barra, and other places; making his abode for months, or even years, in each. his account of his observations and discoveries was published after his return, and affords us the best information we possess respecting the country, its inhabitants, and its productions, brought down almost to the present time. our extracts relate to the cities, the river and its shores, the inhabitants civilized and savage, the great tributary rivers, the vegetation, and the animals of various kinds. before proceeding with our extracts, we will remark the various names of the river. it is sometimes called, from the name of its discoverer, "orellana." this name is appropriate and well-sounding, but is not in general use. the name of "maraã±on," pronounced maranyon, is still often used. it is probably derived from the natives. it is called "the river of the amazons," from the fable of its former inhabitants. this name is shortened into "the amazons," and, without the plural sign, "the amazon," in common use. above the junction of the river negro, the river is designated as "the upper amazon," or "solimoens." parã�. "on the morning of the 28th of may, 1848, we arrived at our destination. the appearance of the city at sunrise was pleasing in the highest degree. it is built on a low tract of land, having only one small rocky elevation at its southern extremity: it therefore affords no amphitheatral view from the river; but the white buildings roofed with red tiles, the numerous towers and cupolas of churches and convents, the crowns of palm-trees reared above the buildings, all sharply defined against the clear blue sky, give an appearance of lightness and cheerfulness which is most exhilarating. the perpetual forest hems the city in on all sides landwards; and, towards the suburbs, picturesque country-houses are seen scattered about, half buried in luxuriant foliage. "the impressions received during our first walk can never wholly fade from my mind. after traversing the few streets of tall, gloomy, convent-looking buildings near the port, inhabited chiefly by merchants and shopkeepers; along which idle soldiers, dressed in shabby uniforms, carrying their muskets carelessly over their arms; priests; negresses with red water-jars on their heads; sad-looking indian women, carrying their naked children astride on their hips; and other samples of the motley life of the place,--were seen; we passed down a long, narrow street leading to the suburbs. beyond this, our road lay across a grassy common, into a picturesque lane leading to the virgin forest. the long street was inhabited by the poorer class of the population. the houses were mostly in a dilapidated condition; and signs of indolence and neglect were everywhere visible. but amidst all, and compensating every defect, rose the overpowering beauty of the vegetation. the massive dark crowns of shady mangoes were seen everywhere among the dwellings, amidst fragrant, blossoming orange, lemon, and other tropical fruit-trees,--some in flower, others in fruit at various stages of ripeness. here and there, shooting above the more dome-like and sombre trees, were the smooth columnar stems of palms, bearing aloft their magnificent crowns of finely-cut fronds. on the boughs of the taller and more ordinary-looking trees sat tufts of curiously leaved parasites. slender woody lianas hung in festoons from the branches, or were suspended in the form of cords and ribbons; while luxuriant creeping plants overran alike tree-trunks, roofs, and walls, or toppled over palings in copious profusion of foliage. "as we continued our walk, the brief twilight commenced; and the sounds of multifarious life came from the vegetation around,--the whirring of cicadas; the shrill stridulation of a vast number of crickets and grasshoppers, each species sounding its peculiar note; the plaintive hooting of tree-frogs, all blended together in one continuous ringing sound,--the audible expression of the teeming profusion of nature. this uproar of life, i afterwards found, never wholly ceased, night or day: in course of time, i became, like other residents, accustomed to it. after my return to england, the death-like stillness of summer days in the country appeared to me as strange as the ringing uproar did on my first arrival at parã¡." cametã�. "i staid at cametã¡ five weeks, and made a considerable collection of the natural productions of the neighborhood. the town, in 1849, was estimated to contain about five thousand inhabitants. the productions of the district are cacao, india-rubber, and brazil nuts. the most remarkable feature in the social aspect of the place is the mixed nature of the population,--the amalgamation of the white and indian races being here complete. the aborigines were originally very numerous on the western bank of the tocantins; the principal tribe being the cametã¡s, from which the city takes its name. they were a superior nation, settled, and attached to agriculture, and received with open arms the white immigrants who were attracted to the district by its fertility, natural beauty, and the healthfulness of the climate. the portuguese settlers were nearly all males. the indian women were good-looking, and made excellent wives; so the natural result has been, in the course of two centuries, a complete blending of the two races. "the town consists of three long streets running parallel to the river, with a few shorter ones crossing them at right angles. the houses are very plain; being built, as usual in this country, simply of a strong framework, filled up with mud, and coated with white plaster. a few of them are of two or three stories. there are three churches, and also a small theatre, where a company of native actors, at the time of my visit, were representing light portuguese plays with considerable taste and ability. the people have a reputation all over the province for energy and perseverance; and it is often said that they are as keen in trade as the portuguese. the lower classes are as indolent and sensual here as in other parts of the province,--a moral condition not to be wondered at, where perpetual summer reigns, and where the necessaries of life are so easily obtained. but they are light-hearted, quick-witted, communicative, and hospitable. i found here a native poet, who had written some pretty verses, showing an appreciation of the natural beauties of the country; and was told that the archbishop of bahia, the primate of brazil, was a native of cametã¡. it is interesting to find the mamelucos (half-breeds) displaying talent and enterprise; for it shows that degeneracy does not necessarily result from the mixture of white and indian blood. "the forest behind cametã¡ is traversed by several broad roads, which lead over undulating ground many miles into the interior. they pass generally under shade, and part of the way through groves of coffee and orange trees, fragrant plantations of cacao, and tracts of second-growth woods. the narrow, broad-watered valleys, with which the land is intersected, alone have remained clothed with primeval forest, at least near the town. the houses along these beautiful roads belong chiefly to mameluco, mulatto, and indian families, each of which has its own small plantation. there are only a few planters with large establishments; and these have seldom more than a dozen slaves. besides the main roads, there are endless by-paths, which thread the forest, and communicate with isolated houses. along these the traveller may wander day after day, without leaving the shade, and everywhere meet with cheerful, simple, and hospitable people." rivers and creeks. "we made many excursions down the irritiri, and saw much of these creeks. the magoary is a magnificent channel: the different branches form quite a labyrinth, and the land is everywhere of little elevation. all these smaller rivers throughout the parã¡ estuary are of the nature of creeks. the land is so level, that the short local rivers have no sources and downward currents, like rivers, as we understand them. they serve the purpose of draining the land; but, instead of having a constant current one way, they have a regular ebb and flow with the tide. the natives call them _igarapã©s_, or canoe-paths. they are characteristic of the country. the land is everywhere covered with impenetrable forests: the houses and villages are all on the water-side, and nearly all communication is by water. this semi-aquatic life of the people is one of the most interesting features of the country. for short excursions, and for fishing in still waters, a small boat, called _montaria_, is universally used. it is made of five planks,--a broad one for the bottom, bent into the proper shape by the action of heat, two narrow ones for the sides, and two triangular pieces for stem and stern. it has no rudder: the paddle serves for both steering and propelling. the montaria takes here the place of the horse, mule, or camel of other regions. besides one or more montarias, almost every family has a larger canoe, called _igaritã©_. this is fitted with two masts, a rudder, and keel, and has an arched awning or cabin near the stern, made of a framework of tough _lianas_, thatched with palm-leaves. in the igaritã©, they will cross stormy rivers fifteen or twenty miles broad. the natives are all boat-builders. it is often remarked by white residents, that the indian is a carpenter and shipwright by intuition. it is astonishing to see in what crazy vessels these people will risk themselves. i have seen indians cross rivers in a leaky montaria when it required the nicest equilibrium to keep the leak just above water: a movement of a hair's-breadth would send all to the bottom; but they manage to cross in safety. if a squall overtakes them as they are crossing in a heavily-laden canoe, they all jump overboard, and swim about until the heavy sea subsides, when they re-embark." junction of the madeira. "our course lay through narrow channels between islands. we passed the last of these, and then beheld to the south a sea-like expanse of water, where the madeira, the greatest tributary of the amazons, after two thousand miles of course, blends its waters with those of the king of rivers. i was hardly prepared for a junction of waters on so vast a scale as this, now nearly nine hundred miles from the sea. while travelling week after week along the somewhat monotonous stream, often hemmed in between islands, and becoming thoroughly familiar with it, my sense of the magnitude of this vast water-system had become gradually deadened; but this noble sight renewed the first feelings of wonder. one is inclined, in such places as these, to think the paraenses do not exaggerate much when they call the amazons the mediterranean of south america. beyond the mouth of the madeira, the amazons sweeps down in a majestic reach, to all appearance not a whit less in breadth before than after this enormous addition to its waters. the madeira does not ebb and flow simultaneously with the amazons; it rises and sinks about two months earlier: so that it was now fuller than the main river. its current, therefore, poured forth freely from its mouth, carrying with it a long line of floating trees, and patches of grass, which had been torn from its crumbly banks in the lower part of its course. the current, however, did not reach the middle of the main stream, but swept along nearer to the southern shore. "the madeira is navigable 480 miles from its mouth: a series of cataracts and rapids then commences, which extends, with some intervals of quiet water, about 160 miles, beyond which is another long stretch of navigable stream." junction of the rio negro. "a brisk wind from the east sprung up early in the morning of the 22d: we then hoisted all sail, and made for the mouth of the rio negro. this noble stream, at its junction with the amazons, seems, from its position, to be a direct continuation of the main river; while the solimoens, which joins it at an angle, and is somewhat narrower than its tributary, appears to be a branch, instead of the main trunk, of the vast water-system. "the rio negro broadens considerably from its mouth upward, and presents the appearance of a great lake; its black-dyed waters having no current, and seeming to be dammed up by the impetuous flow of the yellow, turbid solimoens, which here belches forth a continuous line of uprooted trees, and patches of grass, and forms a striking contrast with its tributary. in crossing, we passed the line a little more than half-way over, where the waters of the two rivers meet, and are sharply demarcated from each other. on reaching the opposite shore, we found a remarkable change. all our insect pests had disappeared, as if by magic, even from the hold of the canoe: the turmoil of an agitated, swiftly-flowing river, and its torn, perpendicular, earthy banks, had given place to tranquil water, and a coast indented with snug little bays, fringed with sloping, sandy beaches. the low shore, and vivid, light-green, endlessly varied foliage, which prevailed on the south side of the amazons, were exchanged for a hilly country, clothed with a sombre, rounded, and monotonous forest. a light wind carried us gently along the coast to the city of barra, which lies about seven or eight miles within the mouth of the river. "the town of barra is built on a tract of elevated but very uneven land, on the left bank of the rio negro, and contained, in 1850, about three thousand inhabitants. it is now the principal station for the lines of steamers which were established in 1853; and passengers and goods are trans-shipped here for the solimoens and peru. a steamer runs once a fortnight between parã¡ and barra; and another as often between this place and nauta, in the peruvian territory." mamelucos, or half-breeds. "we landed at one of the cacao-plantations. the house was substantially built; the walls formed of strong, upright posts, lathed across, plastered with mud, and whitewashed; and the roof tiled. the family were mamelucos, or offspring of the european and the indian. they seemed to be an average sample of the poorer class of cacao-growers. all were loosely dressed, and barefooted. a broad veranda extended along one side of the house, the floor of which was simply the well-trodden earth; and here hammocks were slung between the bare upright supports, a large rush-mat being spread on the ground, upon which the stout, matron-like mistress, with a tame parrot perched upon her shoulder, sat sewing with two pretty-looking mulatto-girls. the master, coolly clad in shirt and drawers, the former loose about his neck, lay in his hammock, smoking a long gaudily painted wooden pipe. the household utensils--earthenware jars, water-pots, and sauce-pans--lay at one end, near which was a wood-fire, with the ever-ready coffee-pot simmering on the top of a clay tripod. a large shed stood a short distance off, embowered in a grove of banana, papaw, and mango trees; and under it were the troughs, ovens, sieves, and other apparatus, for the preparation of mandioc. the cleared space around the house was only a few yards in extent: beyond it lay the cacao-plantations, which stretched on each side parallel to the banks of the river. there was a path through the forest, which led to the mandioc-fields, and, several miles beyond, to other houses on the banks of an interior channel. we were kindly received, as is always the case when a stranger visits these out-of-the-way habitations; the people being invariably civil and hospitable. we had a long chat, took coffee; and, on departing, one of the daughters sent a basketful of oranges, for our use, down to the canoe." mã�ra indians. "on the 9th of january, we arrived at matari, a miserable little settlement of mãºra indians. here we again anchored, and went ashore. the place consisted of about twenty slightly built mud-hovels, and had a most forlorn appearance, notwithstanding the luxuriant forest in its rear. the absence of the usual cultivated trees and plants gave the place a naked and poverty-stricken aspect. i entered one of the hovels, where several women were employed cooking a meal. portions of a large fish were roasting over a fire made in the middle of the low chamber; and the entrails were scattered about the floor, on which the women, with their children, were squatted. these had a timid, distrustful expression of countenance; and their bodies were begrimed with black mud, which is smeared over the skin as a protection against musquitoes. the children were naked: the women wore petticoats of coarse cloth, stained in blotches with _murixi_, a dye made from the bark of a tree. one of them wore a necklace of monkey's teeth. there were scarcely any household utensils: the place was bare, with the exception of two dirty grass hammocks hung in the corners. i missed the usual mandioc-sheds behind the house, with their surrounding cotton, cacao, coffee, and lemon trees. two or three young men of the tribe were lounging about the low, open doorway. they were stoutly-built fellows, but less well-proportioned than the semi-civilized indians of the lower amazons generally are. the gloomy savagery, filth, and poverty of the people in this place made me feel quite melancholy; and i was glad to return to the canoe." marauã� tribe. a pleasanter picture is presented by the indians of the marauã¡ tribe. our traveller thus describes a visit to them:-"our longest trip was to some indian houses, a distance of fifteen or eighteen miles up the sapã³; a journey made with one indian paddler, and occupying a whole day. the stream is not more than forty or fifty yards broad: its waters are dark in color, and flow, as in all these small rivers, partly under shade, between two lofty walls of forest. we passed, in ascending, seven habitations, most of them hidden in the luxuriant foliage of the banks; their sites being known only by small openings in the compact wall of forest, and the presence of a canoe or two tied up in little shady ports. the inhabitants are chiefly indians of the marauã¡ tribe, whose original territory comprises all the by-streams lying between the jutahã­ and the juruã¡, near the mouths of both these great tributaries. they live in separate families, or small hordes; have no common chief; and are considered as a tribe little disposed to adopt civilized customs, or be friendly with the whites. one of the houses belonged to a jurã­ family; and we saw the owner, an erect, noble-looking old fellow, tattooed, as customary with his tribe, in a large patch over the middle of his face, fishing, under the shade of a colossal tree, with hook and line. he saluted us in the usual grave and courteous manner of the better sort of indians as we passed by. "we reached the last house, or rather two houses, about ten o'clock, and spent there several hours during the heat of the day. the houses, which stood on a high, clayey bank, were of quadrangular shape, partly open, like sheds, and partly enclosed with rude, mud walls, forming one or two chambers. the inhabitants, a few families of marauã¡s, received us in a frank, smiling manner. none of them were tattooed: but the men had great holes pierced in their ear-lobes, in which they insert plugs of wood; and their lips were drilled with smaller holes. one of the younger men, a fine, strapping fellow, nearly six feet high, with a large aquiline nose, who seemed to wish to be particularly friendly to me, showed me the use of these lip-holes, by fixing a number of little sticks in them, and then twisting his mouth about, and going through a pantomime to represent defiance in the presence of an enemy. "we left these friendly people about four o'clock in the afternoon, and, in descending the umbrageous river, stopped, about half-way down, at another house, built in one of the most charming situations i had yet seen in this country. a clean, narrow, sandy pathway led from the shady port to the house, through a tract of forest of indescribable luxuriance. the buildings stood on an eminence in the middle of a level, cleared space; the firm, sandy soil, smooth as a floor, forming a broad terrace round them. the owner was a semi-civilized indian, named manoel; a dull, taciturn fellow, who, together with his wife and children, seemed by no means pleased at being intruded on in their solitude. the family must have been very industrious; for the plantations were very extensive, and included a little of almost all kinds of cultivated tropical productions,--fruit-trees, vegetables, and even flowers for ornament. the silent old man had surely a fine appreciation of the beauties of nature; for the site he had chosen commanded a view of surprising magnificence over the summits of the forest; and, to give a finish to the prospect, he had planted a large number of banana-trees in the foreground, thus concealing the charred and dead stumps which would otherwise have marred the effect of the rolling sea of greenery. the sun set over the tree-tops before we left this little eden; and the remainder of our journey was made slowly and pleasantly, under the checkered shade of the river banks, by the light of the moon." the forest. the following passage describes the scenery of one of the peculiar channels by which the waters of the amazon communicate with those of the parã¡ river:-"the forest wall under which we are now moving consists, besides palms, of a great variety of ordinary forest-trees. from the highest branches of these, down to the water, sweep ribbons of climbing-plants of the most diverse and ornamental foliage possible. creeping convolvuli and others have made use of the slender lianas and hanging air-roots as ladders to climb by. now and then appears a mimosa or other tree, having similar fine pinnate foliage; and thick masses of ingã¡ border the water, from whose branches hang long bean-pods, of different shape and size according to the species, some of them a yard in length. flowers there are very few. i see now and then a gorgeous crimson blossom on long spikes, ornamenting the sombre foliage towards the summits of the forest. i suppose it to belong to a climber of the combretaceous order. there are also a few yellow and violet trumpet-flowers. the blossoms of the ingã¡s, although not conspicuous, are delicately beautiful. the forest all along offers so dense a front, that one never obtains a glimpse into the interior of the wilderness." the liana. "the plant which seems to the traveller most curious and singular is the liana, a kind of osier, which serves for cordage, and which is very abundant in all the hot parts of america. all the species of this genus have this in common, that they twine around the trees and shrubs in their way, and after progressively extending to the branches, sometimes to a prodigious height, throw out shoots, which, declining perpendicularly, strike root in the ground beneath, and rise again to repeat the same course of uncommon growth. other filaments, again, driven obliquely by the winds, frequently attach themselves to contiguous trees, and form a confused spectacle of cord, some in suspension, and others stretched in every direction, not unfrequently resembling the rigging of a ship. some of these lianas are as thick as the arm of a man; and some strangle and destroy the tree round which they twine, as the boa-constrictor does its victims. at times it happens that the tree dies at the root, and the trunk rots, and falls in powder, leaving nothing but the spirals of liana, in form of a tortuous column, insulated and open to the day. thus nature laughs to scorn and defies the imitations of art." cacao. "the amazons region is the original home of the principal species of chocolate-tree,--the theobroma cacao; and it grows in abundance in the forests of the upper river. the forest here is cleared before planting, and the trees are grown in rows. the smaller cultivators are all very poor. labor is scarce: one family generally manages its own small plantation of ten to fifteen thousand trees; but, at harvest-time, neighbors assist each other. it appeared to me to be an easy, pleasant life: the work is all done under shade, and occupies only a few weeks in the year. "the cultivated crop appears to be a precarious one. little or no care, however, is bestowed on the trees; and weeding is done very inefficiently. the plantations are generally old, and have been made on the low ground near the river, which renders them liable to inundation when this rises a few inches more than the average. there is plenty of higher land quite suitable to the tree; but it is uncleared: and the want of labor and enterprise prevents the establishment of new plantations." the cow-tree. "we had heard a good deal about this tree, and about its producing from its bark a copious supply of milk as pleasant to drink as that of the cow. we had also eaten of its fruit at parã¡, where it is sold in the streets by negro market-women: we were glad, therefore, to see this wonderful tree growing in its native wilds. it is one of the largest of the forest-monarchs, and is peculiar in appearance, on account of its deeply-scored, reddish, and ragged bark. a decoction of the bark, i was told, is used as a red dye for cloth. a few days afterward, we tasted its milk, which was drawn from dry logs that had been standing many days in the hot sun at the saw-mills. it was pleasant with coffee, but had a slight rankness when drunk pure. it soon thickens to a glue, which is very tenacious, and is often used to cement broken crockery. i was told that it was not safe to drink much of it; for a slave had recently lost his life through taking it too freely. "to our great disappointment, we saw no flowers, or only such as were insignificant in appearance. i believe it is now tolerably well ascertained that the majority of forest-trees in equatorial brazil have small and inconspicuous flowers. flower-frequenting insects are also rare in the forest. of course, they would not be found where their favorite food was wanting. in the open country, on the lower amazons, flowering trees and bushes are more abundant; and there a large number of floral insects are attracted. the forest-bees in south america are more frequently seen feeding on the sweet sap which exudes from the trees than on flowers." chapter xvi. the naturalist on the amazon. on the 16th of january, the dry season came abruptly to an end. the sea-breezes, which had been increasing in force for some days, suddenly ceased, and the atmosphere became misty: at length, heavy clouds collected where a uniform blue sky had for many weeks prevailed, and down came a succession of heavy showers, the first of which lasted a whole day and night. this seemed to give a new stimulus to animal life. on the first night, there was a tremendous uproar,--tree-frogs, crickets, goat-suckers, and owls, all joining to perform a deafening concert. one kind of goat-sucker kept repeating at intervals, throughout the night, a phrase similar to the portuguese words, 'joao corta pao,'--'john, cut wood;' a phrase which forms the brazilian name of the bird. an owl in one of the trees muttered now and then a succession of syllables resembling the word 'murucututu.' sometimes the croaking and hooting of frogs and toads were so loud, that we could not hear one another's voices within doors. swarms of dragon-flies appeared in the day-time about the pools of water created by the rain; and ants and termites came forth in great numbers." ants. this region is the very headquarters and metropolis of ants. there are numerous species, differing in character and habits, but all of them at war with man, and the different species with one another. our author thus relates his observations of the saã¼ba-ant:-"in our first walks, we were puzzled to account for large mounds of earth, of a different color from the surrounding soil, which were thrown up in the plantations and woods. some of them were very extensive, being forty yards in circumference, but not more than two feet in height. we soon ascertained that these were the work of the saã¼bas, being the outworks, or domes, which overlie and protect the entrances to their vast subterranean galleries. on close examination, i found the earth of which they are composed to consist of very minute granules, agglomerated without cement, and forming many rows of little ridges and turrets. the difference of color from the superficial soil is owing to their being formed of the undersoil brought up from a considerable depth. it is very rarely that the ants are seen at work on these mounds. the entrances seem to be generally closed: only now and then, when some particular work is going on, are the galleries opened. in the larger hillocks, it would require a great amount of excavation to get at the main galleries; but i succeeded in removing portions of the dome in smaller hillocks, and then i found that the minor entrances converged, at the depth of about two feet, to one broad, elaborately worked gallery, or mine, which was four or five inches in diameter. "the habit of the saã¼ba-ant, of clipping and carrying away immense quantities of leaves, has long been recorded in books of natural history; but it has not hitherto been shown satisfactorily to what use it applies the leaves. i discovered this only after much time spent in investigation. the leaves are used to thatch the domes which cover the entrances to their subterranean dwellings, thereby protecting from the deluging rains the young broods in the nests beneath. small hillocks, covering entrances to the underground chambers, may be found in sheltered places; and these are always thatched with leaves, mingled with granules of earth. the heavily-laden workers, each carrying its segment of leaf vertically, the lower end secured by its mandibles, troop up, and cast their burthens on the hillock; another relay of laborers place the leaves in position, covering them with a layer of earthy granules, which are brought one by one from the soil beneath. "it is a most interesting sight to see the vast host of busy, diminutive workers occupied on this work. unfortunately, they choose cultivated trees for their purpose, such as the coffee and orange trees." the fire-ant. "aveyros may be called the headquarters of the fire-ant, which might be fittingly termed the scourge of this fine river. it is found only on sandy soils, in open places, and seems to thrive most in the neighborhood of houses and weedy villages, such as aveyros: it does not occur at all in the shades of the forest. aveyros was deserted a few years before my visit, on account of this little tormentor; and the inhabitants had only recently returned to their houses, thinking its numbers had decreased. it is a small species, of a shining reddish color. the soil of the whole village is undermined by it. the houses are overrun with them: they dispute every fragment of food with the inhabitants, and destroy clothing for the sake of the starch. all eatables are obliged to be suspended in baskets from the rafters, and the cords well soaked with copaiba-balsam, which is the only thing known to prevent them from climbing. they seem to attack persons from sheer malice. if we stood for a few moments in the street, even at a distance from their nests, we were sure to be overrun, and severely punished; for, the moment an ant touched the flesh, he secured himself with his jaws, doubled in his tail, and stung with all his might. the sting is likened, by the brazilians, to the puncture of a red-hot needle. when we were seated on chairs in the evenings, in front of the house, to enjoy a chat with our neighbors, we had stools to support our feet, the legs of which, as well as those of the chairs, were well anointed with the balsam. the cords of hammocks are obliged to be smeared in the same way, to prevent the ants from paying sleepers a visit." butterflies. "at villa nova, i found a few species of butterflies which occurred nowhere else on the amazons. in the broad alleys of the forest, several species of morpho were common. one of these is a sister-form to the morpho hecuba, and has been described under the name of morpho cisseis. it is a grand sight to see these colossal butterflies by twos and threes floating at a great height in the still air of a tropical morning. they flap their wings only at long intervals; for i have noticed them to sail a very considerable distance without a stroke. their wing-muscles, and the thorax to which they are attached, are very feeble in comparison with the wide extent and weight of the wings; but the large expanse of these members doubtless assists the insects in maintaining their aerial course. the largest specimens of morpho cisseis measure seven inches and a half in expanse. another smaller kind, which i could not capture, was of a pale, silvery-blue color; and the polished surface of its wings flashed like a silver speculum, as the insect flapped its wings at a great elevation in the sunlight." the bird-catching spider. "at cametã¡, i chanced to verify a fact relating to the habits of a large, hairy spider of the genus mygale, in a manner worth recording. the individual was nearly two inches in length of body; but the legs expanded seven inches, and the entire body and legs were covered with coarse gray and reddish hairs. i was attracted by a movement of the monster on a tree-trunk: it was close beneath a deep crevice in the tree, across which was stretched a dense white web. the lower part of the web was broken; and two small birds, finches, were entangled in the pieces. they were about the size of the english siskin; and i judged the two to be male and female. one of them was quite dead; the other lay under the body of the spider, not quite dead, and was smeared with the filthy liquor, or saliva, exuded by the monster. i drove away the spider, and took the birds; but the second one soon died. the fact of a species of mygale sallying forth at night, mounting trees, and sucking the eggs and young of hummingbirds, has been recorded long ago by madame merian and palisot de beauvois; but, in the absence of any confirmation, it has come to be discredited. from the way the fact has been related, it would appear that it had been derived from the report of natives, and had not been witnessed by the narrators. i found the circumstance to be quite a novelty to the residents hereabouts. "the mygales are quite common insects. some species make their cells under stones; others form artificial tunnels in the earth; and some build their dens in the thatch of houses. the natives call them crab-spiders. the hairs with which they are clothed come off when touched, and cause a peculiar and almost maddening irritation. the first specimen that i killed and prepared was handled incautiously; and i suffered terribly for three days afterward. i think this is not owing to any poisonous quality residing in the hairs, but to their being short and hard, and thus getting into the fine creases of the skin. some mygales are of immense size. one day, i saw the children belonging to an indian family who collected for me with one of these monsters, secured by a cord round its waist, by which they were leading it about the house as they would a dog." bats. "at caripã­, near parã¡, i was much troubled by bats. the room where i slept had not been used for many months, and the roof was open to the tiles and rafters. i was aroused about midnight by the rushing noise made by vast hosts of bats sweeping about the room. the air was alive with them. they had put out the lamp; and, when i relighted it, the place appeared blackened with the impish multitudes that were whirling round and round. after i had laid about well with a stick for a few minutes, they disappeared among the tiles; but, when all was still again, they returned, and once more extinguished the light. i took no further notice of them, and went to sleep. the next night, several of them got into my hammock. i seized them as they were crawling over me, and dashed them against the wall. the next morning, i found a wound, evidently caused by a bat, on my hip. this was rather unpleasant: so i set to work with the negroes, and tried to exterminate them. i shot a great many as they hung from the rafters; and the negroes, having mounted with ladders to the roof outside, routed out from beneath the eaves many hundreds of them, including young broods. there were altogether four species. by far the greater number belonged to the dysopes perotis, a species having very large ears, and measuring two feet from tip to tip of the wings. i was never attacked by bats, except on this occasion. the fact of their sucking the blood of persons sleeping, from wounds which they make in the toes, is now well established; but it is only a few persons who are subject to this blood-letting." parrots. "on recrossing the river in the evening, a pretty little parrot fell from a great height headlong into the water near the boat, having dropped from a flock which seemed to be fighting in the air. one of the indians secured it for me; and i was surprised to find the bird uninjured. there had probably been a quarrel about mates, resulting in our little stranger being temporarily stunned by a blow on the head from the beak of a jealous comrade. it was of the species called by the natives maracanã¡; the plumage green, with a patch of scarlet under the wings. i wished to keep the bird alive, and tame it; but all our efforts to reconcile it to captivity were vain: it refused food, bit every one who went near it, and damaged its plumage in its exertions to free itself. my friends in aveyros said that this kind of parrot never became domesticated. after trying nearly a week, i was recommended to lend the intractable creature to an old indian woman living in the village, who was said to be a skilful bird-tamer. in two days, she brought it back almost as tame as the familiar love-birds of our aviaries. i kept my little pet for upward of two years. it learned to talk pretty well, and was considered quite a wonder, as being a bird usually so difficult of domestication. i do not know what arts the old woman used. capt. antonio said she fed it with her saliva. "our maracanã¡ used to accompany us sometimes in our rambles, one of the lads carrying it on his head. one day, in the middle of a long forest-road, it was missed, having clung probably to an overhanging bough, and escaped into the thicket without the boy perceiving it. three hours afterwards, on our return by the same path, a voice greeted us in a colloquial tone as we passed, 'maracanã¡!' we looked about for some time, but could not see any thing, until the word was repeated with emphasis, 'maracanã¡!' when we espied the little truant half concealed in the foliage of a tree. he came down, and delivered himself up, evidently as much rejoiced at the meeting as we were." turtle-eggs and oil. "i accompanied cardozo in many wanderings on the solimoens, or upper amazons, during which we visited the _praias_ (sand-islands), the turtle-pools in the forests, and the by-streams and lakes in the great desert river. his object was mainly to superintend the business of digging up turtle-eggs on the sand-banks; having been elected _commandante_ for the year of the _praia-real_ (royal sand-island) of shimuni, the one lying nearest to ega. there are four of these royal praias within the district, all of which are visited annually by the ega people, for the purpose of collecting eggs, and extracting oil from their yolks. each has its commander, whose business is to make arrangements for securing to every inhabitant an equal chance in the egg-harvest, by placing sentinels to protect the turtles while laying. the turtles descend from the interior pools to the main river in july and august, before the outlets dry up, and then seek, in countless swarms, their favorite sand-islands; for it is only a few praias that are selected by them out of the great number existing. "we left ega, on our first trip to visit the sentinels while the turtles were yet laying, on the 26th of september. we found the two sentinels lodged in a corner of the praia, or sand-bank, where it commences, at the foot of the towering forest-wall of the island; having built for themselves a little rancho with poles and palm-leaves. great preparations are obliged to be taken to avoid disturbing the sensitive turtles, who, previous to crawling ashore to lay, assemble in great shoals off the sand-bank. the men, during this time, take care not to show themselves, and warn off any fisherman who wishes to pass near the place. their fires are made in a deep hollow near the borders of the forest, so that the smoke may not be visible. the passage of a boat through the shallow waters where the animals are congregated, or the sight of a man, or a fire on the sand-bank, would prevent the turtles from leaving the water that night to lay their eggs; and, if the causes of alarm were repeated once or twice, they would forsake the praia for some quieter place. soon after we arrived, our men were sent with the net to catch a supply of fish for supper. in half an hour, four or five large basketsful were brought in. the sun set soon after our meal was cooked: we were then obliged to extinguish the fire, and remove our supper-materials to the sleeping-ground, a spit of land about a mile off; this course being necessary on account of the musquitoes, which swarm at night on the borders of the forest. "i rose from my hammock at daylight, and found cardozo and the men already up, watching the turtles. the sentinels had erected for this purpose a stage about fifty feet high, on a tall tree near their station, the ascent to which was by a roughly-made ladder of woody lianas. the turtles lay their eggs by night, leaving the water in vast crowds, and crawling to the central and highest part of the praia. these places are, of course, the last to go under water, when, in unusually wet seasons, the river rises before the eggs are hatched by the heat of the sand. one would almost believe from this that the animals used forethought in choosing a place; but it is simply one of those many instances in animals where unconscious habit has the same result as conscious prevision. the hours between midnight and dawn are the busiest. the turtles excavate, with their broad-webbed paws, deep holes in the fine sand; the first-comer, in each case, making a pit about three feet deep, laying, its eggs (about a hundred and twenty in number), and covering them with sand; the next making its deposit at the top of that of its predecessor; and so on, until every pit is full. the whole body of turtles frequenting a praia does not finish laying in less than fourteen or fifteen days, even when there is no interruption. when all have done, the area over which they have excavated is distinguishable from the rest of the praia only by signs of the sand having been a little disturbed. "on arriving at the edge of the forest, i mounted the sentinels' stage just in time to see the turtles retreating to the water on the opposite side of the sand-bank after having laid their eggs. the sight was well worth the trouble of ascending the shaky ladder. they were about a mile off; but the surface of the sand was blackened with the multitudes which were waddling towards the river. the margin of the praia was rather steep; and they all seemed to tumble, head-first, down the declivity, into the water." * * * * * when the turtles have finished depositing their eggs, the process of collecting them takes place, of which our author gives an account as follows:-the egg-harvest. "my next excursion was made in company of senior cardozo, in the season when all the population of the villages turns out to dig up turtle-eggs, and to revel on the praias. placards were posted on the church-doors at ega, announcing that the excavation on shimuni would commence on the 17th october. we set out on the 16th, and passed on the way, in our well-manned igaritã© (or two-masted boat), a large number of people, men, women, and children, in canoes of all sizes, wending their way as if to a great holiday gathering. by the morning of the 17th, some four hundred persons were assembled on the borders of the sand-bank; each family having erected a rude temporary shed of poles and palm-leaves to protect themselves from the sun and rain. large copper kettles to prepare the oil, and hundreds of red earthenware jars, were scattered about on the sand. "the excavation of the _taboleiro_, collecting the eggs, and preparing the oil, occupied four days. the commandante first took down the names of all the masters of households, with the number of persons each intended to employ in digging. he then exacted a payment of about fourpence a head towards defraying the expense of sentinels. the whole were then allowed to go to the taboleiro. they ranged themselves round the circle, each person armed with a paddle, to be used as a spade; and then all began simultaneously to dig, on a signal being given--the roll of drums--by order of the commandante. it was an animating sight to behold the wide circle of rival diggers throwing up clouds of sand in their energetic labors, and working gradually toward the centre of the ring. a little rest was taken during the great heat of mid-day; and, in the evening, the eggs were carried to the huts in baskets. by the end of the second day, the taboleiro was exhausted: large mounds of eggs, some of them four or five feet in height, were then seen by the side of each hut, the produce of the labors of the family. "when no more eggs are to be found, the mashing process begins. the egg, it may be mentioned, has a flexible or leathery shell: it is quite round, and somewhat larger than a hen's egg. the whole heap is thrown into an empty canoe, and mashed with wooden prongs; but sometimes naked indians and children jump into the mass, and tread it down, besmearing themselves with the yolk, and making about as filthy a scene as can well be imagined. this being finished, water is poured into the canoe, and the fatty mass then left for a few hours to be heated by the sun, on which the oil separates, and rises to the surface. the floating oil is afterwards skimmed off with long spoons, made by tying large mussel-shells to the end of rods, and purified over the fire in copper-kettles. at least six thousand jars, holding each three gallons of the oil, are exported annually from the upper amazons and the madeira to parã¡, where it is used for lighting, frying fish, and other purposes." electric eels. "we walked over moderately elevated and dry ground for about a mile, and then descended three or four feet to the dry bed of another creek. this was pierced in the same way as the former water-course, with round holes full of muddy water. they occurred at intervals of a few yards, and had the appearance of having been made by the hands of man. as we approached, i was startled at seeing a number of large serpent-like heads bobbing above the surface. they proved to be those of electric eels; and it now occurred to me that the round holes were made by these animals working constantly round and round in the moist, muddy soil. their depth (some of them were at least eight feet deep) was doubtless due also to the movements of the eels in the soft soil, and accounted for their not drying up, in the fine season, with the rest of the creek. thus, while alligators and turtles in this great inundated forest region retire to the larger pools during the dry season, the electric eels make for themselves little ponds in which to pass the season of drought. "my companions now cut each a stout pole, and proceeded to eject the eels in order to get at the other fishes, with which they had discovered the ponds to abound. i amused them all very much by showing how the electric shock from the eels could pass from one person to another. we joined hands in a line, while i touched the biggest and freshest of the animals on the head with my hunting-knife. we found that this experiment did not succeed more than three times with the same eel, when out of the water; for, the fourth time, the shock was hardly perceptible." chapter xvii. animated nature. "the number and variety of climbing trees in the amazons forests are interesting, taken in connection with the fact of the very general tendency of the animals also to become climbers. all the amazonian, and in fact all south-american monkeys, are climbers. there is no group answering to the baboons of the old world, which live on the ground. the gallinaceous birds of the country, the representatives of the fowls and pheasants of asia and africa, are all adapted, by the position of the toes, to perch on trees; and it is only on trees, at a great height, that they are to be seen. many other similar instances could be enumerated." monkeys. "on the upper amazons, i once saw a tame individual of the midas leoninus, a species first described by humboldt, which was still more playful and intelligent than the more common m. ursulus. this rare and beautiful monkey is only seven inches in length, exclusive of the tail. it is named leoninus on account of the long, brown mane which hangs from the neck, and which gives it very much the appearance of a diminutive lion. in the house where it was kept, it was familiar with every one: its greatest pleasure seemed to be to climb about the bodies of different persons who entered. the first time i went in, it ran across the room straightway to the chair on which i had sat down, and climbed up to my shoulder: arrived there, it turned round, and looked into my face, showing its little teeth, and chattering, as though it would say, "well, and how do _you_ do?" m. de st. hilaire relates of a species of this genus, that it distinguished between different objects depicted on an engraving. m. ardouin showed it the portraits of a cat and a wasp: at these it became much terrified; whereas, at the sight of a figure of a grasshopper or beetle, it precipitated itself on the picture, as if to seize the objects there represented." the caiarã�ra. "the light-brown caiarã¡ra is pretty generally distributed over the forests of the level country. i saw it frequently on the banks of the upper amazons, where it was always a treat to watch a flock leaping amongst the trees; for it is the most wonderful performer in this line of the whole tribe. the troops consist of thirty or more individuals, which travel in single file. when the foremost of the flock reaches the outermost branch of an unusually lofty tree, he springs forth into the air without a moment's hesitation, and alights on the dome of yielding foliage belonging to the neighboring tree, maybe fifty feet beneath; all the rest following his example. they grasp, on falling, with hands and tail, right themselves in a moment, and then away they go, along branch and bough, to the next tree. "the caiarã¡ra is very frequently kept as a pet in the houses of natives. i kept one myself for about a year, which accompanied me in my voyages, and became very familiar, coming to me always on wet nights to share my blanket. it keeps the house where it is kept in a perpetual uproar. when alarmed or hungry, or excited by envy, it screams piteously. it is always making some noise or other, often screwing up its mouth, and uttering a succession of loud notes resembling a whistle. mine lost my favor at last by killing, in one of his jealous fits, another and much choicer pet,--the nocturnal, owl-faced monkey. some one had given this a fruit which the other coveted: so the two got to quarrelling. the owl-faced fought only with his paws, clawing out, and hissing, like a cat: the other soon obtained the mastery, and, before i could interfere, finished his rival by cracking its skull with its teeth. upon this i got rid of him." the coaita. "the coaita is a large, black monkey, covered with coarse hair, and having the prominent parts of the face of a tawny, flesh-colored hue. the coaitas are called by some french zoã¶logists spider-monkeys, on account of the length and slenderness of their body and limbs. in these apes, the tail, as a prehensile organ, reaches its highest degree of perfection; and, on this account, it would perhaps be correct to consider the coaita as the extreme development of the american type of apes. "the tail of the coaita is endowed with a wonderful degree of flexibility. it is always in motion, coiling and uncoiling like the trunk of an elephant, and grasping whatever comes within reach. "the flesh of this monkey is much esteemed by the natives in this part of the country; and the military commandant every week sends a negro hunter to shoot one for his table. one day i went on a coaita-hunt, with a negro-slave to show me the way. when in the deepest part of the ravine, we heard a rustling sound in the trees overhead; and manoel soon pointed out a coaita to me. there was something human-like in its appearance, as the lean, shaggy creature moved deliberately among the branches at a great height. i fired, but, unfortunately, only wounded it. it fell, with a crash, headlong, about twenty or thirty feet, and then caught a bough with its tail, which grasped it instantaneously; and there the animal remained suspended in mid-air. before i could reload, it recovered itself, and mounted nimbly to the topmost branches, out of the reach of a fowling-piece, where we could perceive the poor thing apparently probing the wound with its fingers." the tame coaita. "i once saw a most ridiculously tame coaita. it was an old female, which accompanied its owner, a trader on the river, in all his voyages. by way of giving me a specimen of its intelligence and feeling, its master set to, and rated it soundly, calling it scamp, heathen, thief, and so forth, all through the copious portuguese vocabulary of vituperation. the poor monkey, quietly seated on the ground, seemed to be in sore trouble at this display of anger. it began by looking earnestly at him; then it whined, and lastly rocked its body to and fro with emotion, crying piteously, and passing its long, gaunt arms continually over its forehead; for this was its habit when excited, and the front of the head was worn quite bald in consequence. at length, its master altered his tone. 'it's all a lie,' my old woman. 'you're an angel, a flower, a good, affectionate old creature,' and so forth. immediately the poor monkey ceased its wailing, and soon after came over to where the man sat." scarlet-faced monkey. the most singular of the simian family in brazil are the scarlet-faced monkeys, called by the indians uakari, of which there are two varieties, the white and red-haired. mr. bates first met with the white-haired variety under the following circumstances:-"early one sunny morning, in the year 1855, i saw in the streets of ega a number of indians carrying on their shoulders down to the port, to be embarked on the upper amazons steamer, a large cage made of strong lianas, some twelve feet in length, and five in height, containing a dozen monkeys of the most grotesque appearance. their bodies (about eighteen inches in height, exclusive of limbs) were clothed from neck to tail with very long, straight, and shining whitish hair; their heads were nearly bald, owing to the very short crop of thin gray hairs; and their faces glowed with the most vivid scarlet hue. as a finish to their striking physiognomy, they had bushy whiskers of a sandy color, meeting under the chin, and reddish yellow eyes. they sat gravely and silently in a group, and altogether presented a strange spectacle." another interesting creature is the owl-faced night ape. these monkeys are not only owl-faced, but their habits are those of the moping bird. "they sleep all day long in hollow trees, and come forth to prey on insects, and eat fruits, only in the night. they are of small size, the body being about a foot long, and the tail fourteen inches; and are clothed with soft gray and brown fur, similar in substance to that of the rabbit. their physiognomy reminds one of an owl or tiger-cat. the face is round, and encircled by a ruff of whitish fur; the muzzle is not at all prominent; the mouth and chin are small; the ears are very short, scarcely appearing above the hair of the head; and the eyes are large, and yellowish in color, imparting the staring expression of nocturnal animals of prey. the forehead is whitish, and decorated with three black stripes, which, in one of the species, continue to the crown, and in the other meet on the top of the forehead. "these monkeys, although sleeping by day, are aroused by the least noise; so that, when a person passes by a tree in which a number of them are concealed, he is startled by the sudden apparition of a group of little striped faces crowding a hole in a trunk." mr. bates had one of the nyctipithã¦ci for a pet, which was kept in a box containing a broad-mouthed glass jar, into which it would dive, head foremost, when any one entered the room, turning round inside, and thrusting forth its inquisitive face an instant afterward to stare at the intruder. the nyctipithecus, when tamed, renders one very essential service to its owner: it clears the house of bats as well as of insect vermin. the most diminutive of the brazilian monkeys is the "hapale pygmã¦us," only seven inches long in the body, with its little face adorned with long, brown whiskers, which are naturally brushed back over the ears. the general color of the animal is brownish-tawny; but the tail is elegantly barred with black. mr. bates closes his account by stating that the total number of species of monkeys which he found inhabiting the margins of the upper and lower amazons was thirty-eight, belonging to twelve different genera, forming two distinct families. the sloth. "i once had an opportunity, in one of my excursions, of watching the movements of a sloth. some travellers in south america have described the sloth as very nimble in its native woods, and have disputed the justness of the name which has been bestowed upon it. the inhabitants of the amazons region, however, both indians and descendants of the portuguese, hold to the common opinion, and consider the sloth as the type of laziness. it is very common for one native to call to another, in reproaching him for idleness, 'bicho do embaã¼ba' (beast of the cecropia-tree); the leaves of the cecropia being the food of the sloth. it is a strange sight to see the uncouth creature, fit production of these silent woods, lazily moving from branch to branch. every movement betrays, not indolence exactly, but extreme caution. he never looses his hold from one branch without first securing himself to the next; and, when he does not immediately find a bough to grasp with the rigid hooks into which his paws are so curiously transformed, he raises his body, supported on his hind legs, and claws around in search of a fresh foothold. after watching the animal for about half an hour, i gave him a charge of shot: he fell with a terrific crash, but caught a bough in his descent with his powerful claws, and remained suspended. two days afterward, i found the body of the sloth on the ground; the animal having dropped, on the relaxation of the muscles, a few hours after death. in one of our voyages, i saw a sloth swimming across a river at a place where it was probably three hundred yards broad. our men caught the beast, and cooked and ate him." the anaconda. "we had an unwelcome visitor while at anchor in the port. i was awakened a little after midnight, as i lay in my little cabin, by a heavy blow struck at the sides of the canoe close to my head, succeeded by the sound of a weighty body plunging in the water. i got up; but all was quiet again, except the cackle of fowls in our hen-coop, which hung over the side of the vessel, about three feet from the cabin-door. next morning i found my poultry loose about the canoe, and a large rent in the bottom of the hen-coop, which was about two feet from the surface of the water. a couple of fowls were missing. "antonio said the depredator was the sucumjãº, the indian name for the anaconda, or great water-serpent, which had for months past been haunting this part of the river, and had carried off many ducks and fowls from the ports of various houses. i was inclined to doubt the fact of a serpent striking at its prey from the water, and thought an alligator more likely to be the culprit, although we had not yet met with alligators in the river. some days afterward, the young men belonging to the different settlements agreed together to go in search of the serpents. they began in a systematic manner, forming two parties, each embarked in three or four canoes, and starting from points several miles apart, whence they gradually approximated, searching all the little inlets on both sides of the river. the reptile was found at last, sunning itself on a log at the mouth of a muddy rivulet, and despatched with harpoons. i saw it the day after it was killed. it was not a very large specimen, measuring only eighteen feet nine inches in length, and sixteen inches in circumference at the widest part of the body." alligators. "our rancho was a large one, and was erected in a line with the others, near the edge of the sand-bank, which sloped rather abruptly to the water. during the first week, the people were all more or less troubled by alligators. some half-dozen full-grown ones were in attendance off the praia, floating about on the lazily flowing, muddy water. the dryness of the weather had increased since we left shimuni, the currents had slackened, and the heat in the middle of the day was almost insupportable. but no one could descend to bathe without being advanced upon by one or other of these hungry monsters. there was much offal cast into the river; and this, of course, attracted them to the place. every day, these visitors became bolder: at length, they reached a pitch of impudence that was quite intolerable. cardozo had a poodle-dog named carlito, which some grateful traveller whom he had befriended had sent him from rio janeiro. he took great pride in this dog, keeping it well sheared, and preserving his coat as white as soap and water could make it. we slept in our rancho, in hammocks slung between the outer posts; a large wood fire (fed with a kind of wood abundant on the banks of the river, which keeps alight all night) being made in the middle, by the side of which slept carlito on a little mat. one night, i was awoke by a great uproar. it was caused by cardozo hurling burning firewood with loud curses at a huge cayman, which had crawled up the bank, and passed beneath my hammock (being nearest the water) towards the place where carlito lay. the dog raised the alarm in time. the reptile backed out, and tumbled down the bank into the river; the sparks from the brands hurled at him flying from his bony hide. cardozo threw a harpoon at him, but without doing him any harm." the puma. "one day, i was searching for insects in the bark of a fallen tree, when i saw a large, cat-like animal advancing towards the spot. it came within a dozen yards before perceiving me. i had no weapon with me but an old chisel, and was getting ready to defend myself if it should make a spring; when it turned round hastily, and trotted off. i did not obtain a very distinct view of it; but i could see its color was that of the puma, or american lion, although it was rather too small for that species. "the puma is not a common animal in the amazons forests. i did not see altogether more than a dozen skins in the possession of the natives. the fur is of a fawn-color. the hunters are not at all afraid of it, and speak in disparaging terms of its courage. of the jaguar they give a very different account." the great ant-eater. "the great ant-eater, _tamandua_ of the natives, was not uncommon here. after the first few weeks of residence, i was short of fresh provisions. the people of the neighborhood had sold me all the fowls they could spare. i had not yet learned to eat the stale and stringy salt fish which is the staple food of these places; and for several days i had lived on rice-porridge, roasted bananas, and farinha. florinda asked me whether i could eat tamandua. i told her almost any thing in the shape of flesh would be acceptable: so she went the next day with an old negro named antonio, and the dogs, and, in the evening, brought one of the animals. the meat was stewed, and turned out very good, something like goose in flavor. the people of caripã­ would not touch a morsel, saying it was not considered fit to eat in those parts. i had read, however, that it was an article of food in other countries of south america. during the next two or three weeks, whenever we were short of fresh meat, antonio was always ready, for a small reward, to get me a tamandua. "the habits of the animal are now pretty well known. it has an excessively long, slender muzzle, and a worm-like, extensile tongue. its jaws are destitute of teeth. the claws are much elongated, and its gait is very awkward. it lives on the ground, and feeds on termites, or white ants; the long claws being employed to pull in pieces the solid hillocks made by the insects, and the long flexible tongue to lick them up from the crevices." the jaguar. our traveller, though he resided long and in various parts of the amazon country, never saw there a jaguar. how near he came to seeing one appears in the following extract. this animal is the nearest approach which america presents to the leopards and tigers of the old world. "after walking about half a mile, we came upon a dry water-course, where we observed on the margin of a pond the fresh tracks of a jaguar. this discovery was hardly made, when a rush was heard amidst the bushes on the top of a sloping bank, on the opposite side of the dried creek. we bounded forward: it was, however, too late; for the animal had sped in a few minutes far out of our reach. it was clear we had disturbed on our approach the jaguar while quenching his thirst at the water-hole. a few steps farther on, we saw the mangled remains of an alligator. the head, fore-quarters, and bony shell, were all that remained: but the meat was quite fresh, and there were many footmarks of the jaguar around the carcass; so that there was no doubt this had formed the solid part of the animal's breakfast." parã�. "i arrived at parã¡ on the 17th of march, 1859, after an absence in the interior of seven years and a half. my old friends, english, american, and brazilian, scarcely knew me again, but all gave me a very warm welcome. i found parã¡ greatly changed and improved. it was no longer the weedy, ruinous, village-looking place that it had appeared when i first knew it in 1848. the population had been increased to twenty thousand by an influx of portuguese, madeiran, and german immigrants; and, for many years past, the provincial government had spent their considerable surplus revenue in beautifying the city. the streets, formerly unpaved, or strewed with stones and sand, were now laid with concrete in a most complete manner: all the projecting masonry of the irregularly-built houses had been cleared away, and the buildings made more uniform. most of the dilapidated houses were replaced by handsome new edifices, having long and elegant balconies fronting the first floors, at an elevation of several feet above the roadway. the large swampy squares had been drained, weeded, and planted with rows of almond and other trees; so that they were now a great ornament to the city, instead of an eye-sore as they formerly were. sixty public vehicles, light cabriolets, some of them built in parã¡, now plied in the streets, increasing much the animation of the beautified squares, streets, and avenues. i was glad to see several new book-sellers' shops; also a fine edifice devoted to a reading-room, supplied with periodicals, globes, and maps; and a circulating library. there were now many printing-offices, and four daily newspapers. the health of the place had greatly improved since 1850,--the year of the yellow-fever; and parã¡ was now considered no longer dangerous to new-comers. "so much for the improvements visible in the place; and now for the dark side of the picture. the expenses of living had increased about fourfold; a natural consequence of the demand for labor and for native products of all kinds having augmented in greater ratio than the supply, in consequence of large arrivals of non-productive residents, and considerable importations of money, on account of the steamboat-company and foreign merchants. "at length, on the 2d of june, i left parã¡,--probably forever. i took a last view of the glorious forest for which i had so much love, and to explore which i had devoted so many years. the saddest hours i recollect ever to have spent were those of the succeeding night, when, the pilot having left us out of sight of land, though within the mouth of the river, waiting for a wind, i felt that the last link which connected me with the land of so many pleasing recollections was broken." the end. press of geo. c. rand & avery, no. 3, cornhill, boston. +------------------------------------------------+ | transcriber's note: | | | | inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the | | original document have been preserved. | | | | typographical errors corrected in the text: | | | | page 74 sascatchawan changed to saskatchawan | | page 103 cameawait changed to cameahwait | | page 192 chinnook changed to chinook | | page 198 chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page 199 chinnooks changed to chinooks | | page 199 killamucks changed to killimucks | | page 212 wakiacums changed to wahkiacums | | page 224 kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page 224 sacajaweah chanaged to sacajawea | | page 232 kooskooskie changed to kooskooskee | | page 295 palmitoes changed to palmitos | | page 299 groweth changed to growth | | page 360 pursuaded changed to persuaded | +------------------------------------------------+ down the columbia [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff mt. sir donald, which drains from all sides to the columbia] down the columbia by lewis r. freeman author of "in the tracks of the trades," "hell's hatches," etc. with illustrations from photographs [illustration: publisher's logo] new york dodd, mead and company 1921 copyright 1921 by dodd, mead and company, inc. the quinn & boden company book manufacturers rahway new jersey to c. l. chester hoping he will find in these pages some compensation for the fun he missed in not being along. introduction the day on which i first conceived the idea of a boat trip down the columbia hangs in a frame all its own in the corridors of my memory. it was a number of years ago--more than a dozen, i should say. just previously i had contrived somehow to induce the superintendent of the yellowstone national park to grant me permission to attempt a winter journey on ski around this most beautiful of america's great playgrounds. he had even sent a government scout along to keep, or help, me out of trouble. we were a week out from the post at mammoth hot springs. putting the rainbow revel of the incomparable canyon behind, we had crossed yellowstone lake on the ice and fared onward and upward until we came at last to the long climb where the road under its ten feet of snow wound up to the crest of the continental divide. it was so dry and cold that the powdery snow overlying the crust rustled under our ski like autumn leaves. the air was diamond clear, so transparent that distant mountain peaks, juggled in the wizardry of the lens of the light, seemed fairly to float upon the eyeball. at the summit, where we paused for breath, an old sergeant of the game patrol, letting down a tin can on a string, brought up drinks from an air-hole which he claimed was teetering giddily upon the very ridge-pole of north america. "if i dip to the left," he said, suiting the action to the word, "it's the pacific i'll be robbing of a pint of rocky mountain dew; while if i dip to the right it's the atlantic that'll have to settle back a notch. and if i had a string long enough, and a wing strong enough, to cast my can over there beyond jackson's hole," he went on, pointing southeasterly to the serrated peaks of the wind river mountains, "i could dip from the fount of the green river and keep it from feeding the colorado and the gulf of california by so much." that led me to raise the question of boating by river from the great divide to the sea, and the scout, who knew something of the madison, jefferson and gallatin to the east, and of the salmon, clearwater and snake to the west, said he reckoned the thing could be done in either direction provided a man had lots of time and no dependent family to think of and shake his nerve in the pinches. the old sergeant agreed heartily. river boating was good, he said, because it was not opposed to nature, like climbing mountains, for instance, where you were bucking the law of gravity from start to finish. with a river it was all easy and natural. you just got into your boat and let it go. sooner or later, without any especial effort on your part, you reached your objective. you might not be in a condition to appreciate the fact, of course, but just the same you got there, and with a minimum of hard work. some rivers were better for boating than others for the reason that you got there quicker. the snake and the missouri were all very well in their way, but for him, he'd take the columbia. there was a river that started in mountains and finished in mountains. it ran in mountains all the way to the sea. no slack water in all its course. it was going somewhere all the time. he had lived as a kid on the lower columbia and had trapped as a man on the upper columbia; so he ought to know. _there_ was a "he" river if there ever was one. if a man really wanted to travel from snowflake to brine and not be troubled with "on-wee" on the way, there was no stream that ran one-two-three with the columbia as a means of doing it. that night, where we steamed in the black depths of a snow-submerged government "emergency" cabin, the sergeant's old columbia memories thawed with the hunk of frosted beef he was toasting over the sheet-iron stove. he told of climbing for sheep and goat in the high kootenay, of trailing moose and caribou in the valleys of the rockies, and finally of his years of trapping on the creeks and in the canyons that run down to the big bend of the columbia; of how he used to go down to kinbasket lake in the fall, portaging or lining the three miles of tumbling cascades at surprise rapids, trap all winter on sullivan creek or middle river, and then come out in the spring to revelstoke, playing ducks-and-drakes with his life and his scarcely less valuable catch of marten, mink and beaver running the riffles at rock slide, twelve mile and the terrible _dalles des morts_. he declared that there were a hundred miles of the big bend of the columbia that had buffaloed to a fare-ye-well any equal stretch on any of the great rivers of north america for fall, rocks and wild rip-rarin' water generally. but the dread rapids of death and the treacherous swirls and eddies of revelstoke canyon were not the last of swift water by a long shot. just below the defile of the arrow lakes the white caps began to rear their heads again, and from there right on down through the seven hundred miles and more to tide-water below the cascade locks in oregon there was hardly a stretch of ten miles without its tumble of rapids, and mostly they averaged not more than three or four miles apart. "she's sure some 'he' river," the old chap concluded as he began to unroll his blankets, "going somewhere all the time, tumbling over itself all the way trying to beat itself to the finish." confusing as the sergeant was with his "he" and "she" and "it" as to the gender of the mighty oregon, there was no question of the fascination of the pictures conjured up by his descriptions of that so-well-called "achilles of rivers." before i closed my eyes that night i had promised myself that i should take the first opportunity to boat the length of the columbia, to follow its tumultuous course from its glacial founts to the salt sea brine, to share with it, to jostle it in its "tumble to get there first." i held by that resolve for more than a dozen years, although, by a strange run of chance, i was destined to have some experience of almost every one of the great rivers of the world before i launched a boat upon the columbia. my appetite for swift water boating had grown by what it fed on. i had come more and more to the way of thinking of my yellowstone companion who held that boating down rivers was good because it was not opposed to nature, "like mountain climbing, for instance, where you bucked the law of gravity all the way." in odd craft and various, and of diverse degree of water worthiness, i had trusted to luck and the law of gravity to land me somewhere to seaward of numerous up-river points of vantage to which i had attained by means of travel that ranged all the way from foot and donkey-back to elephant and auto. the ichang gorges of the yangtze i had run in a _sampan_ manned by a yelling crew of szechuan coolies, and the salween and irawadi below the yunnan boundary in weird burmese canoes whose crews used their legs as well as their arms in plying their carved paddles. i had floated down the tigris from diarbekir to mosul on a _kalek_ of inflated sheepskins, and the nile below the nyanzas in a cranky craft of zebra hide, whose striped sides might have suggested the idea of modern marine camouflage. on the middle niger i had used a condemned gunboat's life-raft, and on the zambesi a dugout of saffron-tinted wood so heavy that it sank like iron when capsized. and it had been in native dugouts of various crude types that i had boated greater or lesser lengths of the swifter upper stretches of the orinoco, amazon and parana. but through it all--whether i was floating in a reed-wrapped _balsa_ on titacaca or floundering in a pitch-smeared _gufa_ on the euphrates--pictures conjured up by remembered phrases of the old ex-trapper keep rising at the back of my brain. "the big eddy at the bend of surprise rapids, where you go to look for busted boats and dead bodies;" "the twenty-one mile of white water rolling all the way from kinbasket lake to canoe river;" "the double googly intake at the head of gordon rapid;" "the black-mouthed whirlpool waiting like a wild cat at the foot of _dalles des morts_"--how many times had i seen all these in fancy! and at last the time came when those pictures were to be made real--galvanized into life. it was well along toward the end of last summer that my friend c. l. chester, whose work in filming the scenic beauties of out-of-the-way parts of the world has made the name chester-outing pictures a byword on both sides of the atlantic, mentioned that he was sending one of his cameramen to photograph the sources of the columbia in the selkirks and rockies of western canada. also that he was thinking of taking his own holiday in that incomparably beautiful region. he supposed i knew that there were considerable areas here that had barely been explored, to saying nothing of photographed. this was notably so of the big bend country, where the columbia had torn its channel between the rockies and selkirks and found a way down to the arrow lakes. he was especially anxious to take some kind of a boat round the hundred and fifty miles of canyon between beavermouth and revelstoke and bring out the first movies of what he had been assured was the roughest stretch of swift water on any of the important rivers of the world. was there, by any chance, a possibility that my plans and commitments were such that i would be free to join him in the event that he made the trip personally? as a matter of fact there were several things that should have prevented my breaking away for a trip to the upper columbia in september, not the least among which was a somewhat similar trip i had already planned for the grand canyon of the colorado that very month. but the mention of the big bend was decisive. "i'll go," i said promptly. "when do you start?" it was finally arranged that i should go on ahead and engage men and boats for the big bend part of the trip, while chester would endeavour to disentangle himself from business in los angeles and new york in time to join his cameraman and myself for a jaunt by packtrain to the lake of the hanging glaciers. the latter is one of the high glacial sources of the columbia in the selkirks, and chester, learning that it had never been photographed, desired especially to visit it in person. returning from our visit to the source of the river, we planned to embark on the boating voyage around the big bend. it was not until business finally intervened to make it impossible for chester to get away for even a portion of the trip which he had been at such trouble to plan, that i decided to attempt the voyage down the columbia as i had always dreamed of it--all the way from the eternal snows to tide-water. at chester's suggestion, it was arranged that his cameraman should accompany me during such portion of the journey as the weather was favourable to moving picture work. our preliminary work and exploration among the sources of the river over (this was carried on either on foot or by packtrain, or in runs by canoe over short navigable stretches of the upper river), we pushed off from beavermouth, at the head of the big bend. for this most arduous part of the voyage there were four in the party, with a big double-ended boat specially built for rough water. further down, for a considerable stretch, we were three, in a skiff. then, for a couple of hundred miles, there were four of us again, manning a raft and a towing launch. after that we were two--just the cameraman and myself, with the skiff. him i finally dropped at the foot of priest rapids, fifty miles above pasco, and the last two hundred and fifty miles down to portland i rode alone. this "solo" run--though a one-man boat crew is kept rather too busy in swift water to have much time for enjoying the scenery--was far from proving the least interesting period of the journey. so far as i have been able to learn, my arrival in portland marked the end of the first complete journey that has been made from the glacial sources of the columbia to tide-water. david thompson, scientist and explorer for the northwest company, racing against the astor sea expedition to be first to establish a post at the mouth of the columbia, boated down a very large part of the navigable part of the river over a hundred years ago. i have found no evidence, however, that he penetrated to the glacial fields in the selkirks above windermere and columbia lake from which spring the main feeders of the upper river. thompson's, and all of the other voyages of the early days of which there is authentic record, started from boat encampment, where the road from the plains and montreal led down to the columbia by the icy waters of portage river, or, as it is now called, wood river. thus all of the old hudson bay and northwest voyageurs ran only the lower seventy-five miles of the big bend, and avoided what is by far its worst water--surprise rapids and the twenty-one miles of cascades below kinbasket lake. ross cox, alexander ross and franchiere, whose diaries are the best commentaries extant upon early columbia history, had no experience of the river above boat encampment. lewis and clark, and hunt, with the remnants of the astor transcontinental party, boated the river only below the snake, and this was also true of whitman and the other early missionaries and settlers. frémont made only a few days' journey down the river from the dalles. of recent down-river passages, i have been able to learn of no voyageur who, having rounded the big bend, continued his trip down to the lower columbia. the most notable voyage of the last three or four decades was that of captain f. p. armstrong and j. p. forde, district engineer of the department of public works of nelson, british columbia, who, starting at the foot of the lower arrow lake in a peterboro canoe, made the run to pasco, just above the mouth of the snake, in ten days. as captain armstrong already knew the upper columbia above the arrow lakes from many years of steamboating and prospecting, and as both he and mr. forde, after leaving their canoe at pasco, continued on to astoria by steamer, i am fully convinced that his knowledge of that river from source to mouth is more comprehensive than that of any one else of the present generation. this will be, perhaps, a fitting place to acknowledge my obligation to captain armstrong (who accompanied me in person from the mouth of the kootenay to the mouth of the spokane) for advice and encouragement which were very considerable factors in the ultimate success of my venture. to mr. forde i am scarcely less indebted for his courtesy in putting at my disposal a copy of his invaluable report to the canadian government on the proposal to open the columbia to through navigation to the pacific ocean. compared to the arduous journeys of the old astorian and hudson bay voyageurs on the columbia, my own trip--even though a considerably greater length of river was covered than by any of my predecessors--was negligible as an achievement. only in rounding the big bend in canada does the voyageur of to-day encounter conditions comparable to those faced by those of a hundred, or even fifty years ago who set out to travel on any part of the columbia. for a hundred miles or more of the bend, now just as much as in years long gone by, an upset with the loss of an outfit is more likely than not to spell disaster and probably tragedy. but in my own passage of the big bend i can claim no personal credit that those miles of tumbling water were run successfully. i was entirely in the hands of a pair of seasoned old river hands, and merely pulled an oar in the boat and did a few other things when i was told. but it is on the thousand miles of swiftly flowing water between the lower end of the big bend and the pacific that conditions have changed the most in favour of the latter day voyageur. the rapids are, to be sure, much as they must have appeared to thompson, ross, franchiere and their indian contemporaries. the few rocks blasted here and there on the lower river in an attempt to improve steamer navigation have not greatly simplified the problems of the man in a rowboat or canoe. nor is an upset in any part of the columbia an experience lightly to be courted even to-day. even below the big bend there are a score of places i could name offhand where the coolest kind of an old river hand, once in the water, would not have one chance in ten of swimming out. in half a hundred others he might reckon on an even break of crawling out alive. but if luck were with him and he _did_ reach the bank with the breath in his body, then his troubles would be pretty well behind him. below the canadian border there is hardly ten miles of the river without a farm, a village, or even a town of fair size. food, shelter and even medical attention are not, therefore, ever more than a few hours away, so that the man who survives the loss of his boat and outfit is rarely in serious straits. but in the case of the pioneers, their troubles in like instance were only begun. what between hostile indians and the loss of their only means of travel, the chances were all against their ever pulling out with their lives. the story of how the vicious cascade of the _dalles des morts_ won its grisly name, which i will set down in its proper place, furnishes a telling instance in point. it is a callous traveller who, in strange lands and seas, does not render heart homage to the better men that have gone before him. just as you cannot sail the pacific for long without fancying that cook and drake and anson are sharing your night watches, so on the columbia it is thompson and cox and lewis and clark who come to be your guiding spirits. at the head of every one of the major rapids you land just as you know they must have landed, and it is as through their eyes that you survey the work ahead. and when, rather against your better judgment, you decide to attempt to run a winding gorge where the sides are too steep to permit lining and where a portage would mean the loss of a day--you know that the best of the men who preceded you must have experienced the same hollowness under the belt when they were forced to the same decision, for were they not always gambling at longer odds than you are? and when, elate with the thrill of satisfaction and relief that come from knowing that what had been a menacing roar ahead has changed to a receding growl astern, you are inclined to credit yourself with smartness for having run a rapid where thompson lined or ross cox portaged, that feeling will not persist for long. sooner or later--and usually sooner--something or somebody will put you right. a broken oar and all but a mess-up in an inconsiderable riffle was all that was needed to quench the glow of pride that i felt over having won through the roughly tumbling left-hand channel of rock island rapids with only a short length of lining. and it was a steady-eyed old river captain who brought me back to earth the night i told him--somewhat boastfully, i fear--that i had slashed my skiff straight down the middle of the final pitch of umatilla rapids, where lewis and clark had felt they had to portage. "but you must not forget," he said gently, with just the shadow of a smile softening the line of his firm lips, "that lewis and clark had something to lose besides their lives--that they had irreplaceable records in their care, and much work still to do. it was their duty to take as few chances as possible. but they never let the risk stop them when there wasn't any safer way. when you are pulling through celilo canal a few days from now, and being eased down a hundred feet in the locks, just remember that lewis and clark put their whole outfit down the tumwater and five-mile rapids of the dalles, in either of which that skiff of yours would be sucked under in half a minute." bulking insignificantly as an achievement as does my trip in comparison with the many columbia voyages, recorded and unrecorded, of early days, it still seems to me that the opportunity i had for a comprehensive survey of this grandest scenically of all the world's great rivers gives me warrant for attempting to set down something of what i saw and experienced during those stirring weeks that intervened between that breathless moment when i let the whole stream of the columbia trickle down my back in a glacial ice-cave in the high selkirks, and that showery end-of-the-afternoon when i pushed out into tide-water at the foot of the cascades. it is scant enough justice that the most gifted of pens can do to nature in endeavouring to picture in words the grandest of her manifestations, and my own quill, albeit it glides not untrippingly in writing of lighter things, is never so inclined to halt and sputter as when i try to drive it to its task of registering in black scrawls on white paper something of what the sight of a soaring mountain peak, the depth of a black gorge with a white stream roaring at the bottom, or the morning mists rising from a silently flowing river have registered on the sensitized sheets of my memory. superlative in grandeur to the last degree as are the mountains, glaciers, gorges, waterfalls, cascades and cliffs of the columbia, it is to my photographs rather than my pen that i trust to convey something of their real message. if i can, however, pass on to my readers some suggestion of the keenness of my own enjoyment of what i experienced on the columbia--of the sheer _joie de vivre_ that is the lot of the man who rides the running road; it will have not been in vain that i have cramped my fingers and bent my back above a desk during several weeks of the best part of the california year. robert service has written something about "doing things just for the doing, letting babblers tell the story...." shall i need to confess to my readers that the one cloud on the seaward horizon during all of my voyage down the columbia was brooding there as a consequence of the presentiment that, sooner or later, i should have to do my own babbling? pasadena, july, 1921. contents chapter page introduction vi i preparing for the big bend 1 ii up horse thief creek 20 iii at the glacier 48 iv the lake of the hanging glaciers 63 v canal flats to beavermouth 77 vi through surprise rapids 92 vii kinbasket lake and rapids 134 viii boat encampment to revelstoke 160 ix revelstoke to the spokane 192 x rafting through hell gate 235 xi by launch through box canyon 267 xii chelan to pasco 286 xiii pasco to the dalles 323 xiv the home stretch 360 illustrations mt. sir donald, which drains from all sides to the columbia _frontispiece_ facing page mt. assiniboine, near the headwaters of the columbia 10 twin falls, takakaw falls, two great cataracts of the columbia watershed 11 the "turning-in" scene shot in silhouette 38 "reverse" of the "going-to-bed" shot 38 on the horse thief trail 39 a dead-fall on the trail 39 looking toward the entrance of the ice cave 52 where the hanging glacier is about to fall 53 my shower bath in an ice cave 58 warming up after my glacial shower bath 58 ross and harmon. dragon moraine in distance 59 the horses in the mouth of the ice cave 59 looking across the lake of the hanging glaciers 66 the lake of the hanging glaciers, taken from the ice walls, looking north 67 the face of the hanging glacier 72 where my party foregathered with harmon's on the shore of the lake of the hanging glacier 73 old hudson bay cart at beavermouth 80 my first push-off at the head of canoe navigation on the columbia 80 opening scene of the "farmer" picture 81 old stern wheelers at golden 81 a quiet stretch of the columbia near golden 81 arrival of our boat at beavermouth 96 our first camp at beavermouth 96 the remains of a sunken forest 96 trapper's cabin where we found shelter for the night 97 where we landed above surprise rapids 97 where we tied up at "eight mile" 97 "shooting" the first bit of lining at surprise rapids 122 the camp where the roar of the rapids deafened us 122 where steinhof was drowned 122 where andy just missed drowning in surprise rapids 123 looking through the pines at surprise rapids 123 head of second fall of surprise rapids 123 blackmore and the ling that refused to "register" 142 the winter, with pike-pole just before lining death rapids 142 andy and i pulling down kinbasket lake 143 our wettest camp, at kinbasket lake 156 the old ferry tower above canoe river 156 where we tied up at kinbasket lake 157 the bridge which the columbia carried a hundred miles and placed across another stream 157 lining down to the head of death rapids 157 trapper's cabin being undermined by stream 168 the camp above twelve-mile 168 landing at sunset above canoe river 169 andy and blackmore swinging the boat into the head of rock slide rapids 169 the big rollers, from 15 to 20 feet from hollow to crest, at head of death rapids 169 looking across to boat encampment 180 "wood smoke at twilight" above twelve-mile 180 lining down rock slide rapids 181 when the columbia took half of my riding breeches 181 bonnington falls of the kootenay 198 plastered log cabin in the doukhobor village 198 trucking the skiff through kettle falls 199 twilight in the gorge at kettle falls 199 waiting for the fog to lift above bishop's rapids 210 ross and armstrong registering "gloom" 210 the "intake" at the little dalles 211 where we started to line the little dalles 211 map of the upper columbia 236 a "close-up" of ike building his raft 237 my fifty pound salmon 237 ike riding a log 256 ike on the mooring line of the raft 256 raft in tow of launch near mouth of san poil 257 ike at the sweep below hell gate 257 the suspension bridge at chelan falls 270 old river veterans on the landing at potaris. (capt. mcdermid on left, ike emerson on right) 270 night was falling as we headed into box canyon 271 the columbia above box canyon 271 a rocky cliff near head of lake chelan 288 rainbow falls, 350 feet high, above head of lake chelan 288 wenatchee under the dust cloud of its speeding autos 289 head of rock island rapids 289 the picture that cost me a wetting 310 the wreck of the "douglas" 310 we cooked our breakfast in the galley of the wreck of the "douglas" 311 a rocky cliff above beverly 311 lifted drawbridge on celilo canal 354 tumwater gorge of the grand dalles 354 "imshallah" in the lock at five-mile 355 "imshallah" half way through the celilo canal 355 palisade rock, lower columbia river 362 multnomah falls, columbia river highway, near portland 363 city of portland with mt. hood in the distance 370 bridge on columbia highway near portland, oregon 371 down the columbia down the columbia chapter i preparing for the big bend the itinerary of our columbia trip as originally planned in los angeles called, first, for an expedition to the source of the river, next, a voyage by boat around the big bend from beavermouth to revelstoke, and, finally, if there was time and good weather held, a voyage of indefinite length on toward the sea. as the trip to the glaciers was largely a matter of engaging a good packer well in advance, while there was no certainty of getting any one who would undertake the passage of the big bend, it was to the latter that we first directed our attention. chester wired the publicity department of the canadian pacific and i wrote friends in various parts of british columbia. the c. p. r. replied that they had requested their sub-divisional superintendent at revelstoke to institute inquiries for boatmen in our behalf. the only one of my friends who contributed anything tangible stated that "while the columbia above golden and below revelstoke was admirably suited to pleasure boating, any attempt to run the big bend between those points would result in almost certain disaster." as this appeared to be about the extent of what we were likely to learn from a distance, i decided to start north at once to see what could be arranged on the ground. victoria yielded little save some large scale maps, and even these, they assured me in the geographic department of the b. c. government where i secured them, were very inaccurate as to detail. the big bend region, it appeared, had never been surveyed north of the comparatively narrow zone of the c. p. r. grant. several old hunting friends whom i met at the club, although they had ranged the wildernesses of the northwest from the barren lands to alaska, spoke of the big bend as a veritable _terra incognita_. "it's said to be a great country for grizzly," one of them volunteered, "but too hard to get at. only way to get in and out is the columbia, and that is more likely to land you in kingdom come than back in civilization. best forget about the big bend and go after sheep and goat and moose in the kootenays." at kamloops i was told of an indian who had gone round the big bend the previous may, before the spring rise, and come out not only with his own skin, but with those of seven grizzlies. i was unable to locate the indian, but did find a white man who had made the trip with him. this chap spent half an hour apparently endeavouring to persuade me to give up the trip on account of the prohibitive risk (my experience on other rivers, he declared, would be worse than useless in such water as was to be encountered at surprise, kinbasket and death rapids) and about an equal amount of time trying to convince me that my life would be perfectly safe if only i would engage him and his indian and confide it to their care. as the consideration suggested in return for this immunity figured out at between two and three times the rate we had been expecting to pay for boatmen, i had to decline to take advantage of it. finally, in revelstoke, through the efforts of t. c. mcnab of the canadian pacific, who had been at considerable trouble to line up possible candidates for a big bend trip, i met bob blackmore. after that things began moving toward a definite end. "you won't find old bob blackmore an active church-worker," i was told in revelstoke, "and at one time he had the reputation of being the smoothest thing in the way of a boot-legger in this part of b. c. but he drinks little himself, is a past-master of woodcraft, a dead shot, and has twice the experience of swift-water boating of any man on the upper columbia. in spite of the fact that he has undergone no end of hardship in his thirty years of packing, hunting, prospecting, trapping and boating all over the west, he's as hard to-day at fifty odd as most men are at thirty. because he dished a boatload of freight last year somewhere up river, there are a few who are saying that old bob blackmore is losing his grip. don't believe it. he was never better in his life than he is right now, and if you can persuade him to run your show round the big bend you're in luck. once you start, you'll come right on round to revelstoke all right. no fear on that score. but if you have old bob blackmore you'll stand a jolly lot better chance of arriving on top of the water." i found bob blackmore at his river-side home in the old town--what had been the metropolitan centre of revelstoke in the days when it was the head of navigation of steamers from below the arrow lakes, and before the railway had come to drag settlement a mile northeastward and away from the columbia. he was picking apples with one hand and slapping mosquitoes with the other--a grey-haired, grey-eyed man of middle height, with a muscular torso, a steady stare, and a grip that i had to meet half way to save my fingers. he might have passed for a well-to-do middle western farmer except for his iron-grey moustaches, which were long and drooping, like those affected by cowboy-town sheriffs in the movies. i knew at once that this was the man i wanted, and my only doubt was as to whether or not he felt the same way about me. they had told me in town that blackmore, having some means and being more or less independent, never went out with a man or an outfit he did not like. i felt that it was i who was on approval, not he. i need not have worried, however. in this instance, at least, bob blackmore's mind was made up in advance. it was the movies that had done it. "the c. p. r. people wrote me that you might be wanting me for the bend," he said genially after i had introduced myself, "and on the chance that we would be hitching up i have put my big boat in the water to give her a good soaking. i've figured that she's the only boat on the upper river that will do for what you want. i reckon i know them all. she'll carry three or four times as much as the biggest peterboro. besides, if you tried to go round in canoes, you'd be portaging or lining in a dozen places where i would drive this one straight through. with any luck, and if the water doesn't go down too fast, i'd figure on going the whole way without taking her out of the river at more'n one place, and maybe not there." "so you're willing to go ahead and see us through," i exclaimed delightedly. "they told me in the town that you'd probably need a lot of persuading, especially as you've been saying for the last two or three years that you were through with the bend for good and all." blackmore grinned broadly and somewhat sheepishly. "so i have," he said. "fact is, i've never yet been round the bend that i didn't tell myself and everybody else that i'd never try it again. i really meant it the last time, which was three or four years ago. and i've really meant it every time i said it right up to a few days back, when i heard that you wanted to take a movie machine in there and try and get some pictures. if that was so, i said to myself, it was sure up to me to do what i could to help, for there's scenery in there that is more worth picturing than any i've come across in thirty years of knocking around all over the mountain country of the west. so i'm your man if you want me. of course you know something of what you're going up against in bucking the bend?" "yes," i replied a bit wearily. "i've been hearing very little else for the last week. let's talk about the scenery." "so they've been trying to frighten you out of it," he said with a sympathetic smile. "they always do that with strangers who come here to tackle the bend. and mostly they succeed. there was one chap they couldn't stop, though. he was a professor of some kind from philadelphia. fact is, he wasn't enough frightened. that's a bad thing with the columbia, which isn't to be taken liberties with. i buried him near the head of kinbasket lake. we'll see his grave when we come down from surprise rapids. i'll want to stop off for a bit and see if the cross i put up is still standing. he was...." "_et tu brute_," i muttered under my breath. then, aloud: "let's look at the boat." already this penchant of the natives for turning the pages of the big bend's gruesome record of death and disaster was getting onto my nerves, and it was rather a shock to find even the quiet-spoken, steady-eyed blackmore addicted to the habit. afterwards, when i got used to it, i ceased to mind. as a matter of fact, the good souls could no more help expatiating on what the big bend had done to people who had taken liberties with it than an aviator who is about to take you for a flight can help leading you round back of the hangar and showing you the wreckage of his latest crash. it seems to be one of the inevitable promptings of the human animal to warn his brother animal of troubles ahead. this is doubtless the outgrowth of the bogies and the "don'ts" which are calculated to check the child's explorative and investigative instincts in his nursery days. from the source to the mouth of the columbia it was never (according to the solicitous volunteer advisers along the way) the really dangerous rapids that i had put behind me. these were always somewhere ahead--usually just around the next bend, where i would run into them the first thing in the morning. luckily, i learned to discount these warnings very early in the game, and so saved much sleep which it would have been a real loss to be deprived of. blackmore led the way back through his apple orchard and down a stairway that descended the steeply-sloping river bank to his boat-house. the columbia, a quarter of a mile wide and with just a shade of grey clouding its lucent greenness to reveal its glacial origin, slid swiftly but smoothly by with a purposeful current of six or seven miles an hour. a wing-dam of concrete, evidently built to protect the works of a sawmill a bit farther down stream, jutted out into the current just above, and the boat-house, set on a raft of huge logs, floated in the eddy below. there were two boats in sight, both in the water. blackmore indicated the larger one of the pair--a double-ender of about thirty feet in length and generous beam--as the craft recommended for the big bend trip. "i built her for the bend more than fifteen years ago," he said, tapping the heavy gunwale with the toe of his boot. "she's the only boat i know that has been all the way round more than once, so you might say she knows the road. she's had many a hard bump, but--with any luck--she ought to stand one or two more. not that i'm asking for any more than can be helped, though. there's no boat ever built that will stand a head-on crash 'gainst a rock in any such current as is driving it down surprise or kinbasket or death rapids, or a dozen other runs of swift water on the bend. of course, you're going to hit once in a while, spite of all you can do; but, if you're lucky, you'll probably kiss off without staving in a side. if you're not--well, if you're not lucky, you have no business fooling with the bend at all. "now what i like about this big boat of mine," he continued, taking up the scope of the painter to bring her in out of the tug of the current, "is that she's a lucky boat. never lost a man out of her--that is, directly--and only one load of freight. now with that one (indicating the smaller craft, a canoe-like double-ender of about twenty feet) it's just the other way. if there's trouble around she'll have her nose into it. she's as good a built boat as any on the river, easy to handle up stream and down--but unlucky. why, only a few weeks ago a lad from the town borrowed her to have a bit of a lark running the ripple over that dam there. it's covered at high water, and just enough of a pitch to give the youngsters a little excitement in dropping over. safe enough stunt with any luck at all. but that boat's not lucky. she drifted on sidewise, caught her keel and capsized. the lad and the two girls with him were all drowned. they found his body a week or two later. all his pockets were turned wrong-side-out and empty. the columbia current most always plays that trick on a man--picks his pockets clean. the bodies of the girls never did show up. probably the sand got into their clothes and held them down. that's another little trick of the columbia. she's as full of tricks as a box of monkeys, that old stream there, and you've got to keep an eye lifting for 'em all the time if you're going to steer clear of trouble." "it won't be the first time i've had my pockets picked," i broke in somewhat testily. "besides, if you're going to charge me at the rate that indian i heard of in kamloops demanded, there won't be anything left for the columbia to extract." that brought us down to business, and i had no complaint to make of the terms blackmore suggested--twelve dollars a day for himself and boat, i to buy the provisions and make my own arrangements with any additional boatmen. i already had sensed enough of the character of the work ahead to know that a good boatman would be cheap at any price, and a poor one dear if working only for his grub. blackmore was to get the big boat in shape and have it ready to ship by rail to beavermouth (at the head of the bend and the most convenient point to get a craft into the river) when i returned from the source of the columbia above windermere. going on to golden by train from revelstoke, i looked up captain f. p. armstrong, with whom i had already been in communication by wire. the captain had navigated steamers between golden and windermere for many years, they told me at c. p. r. headquarters in revelstoke, and had also some experience of the bend. he would be unable to join me for the trip himself, but had spoken to one or two men who might be induced to do so. in any event his advice would be invaluable. i shall have so much to say of captain armstrong in the account of a later part of my down-river voyage that the briefest introduction to a man who has been one of the most picturesque personalities in the pioneering history of british columbia will suffice here. short, compactly but cleanly built, with iron-grey hair, square, determined jaw and piercing black eyes, he has been well characterized as "the biggest little man on the upper columbia." although he confessed to sixty-three years, he might well have passed for fifty, a circumstance which doubtless had much to do with the fact that he saw three years of active service in the transport service on the tigris and nile during the late war. indeed, as became apparent later, he generally had as much reserve energy at the end of a long day's paddling as another man i could mention who is rather loath to admit forty. [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff mt. assiniboine, near the headwaters of the columbia] [illustration: twin falls] [illustration: takakaw falls two great cataracts of the columbia watershed] captain armstrong explained that he was about to close the sale of one of his mines on a tributary of the upper columbia, and for that reason would be unable to join us for the big bend trip, as much as he would have enjoyed doing so. in the event that i decided to continue on down the columbia after circling the bend, it was just possible he would be clear to go along for a way. he spoke highly of blackmore's ability as a river man, and mentioned one or two others in golden whom he thought might be secured. ten dollars a day was the customary pay for a boatman going all the way round the bend. that was about twice the ordinary wage prevailing at the time in the sawmills and lumber camps. the extra five was partly insurance, and partly because the work was hard and really good river men very scarce. it was fair pay for an experienced hand. a poor boatman was worse than none at all, that is, in a pinch, while a good one might easily mean the difference between success and disaster. and of course i knew that disaster on the bend--with perhaps fifty miles of trackless mountains between a wet man on the bank and the nearest human habitation--was spelt with a big d. so far as i can remember, captain armstrong was the only one with whom i talked in golden who did not try to dramatize the dangers and difficulties of the big bend. seemingly taking it for granted that i knew all about them, or in any case would hear enough of them from the others, he turned his attention to forwarding practical plans for the trip. he even contributed a touch of romance to a venture that the rest seemed a unit in trying to make me believe was a sort of a cross between going over niagara in barrel and a flight to one of the poles. "there was a deal of boot-legging on the river between golden and boat encampment during the years the grand trunk was being built," he said as we pored over an outspread map of the big bend, "for that was the first leg of the run into the western construction camps, where the sale of liquor was forbidden by law. many and many a boatload of the stuff went wrong in the rapids. this would have been inevitable in any case, just in the ordinary course of working in such difficult water. but what made the losses worse was the fact that a good many of the bootleggers always started off with a load under their belts as well as in their boats. few of the bodies were ever found, but with the casks of whisky it was different, doubtless because the latter would float longer and resist buffeting better. cask after cask has kept turning up through the years, even down to the present, when b. c. is a comparative desert. they are found in the most unexpected places, and it's very rare for a party to go all the way round the bend without stumbling onto one. so bear well in mind you are not to go by anything that looks like a small barrel without looking to see if it has a head in both ends. if you have time, it will pay you to clamber for a few hours over the great patch of drift just below middle river on kinbasket lake. that's the one great catch-all for everything floatable that gets into the river below golden. i've found just about everything there from a canary bird cage to a railway bridge. failing there (which will only be because you don't search long enough), dig sixteen paces northwest by compass from the foundation of the west tower of the abandoned cable ferry just above boat encampment." "how's that again!" i exclaimed incredulously. "sure you aren't confusing the big bend with the spanish main?" "if you follow my directions," replied the captain with a grin, "you'll uncover more treasure for five minutes' scratching than you'd be likely to find in turning over the dry tortugas for five years. you see, it was this way," he went on, smiling the smile of a man who speaks of something which has strongly stirred his imagination. "it was only a few weeks after walter steinhoff was lost in surprise rapids that i made the trip round the bend in a peterboro to examine some silver-lead prospects i had word of. i had with me pete bergenham (a first-class river man; one you will do well to get yourself if you can) and another chap. this fellow was good enough with the paddle, but--though i didn't know it when i engaged him--badly addicted to drink. that's a fatal weakness for a man who is going to work in swift water, and especially such water as you strike at surprise and the long run of kinbasket rapids. the wreckage of steinhoff's disaster (blackmore will spin you the straightest yarn about that) was scattered all the way from the big whirlpool in surprise rapids down to middle river, where they finally found his body. we might easily have picked up more than the one ten-gallon cask we bumped into, floating just submerged, in the shallows of the mud island at the head of kinbasket lake. "i didn't feel quite right about having so much whisky along; but the stuff had its value even in those days, and i would have felt still worse about leaving it to fall into the hands of some one who would be less moderate in its use than would i. i knew pete bergenham was all right, and counted on being able to keep an eye on the other man. that was just where i fell down. i should have taken the cask to bed with me instead of leaving it in the canoe. "when the fellow got to the whisky i never knew, but it was probably well along toward morning. he was already up when i awoke, and displayed unwonted energy in getting breakfast and breaking camp. if i had known how heavily he had been tippling i would have given him another drink before pushing off to steady his nerve. that might have held him all right. as it was, reaction in mind and body set in just as we headed into that first sharp dip below the lake--the beginning of the twenty-one miles of kinbasket rapids. at the place where the bottom has dropped out from under and left the channel blocked by jagged rocks with no place to run through, he collapsed as if kicked in the stomach, and slithered down into the bottom of the canoe, blubbering like a baby. we just did manage to make our landing above the cascade. with a less skilful man than bergenham at the stern paddle we would have failed, and that would have meant that we should probably not have stopped for good before we settled into the mud at the bottom of the arrow lakes. "even after that i could not find it in my heart to dish for good and all so much prime whisky. so i compromised by burying it that night, after we had come through the rapids without further mishap, at the spot i have told you of. that it was the best thing to do under the circumstances i am quite convinced. the mere thought that it was still in the world has cheered me in many a thirsty interval--yes, even out on the tigris and the nile, when there was no certainty i would ever come back to get it again. "and now i'm going to tell you how to find it, for there's no knowing if i shall ever have a chance to go for it myself. if you bring it out to revelstoke safely, we'll split it fifty-fifty, as they say on your side of the line. all i shall want to know is who your other boatmen are going to be. blackmore is all right, but if any one of the men whom he takes with him is a real drinker, you'd best forget the whole thing. if it's an 'all-sober' crew, i'll give you a map, marked so plainly that you can't go wrong. it will be a grand haul, for it was number one scotch even when we planted it there, and since then it has been ageing in wood for something like ten years. i suppose you'll be keen to smuggle your dividend right on down into the 'the great american desert'?" he concluded with a grin. "trust me for that," i replied with a knowing shake of my head. "i didn't spend six months writing up opium smuggling on the china coast for nothing." then i told him the story of the eurasian lady who was fat in amoy and thin in hongkong, and who finally confessed to having smuggled forty pounds of opium, three times a week for five years, in oiled silk hipand bust-pads. "you must have a lot of prime ideas," said the captain admiringly. "you ought to make it easy, especially if you cross the line by boat. how would a false bottom ... but perhaps it would be safer to float it down submerged, with an old shingle-bolt for a buoy, and pick it up afterwards." "or inside my pneumatic mattress," i suggested. "but perhaps it would taste from the rubber." by midnight we had evolved a plan which could not fail, and which was almost without risk. "the stuff's as good as in california," i told myself before i went to sleep--"and enough to pay all the expenses of my trip in case i should care to bootleg it, which i won't." captain armstrong's mention of the steinhoff disaster was not the first i had heard of it. the chap with whom i had talked in kamloops had shown me a photograph of a rude cross that he and his indian companion had erected over steinhoff's grave, and in revelstoke nearly every one who spoke of the bend made some reference to the tragic affair. but here in golden, which had been his home, the spectacularity of his passing seemed to have had an even more profound effect. as with everything else connected with the big bend, however, there was a very evident tendency to dramatize, to "play up," the incident. i heard many different versions of the story, but there was one part, the tragic finale, in which they all were in practical agreement. when his canoe broke loose from its line, they said, and shot down toward the big whirlpool at the foot of the second cataract of surprise rapids, steinhoff, realizing that there was no chance of the light craft surviving the maelstrom, coolly turned round, waved farewell to his companions on the bank, and, folding his arms, went down to his death. canoe and man were sucked completely out of sight, never to be seen again until the fragments of the one and the battered body of the other were cast up, weeks later, many miles below. it was an extremely effective story, especially as told by the local member in the b. c. provincial assembly, who had real histrionic talent. but somehow i couldn't quite reconcile the nirvanic resignation implied by the farewell wave and the folded arms with the never-say-die, cat-with-nine-lives spirit i had come to associate with your true swift-water boatman the world over. i was quite ready to grant that the big sockdolager of a whirlpool below the second pitch of surprise rapids was a real all-day and all-night sucker, but the old river hand who gave up to it like the kentucky coons at the sight of davy crockett's squirrel-gun wasn't quite convincing. that, and the iterated statement that steinhoff's canoe-mate, who was thrown into the water at the same time, won his way to the bank by walking along the bottom _beneath_ the surface, had a decidedly steadying effect on the erratic flights to which my fancy had been launched by big bend yarns generally. there had been something strangely familiar in them all, and finally it came to me--chinese _feng-shui_ generally, and particularly the legends of the sampan men of the portage villages along the ichang gorges of the yangtze. the things the giant dragon lurking in the whirlpools at the foot of the rapids would do to the luckless ones he got his back-curving teeth into were just a slightly different way of telling what the good folk of golden claimed the big bend would do to the hapless wights who ventured down its darksome depths. now that i thought of it in this clarifying light, there had been "dragon stuff" bobbing up about almost every stretch of rough water i had boated. mostly it was native superstition, but partly it was small town pride--pride in the things their "dragon" had done, and would do. human nature--yes, and river rapids, too--are very much the same the world over, whether on the yangtze, brahmaputra or upper columbia. that brought the big bend into its proper perspective. i realized that it was only water running down hill after all. possibly it was faster than anything i had boated previously, and certainly--excepting the yukon perhaps--colder. a great many men had been drowned in trying to run it; but so had men been drowned in duck-ponds. but many men had gone round without disaster, and that would i do, _imshallah_. i always liked that pious arab qualification when speaking of futurities. later i applied the name--in fancy--to the skiff in which i made the voyage down the lower river. yes, undoubtedly the most of the yarns and the warnings were "dragon stuff" pure and simple, but romance remained. a hundred miles of river with possible treasure lurking in every eddy, and one place where it _had_ to be! i felt as i did the first time i read "treasure island," only more so. for that i had only _read_, and now i was going to search for myself--yes, and i was going to find, too. it was a golden sunset in more ways than one the evening before i was to leave for the upper river. barred and spangled and fluted with liquid, lucent gold was the sky above hills that were themselves golden with the tints of early autumn. and in the northwest there was a flush of rose, old rose that deepened and glowed in lambent crimson where a notch between the selkirks and rockies marked the approximate location of historic boat encampment. "great things have happened at boat encampment," i told myself, "and its history is not all written." then: "sixteen paces northwest by compass from the foundation of the west tower of the abandoned cable ferry...." several times during dinner that evening i had to check myself from humming an ancient song. "what's that about, '_yo, ho, ho and a bottle of rum_'?" queried the mackinaw drummer from winnipeg who sat next me. "i thought you were from the states. i don't quite see the point." "it's just as well you don't," i replied, and was content to let it go at that. chapter ii up horse thief creek when i started north from los angeles toward the end of august chester, held up for the moment by business, was hoping to be able to shake free so as to arrive on the upper columbia by the time i had arrangements for the big bend voyage complete. we would then go together to the lake of the hanging glaciers before embarking on the bend venture. luck was not with him, however. the day i was ready to start on up river from golden i received a wire stating that he was still indefinitely delayed, and that the best that there was now any chance of his doing would be to join me for the bend. he had ordered his cameraman to windermere, where full directions for the trip to the glaciers awaited him. he hoped i would see fit to go along and help with the picture, as some "central figure" besides the guides and packers would be needed to give the "story" continuity. i replied that i would be glad to do the best i could, and left for lake windermere by the next train. few movie stars have ever been called to twinkle upon shorter notice. one is usually told that the source of the columbia is in canal flats, a hundred and fifty miles above golden, and immediately south of a wonderfully lovely mountain-begirt lake that bears the same name as the river. this is true in a sense, although, strictly speaking, the real source of the river--the one rising at the point the greatest distance from its mouth--would be the longest of the many mountain creeks which converge upon columbia lake from the encompassing amphitheatre of the rockies and selkirks. this is probably dutch creek, which rises in the perpetual snow of the selkirks and sends down a roaring torrent of grey-green glacier water into the western side of columbia lake. scarcely less distant from the mouth of the columbia are the heads of toby and horse thief creeks, both of which bring splendid volumes of water to the mother river just below lake windermere. it was the presence of the almost totally unknown lake of the hanging glaciers near the head of the horse thief creek watershed that was responsible for chester's determination to carry his preliminary explorations up to the latter source of the columbia rather than to one slightly more remote above the upper lake. we had assurance that a trail, upon which work had been in progress all summer, would be completed by the middle of september, so that it would then be possible for the first time to take pack-horses and a full moving-picture outfit to one of the rarest scenic gems on the north american continent, the lake of the hanging glaciers. to get the first movies of what is claimed to be the only lake in the world outside of the polar regions that has icebergs perpetually floating upon its surface was the principal object of chester in directing his outfit up horse thief creek. my own object was to reach one of the several points where the columbia took its rise in the glacial ice, there to do a right-about and start upon my long-dreamed-of journey from snowflake to brine. it is a dozen years or more since one could travel the hundred miles of the columbia between golden and lake windermere by steamer. the comparatively sparse population in this rich but thinly settled region was not sufficient to support both rail and river transport, and with the coming of the former the latter could not long be maintained. two or three rotting hulks on the mud by the old landing at golden are all that remain of one of the most picturesque steamer services ever run, for those old stern-wheelers used to flounder up the columbia to windermere, on through mud and columbia lakes to canal flats, through a log-built lock to the kootenay watershed, and then down the winding canyons and tumbling rapids of that tempestuous stream to jennings, montana. those were the bonanza days of the upper columbia and kootenay--such days as they have never seen since nor will ever see again. i was to hear much of them later from captain armstrong when we voyaged a stretch of the lower river together. there is a train between golden and windermere only three times a week. it is an amiable, ambling "jerk-water," whose conductor does everything from dandling babies to unloading lumber. at one station he held over for five minutes to let me run down to a point where i could get the best light on a "reflection" picture in the river, and at another he ran the whole train back to pick up a basket of eggs which had been overlooked in the rush of departure. the canadian pacific has the happy faculty of being all things to all men. its main line has always impressed me as being the best-run road i have ever travelled on in any part of the world, including the united states. one would hardly characterize its little country feeders in the same words, but even these latter, as the instances i have noted will bear out, come about as near to being run for the accommodation of the travelling public as anything one will ever find. there is not the least need of hurrying this golden-windermere express. it stops over night at invermere anyway, before continuing its leisurely progress southward the next morning. chester's cameraman met me with a car at the station, and we rode a mile to the hotel at invermere, on the heights above the lake. his name was roos, he said--len h. roos of n. y. c. it was his misfortune to have been born in canada, he explained, but he had always had a great admiration for americans, and had taken out his first papers for citizenship. he could manage to get on with canadians in a pinch, he averred further; but as for britishers--no "lime-juicers" for him, with their "g'bly'me's" and afternoon teas. i saw that this was going to be a difficult companion, and took the occasion to point out that, since he was going to be in canada for some weeks, it might be just as well to bottle up his rancour against the land of his birth until he was back on the other side of the line and had completed the honour he intended to do uncle sam by becoming an american citizen. maybe i was right, he admitted thoughtfully; but it would be a hard thing for him to do, as he was naturally very frank and outspoken and a great believer in saying just what he thought of people and things. he was right about being outspoken. he had also rather a glittering line of dogma on the finer things of life. jazz was the highest form of music (he ought to know, for had he not played both jazz and grand opera when he was head drummer of the galt, ontario, town band?); the mack sennett bathing comedy was his _belle ideal_ of kinematic art; and the newspapers of william hearst were the supreme development of journalism. this latter he knew, because he had done camera work for a hearst syndicate himself. i could manage to make a few degrees of allowance for jazz and the mack sennett knockabouts under the circumstances, but the deification of hearst created an unbridgeable gulf. i foresaw that "director" and "star" were going to have bumpy sledding, but also perceived the possibility of comedy elements which promised to go a long way toward redeeming the enforced partnership from irksomeness, that is, if the latter were not too prolonged. that it could run to six or seven weeks and the passage of near to a thousand miles of the columbia without turning both "director" and "star" into actual assassins, i would never have believed. indeed, i am not able to figure out even now how it could have worked out that way. i can't explain it. i merely state the fact. walter nixon, the packer who was to take us "up horse thief," had been engaged by wire a week previously. his outfit had been ready for several days, and he called at the hotel the evening of my arrival to go over the grub list and make definite plans. as there were only two of us, he reckoned that ten horses and two packers would be sufficient to see us through. the horses would cost us two dollars a day a head, and the packers five dollars apiece. the provisions he would buy himself and endeavour to board us at a dollar and a half apiece a man. this footed up to between thirty-five and forty dollars a day for the outfit, exclusive of the movie end. it seemed a bit stiff offhand, but was really very reasonable considering present costs of doing that kind of a thing and the thoroughly first-class service nixon gave us from beginning to end. nixon himself i was extremely well impressed with. he was a fine up-standing fellow of six feet or more, black-haired, black-eyed, broad-shouldered and a swell of biceps and thigh that even his loose-fitting mackinaws could not entirely conceal. i liked particularly his simple rig-out, in its pleasing contrast to the cross-between-a-movie-cowboy-and-a-tyrolean-yodeler garb that has come to be so much affected by the so-called guides at banff and lake louise. like the best of his kind, nixon was quiet-spoken and leisurely of movement, but with a suggestion of powerful reserves of both vocabulary and activity. i felt sure at first sight that he was the sort of a man who could be depended upon to see a thing through whatever the difficulties, and i never had reason to change my opinion on that score. it was arranged that night that nixon should get away with the pack outfit by noon of the next day, and make an easy stage of it to the starbird ranch, at the end of the wagon-road, nineteen miles out from invermere. the following morning roos and i would come out by motor and be ready to start by the time the horses were up and the packs on. that gave us an extra day for exploring windermere and the more imminent sources of the columbia. roos' instructions from chester called for a "windermere picture," in which should be shown the scenic, camping, fishing and hunting life of that region. the scenic and camping shots he had already made; the fish and the game had eluded him. i arrived just in time to take part in the final scurry to complete the picture. the fish to be shown were trout, and the game mountain sheep and goat, or at least that was the way roos planned it at breakfast time. when inquiry revealed that it would take a day to reach a trout stream, and three days to penetrate to the haunts of the sheep and goats, he modified the campaign somewhat to conform with the limited time at our disposal. close at hand in the lake there was a fish called the squaw-fish, which, floundering at the end of a line, would photograph almost like a trout, or so the hotel proprietor thought. and the best of it was that any one could catch them. indeed, at times one had to manoeuvre to keep them from taking the bait that was meant for the more gamy and edible, but also far more elusive, ling or fresh-water cod. as for the game picture, said roos, he would save time by having a deer rounded up and driven into the lake, where he would pursue it with a motor boat and shoot the required hunting pictures. he would like to have me dress like a tourist and do the hunting and fishing. that would break me in to adopting an easy and pleasing manner before the camera, so that a minimum of film would be spoiled when he got down to our regular work on the hanging glacier picture. it wouldn't take long. that was the advantage of "news" training for a cameraman. you could do things in a rush when you had to. mr. clelland, secretary of the windermere company, courteously found us tackle and drove us down to the outlet of the lake to catch the squaw-fish. three hours later he drove us back to the hotel for lunch without one single fragment of our succulent salt-pork bait having been nuzzled on its hook. i lost my "easy and pleasing manner" at the end of the first hour, and roos--who was under rather greater tension in standing by to crank--somewhat sooner. he said many unkind things about fish in general and squaw-fish in particular before we gave up the fight at noon, and i didn't improve matters at all by suggesting that i cut out the picture on a salmon can label, fasten it to my hook, and have him shoot me catching that. there was no sense whatever in the idea, he said. you had to have studio lighting to get away with that sort of thing. he couldn't see how i could advance such a thing seriously. as i had some doubts on that score myself, i didn't start an argument. in the afternoon no better success attended our effort to make the hunting picture,--this because no one seemed to know where a deer could be rounded up and driven into the lake. again i discovered a way to save this situation. on the veranda of the country club there was a fine mounted specimen of _ovis canadensis_, the canadian mountain sheep. by proper ballasting, i pointed out to roos, this fine animal could be made to submerge to a natural swimming depth--say with the head and shoulders just above the water. then a little evinrude engine could be clamped to its hind quarters and set going. forthwith the whole thing must start off ploughing across the lake just like a live mountain sheep. by a little manoeuvring it ought to be possible to shoot at an angle that would interpose the body of the sheep between the eye and the pushing engine. if this proved to be impossible, perhaps it could be explained in a sub-title that the extraneous machinery was a fragment of mowing-machine or something of the kind that the sheep had collided with and picked up in his flight. roos, while admitting that this showed a considerable advance over my salmon-label suggestion of the morning, said that there were a number of limiting considerations which would render it impracticable. i forget what all of these were, but one of them was that our quarry couldn't be made to roll his eyes and register "consternation" and "mute reproach" in the close-ups. i began to see that there was a lot more to the movie game than i had ever dreamed. but what a stimulator of the imagination it was! as there was nothing more to be done about the hunting and fishing shots for the present, we turned our attention to final preparations for what we had begun to call the "hanging glacier picture." roos said it would be necessary to sketch a rough sort of scenario in advance--nothing elaborate like "broken blossoms" or "the perils of pauline" (we hadn't the company for that kind of thing), but just the thread of a story to make the "continuity" ripple continuously. it would be enough, he thought, if i would enact the rôle of a gentleman-sportsman and allow the guides and packers to be just their normal selves. then with these circulating in the foreground, he would film the various scenic features of the trip as they unrolled. all the lot of us would have to do would be to act naturally and stand or lounge gracefully in those parts of the picture where the presence of human beings would be best calculated to balance effectively and harmoniously the composition. i agreed cheerfully to the sportsman part of my rôle, but demurred as to "gentleman." i might manage it for a scene, but for a sustained effort it was out of the question. a compromise along this line was finally effected. i engaged to act as much like a gentleman as i could for the opening shot, after which i was to be allowed to lapse into the seeming of a simple sportsman who loved scenery-gazing more than the pursuit and slaying of goat, sheep and bear. roos observed shrewdly that it would be better to have the sportsman be more interested in scenery than game because, judging from our experience at windermere, we would find more of the former than the latter. he was also encouragingly sympathetic about my transient appearance as a gentleman. "i only want about fifty feet of that," he said as he gave me a propitiating pat on the back; "besides, it's all a matter of clothes anyhow." before we turned in that night it transpired that chester's hope of being the first to show moving pictures of the lake of the hanging glaciers to the world was probably doomed to disappointment, or, at the best, that this honour would have to be shared with an equally ambitious rival. byron harmon, of banff, formerly official photographer for the canadian pacific, arrived at invermere and announced that he was planning to go "up horse thief" and endeavour to film a number of the remarkable scenic features which he had hitherto tried to picture in vain. his schedule was temporarily upset by the fact that we had already engaged the best packtrain and guides available. seasoned mountaineer that he was, however, this was of small moment. a few hours' scurrying about had provided him with a light but ample outfit, consisting of four horses and two men, with which he planned to get away in the morning. he was not in the least perturbed by the fact that roos had practically a day's start of him. "there's room for a hundred cameramen to work up there," he told me genially; "and the more the world is shown of the wonders of the rockies and the selkirks, the more it will want to see. it will be good to have your company, and each of us ought to be of help to the other." i had some difficulty in bringing roos to a similarly philosophical viewpoint. his "hearst" training impelled him to brook no rivalry, to beat out the other man by any means that offered. he had the better packtrain, he said, to say nothing of a day's start. also, he had the only dynamite and caps available that side of golden, so that he would have the inside track for starting avalanches and creating artificial icebergs in the lake of the hanging glaciers. i would like to think that it was my argument that, since it was not a "news" picture he was after, the man who took the most time to his work would be the one to get the best results, was what brought him round finally. i greatly fear, however, it was the knowledge that the generous harmon had a number of flares that did the trick. he had neglected to provide flares himself, and without them work in the ice caves--second only in interest to the lake of the hanging glaciers itself--would be greatly circumscribed. at any rate, he finally agreed to a truce, and we took harmon out to the end of the road in our car the following morning. of the latter's really notable work in picturing the mountains of western canada i shall write later. the horses were waiting, saddled and packed, as we drove up to the rendezvous. the packer was a powerfully built fellow, with his straight black hair and high cheek bones betokening a considerable mixture of indian blood. his name was buckman--jim buckman. he was the village blacksmith of athalmere, nixon explained. he was making plenty of money in his trade, but was willing to come along at a packer's wage for the sake of the experience as an actor. the lure of the movies was also responsible for the presence of nixon's fourteen-year-old son, gordon, who had threatened to run away from home if he wasn't allowed to come along. he proved a useful acquisition--more than sufficiently so, it seemed to me, to compensate for what he did to the jam and honey. roos called us around him and gave instructions for the "business" of the opening shot. nixon and jim were to be "picked up" taking the last of the slack out of a "diamond hitch," gordon frolicking in the background with his dog. when the car drove up, nixon was to take my saddle horse by the bridle, walk up and shake hands with me. then, to make the transition from civilization to the primitive (movie people never miss a chance to use that word) with a click, i was to step directly from the car into my stirrups. "get me!" admonished roos; "straight from the running board to the saddle. don't touch the ground at all. make it snappy, all of you. i don't want any of you to grow into 'foot-lice.'" my saddle horse turned out to be a stockily-built grey of over 1200 pounds. he looked hard as nails and to have no end of endurance. but his shifty eye and back-laid ears indicated temperamentality, so that nixon's warning that he "warn't exactly a lady's hawss" was a bit superfluous. "when you told me you tipped the beam at two-forty," he said, "i know'd 'grayback' was the only hawss that'd carry you up these trails. so i brung him in, and stuffed him up with oats, and here he is. he may dance a leetle on his toes jest now, but he'll gentle down a lot by the end of a week." whether "grayback" mastered all of the "business" of that shot or not is probably open to doubt, but that he took the "make it snappy!" part to heart there was no question. he came alongside like a lamb, but the instant i started to make my transition from "civilization to the primitive with a click" he started climbing into the car. the only click i heard was when my ear hit the ground. roos couldn't have spoiled any more film than i did cuticle, but, being a "director," he made a good deal more noise about it. after barking his hocks on the fender, "grayback" refused to be enticed within mounting distance of the car again, so finally, with a comparatively un-clicky transition from civilization to the primitive, i got aboard by the usual route from the ground. the next shot was a quarter of a mile farther up the trail. here roos found a natural sylvan frame through which to shoot the whole outfit as it came stringing along. unfortunately, the "director" failed to tell the actors not to look at the camera--that, once and for all, the clicking box must be reckoned as a thing non-existent--and it all had to be done over again. the next time it was better, but the actors still had a wooden expression on their faces. they didn't look at the camera, but the expression on their faces showed that they were conscious of it. roos then instructed me to talk to my companions, or sing, or do anything that would take their minds off the camera and make them appear relaxed and natural. that time we did it famously. as each, in turn, cantered by the sylvan bower with its clicking camera he was up to his neck "doing something." nixon was declaiming lincoln's gettysburg speech as he had learned it from his phonograph, gordon was calling his dog, jim was larruping a straggling pinto and cursing it in fluent local idiom, and i was singing "onward, christian soldiers!" we never had any trouble about "being natural" after that; but i hope no lip reader ever sees the pictures. after picking up roos and his camera we made our real start. one pack-horse was reserved for the camera and tripod, and to prevent him from ranging from the trail and bumping the valuable apparatus against trees or rocks, his halter was tied to the tail of nixon's saddle animal. except that the latter's spinal column must have suffered some pretty severe snakings when the camera-carrier went through corduroy bridges or lost his footings in fords, the arrangement worked most successfully. the delicate instrument was not in the least injured in all of the many miles it was jogged over some of the roughest trails i have ever travelled. the sunshine by which the last of the trail shots was made proved the parting glimmer of what had been a month or more of practically unbroken fair weather. indeed, the weather had been rather too fine, for, toward the end of the summer, lack of rain in western canada invariably means forest fires. as these had been raging intermittently for several weeks all over british columbia, the air had become thick with smoke, and at many places it was impossible to see for more than a mile or two in any direction. both roos and harmon had been greatly hampered in their work about banff and lake louise by the smoke, and both were, therefore, exceedingly anxious for early and copious rains to clear the air. otherwise, they said, there was no hope of a picture of the lake of the hanging glaciers that would be worth the film it was printed on. they must have rain. their prayer was about to be answered, in full measure, pressed down and running over--and then some. we had been encountering contending currents of hot and cold air all the way up the wagon-road from invermere and the lower valley. now, as we entered the mountains, these became more pronounced, taking the form of scurrying "dust-devils" that attacked from flank and van without method or premonitory signal. the narrowing gorge ahead was packed solid with a sullen phalanx of augmenting clouds, sombre-hued and sagging with moisture, and frequently illumined with forked lightning flashes discharged from their murky depths. nixon, anxious to make camp before the storm broke, jogged the horses steadily all through the darkening afternoon. it was a point called "sixteen-mile" he was driving for, the first place we would reach where there was room for the tent and feed for the horses. we were still four miles short of our destination when the first spatter of ranging drops opened up, and from there on the batteries of the storm concentrated on us all the way. we made camp in a rain driving solidly enough to deflect the stroke of an axe. i shall not enlarge upon the acute discomfort of it. those who have done it will understand; those who have not would never be able to. it was especially trying on the first day out, before the outfit had become shaken down and one had learned where to look for things. nixon's consummate woodcraftsmanship was put to a severe test, but emerged triumphant. so, too, jim, who proved himself as impervious to rain as to ill-temper. the fir boughs for the tent floor came in dripping, of course, but there were enough dry tarpaulins and blankets to blot up the heaviest of the moisture, and the glowing little sheet-iron stove licked up the rest. a piping hot dinner drove out the last of the chill, and we spent a snug, comfy evening listening to nixon yarn about his mountaineering exploits and of the queer birds from new york and london whom he had nursed through strange and various intervals of moose and sheep-hunting in the kootenays and rockies. we slept dry but rather cold, especially roos, who ended up by curling round the stove and stoking between shivers. nixon and jim drew generously on their own blanket rolls to help the both of us confine our ebbing animal heat, and yet appeared to find not the least difficulty in sleeping comfortably under half the weight of cover that left us shaking. it was all a matter of what one was used to, of course, and in a few days we began to harden. it was september tenth that we had started from invermere, hoping at the time to be able to accomplish what we had set out to do in from four to six days. the rain which had come to break the long dry spell put a very different face on things, however. the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth we were held in our first camp by an almost continuous downpour, which turned the mountain streams into torrents and raised horse thief till it lapped over the rim of the flat upon which our tent was pitched. the night of the thirteenth, with a sharp drop of the temperature, the rain turned to snow, and we crawled out on the fourteenth to find the valley under a light blanket of white. then the clouds broke away and the sunshine and shadows began playing tag over the scarps and buttresses of the encompassing amphitheatre of mountains. for the first time there was a chance for a glimpse of the new world into which we had come. the transition from the cultivation and the gentle wooded slopes of windermere was startling. under the mask of the storm clouds we had penetrated from a smooth, rounded, pleasant country to one that was cliffy and pinnacled and bare--a country that was all on end, a land whose bones showed through. a towering matterhorn reared its head six or eight thousand feet above us, and so near that slabs of rock cracked away from its scarred summit were lying just across the trail from the tent. the peaks walling in horse thief to the north were not so high but no less precipitous and barren, while to the west a jumble of splintered pinnacles whose bases barred the way were still lost in the witch-dance of the clouds. a tourist folder would have called it a "land of titans," but jim, leaning on his axe after nicking off a fresh back-log for the camp fire, merely opined it was "some skookum goat country. but not a patch," he added, "to what we'll be hittin' to-night if we get them _geesly_ hawsses rounded up in time fer a start 'fore noon." it appeared that the horses, with their grazing spoiled by the snow, had become restless, broken through the barrier nixon had erected at a bridge just below camp, and started on the back trail for invermere. as their tracks showed that they had broken into a trot immediately beyond the bridge, it looked like a long stern-chase, and nixon did not reckon on being able to hit the trail for several hours. roos grasped the occasion to make a couple of "camp life" shots his fertile brain had conceived the idea of during the long storm-bound days of enforced inaction. in one of these the "sportsman" was to go to bed in silhouette by candlelight. ostensibly this was to be the shadow of a man crawling into his blankets _inside_ of the tent, and taken from the outside. in reality, however, roos set up his camera _inside_ of the tent and shot the antics of the shadow the sunlight threw on the canvas when i went through the motions of turning in close against the _outside_ of the wall. this went off smartly and snappily; but i would have given much for a translation of the voluble comments of a passing indian who pulled up to watch the agile action of the retiring "sportsman." it was while roos was rehearsing me for this shot that gordon must have heard him iterating his invariable injunction that i should not be a "foot-hog," meaning, i shall hardly need to explain, that i should be quick in my movements so as not to force him to use an undue footage of film. a little later i overheard the boy asking jim what a "foot-hog" was. "i don't quite _kumtrux_ myself," the sturdy blacksmith-packer replied, scratching his head. "it sounds as if it might be suthin like pig's feet, but they want actin' as if they wuz ready to eat anythin', 'less it was each other." now that i think of it, i can see how the clash of the artistic temperaments of "director" and "star" over just about every one of the shots they made might have given jim that impression. [illustration: the "turning-in" scene shot in silhouette (_above_)] [illustration: "reverse" of the "going-to-bed" shot (_below_)] [illustration: on the horse thief trail] [illustration: a dead-fall on the trail] the other shot we made that morning was one which roos had labelled as "berry picking and eating" in his tentative scenario. the "sportsman" was to fare forth, gather a bowlful of raspberries, bring them back to camp, put sugar and condensed milk on them, and finally eat them, all before the camera. i objected to appearing in this for two reasons: for one, because berry-picking was not a recognized out-door sport, and, for another, because i didn't like raspberries. roos admitted that berry-picking was not a sport, but insisted he had to have the scene to preserve his continuity. "gathering and eating these products of nature," he explained, "shows how far the gentleman you were in the first scene has descended toward the primitive. you will be getting more and more primitive right along, but we must register each step on the film, see?" as for my distaste for raspberries, roos was quite willing that, after displaying the berries heaped in the bowl in a close-up, i should do the real eating with strawberry jam. it was that last which overcame my spell of "temperament." both roos and gordon already had me several pots down in the matter of jam consumption, and i was glad of the chance to climb back a notch. we found raspberry bushes by the acre but, thanks to the late storm, almost no berries. this didn't matter seriously in the picking shot, for which i managed to convey a very realistic effect in pantomime, but for the heaped-high close-up of the bowl it was another matter. one scant handful was the best that the four of us, foraging for half an hour, could bring in. but i soon figured a way to make these do. opening a couple of tins of strawberry jam into the bowl, i rounded over smoothly the bright succulent mass and then made a close-set raspberry mosaic of one side of it. that did famously for the close-up. as i settled back for the berry-eating shot roos cut in sharply with his usual: "snappy now! don't be a foot-hog!" gordon, who had been digging his toe into the mud for some minutes, evidently under considerable mental stress, lifted his head at the word. "hadn't you better say 'jam-hog', mr. roos?" he queried plaintively. "i'm afraid it wouldn't be any use," was the dejected reply. roos was right. at the word "action!" i dug in with my spoon on the unpaved side of the bowl of jam, and several turns before the crank ceased revolving there was nothing left but a few daubed raspberries and several broad red smears radiating from my mouth. roos tossed the two empty jam tins into the murky torrent of horse thief creek and watched them bob away down stream. "you're getting too darn primitive," he said peevishly. it was nearly eleven o'clock before nixon came with the horses; but we had camp struck and the packs made, so there was little delay in taking the trail. the bottom of the valley continued fairly open for a few miles, with the swollen stream serpentining across it, turned hither and thither by huge logjams and fortress-like rock islands. where the north fork came tumbling into the main creek in a fine run of cascades there was a flat several acres in extent and good camping ground. immediately above the valley narrowed to a steep-sided canyon, and continued so all the way up to the snow and glacier-line. the trail from now on was badly torn and washed and frequently blocked with dead-falls. or rather it had been so blocked up to a day or two previously. now i understood the reason for nixon's complaisance when harmon's outfit, travelling in the rain, had passed our camp a couple of days before. "don't worry, sonny," he had said in comforting the impetuous roos; "we won't lose any time, and we will save a lot of chopping." and so it had worked out. harmon's men had cut the dead-falls out of the whole twelve miles of trail between north fork and the dragon-tail glacier. even so it was a beastly stretch of trail. the stream, completely filling the bottom of the gorge, kept the path always far up the side of the mountain. there were few dangerous precipices, but one had always to be on the lookout to keep his head from banging on dead-falls just high enough to clear a pack, and which, therefore, no one would take the trouble to cut away. the close-growing shrubbery was dripping with moisture, and even riding second to nixon, who must have got all the worst of it, i found myself drenched at the end of the first half mile. riding through wet underbrush can wet a man as no rain ever could. no waterproof ever devised offers the least protection against it; nothing less than a safe deposit vault on wheels could do so. streams, swollen by the now rapidly melting snow, came tumbling down--half cataract, half cascade--all along the way. at the worst crossings these had been roughly bridged, as little footing for men or horses was afforded by the clean-swept rock. only one crossing of the main stream was necessary. it was a good natural ford at low water, but quite out of the question to attempt at high. we found it about medium--a little more than belly deep and something like an eight-mile current. with a foot more water it would have commenced to get troublesome; with another two feet, really dangerous. that prospect, with the rapidly rising water, was reserved for our return trip. such a road was, of course, wonderfully picturesque and colourful, and roos, with a quick eye for an effective composition, made the most of his opportunities for "trail shots." a picture of this kind, simple enough to look at on the screen, often took half an hour or more to make. the finding of a picturesque spot on the trail was only the beginning. this was useless unless the light was right and a satisfactory place to set up the tripod was available. when this latter was found, more often than not a tree or two had to be felled to open up the view to the trail. then--as the party photographed had to be complete each time, and with nothing to suggest the presence of the movie camera or its operator--roos' saddle horse and the animal carrying his outfit had to be shuttled along out of line and tied up where they would not get in the picture. this was always a ticklish operation on the narrow trails, and once or twice the sheer impossibility of segregating the superfluous animals caused roos to forego extremely effective shots. the mountains became higher and higher, and steeper and steeper, the farther we fared. and the greater the inclines, the more and more precarious was the hold of the winter's snow upon the mountainsides. at last we climbed into a veritable zone of avalanches--a stretch where, for a number of miles, the deep-gouged troughs of the snow-slides followed each other like the gullies in a rain-washed mudbank. slide-time was in the spring, of course, so the only trouble we encountered was in passing over the terribly violated mountainsides. if the trail came to the track of an avalanche far up on the mountainside, it meant descending a cut-bank to the scoured bedrock, click-clacking along over this with the shod hooves of the horses striking sparks at every step for a hundred yards or more, and then climbing out again. if the path of the destroyer was encountered low down, near the river, the way onward led over a fifty-feet-high pile of upended trees, boulders and sand. in nearly every instance one could see where the slides had dammed the stream a hundred feet high or more, and here and there were visible swaths cut in the timber of the further side, where the buffer of the opposite mountain had served to check the onrush. the going for the horses was hard at all times, but worst perhaps where the dam of a slide had checked the natural drainage and formed a bottomless bog too large for the trail to avoid. here the hard-blown animals floundered belly deep in mud and rotten wood, as did also their riders when they had to slide from the saddles to give their mounts a chance to reach a solid footing. the polished granite of the runways of the slide was almost as bad, for here the horses were repeatedly down from slipping. my air-treading, toe-dancing "grayback" of the morning was gone in the back and legs long before we reached the end. my weight and the pace (nixon was driving hard to reach a camping place before a fresh gathering of storm clouds were ready to break) had proved too much for him. the fighting light was gone from his eye, his head was between his legs, and his breath was expelled with a force that seemed to be scouring the lining from his bleeding nostrils. dropping back to slacken his girths and breathe him a moment before leading him up the last long run of zigzags, i heard the sobbing _diminuendo_ of the packtrain die out in the sombre depths above. it was like the shudder of sounds that rise through a blow-hole where the sea waves are pounding hard on the mouth of a subterranean grotto. i had developed a warm and inclusive sympathy for "grayback" before i reached the crest of that final shoulder of mountain we had to surmount, but lost most of it on the slide back to the valley when, in lieu of anything else to hand as he found himself slipping, he started to canter up my spine. i found nixon and jim throwing off packs on a narrow strip of moss-covered bottom between the drop-curtain of the fir-covered mountainside and the bank of the creek. it was practically the only place for a camp anywhere in the closely-walled valley. slide-wreckage claimed all the rest of it. an upward trickle of lilac smoke a half mile above told where harmon's outfit had effected some sort of lodgment, but it was on a _geesly_ slither of wet side-hill, nixon said, and badly exposed to the wind that was always sucking down from the glacier. the moss underfoot was saturated with water, but with an hour of daylight and pines close at hand this was a matter of small moment. we were well under cover by the time the snuffer of the darkness clapped sharply down, and with a good day's supply of wood for stove and camp-fire piled up outside the tent. not having stopped for lunch on the trail, we were all rather "peckish" (to use nixon's expression) by the time dinner was ready. after that there was nothing much to bother about. nixon told goat hunting stories all evening, putting a fresh edge on his axe the while with a little round pocket whetstone. a canadian guide is as cranky about his private and personal axe as a chicago clothing drummer is about his razors. so it was only to be expected that nixon took it a bit hard when roos had employed his keenly whetted implement to crack open a hunk of quartz with. that was the reason, doubtless, why most of his stories had to do with the fool escapades of various of the _geesly_ (that was nixon's favourite term of contempt, and a very expressive one it was) tenderfeet he had guided. but one of his yarns (and i think a true one) was of a time that he was caught by a storm at ten thousand feet in the rockies and had to spend the night on the rocks a mile above the timber-line. lightly dressed and without a blanket, the only protection he had from a temperature many degrees below freezing was from the carcasses of the two freshly-shot goats that had lured him there. splitting these down the middle with his hunting knife, he had covered himself with them, entrails and all, in the hope that the remaining animal heat would keep him alive till daylight. man and goat were frozen to one stiff mass by morning, but the man had still enough vitality to crack himself loose and descend to his camp. the exposure and hardship some of these northwest mountaineers have survived is almost beyond belief. i went to sleep with the sizzle of snowflakes on the dying embers of the camp-fire in my ears, and awoke to find the tent roof sagging down on my ear under the weight of a heavy night's fall. the storm was over for the moment, but the clouds were still lurking ominously above the glacier, and there was little light for pictures. harmon, crossing the several channels of the creek on fallen logs, came over later in the day. he had been storm-bound ever since his arrival, he said, and had done nothing at all in taking either stills or movies yet. but fires and smoke were finished for the year now, he added philosophically, and it was his intention to remain until he got what he was after. before he left he told me something of his work. "stills," it appeared, were the main thing with him; his movie work was carried on merely as a side-line to pay the expenses of trips he could not otherwise afford. he had been photographing in the selkirks and rockies for a dozen years, and he would not be content to rest until the sets of negatives--as nearly perfect as they could be made--of every notable peak and valley of western canada. then he was going to hold a grand exhibition of mountain photographs at banff and retire. the lake of the hanging glaciers was one of the very few great scenic features he had never photographed, and he only hoped he would be able to do it justice. the fine reverence of harmon's attitude toward the mountains that he loved was completely beyond roos' ken. "i never worries about not doing 'em justice--not for a minute. what does worry me is whether or not these cracked up lakes and glaciers are going to turn out worth my coming in to do justice to. get me?" "yes, i think so," replied the veteran with a very patient smile. chapter iii at the glacier snow flurries kept us close to camp all that day. the next one, the sixteenth, was better, though still quite hopeless for movie work. after lunch we set out on foot for the big glacier, a mile above, from which the creek took its life. the clouds still hung too low to allow anything of the mountains to be seen, but one had the feeling of moving in a long narrow tunnel through which a cold jet of air was constantly being forced. a few hundred yards above our camp was a frightful zone of riven trees mixed with gravel and boulders. it was one of the strangest, one of the savagest spots i ever saw. it was the battle ground of two rival avalanches, nixon explained, two great slides which, with the impetus of six or eight thousand feet of run driving uncounted millions of tons of snow and earth, met there every spring in primeval combat. no man had ever seen the fantastic onslaught (for no man could reach that point in the springtime), but it was certain that the remains of it made a mighty dam all the way across the valley. then the creek would be backed up half way to the glacier, when it would accumulate enough power to sweep the obstruction away and scatter it down to the columbia. straight down the respective paths of the rival slides, and almost exactly opposite each other, tumbled two splendid cascades. the hovering storm clouds cut off further view of them a few hundred feet above the valley, but nixon said that they came plunging like that for thousands of feet, from far up into the belt of perpetual snow. the one to the east (which at the moment seemed to be leaping straight out of the heart of a sinister slaty-purple patch of cumulonimbus) drained the lake of the hanging glaciers; that to the west a desolate rock and ice-walled valley which was rimmed by some of the highest summits in the selkirks. our road to the lake would be wet with the spray of the former for a good part of the distance. we were scrambling through a land of snow-slides all the way to the glacier. for the first half mile patches of stunted fir survived here and there, due to being located in the lee of some cliff or other rocky outcrop which served to deflect the springtime onslaughts from above; then all vegetation ceased and nothing but snow-churned and ice-ground rock fragments remained. all along the last quarter of a mile the successive stages of the glacier's retreat were marked by great heaps of pulverized rock, like the tailings at the mouth of a mine. only the face of the glacier and the yawning ice caves were visible under the cloud-pall. the queerly humped uplift of the "dragon" moraine could be dimly guessed in the shifting mists that whirled and eddied in the icy draughts from the caves. our principal object in going up to the grottoes on so inclement a day was to experiment with our dynamite on the ice, with a view to turning our knowledge to practical use in making artificial icebergs for the movies in the lake of the hanging glaciers. selecting what looked like a favourable spot at the base of what seemed a "fracturable" pinnacle of grey-green ice, we dug a three-feet-deep hole with a long-handled chisel, pushed in two sticks of sixty per cent. dynamite, tamped it hard with snow after attaching a lengthy fuse, touched a match to the latter and retired to a safe distance. the result, to put it in roos' latest imported slang, was an "oil can," which connotes about the same thing as fizzle, i took it. there's a deal of kick in two sticks of "sixty per" set off in rock, but here it was simply an exuberant "whouf" after the manner of a blowing porpoise. a jet of soft snow and ice shot up some distance, but the pinnacle never trembled. and the hole opened up was smooth-sided and clean, as if melted out with hot water. not the beginning of a crack radiated from it. jim opined that a slower burning powder might crack ice, but there was certainly no hope of "sixty per" doing the trick. it was evident that we would have to find some other way of making artificial icebergs. we did. we made them of rock. but i won't anticipate. it snowed again in the night, snowed itself out for a while. the following morning it was warm and brilliantly clear, and for the first time there was a chance to see what sort of a place it was to which we had entered. for a space the height and abruptness of the encompassing walls seemed almost appalling; it was more like looking up out of an immeasurably vast crater than from a valley. all around there were thousands of feet of sheer rocky cliff upon which no snow could effect a lodgment; and above these more thousands of feet solid with the glittering green of glacial ice and the polished marble of eternal snow. the jagged patch of sky was a vivid imperial blue, bright and solid-looking like a fragment of rich old porcelain. the morning sun, cutting through the sharp notches between the southeastern peaks, was dappling the snow fields of the western walls in gay splashes of flaming rose and saffron, interspersed with mottled shadows of indigo and deep purple. reflected back to the still shadowed slopes of the eastern walls, these bolder colours became a blended iridescence of amethyst, lemon and pale misty lavender. the creek flowed steely cold, with fluffs of grey-wool on the riffles. the tree patches were black, dead funereal black, throwing back no ray of light from their down-swooping branches. the air was so clear that it seemed almost to have assumed a palpability of its own. one imagined things floating in it; even that it might tinkle to the snip of a finger nail, like a crystal rim. in movies as in hay-making, one has to step lively while the sun shines. this was the first good shooting light we had had, and no time was lost in taking advantage of it. long before the sun had reached the bottom of the valley we were picking our way up toward the foot of the glacier, this time on horseback. early as we had started, the enterprising harmon had been still earlier. he was finishing his shots of the face of the glacier and the mouth of the ice caves as we came up. he would now leave the field clear for roos for an hour, he said, while he climbed to the cliffs above the glacier to make a goat-hunting picture. that finished, he would return and, by the light of his flares both parties could shoot the interior of the ice caves. before starting on his long climb, harmon briefly outlined the scenario of his "goat" picture, part of which had already been shot. two prospectors--impersonated by his guide and packer--having been in the mountains for many weeks without a change of diet, had become terribly sick of bacon. finally, when one of them had disgustedly thrown his plate of it on the ground, even the camp dog, after a contemptuous sniff, had turned his back. he had had no trouble in getting the men to register "disgust," harmon explained, but that "contemptuous sniff" business with the dog was more difficult. after their voracious airedale pup had wolfed three plates of bacon without paying the least heed to the director's attempts to frighten him off at the psychological moment, they had tried thin strips of birch-bark, trimmed to represent curling rashers. even these the hungry canine had persisted in licking, probably because they came from a greasy plate. finally harmon hit upon the expedient of anointing the birch-bark rashers with some of the iodine carried as an antiseptic in the event of cuts and scratches. "if the pup ate it, of course it would die," he explained; "but that would be no more than he deserved in such a case." but the plan worked perfectly. after his first eager lick, the outraged canine had "sniffed contemptuously" at the pungent fumes of the iodine, and then backed out of the picture with a wolfish snarl on his lifted lip. [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff looking toward the entrance of the ice cave] [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff where the hanging glacier is about to fall] then the packer registered "fresh meat hunger" ("cut-in" of a butcher shop to be made later), immediately after which the guide pointed to the cliffs above the camp where some wild goats were frisking. by the aid of his long-distance lens, harmon had shot the goats as they would appear through the binoculars the guide and packers excitedly passed back and forth between them. and now they were going forth to shoot the goats. or rather they were going forth to "shoot" the goats, for these had already been shot with a rifle. in order to avoid loss of time in packing his cumbersome apparatus about over the cliffs, harmon had sent out conrad, his swiss guide, the previous afternoon, with orders to shoot a goat--as fine a specimen as possible--and leave it in some picturesque spot where a re-shooting could be "shot" with the camera when the clouds lifted. the keen-eyed tyrolese had experienced little difficulty in bringing down two goats. one of these--a huge "billy"--he had left at the brink of a cliff a couple of thousand feet above the big glacier, and the other--a half-grown kid--he had brought into camp to cut up for the "meat-guzzling" shots with which guide, packer and canine were to indulge in as a finale. it was a cleverly conceived "nature" picture, one with a distinct "educational" value; or at least it was such when viewed from "behind the camera." roos was plainly jealous over it, but, as he had no goats of his own, and as harmon's goat was hardly likely to be "borrowable" after bouncing on rock pinnacles for a thousand feet, there was nothing to do about it. he would have to make up by putting it over harmon on his "glacier stuff," he said philosophically. and he did; though it was only through the virtuosity of his chief actor. harmon had confined his glacier shots to one of his party riding up over the rocks, and another of it grouped at the entrance of the largest cave and looking in. being an old mountaineer, he was disinclined to take any unnecessary chances in stirring up a racket under hanging ice. roos was new to the mountains, so didn't labour under any such handicap. his idea was to bring the whole outfit right up the middle of the stream and on into the cave. the approach and the entrance into the mouth of the cave were to be shot first from the outside, and then, in silhouette, from the inside. nixon, pointing out that the roof of the cave had settled two or three feet since we were there yesterday and that the heat seemed to be honeycombing all the lower end of the glacier pretty badly, said that he didn't like the idea of taking horses inside, but would do so if it would make a better picture that way. he was quite willing to take chances if there was any reason for it. but what he did object to was trying to take the horses up the middle of the stream over big boulders when it would be perfectly plain to any one who saw the picture that there was comparatively smooth going on either side. "you can easy break a hawss' leg in one of them _geesly_ holes," he complained; "but the loss of a hawss isn't a patch to what i'd feel to have some guy that i've worked with see the pictur' and think i picked that sluiceway as the best way up." roos replied with a rush of technical argument in which there was much about "continuity" and "back-lighting," and something about using the "trick crank so that the action can be speeded up when it's run." not knowing the answer to any of this, nixon finally shrugged his shoulders helplessly and signalled for jim to bring up the horses. there was no need of a "trick crank" to speed up the action in the stream, for that glacial torrent, a veritable cascade, had carried away everything in its course save boulders four or five feet high. nixon, in a bit of a temper, hit the ditch as though he were riding a steeplechase. so did jim and gordon. all three of them floundered through without mishap. "grayback" tried to climb up on the tip of a submerged boulder, slipped with all four feet at once and went over sidewise. i kicked out my stirrups, but hit the water head first, getting considerably rolled and more than considerably wet. to roos' great indignation, this occurred just outside the picture, but he had the delicacy not to ask me to do it over again. taking the horses inside the cave was a distinctly ticklish performance, though there could be no question of its effectiveness as a picture. roos set up a hundred feet in from the fifty-feet-wide, twenty-feet-high mouth and directed us to ride forward until a broad splashing jet of water from the roof blocked our way, and then swing round and beat it out. "beat it out snappy!" he repeated. "get me?" "yep, _i_ got you," muttered nixon; "you're in luck if nothin' else does." the ice that arched above the entrance looked to me like the salt-eaten packing round an ice-cream can as we pushed up and under it. the horses could hardly have noticed this, and it must have been their instincts--their good sound horse-sense--that warned them that a dark hole full of hollow crackings and groanings and the roar of falling water was no place for self-respecting equines to venture. it took a deal of spurring and swearing to force them inside, and most of the linear distance gained was covered in circles on their hind legs. it was old "grayback" whose nerves gave way first; he that started the stampede back to light and sunshine. there was no question but what we "beat it snappy." roos came out rubbing his hands gleefully. "that photographed like a million dollars," he cried with enthusiasm. "now just one thing more...." and forthwith he revealed what had been in his heart ever since he chanced onto that "natural shower bath" in the cave the previous afternoon. no one could deny that it was a natural shower bath. and since it _was_ a natural shower bath, what could be more natural than for some one to take a shower under it? how would nixon feel about trying it? or jim? he admitted that it might be something of a shock, but he was willing to make that all right. would ten dollars be fair? or say twenty? or why not twenty-five? he knew mr. chester didn't reckon cost when it was a question of getting a high class, he might say a unique, picture. now which should it be? nixon, a bit snappily, said his rheumatism put him out of the running, and jim was equally decided. money wouldn't tempt him to go even into the columbia at windermere, let alone a liquid icicle under a glacier. and right then and there i did a thing which roos maintained to the end of our partnership repaid him for all the grief and worry i had caused him to date, and much that was still to accrue. "since i've got to take a bath and dry these wet togs out sooner or later," i said with a great assumption of nonchalance, "perhaps the ice cave will do as well as anywhere else. just promise me you won't spring a flare on the scene, and build a fire to dry my clothes by...." roos was gathering wood for a fire before i finished speaking. as for the flares, harmon had not given him any yet. it was only a silhouette he wanted--but that would show up like a million dollars in the spray and ice. there never had been such a picture; perhaps would never be again. i wasn't joking, was i? and primitive.... "go on and set up," i cut in with. "i'll be there by the time you're ready to shoot. and don't ever let me hear you say primitive again. oh, yes--and you needn't remind me to 'be snappy!' there won't be any trouble on that score. just make sure your lens is fast enough to catch the action." i've had many a plunge overboard off the california coast that shocked me more than that "natural shower bath" did, but never a one with so exhilarant a reaction. stripping off my wet clothes by the fire, i slipped into my big hooded "lammy" coat and hippity-hopped into the cave. roos, set up ten yards inside the splashing jet from the roof, was already standing by to shoot. at his call of "action!" i jumped out of my coat and into the black, unsparkling column of water. there was a sharp sting to the impact, but it imparted nothing of the numbing ache that accompanies immersion in water a number of degrees less cold than this--a feeling which i came later to know only too well on the columbia. nixon had warned me against tempting providence again by making any unnecessary racket in the cave, but it was no use. no one could have the fun that i was having and not holler. it was against nature. whooping like a comanche, i continued my hydro-terpsichorean revel until a muffled "nuff" from roos called a halt. he had come to the end of his roll. i have been in more of a shiver coming out of the adriatic at the lido in august than i was when i ambled back to dry off by the fire and the sunshine. glowing with warmth, i even loafed along with my dressing, as one does at waikiki. "you'd make a fortune pulling the rough stuff in the movies," roos exclaimed, patting me on the back. "you've got everything the real gripping cave-man _has_ to have--size, beef, a suggestion of brutal, elemental force, primitive...." i chucked a burning brand at him and went over to borrow nixon's glass. a shot from far up the cliffs told that harmon's "goat-hunt" was in full cry. the real thrill of the day was about to come off; rather more of a thrill, indeed, than any one was prepared for, harmon included. [illustration: my shower bath in an ice cave] [illustration: warming up after my glacial shower bath] [illustration: ross and harmon. dragon moraine in distance (_above_)] [illustration: the horses in the mouth of the ice cave (_below_)] while we had been filming our "cave stuff" harmon had finished setting the stage for his picture. he had two shots to make--one of his packers firing at the goat at the top of the cliff, and the other of the body of the goat falling to the glacier. conrad, the tyrolean, climbing like a fly, had scaled the face of the cliff and was standing by for the signal to start the goat "falling." the shot which had attracted my attention had been the packer discharging his rifle at the goat, which had been propped up in a life-like position, as though peering down onto the glacier. harmon was still cranking when i got him in focus, while the packer had jumped to his feet and was executing a _pas seul_ evidently intended to convey the impression he had made a hit. a curl of blue smoke from his rifle was still floating in the air. they had contrived that effective little touch by dribbling a bit of melted butter down the barrel before firing. smokeless powder is hardly "tell-tale" enough for movie work. harmon now moved over and set up at the foot of the cliff, apparently to get as near as possible to the point where the goat was going to hit. as the sequel proves, he judged his position to a hair. now he made his signal. i saw the flutter of his handkerchief. the goat gave a convulsive leap, and then shot straight out over the brink of the cliff. from where we stood i could plainly see the useful conrad "pulling the strings," but from where harmon was set up this would hardly show. he was too careful to overlook a point like that in a "nature picture." the white body caromed sharply off a couple of projecting ledges, and then, gathering momentum, began to describe a great parabola which promised to carry it right to the foot of the cliff. i had kept my eyes glued to the glass from the start, but it was nixon's unaided vision which was first to catch the drift of what was impending. "you couldn't drive a six-hawss team 'tween the side o' mista ha'mon's head and the trail in the air that _geesly_ goat's going to make passing by," he said with a calculating drawl. "not so su' you could squeeze a pack-hawss through." then, a couple of seconds later: "no' ev'n a big dawg." and almost immediately: "by gawd, it's going to get him!" and that surely was what it looked like, to every one at least but the calmly cranking harmon. he went on humping his back above the finder, and i could see the even rise and fall of his elbow against the snow. the dot of white had become a streak of grey, and it was the swift augmentation of this in his finder which finally (as he told me later) caused harmon suddenly to duck. to me it looked as if the flying streak had passed right through him, but he was still there at the foot of his tripod after the bolt of wrath, striking the surface of the glacier with a resounding impact, threw up a fountain of pulverized snow and laid still. he was never quite sure whether it was the almost solid cushion of air or a side-swipe from a hoof or horn that joggled the tripod out of true. it was a near squeeze, for the flying body, which must have weighed all of two hundred pounds, was frozen hard as a rock. conrad came staggering down with the remnants of the battered trunk over his shoulders. only the heart and liver were fit to eat. the rest was a sausage of churned meat and bone splinters. there was no question about its fall having limbered it up. the illumination of the cave by the calcium flares was beautiful beyond words to describe, or at least so i was told. the first one was a failure, through the outward draught of air carrying the smoke back onto the cameras. i had set this off in a side gallery, about a hundred yards in from the mouth, with the idea of throwing a sort of concealed back light. foolishly opening my eyes while the calcium was burning, i was completely blinded by the intense glare and did not regain my sight for several minutes. harmon's packer, who held the next flare set off--this time to the leeward of the cameras--had still worse luck. a flake of the sputtering calcium kicked back up his sleeve and inflicted a raw, round burn with half the colours of the spectrum showing in its concentric rings of singed cuticle. the chap displayed astonishing nerve in refusing to relinquish his grip on the handle of the flare and thus ruin the picture. i most certainly would never have done so myself. roos described the glittering ice walls as a "veritable aladdin's cave of jewels," and only regretted that he couldn't have had that lighting on my shower-bath. that night we tried a camp-fire scene by flare. roos set up on the further bank of the side channel of the creek which flowed past the tent. between the door of the tent and the water a hole was dug in such a way that light from it would shine on a group in front of the tent but not on the lens of the camera. the glow from a flare burning in this hole represented the camp-fire. i was supposed to stroll up and tell a jovial story to nixon, jim and gordon, who were to be "picked up" already seated around the fire. i made my entrance very snappily, but, unluckily, the blanket roll upon which i sat down spread out and let me back against the corner of the glowing sheet-iron stove, which was set up just inside the tent opening. seeing i had not rolled out of the picture, roos shouted for me to carry on, as it was the last flare. so, with the reek of burning wool rising behind me, i did carry on, making plausible gestures intended to convey the idea that the bit of comedy was just a humorous piece of by-play of my own. i carried on for something over half a minute. the only circumstance that prevented my carrying on my back the print of the corner of the stove for the rest of my days was the fact that the combined thicknesses of my duffle coat, lumberman's shirt, sweater and heavy woollen undershirt were interposed to absorb the heat. the duffle coat was the worst sufferer, coming out with a bar-sinister branded most of the way through its half inch of pressed brown wool. chapter iv the lake of the hanging glaciers it was now neck-or-nothing with the lake of the hanging glaciers picture. having already been out much longer than we had expected to be, there were left only provisions for two days. nixon had suggested making a hurried trip out and bringing in fresh supplies, but as the time set by chester for his arrival for the big bend trip was already past, i did not feel warranted in prolonging the present jaunt any further. if the morrow was fair all would be well; if not, the main object of our trip would be defeated. by great good luck the clear weather held. there was not a cloud hovering above the mountains at daybreak the following morning, and we got away for an early start to make the most of our opportunity. nixon himself had run and cut out the trail to the lake earlier in the summer, but horses had never been taken over it. though it was extremely steep in pitches, our maiden passage was marked with few difficulties. much to nixon's surprise and satisfaction, only one big dead-fall had been thrown down to block the way, and our enforced halt here gave roos the opportunity for a very effective "trail shot." he also got some striking "back-lighting stuff" at spots along the interminable cascade that was tumbling and bounding beside the trail. the elevation of our camp on the creek was something like six thousand feet, and that of the lake of the hanging glaciers a bit under eight thousand. the trail is between three and four miles long, and we were rather over two hours in making the climb. there were several halts out of this; steady plugging would do it much quicker. timber-line was passed half a mile below the lake, the last of the trees being left behind in a wonderful little mountain park studded with gnarled pines and still bright with late wild flowers. the autumn colouring here was a marvellous chromatic revel in dull golds and soft, subdued browns--the shedding tamaracks and the dying meadow grasses. clambering on foot up a steep-sided hillock that appeared to be an ancient glacial moraine augmented by many slides, we suddenly found ourselves on the edge of the high-water level of the lake. the transition from the flower-strewn meadow to a region of almost arctic frigidity was practically instantaneous--the matter of a half dozen steps. one moment we were climbing in a cliff-walled valley, with rocky buttresses and pinnacles soaring for thousands of feet on either side, and with brown-black gravel and thinning brown-grey bunch grass under foot and ahead; the next, as we gained the crest of the old terminal moraine, the landscape opened up with a blinding flash and we were gazing at a sparkling emerald lake clipped in the embrace of an amphitheatre of glaciers and eternal snow, and floating full of icebergs and marble-mottled shadows. the "hanging glacier"--perhaps a mile wide across its face, and rearing a solid wall of ice a couple of hundred feet in the sheer--closed the further or southeastern end of the lake. behind the glacier was a cliff of two thousand feet or more in height. it appeared to be almost solid ice and snow, but must have been heavily underlaid with native rock to maintain its abruptness as it did. higher still a snow-cap, bright and smooth as polished marble, extended to the crest of the range and formed a glittering line against the cobalt of the sky. of all the scenic gems of the north american continent, i recall none which is so well entitled to the characterization of "unique" as this white-flaming little jewel of the high selkirks. the lake was now rapidly receding to its winter low-water level, and to reach its brink we had to press on across three hundred yards of black boulders which were evidently covered in the time of the late spring floods. ordinarily one would have expected the worst kind of rough and slippery walking here, but, to my great surprise, the great rocks were set as solid and as level as a pavement of mosaic. the reason for this became plain when we approached the water, where a flotilla of small icebergs, rising and falling to the waves kicked up by the brisk breeze drawing down the lake, were steadily thump-thumping the bottom with dull heavy blows which could be felt underfoot a hundred yards away. this natural tamping, going on incessantly during the months of high-water, was responsible for the surprising smoothness of the rocky waste uncovered by the winter recession. the great boulders had literally been hammered flat. the icebergs, which were formed by the cracking off of the face of the great glacier filled half of the lake. they varied in size from almost totally submerged chunks a few feet in diameter to huge floating islands of several hundred. they were of the most fantastic shapes, especially those which had been longest adrift and therefore most exposed to the capricious action of the sun. by and large, the effect was that of a gargantuan bowl sprinkled with puffy white popcorn. but if one took his time and searched carefully enough there were very few things of heaven or earth that were not represented in the amazing collection. one berg, floating on another, had been reduced by the sun to the seeming of a gigantic view camera--box, bellows and lens. a number of famous groups of statuary were there, but of course very much in the rough. "the thinker" was perhaps the best of these, but even rodin would have wanted to do a bit more "finishing" on the glacial cave-man humped up on his icy green pedestal. roos, who had never heard of rodin, said it reminded him of me drying out after my shower-bath in the ice-cave. his facile imagination also discovered something else. he had once seen a picture of "lohengrin's farewell" in a victrola record price-list, and there was a much sun-licked hunk of ice, very near the shore, which suggested the barge to him, swans and all. i saw the barge all right, but the pegasus of my imagination had to have some spurring before he would take the "swan" hurdle. [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff looking across the lake of the hanging glaciers] [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff the lake of the hanging glaciers, taken from the ice walls, looking north] it was roos' idea that i should swim off, clamber over the side of the barge, lassoo the "near" swan with a piece of pack-rope to represent reins, and let him shoot me as "lohengrin." it wouldn't exactly run into the "continuity" of the "sportsman" picture, he admitted; but he thought that chester might use it, with a lot of other odds and ends, under some such title as "queer people in queer places." the idea appealed to me strongly. "lohengrin's farewell" had always moved me strangely; and here was a chance actually to appear in the classic rôle! "you bet i'll do it," i assented readily. "what shall i wear?" the "shining armour," which we both seemed to connect with "lohengrin," happened to be one of the things not brought up in our saddle-bags that morning. we were in a hot discussion as to the best manner of improvising a helmet and cuirass out of condensed milk and sardine tins, when nixon, asking if we knew that the sun only shone about three hours a day in that "_geesly_ crack in the hills," dryly opined that we should take our pictures of the lake while there was plenty of light. that sounded sensible, and we started feverishly to hurry through with the routine grind so as to be free to do proper justice to "lohengrin." as fate would have it, however, that which was presently revealed to me of the ways of fresh-water icebergs quenched effectually my desire to swim off and take liberties with the capricious things at close quarters. after making a number of scenic shots, roos announced that he was ready to go ahead with the "falling iceberg" stuff. as it was quite out of the question making our way along the base of the cliffs on either side of the lake to the face of the glacier in the limited time at our disposal, and, moreover, as we had already demonstrated the impossibility of making artificial icebergs with "sixty per" dynamite, it became necessary to improvise something closer at hand. it was roos' idea that a piece of cliff cracked off into the lake might produce the effect desired, especially if "cut" with discrimination. "here's the way it goes," he explained. "the cracked off rock plunks down into the lake right into the middle of a bunch of floating icebergs. i starts cranking at the splash, and with the bergs all rolling about and bumping into each other no one can tell but what it was one of them that really started it. then i'll pick you up hopping up and down on the bank and registering 'surprise' and 'consternation'; and then follow with a close-up of you standing on that high rock, looking down on the quieting waves with folded arms. now you register 'relief' and finally a sort of 'awed wonder.' then you take a big breath and raise your eyes to the face of the glacier. you keep right on registering 'awed wonder' (only more intense) and as i fade you out you shake your head slowly as if the mighty mysteries of nature were beyond your understanding. get me? they ought to colour the film for that dark blue in the laboratory (i could tell 'em just the solution to make that ice look cold), and the sub-title ought to be 'the birth of an iceberg,' and...." "jim's the midwife, is he?" i cut in. "yes, i get you. tell him to uncork some of that 'sixty per' 'twilight sleep' of his and i'll stand by for the christening." after a careful technical examination of the terrain, jim, chief "powder monkey," located what he thought was a favourable spot for operations and started to enlarge a thin crack in the cliff to make it take five sticks of dynamite. that was more than half of our remaining stock; but roos was insisting on a big iceberg, and plenty of powder was the best way to insure success. it must have been the tamping that was at the bottom of the trouble, for moss and damp earth are hardly solid enough to deflect the kick of the dynamite in the desired direction. at any rate, although there was a roaring detonation, the mighty force released was expended outward rather than inward. the face of the cliff hardly shivered, and only an inconsiderable trickle of broken rocks and sand slid down into the lake. too sore to take more than hostile notice of nixon's somewhat rough and ready little _mot_ about the "'birth o' the iceberg' turning out a _geesly_ miscarriage," roos clapped the cap over his lens, unscrewed the crank and began taking his camera off its tripod. that rather hasty action was responsible for his missing by a hair what i am certain was the greatest opportunity ever presented to a moving picture operator to film one of the most stupendous of nature's manifestations. the roar of the detonating dynamite reverberated for half a minute or more among the cliffs and peaks, and it was just after the last roll had died out that a renewed rumble caused me to direct a searching gaze to the great wall of ice and snow that towered above the farther end of the lake. for an instant i could not believe my eyes. it could not be possible that the whole mountainside was toppling over! and yet that was decidedly the effect at a first glance. from the rim of the snow-cap down to the back of the glacier--a mile wide and two thousand feet high--there was one solid, unbroken niagara of glittering, coruscant ice and snow. like a curtain strung with diamonds and pearls and opals it streamed, while the shower of flaming colours was reflected in the quivering waters of the lake in fluttering scarves of sun-shot scarlet, in tenuous ribbons of lavender, jade and primrose. it was only when the last shreds of this marvellous banner had ceased to stream (at the end of thirty or forty seconds perhaps) that i saw what it was that had caused it. the whole hair-poised brink of the great snow-cap--sharply jolted, doubtless, by the explosion of the dynamite--had cracked away and precipitated itself to the glacier level, nearly half a mile below. the shock to the latter appeared to have had the effect of jarring it sufficiently to crack down great blocks all along its face. the glacier had, in fact, been shocked into giving birth to a whole litter of real icebergs where, nearer at hand, we had failed dismally in our efforts to incubate even an artificial one. as glacial obstetricians it appeared that we still had much to learn. roos made a great effort to get his camera set up again in time to make it record something of the wonderful spectacle. he was just too late, however. only a few thin trickles of snow were streaking the face of the cliff when he finally swung his powerful tele-photo lens upon it, and even these had ceased before he had found his focus. it was no end of a pity. i saw several of the great _valangas_ started by the austrian and italian artillery in the dolomites, and, previous to that, what i had thought were very considerable slides on aconcagua and chimborazi, in the andes, and on kinchinjunga and among the hanging ice-fields above the zoji-la in the himalayas. but any half dozen of the greatest of these would have been lost in that mighty avalanche of ice and snow that we saw descend above the lake of the hanging glaciers. nixon, with a lifetime spent in the selkirks and rockies, said he had never seen anything to compare with it. jim, reporting that he still had three sticks of dynamite in hand, said he reckoned there might be a better chance of starting an "iceberg" on the southern side of the lake than on the northern one, where we had failed to accomplish anything. the southern slope was even more precipitous than the northern, he pointed out, and he had his eye on a rock which looked as if a charge might turn it over and start it rolling. "you never can tell what you may be startin' among a bunch o' tiltin' rocks like them 'uns," he said hopefully. nixon's muttered "that ain't no _geesly_ hooch dream" might have meant several things; but i took it that he intended to imply that there was too much "unstable equilibrium" along that southern shore to make it the sort of a place that a neurasthenic would seek out for a rest cure. i felt the same way about it, only more so; but roos' disappointment over what he had already missed was so keen that neither of us had the heart to interpose any objections when he told jim to go ahead and see what he could do. as two sticks of dynamite were already promised to harmon, the trick, if it came off, would have to be pulled with one. spitting tobacco juice on the taffy-like cylinder for luck, jim clambered off up the cliff and planted it under his "likely rock," roos meantime setting up in a favourable position below. [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff the face of the hanging glacier] [illustration: courtesy of byron harmon, banff where my party foregathered with harmon's on the shore of the lake of the hanging glacier] whether jim's "tobaccanalian libation" had anything to do with it or not, this time luck was with us. the sharp blast kicked jim's rock up on one ear, where it teetered for a second or two indecisively before rolling over sidewise and coming down kerplump on a huge twenty-ton cube of basalt that no one would have thought of moving with a barrel of giant. it wasn't so much what the little rock did as the way it did it. the big block gave a sort of a quiver, much as a man awakening from a doze would stretch his arms and yawn, and when it quivered a lot of loose stuff slipped away from beneath and just let it go. it lumbered along at an easy roll for a bit, and then increased its speed and started jumping. its first jump was no more than a nervous little hop that served to hurdle it clear of a length of flat ledge that reached out to stop its downward progress. a second later it had hit its stride, so that when it struck the water there had been nothing but rarefied air trying to stop it for two hundred feet. down it went, pushing a column of compressed _aqua pura_ ahead of it and sucking a big black hole along in its wake. it was when that column of compressed water spouted up again and tried to chase its tail down the hole it had come out of that things began to happen, for it found something like a dozen fat icebergs crowding in and trying to insinuate their translucent bulks into the same opening. and of course they made a tremendous fuss about it. when an iceberg found that it couldn't get in standing up, it forthwith lay down on its side, or even rolled over on its back; which didn't help it in the least after all, for the very good reason that all the other icebergs were adopting the same tactics. and so roos, who was cranking steadily all the time, got his "birth of an iceberg" picture after all. when the bergs ceased butting their heads off against each other roos shot me in the scenes where i registered "consternation," "relief" and "awed wonder," and our hard-striven-for lake of the hanging glaciers picture was complete. there was just a bit of a hitch at the "awed wonder" fade-out, though, but that was roos' fault in trying to introduce a "human touch" by trying to make gordon's dog perch up beside me on the crest of a hatchet-edged rock. the pup sat quietly wagging his tail until the moment came for me to lift up mine eyes unto the hills and increase the tenseness of my "awed wonder" registration. then the altitude began to affect his nerves and he started doing figure "8's" back and forth between my precariously planted feet. as a natural consequence, when roos started in on his "fade-out" i was seesawing my arms wildly to maintain my balance, talking volubly, and registering--well, what would a temperamental movie star be registering while in the act of telling a dog and a man what he thought of them for their joint responsibility in all but pitching him off a twenty-foot-high rock into a vortex of tumbling icebergs? again (unless this part of the film has been discreetly cut in the studio before exhibition) i beg the indulgence of lip-readers. the lake was deeply shadowed before we were finally at liberty to take up again the sartorics of "lohengrin"; but it was not that fact, nor yet the not entirely prohibitive difficulty of making shining armour out of tin cans, that nipped that classic conception in the bud. rather it was the astonishing unstable-mindedness displayed by the bergs when impinged upon from without. of the hundred or more hunks of floating ice within a five-hundred-yard radius of the point where our artificial berg had hit the water, only a half dozen or so of the broadest and flattest continued to expose the same profiles they had presented before the big splash. most of the others had turned over and over repeatedly, and one, which seemed to "hang" in almost perfect balance, continued slowly revolving like a patent churn. "lohengrin's barge," half a mile distant from the heart of the "birth splash" and lapped by but the lightest of expiring waves, was rolling drunkenly to port and starboard as though in the trough of the seas of a typhoon. it looked ready to turn turtle at a touch, and there were too many angular projections on it--especially about the "swans"--to make even a man who aspired to grand opera care to court lightly the experience of tangling himself up in the wreck. descending to the timber-line meadow where the horses had been left, we found harmon had brought up his outfit and pitched his tent midway of an enchanting vista framed in green-black pines and golden tamaracks, and with a wonderful background for "camp shots" both up and down the valley. there he was going to make his base, he said, until he found just the light he wanted on the lake of the hanging glaciers. then he hoped to get at least a negative or two that would do something approaching justice to so inspiring a subject. and there, working and waiting patiently through an almost unbroken succession of storms that raged in the high selkirks for many days, he held on until he got what he wanted. it was in that quiet persistent way that he had been photographing the mountains of the canadian west for many years, and it will be in that way that he will continue until he shall have attained somewhere near to the high goal he has set for his life's work--a complete photographic record of the rockies and selkirks. it is a privilege to have met an artist who works with so fine a spirit, who has set himself so high an ideal. a number of harmon's scenic pictures of the mountains where the columbia takes its rise are so much better than the best of my own of the same subjects, that i am giving them place in a work which it was my original intention to illustrate entirely myself. we returned to our camp at the head of horse thief creek that night, and set out on our return to windermere the following morning. save for a rather sloppy passage of the main ford, the journey was without incident. with light packs, we pushed right through to the head of the wagon-road--something over thirty miles--the first day. the seventeen miles to invermere we covered in a leisurely fashion, reaching the hotel at three in the afternoon of the following day, sunday, the twentieth of september. here i found a wire from chester, stating that it had finally proved impossible for him to get away from business, and asking me to go ahead and see the big bend trip through without him. in the event i decided to continue on down the river he would be glad to have his cameraman accompany me as long as the weather and light were favourable for his work. a letter with full instructions covering the two pictures he desired made had already been dispatched. chapter v canal flats to beavermouth chester's instructions respecting the two new pictures he wanted us to work on came through to roos the day following our return to windermere. one of these was to be confined entirely to the big bend voyage. essaying again my role of "gentleman-cum-sportsman," i was to get off the train at beavermouth, meet my boatman, launch the boat and start off down the river. the various things seen and done _en voyage_ were to make up the picture. in the other picture i was to play the part of a young rancher who was farming his hard-won clearing on the banks of the columbia near its source. with the last of his crops in, he is assailed one day with a great longing to see the ocean. suddenly it occurs to him that the river flowing right by his door runs all the way to the sea, and the sight of a prospector friend, about to push off with a sack of samples for the smelter many hundreds of miles below, suggests a means of making the journey. and so the two of them start off down the columbia. what happened to them on their way was to be told in the picture. the introductory scenes of this picture were to be made somewhere in the vicinity of windermere, but the thread of the story was to be picked up below the arrow lakes after the big bend voyage was over. hunting "location" and rainy weather kept us four or five days in windermere and vicinity, giving an opportunity we otherwise would have missed to meet and become acquainted with the always kindly and hospitable and often highly distinguished people of this beautiful and interesting community. from the time of david thompson, the great astronomer and explorer of the northwest company who wintered there in 1810, down to the present windermere seems always to have attracted the right sort of people. the predominant class is what one might call the gentleman-farmer, with the stress perhaps on "gentleman." i mean to say, that is, that while a number of them have failed of outstanding achievement as farmers, there was none that i met who would not have qualified as a gentleman, and in the very best sense of the word. sportsmen and lovers of the out-of-doors, there was this fine bond of fellowship between all of them. nowhere have i encountered a fresher, more wholesome social atmosphere than that of this fine community of the upper columbia. that genial and big-hearted old scot, randolph bruce, i recall with especial affection, as must every one of the many who has known the hospitality of his great log lodge on a bay of the lake below invermere. an edinburgh engineer, bruce was one of the builders of the canadian pacific, and as such an associate and intimate of van horne, o'shaughnessy and the rest of those sturdy pioneers who pushed to accomplishment the most notable piece of railway construction the world has ever known. in love with the west by the time the railway was finished, he built him a home in the most beautiful spot he knew--such a spot as few even among the scottish lochs could rival--and associated himself with various projects for the advancement of the country. at the present time he is the owner of the paradise mine, one of the richest silver-lead properties in british columbia, and the head of an enterprise which purposes to bring the windermere region to its own among the grandest of the playgrounds of north america. we made the preliminary scenes for the "farmer" picture at a gem of a little mountain ranch in a clearing to the west of lake windermere. shooting through one of his favourite "sylvan frames," roos picked me up violently shocking hay at the end of a long narrow field which the labour of a young scotch immigrant had reclaimed from the encompassing forest. (as a matter of fact the hay was already in shocks when we arrived, and i had to unshock a few shocks so as to shock them up again before the camera and thus give the impression that this was the last of my season's crop.) then i threw up a couple of shocks for him set up at closer range, with more attention to "technique." (this latter came easy for me, as i had been pitching hay for a fortnight on my california ranch earlier in the summer.) finally i stopped work, leaned on my fork and gazed into the distance with visioning eyes. (i was supposed to be thinking of the sea, roos explained, and in the finished picture there would be a "cut-in" of breakers at this point.) then i registered "impatience" and "restlessness," hardening to "firm resolve." at this juncture i threw down my fork and strode purposefully out of the right side of the picture. (the cabin to which i was supposed to be striding was really on my left, but roos explained that some sort of a movie median law made it imperative always to exit to right.) then we went over to make the cabin shots. [illustration: old hudson bay cart at beavermouth (_above_)] [illustration: my first push-off at the head of canoe navigation on the columbia (_below_)] [illustration: opening scene of the "farmer" picture] [illustration: old stern wheelers at golden (_above_)] [illustration: a quiet stretch of the columbia near golden (_below_)] the owner of the cabin was away at the moment, but his young scotch wife--a bonnie bit of a lass who might have been the inspiration for "annie laurie"--was on hand and mightily interested. she asked if i was bill hart, and roos made the tactical error of guffawing, as though the idea was absurd. she was a good deal disappointed at that, but still very ready to help with anything calculated to immortalize her wee home by emblazoning it on the imperishable celluloid. first i strode into the cabin, but almost immediately to emerge unfolding a map. going over to a convenient stump, i sat down and disposed of a considerable footage of "intent study." then we made a close-up of the map--the pacific northwest--with my index finger starting at windermere and tracing the course of the columbia on its long winding way to the sea. that proved that there was water transit all the way to that previous cut-in of breakers which my visioning eyes had conjured up just before i threw down my fork. i stood up and gazed at the nearby river (which was really lake windermere, a mile distant), and presently stiffened to my full height, registering "discovery." what i was supposed to see was a prospector tinkering with his boat. as this latter scene could not be made until we had bought a boat and signed up a "prospector," all that was left to do here was to shoot me striding away from the cabin on the way to discuss ways and means with my mythical companion, and then striding back, getting my roll of blankets and exiting in a final fade-out. as we had neglected to provide a roll of blankets for this shot, we had to improvise one from such material as was available. i forget all that went to make up that fearful and wonderful package; but it is just as well the precariously-roped bundle didn't resolve into its component parts until the fade-out was pretty nearly complete. roos tried hard to introduce "human interest" and "heart appeal" by staging a farewell scene with "wife and child," both of which were ready to hand. i was adamant, however, even when he agreed to compromise by leaving out the child. he was rather stubborn about it, refusing to admit the validity of my argument to the effect that a would-be screen hero who deserted so fair a wife would alienate the sympathies of the crowd at the outset. finally it was decided for us. "it's too late noo," cooed a wee voice in which i thought i detected both reproach and relief; "while ye're talkin', yon cooms jock." it _was_ too late all right; even roos was ready to grant that. jock was about six-feet-three, and built in proportion. also a wee bitty dour, i thought. at least he glowered redly under his bushy brows when he discovered that i had wrapped up his own and another _nicht-goon_ in my hastily assembled blanket-roll. if that bothered him, i hate to think what might have happened had he surprised that farewell scene, especially as roos--with his mack sennett training and d. w. griffith ideals--would have tried to stage it. roos was young and inexperienced, and lacking in both finesse and subtlety. i granted that this wouldn't have cramped his style much in doing "old home town stuff;" but farther afield it was electric with dangerous possibilities. driving back to the hotel i quoted to him what kipling's hero in "the man who would be king" said on the subject, paraphrasing it slightly so he would understand. "a man has no business shooting farewell scenes with borrowed brides in foreign parts be he three times a crowned movie director," was the way i put it. it was my original intention to start the boating part of my columbia trip from golden, at the head of the big bend, the point at which the calm open reaches of the upper river give way to really swift water. the decision to make the push-off from beavermouth, twenty-nine miles farther down, was come to merely because it was much easier to get the boat into the water at the latter point. there was little swift-water boating worthy of the name above beavermouth. donald canyon was about the only rough water, and even that, i was assured, was not to be mentioned in the same breath with scores of rapids farther down the bend. in the ninety miles between the foot of lake windermere and golden there were but twenty-five feet of fall, so that the winding river was hardly more than a series of lagoon-like reaches, with a current of from one to four miles an hour. between columbia lake--practically the head of the main channel of the river--and mud lake, and between the latter and the head of lake windermere, there was a stream of fairly swift current, but at this time of year not carrying enough water to permit the passage of even a canoe without much lining and portaging. from the practical aspect, therefore, i was quite content with the plan to start my voyage from beavermouth. for the sake of sentiment, however, i _did_ want to make some kind of a push-off from the very highest point that offered sufficient water to float a boat at the end of september. this, i was assured in invermere, would be canal flats, just above the head of columbia lake and immediately below the abandoned locks which at one time made navigation possible between the kootenay and the columbia. although these crude log-built locks have never been restored since they were damaged by a great freshet in the nineties, and although the traffic they passed in the few years of their operation was almost negligible, it may be of interest to give a brief description of the remarkable terrain that made their construction possible by the simplest of engineering work, and to tell how the removal of a few shovelfuls of earth effected the practical insulation of the whole great range of the selkirks. as a consequence of recent geological study, it has been definitely established that the divide between the columbia and kootenay rivers, now at canal flats, was originally a hundred and fifty miles farther north, or approximately where donald canyon occurs. that is to say, a great wall of rock at the latter point backed up a long, narrow lake between the rockies on the east and the selkirks on the west. this lake, unable to find outlet to the north, had risen until its waters were sufficiently above the lower southern barriers to give it drainage in that direction. at that time it was doubtless the main source of the kootenay river, and its waters did not reach the columbia until after a long and devious southerly course into what is now montana, thence northward into kootenay lake, and finally, by a dizzy westerly plunge, into a much-extended arrow lake. an upheaval which carried away the dyke at donald provided a northward drainage for the lake, and the divide was ultimately established at what is now called canal flats. it was a shifting and precarious division, however, for the kootenay--which rises some distance to the northward in the rockies and is here a sizable stream--discharged a considerable overflow to the columbia basin at high water. it was this latter fact which called attention to the comparative ease with which navigation could be established between the two rivers by means of a canal. for an account of how this canal came to be built i am indebted to e. m. sandilands, esq., mining recorder for the british columbia government at wilmer, who has the distinction of being, to use his own language, "the person who made the selkirk mts. an island by connecting the columbia and kootenay rivers." mr. sandilands, in a recent letter, tells how an ex-big-game hunter by the name of baillie-grohman obtained, in 1886, a concession from the provincial government of british columbia for 35,000 acres of land along the kootenay river. in return for this he was to construct at his own expense a canal connecting the columbia and kootenay. this cut was for the ostensible purpose of opening up navigation between the two streams, but as nothing was stipulated in respect of dredging approaches the obligation of the concessionaire was limited to the construction of the canal and locks. "for this reason," writes mr. sandilands, who was working on the job at the time, "our 'grand canal' was practically useless. nevertheless, in 1888, it was opened with due form and pomp, engineer, contractor and concessionaire paddling up to the lock in a canoe well laden with the 'good cheer' demanded by such an occasion. i was driving a team attached to a 'slush-scraper,' and together with a jovial irish spirit who rejoiced in the name of thomas haggerty, was ordered by the foreman to scrape out the false dam holding the kootenay back from the canal. this we did as long as we dared. then i was deputed, with gum-boots and shovel, to dig a hole through what was left of the false dam, and allow the kootenay into the canal and the columbia. this being done, the fact was wired to the provincial government at victoria ..., and the promised concession of land was asked for and granted. i little thought at the time," mr. sandilands concludes, "how distinguished a part i was playing, that i was making the selkirk mountains an 'island,' a fact which few people realize to this day." later a little dredging was done, so that finally, by dint of much "capstaning," a shallow-draught stern-wheeler was worked up to and through the lock and canal, and on down the kootenay to jennings, montana. it was captain f. p. armstrong who performed this remarkable feat, only to lose the historic little craft later in one of the treacherous canyons of the kootenay. his also was the distinction, after maintaining an intermittent service between the columbia and kootenay for a number of years, of being the captain and owner of the last boat to make that amazing passage. we reached canal flats at the end of a forty-mile auto-ride from invermere. traces of the old dredged channel were still visible running up from the head of columbia lake and coming to an abrupt end against a caving wall of logs which must at one time have been a gate of the inter-river lock. out of the tangle of maiden hair fern which draped the rotting logs came a clear trickle of water, seeping through from the other side of the divide. this was what was popularly called the source of the columbia. i could just manage to scoop the river dry with a quick sweep of my cupped palm. a hundred yards below the source the old channel opened out into a quiet currentless pool, and here i found a half-filled peterboro belonging to a neighbouring farmer, which i had engaged for the first leg of my voyage down the columbia. it leaked rather faster than i could bail, but even at that it floated as long as there was water to float it. fifty yards farther down a broad mudbank blocked the channel all the way across, and in attempting to drag the old canoe out for the portage, i pulled it in two amidships. i had made my start from almost chock-a-block against the source, however. sentiment was satisfied. i was now ready for the bend. groping my way back to the car through an almost impenetrable pall of mosquitoes, i rejoined roos and we returned to invermere. a wire from blackmore stating that it would still be several days before his boat was ready for the bend offered us a chance to make the journey to golden by river if we so desired. there was nothing in it on the boating side, but roos thought there might be a chance for some effective scenic shots. i, also, was rather inclined to favour the trip, for the chance it would give of hardening up my hands and pulling muscles before tackling the bend. an unpropitious coincidence in the matter of an indian name defeated the plan. roos and i were trying out on lake windermere a sweet little skiff which randolph bruce had kindly volunteered to let us have for the quiet run down to golden. "by hard pulling," i said, "we ought just about to make spillimacheen at the end of the first day." "spill a what?" ejaculated roos anxiously; "you didn't say 'machine,' did you?" "yes; spillimacheen," i replied. "it's the name of a river that flows down to the columbia from the selkirks." "then that settles it for me," he said decisively. "i don't want to spill my machine. it cost fifteen hundred dollars. i'm not superstitious; but, just the same, starting out for a place with a name like that is too much like asking for trouble to suit yours truly." and so we went down to golden by train and put in the extra time outfitting for the bend. golden, superbly situated where the kicking horse comes tumbling down to join the columbia, is a typical western mining and lumbering town. save for their penchant for dramatizing the perils of the big bend, the people are delightful. it is true that the hospitable spirit of one goldenite _did_ get me in rather bad; but perhaps the fault was more mine than his. meeting him on the railway platform just as he was about to leave for vancouver, he spoke with great enthusiasm of his garden, and said that he feared some of his fine strawberries might be going to waste in his absence for lack of some one to eat them. i gulped with eagerness at that, and then told him bluntly--and truthfully--that i would willingly steal to get strawberries and cream, provided, of course, that they couldn't be acquired in some more conventional way. he hastened to reassure me, saying that it wouldn't be necessary to go outside the law in this case. "the first chance you get," he said with a twinkle in his eye, "just slip over and make love to my housekeeper, and tell her i said to give you your fill of berries and cream, and i have no doubt she'll provide for you." if his vancouver-bound train had not started to pull out just then, perhaps he would have explained that that accursed "love stuff" formula was a figure of speech. or perhaps he felt sure that i would understand it that way, if not at once, at least when the time came. and i would have, ordinarily. but my strawberry-and-cream appetite is so overpowering that, like the lions at feeding time, my finer psychological instincts are blunted where satiation is in sight. that was why i blurted out my hospitable friend's directions almost verbatim when i saw that the door of his home (to which i had rushed at my first opportunity) had been opened by a female. it was only after i had spoken that i saw that she was lean, angular, gimlet-eyed, and had hatred of all malekind indelibly stamped upon her dour visage. she drew in her breath whistlingly; then controlled herself with an effort. "i suppose i must give you the berries and cream," she said slowly and deliberately, the clearly enunciated words falling icily like the drip from the glacial grottoes at the head of the columbia; "but the--the other matter you would find a little difficult." "ye-es, ma'am," i quavered shiveringly, "i would. if you'll please send the strawberries and cream to the hotel i am quite content to have it a cash transaction." considering the way that rapier-thrust punctured me through and through, i felt that i deserved no little credit for sticking to my guns in the matter of the strawberries and cream. for the rest, i was floored. the next time any one tries to send me into the hesperides after free fruit i am going to know who is guarding the apples; and i am _not_ going to approach the delectable garden by the love-path. i had taken especial pains to warn roos what he would have to expect from golden in the matter of warnings about the big bend, but in spite of all, that garrulous social centre, the town pool-room, did manage to slip one rather good one over on him before we got away. "how long does it take to go round the bend?" he had asked of a circle of trappers and lumber-jacks who were busily engaged in their favourite winter indoor-sport of decorating the pool-room stove with a frieze of tobacco juice. "figger it fer yerself, sonny," replied a corpulent woodsman with a bandaged jaw. "if yer gets inter yer boat an' lets it go in that ten-twent'-thirt' mile current, it's a simpl' problum of 'rithmatick. if yer ain't dished in a souse-hole, yer _has_ ter make revelstoke insider one day. as yer has ter do sum linin' to keep right side up, it's sum slower. best time any of us makes it in is two days. but we never rushes it even like that 'nless we're hurryin' the cor'ner down ter sit on sum drownded body." as the whole court had nodded solemn acquiescence to this, and as none had cracked anything remotely resembling a smile, roos was considerably impressed--not to say depressed. (so had i been the first time i heard that coroner yarn.) nor did he find great comfort in the hotel proprietor's really well-meant attempt at reassurance. "don't let that story bother you, my boy," the genial mcconnell had said; "they _never_ did take the coroner round the big bend. fact is, there _never_ was a coroner here that had the guts to tackle it!" we met blackmore at beavermouth the afternoon of the twenty-eighth of september. he reported that his boat had been shipped from revelstoke by that morning's way freight, and should arrive the following day. as i had been unable to engage a boatman in golden, and as blackmore had found only one in revelstoke to suit him, it was decided to give me an oar and a pike-pole and make out the best we could without another man. i had brought provisions for a fortnight with me from golden, and blackmore had tents and canvases. through the efforts of influential friends in golden i had also been able to secure two bottles of prime demerara rum. knowing that i was going to pick up at least one cask of scotch on the way, and perhaps two or three, i had not been very keen about bothering with the rum. but on the assurance that it might well be two or three days before any whisky was found, and that getting wet in the columbia without something to restore the circulation was as good as suicide, i allowed myself to be persuaded. it was wonderful stuff--thirty per cent. over-proof; which means that it could be diluted with four parts of water and still retain enough potency to make an ordinary man blink if he tried to bolt it. we did find one man--but he was not ordinary by any means; far from it. i will tell about "wild bill" in the proper place. there was a wonderful _aurora borealis_ that night--quite the finest display of the kind i recall ever having seen in either the northern or southern hemispheres. blackmore--weather-wise from long experience--regarded the marvellous display of lambently licking light streamers with mixed feelings. "yes, it's a fine show," he said, following the opalescent glimmer of the fluttering pennants with a dubious eye; "but i'm afraid we'll have to pay through the nose for it. it means that in a couple of days more the rain will be streaming down as fast as those lights are streaming up. just about the time we get well into surprise rapids there will be about as much water in the air as in the river. however, it won't matter much," he concluded philosophically, "for we'll be soaked anyway, whether we're running or lining, and rain water's ten degrees warmer than river water." chapter vi i. running the bend _through surprise rapids_ we pushed off from beavermouth at three o'clock of the afternoon of september twenty-ninth. we had hoped for an early start, but the erratically running local freight, six or eight hours behind time, did not arrive with our boat until noon. the introductory shots had already been made. made up momentarily as a gentleman--wearing an ankle length polished waterproof and a clean cap, that is,--i jumped the westbound limited as it slowed down on entering the yard, dropping off presently at the platform with a "here-i-am" expression when roos signalled that the focus was right. then i shook hands with the waiting blackmore, and together we strode to the door of the station and met the previously-rehearsed agent. (roos had wanted me to shake hands with the agent as well as with blackmore, but i overruled him by pointing out that i was a "gentleman-sportsman" not a "gentleman-politician," and served notice on him that pump-handling must henceforth be reduced to a minimum.) we tried to perfect the agent in a sweeping gesture that would say as plainly as words "the train with your boat is just around that next bend, sir," but somehow we couldn't prevent his trying to elevate his lowly part. his lips mumbled the words we had put on them all right, but the gesture was a grandiose thing such as a chesterfieldian footman might have employed in announcing "my lord, the carriage waits." roos, in all innocence, narrowly missed provoking a fight with a hot-tempered half-breed while he was setting up to shoot the incoming freight. he had an ingenious method of determining, without bending over his finder, just what his lens was going to "pick-up." this consisted of holding his arms at full length, with his thumbs placed tip to tip and the forefingers standing straight up. the right-angling digits then framed for his eye an approximation of his picture. to one not used to it this esoteric performance looked distinctly queer, especially if he chanced to be standing somewhere near the arch priest's line of vision. and that, as it happened, was exactly the place from which it was revealed to the choleric near-shuswap section hand. i didn't need the breed's subsequent contrite explanation to know that, from where he had been standing, those twiddling thumbs and fingers, through the great fore-shortening of the arms, looked to be right on the end of the nose of the grimacing little man by the camera. not even a self-respecting white man would have stood for what that twiddling connoted, let alone a man in whose veins flowed blood that must have been something like fifteen-sixteenths of the proudest of canadian strains. luckily, both blackmore and his burly boatman were men of action. even so, it was a near squeeze for both camera and cameraman. roos emerged unscarred in anything but temperament. and, of course, as every one even on the fringes of the movies knows, the temperaments of both stars and directors are things that require frequent harrowing to keep them in good working order. roos' filming of the unloading of the boat was the best thing he did on the trip. every available man in beavermouth was requisitioned. this must have been something like twenty-five or thirty. a half dozen, with skids and rollers, could have taken the boat off without exerting themselves seriously, but could hardly have "made it snappy." and action was what the scene demanded. there was no time for a rehearsal. the agent simply told us where the car would be shunted to, blackmore figured out the best line from there over the embankment and through the woods to the river, and roos undertook to keep up with the procession with his camera. blackmore was to superintend the technical operation and i was ordered to see that the men "acted natural." and thus we went to it. the big boat, which must have weighed close to half a ton, came off its flat car like a paper shallop, but the resounding thwack with which her bows hit a switch-frog awakened blackmore's concern. "easy! easy! don't bust her bottom," he began shouting; while i, on the other side, took up my refrain of "don't look at the camera!--make it snappy." the consequence of these diametrically opposed orders was that the dozen or more men on my side did most of the work. but even so it was "snappy"--very. down the embankment we rushed like a speeding centipede, straight at the fine hog-proof wire fence of the c. p. r. right-of-way. that fence may have been hog-proof, but it was certainly not proof against the charge of a thirty-foot boat coming down a fifty per cent. grade pushed by twenty-five men. we had intended lifting over it, but our momentum was too great, especially after i had failed to desist from shouting "make it snappy!" soon enough. the barrier gave way in two or three places, so that we were shedding trailing lengths of wire all the way to the river. on through the woods we juggernauted, roos following in full cry. his city "news stuff" training was standing him in good stead, and he showed no less cleverness than agility in making successive "set-ups" without staying our progress. only in the last fifty yards, where the going over the moss and pine needles was (comparatively speaking) lightning fast, did we distance him. here, as there was plenty of time, he cut a hole in the trees and shot the launching through one of his favourite "sylvan frames." for the push-off shot he provided his customary heart throb by bringing down the station agent's three-year-old infant to wave farewell. that he didn't try to feature the mother prominently seemed to indicate that what i had said at windermere on the subject had had some effect. after the "farewell" had been filmed, we landed at the fire ranger's cabin to pick up roos and his camera. the ranger told us that a couple of trappers who had been for some weeks engaged in portaging their winter supplies round surprise rapids would be waiting for us at the head of the first fall in the expectation of getting the job of packing our stuff down to the foot. "nothing doing," blackmore replied decisively; "going straight through." the ranger grinned and shook his grizzled head. "you're the man to do it," he said; "but jest the same, i'm glad it's you and not me that has the job." the station agent came down with roos, evidently with the cheering purpose of showing us the place where his predecessor and a couple of other men had been drowned in attempting to cross the river some months previously. "only man in the boat to be picked up alive was a one-armed chap," he concluded impressively. "too late now for operations on any of this crew," laughed blackmore, pushing off with a pike-pole. "besides, every man jack of us is going to have a two-arm job all the way." to the parting cheers of the mackinawed mob on the bank, he eased out into the current and headed her down the bend. [illustration: arrival of our boat at beavermouth (_above_)] [illustration: our first camp at beavermouth (_centre_)] [illustration: the remains of a sunken forest (_below_)] [illustration: trapper's cabin where we found shelter for the night (_above_)] [illustration: where we landed above surprise rapids (_centre_)] [illustration: where we tied up at "eight mile" (_below_)] roos stationed himself in the bow, with camera set up on its shortened tripod, waiting to surprise any scenery caught lurking along the way. blackmore steered from the stern with his seven-feet-long birch paddle. andy kitson and i, pulling starboard and port oars respectively, rubbed shoulders on the broad 'midship's thwart. our outfit--a comparatively light load for so large a boat--was stowed pretty well aft. i saw blackmore lean out to "con ship" as we got under way. "good trim," he pronounced finally, with an approving nod. "just load enough to steady her, and yet leave plenty of freeboard for the sloppy water. this ought to be a dryer run than some the old girl's had." i chuckled to myself over that "dryer." i hadn't told blackmore yet what was hidden down canoe river way. i had promised captain armstrong not to do so until i had ascertained that we had a teetotal crew--or one comparatively so. andy kitson was a big husky north-of-irelander, who had spent twenty years trapping, packing, hunting, lumbering and boating in western canada. like the best of his kind, he was deliberate and sparing of speech most of the time, but with a fine reserve vocabulary for emergency use. he was careful and cautious, as all good river boatmen should be, but decidedly "all there" in a pinch. he pulled a good round-armed thumping stroke with his big oar, and took to the water (as has to be done so frequently on a bad stretch of "lining down") like a beaver. best of all, he had a temper which nothing from a leak in the tent dribbling down his neck to a half hour up to his waist in ice-cold water seemed equal to ruffling. i liked andy the moment i set eyes on his shining red gill, and i liked him better and better every day i worked and camped with him. as it was three-thirty when we finally pushed off, blackmore announced that he would not try to make farther than "eight-mile" that afternoon. with comparatively good water all the way to the head of surprise rapids, we could have run right on through, he said; but that would force us to make camp after dark, and he disliked doing that unless he had to. in a current varying from three to eight miles an hour, we slid along down stream between banks golden-gay with the turning leaves of poplar, cottonwood and birch, the bright colours of which were strikingly accentuated by the sombre background of thick-growing spruce, hemlock, balsam and fir. yellow, in a score of shades, was the prevailing colour, but here and there was a splash of glowing crimson from a patch of _chin-chinick_ or indian tobacco, or a mass of dull maroon where a wild rose clambered over the thicket. closely confined between the rockies to the right and the selkirks to the west, the river held undeviatingly to its general northwesterly course, with only the patchiest of flats on either side. and this was the openest part of the bend, blackmore volunteered; from the head of surprise rapids to the foot of priest rapids the columbia was so steeply walled that we would not find room for a clearing large enough to support a single cow. "it's a dismal hole, and no mistake," he said. we took about an hour to run to "eight mile," andy and i pulling steadily all the way in the deep, smoothly-running current. we tied up in a quiet lagoon opening out to the west--evidently the mouth of a high-water channel. there was a magnificent stand of fir and spruce on a low bench running back from the river, not of great size on account of growing so thickly, but amazing lofty and straight. we camped in the shelter of the timber without pitching a tent, andy and blackmore sleeping in the open and roos and i in a tumble-down trapper's cabin. or rather we spread our blankets in the infernal hole. as the place was both damp and rat-infested, we did not sleep. roos spent the night chopping wood and feeding the rust-eaten--and therefore smoky--sheet-iron stove. i divided my time between growling at roos for enticing me into keeping him company in the cabin against blackmore's advice, and throwing things at the prowling rodents. it did not make for increased cheerfulness when i hit him on the ear with a hob-nailed boot that i had intended for a pair of eyes gleaming vitreously on a line about six inches back of his gloomily bowed head. he argued--and with some reason i must admit--that i had no call to draw so fine a bead until i was surer of my aim. largely as a point of repartee, i told him not to be too certain i was not sure of my aim. but i really had been trying to hit the rat.... i took the temperature of the air and the river water in the morning, finding the former to register thirty-eight degrees and the latter forty-one. there was a heavy mist resting on the river for a couple of hours after daybreak, but it was lifting by the time we were ready to push off. in running swift water good visibility is even more imperative than at sea, but as there was nothing immediately ahead to bother blackmore did not wait for it to clear completely. the sun was shining brightly by nine-thirty, and roos made several shots from the boat and one or two from the bank. one of the most remarkable sights unfolded to us was that of "snag town." just what was responsible for this queer maze of upended trees it would be hard to say. it seems probable, however, that a series of heavy spring floods undermined a considerable flat at the bend of the river, carrying away the earth and leaving the trees still partially rooted. the broadening of the channel must have slowed down the current a good deal, and it appears never to have been strong enough to scour out below the tenaciously clinging roots. the former lords of the forest are all dead, of course, but still they keep their places, inclining down-stream perhaps twenty-degrees from their former proud perpendicular, and firmly anchored. it takes careful steering to thread the maze even in a small boat, but the current is hardly fast enough to make a collision of serious moment. the current quickened for a while beyond "snag town" and then began slowing again, the river broadening and deepening meanwhile. i thought i read the signs aright and asked blackmore. "yes," he replied with a confirmatory nod; "it's the river backing up for its big jump. stop pulling a minute and you can probably hear the rapid growling even here." andy and i lay on our oars and listened. there it was surely enough, deep and distant but unmistakable--the old familiar drum-roll of a big river beating for the charge. it was tremendous music--heavy, air-quivering, earth-shaking; more the diapason of a great cataract than an ordinary rapid, it seemed to me. i was right. surprise is anything but an ordinary rapid. we pulled for a half hour or more down a broad stretch of slackening water that was more like a lake than a river. out of the looming shadows of the banks for a space, mountain heights that had been cut off leaped boldly into view, and to left and right lifted a lofty sky-line notched with snowy peaks rising from corrugated fields of bottle-green glacier ice. mt. sanford, loftiest of the selkirks, closed the end of the bosky perspective of gold creek, and the coldly chiselled pyramids of lyell, bryce and columbia pricked out the high points on the continental divide of the rockies. we held the vivid double panorama--or quadruple, really, for both ranges were reflected in the quiet water--for as long as it took us to pull to a beach at the narrowing lower end of the long lake-like stretch above the rapids, finally to lose it as suddenly as it had been opened to us behind the imminently-rearing river walls. the two trappers of whom the fire-ranger at beavermouth had spoken were waiting for us on the bank. they had permits for trapping on a couple of the creeks below kinbasket lake, and were getting down early in order to lay out their lines by the time the season opened a month or so hence. they had been packing their stuff over the three-mile portage to the foot of the rapids during the last three weeks, and now, with nothing left to go but their canoes, were free to give us a hand if we wanted them. blackmore replied that he could save time and labour by running and lining the rapids. "besides," he added with a grin, "i take it these movie people have come out to get pictures of a river trip, not an overland journey." the trappers took the dig in good part, but one of them riposted neatly. since he was out for furs, he said, and was not taking pictures or boot-legging, time was not much of an object. the main thing with him was to reach his destination with his winter's outfit. if all the river was like surprise rapids he would be quite content to go overland all the way. neither of them made any comments on the stage of the water or offered any suggestions in connection with the job we had ahead. that was one comfort of travelling with blackmore. in all matters pertaining to river work his judgment appeared to be beyond criticism. if he was tackling a stunt with a considerable element of risk in it, that was his own business. no one else knew the dangers, and how to avoid them, so well as he. blackmore looked to the trim of the boat carefully before shoving off, putting her down a bit more by the stern it seemed to me. he cautioned me on only one point as we pulled across the quarter of mile to where the banks ran close together and the quiet water ended. "don't never dip deep in the white water, and 'specially in the swirls," he said, stressing each word. "if you do, a whirlpool is more'n likely to carry your oar-blade under the boat and tear out half the side 'fore you can clear your oar-lock. that's the way that patched gunnel next you came to get smashed." as we were about at the point where it is well to confine all the talking done in the boat to one man, i refrained from replying that i had been told the same thing in a dozen or so languages, on four different continents, and by "skippers" with black, yellow and copper as well as white skins, at fairly frequent intervals during the last fifteen years. there were enough slips i might make, but that of dipping deep in rough water was hardly likely to be one of them. the rumble of the rapid grew heavier as we proceeded, but only a single flickering white "eyelash" revealed the imminent ambush lurking beyond the black rocks. the current accelerated rapidly as the walls closed in, but ran easily, effortlessly, unripplingly, and with an almost uncanny absence of swirls and eddies. "have plenty way on her 'fore she hits the suds," cautioned blackmore, and andy and i grunted in unison as we leaned a few more pounds of beef onto our bending spruces. that started our inside elbows to bumping, but without a word each of us sidled along an inch or two toward his gunwale to get well set while yet there was time. with an easy bob--quick like a rowboat rides the bow wave of a steamer, but smoother, easier in its lift--we ran into the head of the rapid. there was a swift v-shaped chute of smooth jade-green water; then we slapped right into the "suds." high-headed waves slammed against the bows and threw spray all over the boat and far astern of it. but they lacked jolt. they had too much froth and not enough green water to make them really formidable. we were in rough but not really bad water. i tried to grin at blackmore to show him i understood the situation and was enjoying it highly; but his eyes, pin-points of concentration under bent brows, were directed over my head and far in advance. plainly, he was thinking as well as looking well ahead. reassured by the smart way we were slashing through that first riffle, i ventured to steal a look over my shoulder. in the immediate foreground roos, with his waterproof buttoned close around his neck, was shaking the spray out of his hair and watching for a chance to snap with his kodak. ahead there was perhaps another hundred yards of about the same sort of water as that in which we were running; then a yeasty welter of white where the river disappeared round a black cliff into what seemed a narrow gorge. opposite the cliff the river wall sloped slightly and was thickly covered with a dense growth of evergreen. the heavy roar we had been hearing for hours was still muffled. evidently the main disturbance was somewhere beyond the bend at the cliff. the thunder of falling water grew louder as we headed down toward the white smother in the embrasure of the bend, and it was from blackmore's lips rather than from any words i heard that i gathered that he was calling for "more way!" still keeping fairly good stroke, andy and i quickly had her going enough faster than the current to give the big paddle all the steerage "grip" blackmore could ask for. swinging her sharply to the right, he headed her past the out-reaching rock claws at the foot of the cliff, and, with a sudden blaze of light and an ear-shattering rush of sound we were into the first and worst fall of surprise rapids. that dual onslaught of light and sound had something of the paralyzing suddenness of that which occurs when a furnace door is thrown wide and eye and ear are assailed at the same instant with the glare and the roar from within. one moment we were running in a shadowed gorge with a heavy but deadened and apparently distant rumble sounding somewhere ahead; the next we were in the heart of a roar that fairly scoured our ear-drums, and blinking in a fluttering white light that seemed to sear the eyeballs. the one hurried glance that i threw behind me as i began floundering on the end of my kicking oar photographed an intensely vivid picture on my memory. what had been merely a swiftly-flowing river with a streak of silver riffles down the middle had changed to a tumultuous tumble of cascades that gleamed in solid white from bank to bank like the churned snow of a freshly descended avalanche. there was no green water whatever; not even a streak that was tinged with green. all that relieved the coruscating, sun-silvered tumble of whiteness were the black tips of jutting bedrock, sticking up through the foam they had churned. the deeply shadowed western wall, hanging above the river like a dusky pall, served only to accentuate by contrast the intense white light that danced above the cascade. it was as though the golden yellow had been filtered out of the sunlight in the depths, and only the pure blue-white of calcium reflected back into the atmosphere. heavy as was the fall of the river over the stretch we had now entered, i could just make out a point perhaps a half mile farther down where it dropped out of sight entirely. that, i told myself, must be the place where there was an unbroken reef of bedrock all the way across the stream, and where there was an abrupt drop of eight or ten feet. a great throbbing rumble cutting into the slightly higher-keyed roar that already engulfed us also seemed to indicate that the steepest pitch had not yet been reached. i had, of course, seen worse water than this, but certainly had never (as appeared to be the case now) been irretrievably committed to running it. i had heard that it was quite unrunnable in any kind of a boat, it certainly looked unrunnable, and i seemed to have the impression that blackmore had said he was not intending to run it. yet here we were into it, and without (so far as i could see) anything to do but drive ahead. however, that was blackmore's affair.... the rather smart team-work which andy and i had maintained for a while dissolved like the morning mists as we banged in among the walloping rollers at the head of the real cascade. both of us were in difficulties, but his round-armed thumping stroke seemed rather more true to form than the shattered remnants of my fine straight-armed slide-and-recover, with its dainty surface-skimming "feather." nothing but the sharpest of dabs with the tip of an oar can get any hold in a current of fifteen to twenty miles an hour, and the short, wristy pull (which is all there is time for) doesn't impart a lot of impulse to a thirty-foot boat. that, and the staggering buffets on the bows, for it was solid, lumpy water that was coming over us now, quickly reduced our headway. (headway _through_ the current, i mean; our headway floating _in_ the current was terrific.) this was, of course, a serious handicap to blackmore, as it deprived him of much of the steerage-way upon which he was dependent for quick handling of the boat. the difficulty of maintaining steerage-way in rough water with oars makes a bow as well as a stern paddle very desirable in running bad rapids. the bow paddler can keep a very sharp lookout for rocks immediately ahead, and, in a pinch, can jerk the boat bodily to one side or the other, where oarsmen have to _swing_ it. however, blackmore knew just what he was going up against, and had made the best disposition possible of his available crew. i was too busy keeping myself from being bucked off the thwart by my floundering oar to steal more than that first hurried look over my shoulder. it was not my concern what was ahead anyway. all i had to do was to take a slap at the top of a wave every time i saw a chance, and be ready to back, or throw my weight into a heavy stroke, when blackmore needed help to turn her this way or that. my signal--a jerk of the steersman's head to the left--came sooner than i expected. it looked a sheer impossibility to drive through the maze of rocks to the bank, yet that--after a long, anxious look ahead--was evidently what he had decided to attempt. as it was my oar he called on, i knew it was the right or east bank, a sharply sloping reach of black bedrock littered with water-scoured boulders. by the way blackmore was leaning onto his paddle i knew that he needed all the pull i could give him to bring her round. swinging back hard, i threw every pound i had onto my oar. for an instant the lack of resistance as the blade tore through foam nearly sent me reeling backwards; then it bit into solid water, and, under impulse of oar and paddle, the boat pivoted through more than half a quadrant and shot straight for the bank. right in where the black rock tips were scattered like the raisins in a pudding he headed her. there was no room to use the oars now, but she still carried more than enough way to send her to the bank. or rather, it would have carried her through if the course had been clear. missing two or three rocks by inches, she rasped half her length along another, and onto a fourth--lurking submerged by a foot--she jammed full tilt. it was her port bow that struck, and from the crash it seemed impossible that she could have escaped holing. andy went over the side so suddenly that, until i saw him balancing on a rock and trying to keep the boat from backing off into the current, i thought he had been thrown overboard by the impact. thumping her bow with his boot, he reported her leaking slightly but not much damaged. then, swinging her round into an eddy, he jumped off into the waist-deep water and led her unresistingly up against the bank. it was astonishing to see so wild a creature so suddenly become tame. we would have to "line down" from here to the foot of the first fall, blackmore said. while roos was setting up his camera the veteran explained that he could have run four or five hundred yards farther down, right to the brink of the "tip off," but that he preferred getting in out of the wet where he had a good landing. i agreed with him heartily--without putting it in words. but if that was his idea of a "good landing place," i hoped he would continue to avoid bad ones. the basic principles of "lining down" are the same on all rivers. where water is too rough to run, it is the last resort before portaging. as generally practised, one man, walking along the bank, lets the boat down with a line, while another--or as many others as are available--keeps it off the rocks with poles. "lining" can be effected more rapidly and with much less effort if one man remains in the boat and fends off with his pole from there. this is much the better method where the fall is not too great and the water comparatively warm. on the upper columbia, where the breaking away of a boat from a line means its almost inevitable loss with all on board, it is resorted to only when absolutely necessary, and when a man of great experience is handling the line. it takes a natural aptitude and years of experience for a man to master all the intricacies of "lining." i shall not endeavour to enumerate even the few that i am familiar with; but the one thing beyond all others to avoid is letting the bow of the boat swing outwards when the stern is held up by a rock. this brings the full current of the river against its up-stream side, exerting a force that a dozen men could not hold against, let alone one or two. as blackmore was noted for his mastery of the "lining" game, however, we had no apprehension of trouble in this department. nothing of the outfit save the moving picture camera was removed from the boat at this juncture. coiling his line--something over a hundred feet of half-inch manila hemp--over his left arm, blackmore signalled andy to shove off. paying out the line through his right hand, he let the eddy carry the boat out into the drag of the current. armed with long pike-poles, andy and i ran on ahead to keep it clear of the banks as it swung in. this was easy enough as long as we had only the bank to contend with. but almost immediately the trouble which makes surprise rapids one of the nastiest stretches on any river in the world to line began to develop. this came from the submerged rocks which crop up all along between the banks and the deeper water of mid-channel. pulling her up and releasing her with a hand that reminded me of that of a consummate natural horseman, blackmore nursed the boat along and managed to avoid most of these obstructions. but every now and then she would wedge between a close-set pair of boulders and resist the force of the current to drive her on. at such times it was up to andy and me to wade in and try to dislodge her with our poles. failing this, we had to wade out still farther and lift her through. andy always took the lead in this lifting business, claiming that it required a lot of experience to know just the instant to stop shoving at the boat as she began to move, and start bracing against the current to keep from getting carried away. i have no doubt he was right. in any event he would never let me come out until he had tugged and hauled for several minutes trying to budge her alone, and even then--notwithstanding his four or five inches less of height--he always took his station in the deepest hole. two or three times, shaking himself like a newfoundland, he came out wet to the armpits with the icy water. as the sun was beating hotly upon the rocks, however, neither of us felt the cold much that afternoon. a few days later it was another story. we made something like eight or nine hundred yards before we stopped--right to the head of the roaring chute that ran down to the sheer drop-off. roos--always at his best when there was plenty of unpremeditated action going on, so that "directorial" worries sat lightly on him--followed us closely all the way. it was hard enough keeping one's footing on those ice-slippery boulders at all; how he managed it with something like a hundred pounds of camera and tripod over his shoulder and a bulky case in one hand is more than i can figure. but he did it, keeping close enough so that he got just about everything without having to ask us to do it over again. this latter was a good deal of a comfort, especially in those waist-deep-in-the-columbia lifting stunts. i had always hated "lining down," even in the tropics, and i already saw that what we had ahead wasn't going to modify my feelings for the better. at the head of that rough-and-tumble cascade leading to the fall, blackmore decided that we would have to unload the boat completely before trying to let her down. it was always bad business there at the best, he said, and the present stage of water made the rocks quite a bit worse than when either higher or lower. if we hustled, there ought to be time to get through before dark, and then a half mile run would take us to a good camping place near the head of the second fall. here roos intervened to point out that the sun was already behind the western wall, and asking if it wouldn't be possible to camp where we were. he wanted to keep the "continuity" of this particular piece of "lining" unbroken, and would need good light to finish it in. blackmore said he could manage the camp if we thought our ear-drums would stand the roar. so we unloaded the boat, and blackmore leading her into the quietest pool he could find, moored her for the night. as there was a couple of feet of "lop" even there, this was rather a nice operation. with lines to stern and bow, and held off from the rocks on either side by lashed pike-poles, she looked for all the world like some fractious horse that had been secured to prevent its banging itself up against the sides of its stall. it was a beastly job, carrying the fifteen or twenty heavy parcels of the outfit a hundred yards over those huge polished boulders to the bit of sand-bar where camp was to be pitched. my old ankles--endlessly sprained during my football days--protested every step of my several round trips, and i congratulated myself that i had had the foresight to bring leather braces to stiffen them. reeking with perspiration after i had thrown down my last load, i decided to use the river for a bath that i would have to take anyway on shifting from my wet clothes. the half-glacial water was not a lot above freezing, of course; but that is of small moment when one has plenty of animal heat stored up to react against it. my worst difficulty was from the bumpiness of my rocky bathing pool, which also had a rather troublesome undercurrent pulling out toward the racing chute of the main channel. blackmore, pop-eyed with astonishment, came down to watch the show. it was the first time he had ever seen a man take a voluntary bath in surprise rapids, he said. and all the others--the involuntary bathers--they had picked up later in kinbasket lake. that was about the most restricted space i can recall ever having camped in. the great boulders of the high-water channel extended right up to the foot of the mountain wall and neither the one nor the other afforded enough level space to set a doll's house. a four-by-six patch of sand was the most extensive area that seemed to offer, and, doubling this in size by cutting away a rotting spruce stump and a section of fallen birch, there was just enough room for the little shed-tent. it was a snug and comfortable camp, though, and highly picturesque, perched as it was almost in the spray of the cascade. the noise was the worst thing, and we would have had to stay there even longer than we did to become quite used to it. all of us were shouting in each other's ears for days afterwards, and even trying to converse in signs in the idyllic quietude of kinbasket lake. the storm which blackmore's seer-like vision had descried in the blue-green auroral flutters of a couple of nights previously arrived quite on schedule. although the western sky had glowed for half an hour after sunset with that supposedly optimistic tinge of primrose and terra-cotta, it was pouring before midnight, and the next morning there was truly almost as much water in the air as in the river. pictures were out of the question, so there was nothing to do but hang on until the weather cleared. leaving roos whittling and andy struggling to divert a swelling young river that was trying to sluice away the sand on which the tent was pitched, blackmore and i pulled on our waterproofs and clambered a mile through the woods to a camp of c. p. r. engineers. blackmore wanted to get an extra axe; i to get some further data on the fall of the river. we found a crude cable-ferry thrown across just below the foot of the big fall, and a rough, boggy path from the eastern end of it took us to the camp of three or four comfortable cabins. the canadian pacific, i learned--both on account of the high and increasing cost of its oil fuel and because of the trouble experienced in clearing their tunnels from smoke--was contemplating the electrification of all of its mountain divisions. there were numerous high falls along the line where power could be economically developed, but it was not considered desirable that the scenic beauty of these should be marred by diversion. besides the columbia, in a hundred miles of the big bend, offered the opportunity for developing more hydro-electric energy than all the west of canada could use in the next twenty years. the surprise rapids project alone would provide far more power than the canadian pacific could use for traction, and it was expected that there would be a large surplus for municipal and industrial uses along the line. "all this, of course," the engineer at the camp explained, "in the event the company decides to go ahead with the development. raising the money will probably be the greatest difficulty, and in the present state of the financial market it is hard to see how much can be done for two or three years. in the meantime we are measuring the flow of the river every day, and will have accurate data to go by when the time for construction comes." i learned that the total length of surprise rapids was three and a third miles, in which distance there was a fall of nearly one hundred feet. the greatest drop was in that stretch which we were waiting to "line," where there was a fall of twenty-one feet in seven hundred and fifty. at the second cascade there was a fall of fifteen feet in twelve hundred, and at the third, twenty-five feet in twenty-five hundred. it was planned to build the dam across the very narrow canyon near the foot of the lower fall, making it of such a height that a lake would be backed up as far as beavermouth, incidentally, of course, wiping out the whole of surprise rapids. "they can't wipe it out any too soon to suit me," blackmore commented on hearing this. "it'd have saved me a lot of work and many a wetting if they'd wiped it out twenty year ago. and that's saying nothing of the men drownded there. it was that big whirlpool down through the trees there that did for walter steinhoff." we had left the camp now and were picking our way down the narrow trail to the foot of the second fall. i had been waiting to hear blackmore speak of steinhoff for two reasons: first, because i was curious to know how much truth there was in those dramatic versions of his death i had heard in golden, and also because the subject would lead up naturally to that of the buried whisky. this latter was rather too delicate a matter to broach offhand, and i had therefore been carefully watching for a favourable opening. now that it had come, i was quick to take advantage of it. "tell me about steinhoff," i said. "he was on some kind of a boot-legging stunt, wasn't he?" i was just a bit diffident about bringing up that drink-running business, for although i had been told that blackmore was a smooth hand at the game himself, i had a sort of sneaking idea that it was the kind of a thing a man ought to be sensitive about, like having had smallpox or a sister in the movies. i need not have worried, however. "you bet he was boot-legging," blackmore replied; "and so was i. both outfits heading for _tete jaune cache_ on the grand trunk, and racing to get there first. that was what got him into trouble--trying to catch up with me after i had passed him by running and lining the first fall (the one we are doing the same way now) while he had portaged. i reckon it was his first intention to portage all the way to the foot of the second fall, but when he saw me slip by in the water he put in his canoes at the foot of the first fall and came after me." we had come out above the river now, and i saw a savage stretch of foam-white water falling in a roaring cascade to a mighty whirlpool that filled all of the bottom of the steeply-walled amphitheatre formed by a right-angling bend of the columbia. thirty feet or more above the present level of the whirlpool were the marks of its swirling scour at mid-summer high-water. awesome enough now (and it was not any the less so to me since we still had to take the boat through it), i could see at once that, with the power of the floods driving it round and round at turbine speed, it must indeed be a veritable thing of terror. it was into this whirlpool, as well as others at revelstoke canyon and death rapids, that whole uprooted pines were said to be sucked in flood-time, to reappear only as battered logs many miles below. there seemed hardly enough water there at the present to make this possible; but the story was at least credible to me now, which was more than it had been previously. "so this is your 'all day sucker,'" i remarked carelessly, in a studied attempt to keep blackmore from noting how greatly the savage maelstrom had impressed me. seeing through the bluff, he grinned indulgently and resumed his story of steinhoff as soon as we had moved far enough round the whirlpool to make his voice comfortably heard above the roar of the cascade. a line had parted--sawed through in working round a rocky point a few hundred yards above--and steinhoff's big peterboro was swept out into the current. striking a rock, it turned over and threw him into the water. he made a brave effort to swim out, keeping his head above water most of the way down the cascade. the whirlpool had been too much for him, however. he was fighting hard to keep up when he was carried into the vortex and sucked under. blackmore took no stock in the story of the dramatic gesture of farewell. "a man don't pull that grand opry stuff with the cold of the columbia biting into his spine," was the way he put it. then i told him about the whisky--spoke to him as a son to his father. and he, meeting me point for point in all seriousness of spirit, answered as father to son. he thought there was little chance of finding anything along the river. he had not done so himself for a number of years--and he hadn't been overlooking any bets, either. there was, of course, still much good stuff buried in the drift below middle river, but it would be like looking for a needle in a haystack trying to find it. but the cache above canoe river--ah, that was another matter! captain armstrong could be absolutely depended upon in a matter of that kind, and the directions sounded right as rain. yes, he quite understood that i should want to take it all to california with me. he would want to do the same thing if he were in my place. it would be easy as picking pippins getting it over the line. he could tell me three different ways, all of them dead sure. he would not think of taking any of it for himself. the rum we had would be ample for the trip, except in extreme emergency. that "thirty over-proof" went a long way. and i need not worry in the least about andy. he wasn't a teetotaler exactly, but he never took too much under any provocation. yes, i could depend upon the both of them to nose out that stuff at the old ferry. put it there! we looked each other square in the eye, and shook hands solemnly there above the big whirlpool which was originally responsible for the good fortune that had come to us--or rather to me. men have clasped hands and sworn to stand by each other in lesser things. at least that was the way it seemed to me at the moment. i could have embraced the fine old woodsman for his loyalty and generosity of spirit. i always called him bob after that. the rain thinned down and became a light scotch mist as we picked our way back to camp. that struck me as being a good omen--it's being "scotch," i mean. later it cleared up entirely, and there was a glorious fairweather sunset of glowing saffron and flaming poppy red. to the northwest--canoe river-ward--there poured a wonderful light of pale liquescent amber. i had never seen such a light on land or sea, i told myself; or anywhere else, for that matter--except when holding a glass of scotch up against the sun. that was another good omen. funny thing, but i can still recall the date offhand, so indelibly had the promise of that day impressed itself on my mind. it was the first of october. although it snowed an inch or two during the night, the following morning fulfilled the promise of the sunset by breaking bright and cloudless. we were to line the boat down empty for a couple of hundred yards, and then load up again and line about an equal distance of slightly better water. this would take us to the brink of the abrupt fall, where both outfit and boat had to be portaged over the rocks for a short distance. that would leave us clear for the short, swift run to the head of the second fall. cutting himself a "sylvan frame" through the pines on a point a hundred yards below the camp, roos set up to shoot the first piece of lining. it was a mean looking job, for the river was tumbling in a half-cataract all the way, turning and squirming like a wounded dragon. i could see blackmore was a bit worried over it, and, as the sequel proved, with good reason. i never quite understood his explanation of the cause of what happened, but i believe he claimed it was due to his obeying (against his better judgment) roos' signal to keep the boat in fairly close to the bank so that she would not pass "out of the picture"--beyond the range of his lens, that is. at any rate, the boat had hardly started before she swung broadside to the current and, clapping like a limpet upon a big round boulder, hung there immovable. heeled till her starboard side showed like the belly of a sharply sheering shark, her port gunwale dipped deep into the swirling current. in a wink she had taken all the water she would hold with the half-heel that was on her--enough, perhaps, to fill her half full when on an even keel. it was a case for instant action--a case where the nearest available man had to follow his first hunch without thinking it over or counting the cost. a few seconds more on that rock, and one of two things must happen to the boat: either she would settle a few inches farther, fill completely and sink, or else the force of the current would tear her to pieces where she was. blackmore was tugging at his line and shouting directions, but the roar stopped the words at his lips. andy did not need to be told what was needed, however. for myself, i was not quite sure of what to do, and less so of how to do it. also, i doubted my ability to keep my footing in the current. in short, i found myself thinking and weighing chances in one of those emergencies where a man to be worth his salt has no business to do either. there was only one place where a man could get at the boat, and andy beat me to it by a mile. (i would have seen to that even had he moved a lot slower than he did.) he was rather more than waist deep, but quite safe as long as the boat stuck where she was. unfortunately, getting her off was the very thing he was there for. it was a good deal like a man's having to saw off the branch on which he sat. but andy never hesitated--probably because there was not time to think and reckon the consequences. setting his heavy shoulders under her bilge, he gave a mighty upward heave. she shuddered through her long red length, and then, as the kick of the current got under her submerged gunwale, shot up and off as though discharged from a catapult. the job had been well done, too, for she came off with her stern down stream, which made it comparatively easy for blackmore to check her way with his line, even half-filled as she was. whether he failed to recover as the boat was swept away, or whether he lost his balance in avoiding entanglement in the line, andy was not quite sure. his first recollection after releasing the boat, he said, was of floundering in the water and of finding that his first kick or two did not strike bottom. the thing that is always possible when a man has lifted off a boat in a swift current had happened: he had lost his footing, and in just about the one worst place in the whole columbia. blackmore, dragged down the bank after his floundering boat, was not in a position where he could throw the end of his line to any purpose. i waded in and reached out my pike-pole, but andy's back was to it the only time he came within grabbing distance. the only thing that saved him was luck--the fact that the current at the point he lost his footing did not swirl directly into the main chute, but did a little double-shuffle of its own along the side of an eddy before taking the big leap. hooking into the solid green water of that eddy, andy found himself a toehold, and presently clambered out. he had not swallowed any water, and did not seem much chilled or winded. a violent sickness of the stomach, where the cold had arrested digestive operations, was about the only ill effect. what seemed to annoy him most was the fact that all of his pockets were turned wrong-side-out, with all of their contents--save only his watch, which had been secured by a thong--missing. blackmore nodded grimly to me as he came up after securing the boat. "_now_ perhaps you'll believe what i told you about the old columbia picking pockets," he said dryly. roos came down complaining that he had been too far away to pick up any details of the show even with his "six-inch" lens and cursing his luck for not having been set up closer at hand. considering what he had missed, i thought he showed unwonted delicacy in not asking blackmore and andy to stage it over again for him. bailing out the boat, we found one oar missing, but this we subsequently recovered from an eddy below. that left our net loss for the mishap only the contents of andy's pockets and the picture roos did not get. some might have figured in the extra ration of rum andy drew to straighten out the kinks of his outraged stomach; but that seemed hardly the sporting way to look at it, especially with our prospects in the drink line being what they were. [illustration: "shooting" the first bit of lining at surprise rapids (_above_)] [illustration: the camp where the roar of the rapids deafened us (_centre_)] [illustration: where steinhof was drowned (_below_)] [illustration: where andy just missed drowning in surprise rapids (_above_)] [illustration: looking through the pines at surprise rapids (_centre_)] [illustration: head of second fall of surprise rapids (_below_)] the portage at the fall proved a mighty stiff bit of hard labour. it was one thing to skid the boat along on the pine needles at beavermouth with a couple of dozen men pushing it, and quite another for three men to take it out of the water, lift it over forty or fifty feet of boulders, and put it back into the river again. by the free use of rollers--cut from young firs--we managed, however, roos cranking his camera through all of the operation and telling us to "make it snappy!" and not to be "foot-hogs." almost worse than portaging the boat was the unspeakably toil-some task of packing the outfit over the boulders for a couple of hundred yards to where there was a quiet spot to load again. every step had to be balanced for, and even then one was down on his knees half the time. with my numerous bad joints--there are but three from shoulder to heel that had not been sprained or dislocated from two to a dozen times--this boulder clambering work was the only thing in connection with the whole voyage that i failed to enjoy. a half mile run with an eight-mile current took us to the head of the second fall, all but the first hundred yards of which had to be lined. landing this time on the west bank, we worked the boat down without much difficulty past the jutting point where the line of steinhoff's boat had parted. blackmore had hoped to line her all the way down without unloading, but the last fifty yards before the cascade tumbled into the big whirlpool were so thickly studded with rocks along the bank that he finally decided not to risk it. as there were thirty or forty feet of deep pools and eddies between the rocks on which she was stuck and the nearest stretch of unsubmerged boulders, unloading was a particularly awkward piece of work. finally everything was shifted out onto a flat-topped rock, and roos and i were left to get this ashore while andy and blackmore completed lining down. it was an especially nice job, taking the boat down that last steep pitch into the big whirlpool and then working her round a huge square-faced rock to a quiet eddy, and i should greatly like to have seen it. unluckily, what with stumbling over hidden boulders and being down with my nose in the water half of the time, and the thin blue mist that hovered round me the rest of the time from what i said as a consequence of stumbling, i could only guess at the finesse and highly technical skill with which the difficult operation was accomplished. the worst part appeared to be getting her down the fall. once clear of the submerged rocks, blackmore seemed to make the whirlpool do his work for him. poised on a projecting log of the jam packed on top of the jutting rock, he paid out a hundred feet of line and let the racing swirl of the spinning pool carry the boat far out beyond all obstructions. then, gently and delicately as if playing a salmon on a trout rod, he nursed her into an eddy and simply coiled his line and let the back-setting current carry her in to the bit of sandy beach where he wanted to tie her up for the night. it takes a lifetime of swift-water experience to master the intricacies of an operation like that. it was still early in the afternoon, but with a thick mist falling blackmore thought best to stop where we were. the next available camping place was below the half-mile-long third cascade, and no old river man likes to go into a rapid when the visibility is poor. we pitched the tent in a hole cut out of the thick-growing woods on a low bench at the inner angle of the bend. everything was soaking wet, but it was well back from the falls, and for the first time in two days we were able to talk to each other without shouting. not that we did so, however; from sheer force of habit we continued roaring into each other's ears for a week or more yet. the great pile of logs on top of the flat-topped rock above the whirlpool had fascinated me from the first. over a hundred feet square, forty feet high, and packed as though by a titanic hydraulic press, it must have contained thousands and thousands of cords of wood. on blackmore's positive assurance as a timberman that there was nothing in the pile of any value for lumber, even in the improbable contingency that a flood would ever carry it beyond the big drifts of kinbasket lake, i decided to make a bonfire of it. never had i had such an opportunity, both on the score of the sheer quantity of combustible and the spectacular setting for illumination. the whirlpool was _whouf-whoufing_ greedily as it wolfed the whole cascade when i clambered up just before dark to touch off my beacon. it was fairly dry at the base, and a pile of crisp shavings off a slab from some distant up-river sawmill caught quickly. from a spark of red flickering dimly through the mist when we sat down to supper, this had grown to a roaring furnace by the time we had relaxed to pipes and cigarettes. an hour later the flames had eaten a clear chimney up through the jam and the red light from their leaping tips was beginning to drive back the encompassing darkness. roos, who had read about india, thought it would have been fine if we only had a few widows to cast themselves on the flaming pyre and commit _suttee_. andy and blackmore, both sentimental bachelors, were a unit in maintaining that it would be a shame to waste good widows that way, especially on the practically widowless big bend. all three were arguing the point rather heatedly when they crawled into their blankets. for myself, with a vision of the wonder about to unroll impinging on my brain, i could not think of turning in for hours yet. by ten o'clock the pile was well alight underneath, but it was not until nearly midnight, when the mist had turned to snow and a strong wind had sprung up, that it was blazing full strength. i hardly know what would have been the direction of the wind in the upper air, but, cupped in the embrasure of the bend, it was sucking round and round, like the big whirlpool, only more fitfully and with an upward rather than a downward pull. now it would drag the leaping flame-column a hundred feet in the air, twisting it into lambent coils and fining the tip down to a sharp point, like that of the avenging angel's sword of fire in the old biblical prints, now sweep it out in a shivering sheet above the whirlpool, now swing it evenly round and round as though the flame, arrow-pointed and attenuated, were the radium-coated hand of a gargantuan clock being swiftly revolved in the dark. but the wonder of wonders was less the fire itself than the marvellous transformations wrought by the light it threw. and the staggering contrasts! the illuminated snow clouds drifting along the frosted-pink curtain of the tree-clad mountain walls made a roseate fairyland; even the foam covered sweep of the cascade, its roar drowned in the sharp crackle of the flames, was softened and smoothened until it seemed to billow like the sunset-flushed canvas of a ship becalmed: but the whirlpool, its sinister character only accentuated by the conflict of cross-shadows and reflections, was a veritable pit of damnation, choking and coughing as it swirled and rolled in streaky coils of ox-blood, in fire-stabbed welters of fluid coal-tar. wrapped in my hooded duffle coat, i paced the snow-covered moss and exulted in the awesome spectacle until long after midnight. i have never envied nero very poignantly since. given a fiddle and a few christians, i would have had all that was his on the greatest night of his life--and then some. father tiber never had a whirlpool like mine, even on the day horatius swam it "heavy with his armour and spent with changing blows." the next morning, though too heavily overcast for pictures, was still clear enough to travel. the head riffles of the third fall of surprise rapids began a little below our camp, so that we started lining almost immediately. three or four times we pulled across the river, running short stretches and lining now down one side and now the other. there was not so great a rate of drop as at the first and second falls, but the whole stream was choked with barely submerged rocks and lining was difficult on account of the frequent cliffs. it was about half way down that i all but messed things up by failing to get into action quickly enough at a crossing. the fault, in a way, was blackmore's, because of his failure to tell me in advance what was expected, and then--when the order had to be passed instantly--for standing rather too much on ceremony in the manner of passing it. we were about to pull to the opposite side to line down past a riffle which blackmore reckoned too rough to risk running. there was about a ten-mile current, and it would have required the smartest kind of a get-away and the hardest kind of pulling to make the other bank without being carried down onto the riffle. the boat was headed up-stream, and, as blackmore had not told me he intended to cross, i took it for granted he was going to run. so, when roos shoved off and jumped in, i rested on my oar in order that andy could bring the boat sharply round and head it down stream. blackmore's excited yell was the first intimation i had that anything was wrong. "pull like hell! you!... mister freeman!" that "mister," and his momentary pause before uttering it, defeated the purpose of the order. i pulled all right, and so hard that my oar-blade picked up a very sizable hunk of river and flung it in blackmore's face. that upset my balance, and i could not recover quickly enough to keep the boat's head to the current. with characteristic presence of mind, blackmore changed tactics instantly. "got to chance it now!" he shouted, and threw such a pull onto his steering paddle that the handle bent to more than half a right angle where he laid it over the gunwale. there was one jutting rock at the head of the riffle that _had_ to be missed; the rest was all a matter of whether or not the next couple of hundred yards of submerged boulders were deeply enough covered to let us pass _over_ them. there was no way of avoiding them, no chance to lay a course _between_ them. blackmore was a bit wilder about the eyes than i had seen him before; but he had stopped swearing and his mouth was set in a hard, determined line. andy, with chesty grunts, was fairly flailing the water with swift, short-arm strokes. i did not need to be told to refrain from pulling in order that the others could swing her head as far toward the west bank as possible before the rock was reached. instead, i held ready for the one quick backing stroke that would be called for in the event a collision seemed imminent at the last moment. it was the wave thrown off by the rock itself that helped us most when the showdown came. shooting by the jagged barrier so close that andy could have fended with his hand, the boat plunged over a short, sharp pitch and hit the white water with a bang. that was by long odds the roughest stuff we had been into so far. the waves were curling up well above our heads, and every one we hit left a foot or two of its top with us--solid green water, most of it, that began accumulating rather alarmingly in the bottom of the boat. there was no regularity in the way they ran, either. one would come mushrooming fairly over the bows, another would flop aboard over the beam, and every now and then a wild side-winder, missing its spring at the forward part of the boat, would dash a shower of spray over the quarter. from the bank she must have been pretty well out of sight most of the time, for i often saw spray thrown ten or fifteen feet to either side and twice as far astern. all hands were drenched from the moment we struck the first comber, of course, which was doubtless why a wail from roos that the water was going down his neck seemed to strike blackmore as a bit superfluous. "inside or outside your neck?" he roared back, adding that if it was the former the flow could be checked by the simple and natural expedient of keeping the mouth shut. very properly, our "skipper" had the feeling that, in a really tight place, all the talking necessary for navigation should be done from the "bridge," and that "extraneous" comment should be held over to smooth water. before we had run a hundred yards the anxious look on blackmore's face had given way to one of relief and exultation. "there's more water over the rocks than i reckoned," he shouted. "going to run right through." and run we did, all of the last mile or more of surprise rapids and right on through the still swift but comparatively quiet water below. here we drifted with the current for a ways, while all hands turned to and bailed. i took this, the first occasion that had offered, to assure blackmore that he needn't go to the length of calling me "mister" in the future when he had urgent orders to give, and incidentally apologized for getting off on the wrong foot at the head of the first rapid. "since that worked out to save us half a mile of darn dirty lining and two or three hours of time," he replied with a grin, "i guess we won't worry about it this crack, mister--i mean, freeman. mebbe i better get used to saying it that way 'gainst when i'll need to spit it out quick." it was a pleasant run from the foot of surprise rapids down to kinbasket lake, or at least it was pleasant until the rain set in again. there is a fall of sixty-four feet in the sixteen miles--most of it in the first ten. it was a fine swift current, with a number of riffles but no bad water at any point. it was good to be free for a while from the tension which is never absent when working in really rough water, and i have no doubt that blackmore felt better about it than any of the rest of us. surprise was his especial _bete noir_, and he assured me that he had never come safely through it without swearing never to tackle it again. roos, drying out in the bow like a tabby licking her wet coat smooth after being rained on, sang "green river" all the way, and i tried to train andy to pull in time to the rhythm and join in the chorus. as the chorus had much about drink in it, it seemed only fitting--considering what was waiting for us at canoe river--that we _should_ sing it. and we did. "floating down the old green river" became the "official song" of that particular part of the voyage. later ... but why anticipate? we landed for lunch about where the water began to slacken above the lake. the water of the little stream at the mouth of which we tied up the boat was of a bright transparent amber in colour. andy, sapient of the woods, thought it must flow from a lake impounded behind a beaver-dam in the high mountains, and that the stain was that of rotting wood. beaver signs were certainly much in evidence all over the little bench where we lunched. several large cottonwood trunks--one of them all of two feet in diameter--had been felled by the tireless little engineers, and we found a pile of tooth-torn chips large enough to kindle our fire with. while tea was boiling blackmore pulled a couple of three-pound dolly varden out of the mouth of the creek, only to lose his hooks and line when a still larger one connected up with them. roos, who was under orders to get an effective fishing picture, was unable to go into action with his camera on account of the poor light. it had begun to rain hard by the time we had shoved back into the river after lunch. there were still five miles to go to reach the camping ground blackmore had decided upon, half way down the east side of kinbasket lake, just below middle river--slack water all the way. andy and i pulled it in a slushy half-snow-half-rain that was a lot wetter and unpleasanter than the straight article of either variety. of a lake which is one of the loveliest in all the world in the sunlight, nothing was to be seen save a stretch of grey-white, wind-whipped waters beating upon grey-brown rocky shores. that the wind and waves headed us did not make the pulling any lighter, for the boat's considerable freeboard gave both a lot of surface to play upon. the exertion of rowing kept andy and me warm, however, which gave us at least that advantage over roos and blackmore. the latter had to face it out at his paddle, but roos, a bedraggled lump of sodden despair, finally gave up and crawled under the tarpaulin with the bags of beans and bacon, remaining there until we reached port. all in all, i think that was the most miserable camp i ever helped to pitch. the snow, refusing persistently either to harden or to soften, adhered clingingly to everything it touched. we were two hours clearing a space for the tent, setting it up and collecting enough boughs to cushion the floor. by that time pretty nearly everything not hermetically sealed was wet, including the blankets and the "dry" clothes. no one but andy could have started a camp-fire under such conditions, and no one but blackmore could have cooked a piping hot dinner on it. i forget whether it was roos or myself who contributed further to save the day. anyhow, it was one of the two of us that suggested cooking a can of plum-pudding in about its own bulk of "thirty per over-proof" rum. that lent the saving touch. in spite of a leaking tent and wet blankets, the whole four of us turned in singing "end of a perfect day" and "old green river." the latter was prophetic. a miniature one--coming through the roof of the tent--had the range of the back of my neck for most of the night. chapter vii ii. running the bend _kinbasket lake and rapids_ it continued slushing all night and most of the next day, keeping us pretty close to camp. andy, like the good housewife he was, kept snugging up every time he got a chance, so that things assumed a homelier and cheerier aspect as the day wore on. i clambered for a couple of miles down the rocky eastern bank of the lake in the forenoon. the low-hanging clouds still obscured the mountains, but underfoot i found unending interest in the astonishing variety of drift corralled by this remarkable catch-all of the upper columbia. the main accumulation of flotsam and jetsam was above our camp, but even among the rocks i chanced onto almost everything one can imagine, from a steel rail--with the ties that had served to float it down still spiked to it--to a fragment of a vacuum-cleaner. what roos called "the human touch" was furnished by an enormous uprooted spruce, on which some amorous lumber-jack had been pouring out his love through the blade of his axe. this had taken the form of a two-feet-in-diameter "bleeding heart" pierced by an arrow. inside the roughly hewn "pericardium" were the initials "k. n." and "p. r.," with the date "july 4, 1910." one couldn't be quite sure whether the arrow stood for a heart quake or a heart break. andy, who was sentimental and inclined to put woman in the abstract on a pedestal, thought it was merely a heart quake; but blackmore, who had been something of a gallant in his day, and therefore inclined to cynicism as he neared the sear and yellow leaf, was sure it was heart break--that the honest lumber-jack had hacked in the arrow and the drops of blood after he had been jilted by some jade. roos wanted to make a movie of this simple fragment of rustic art, with me standing by and registering "pensive memories," or something of the kind; but i managed to discourage him by the highly technical argument that it would impair the "continuity" of the "sportsmanship" which was the prime _motif_ of the present picture. blackmore piloted me up to the main area of drift in the afternoon. it occupied a hundred acres or more of sand and mud flats which constituted the lower part of the extensive delta deposited on the edge of the lake by the waters of the good-sized stream of middle river. at a first glance it seemed nothing more than a great wilderness of tree trunks--prostrate, upended, woven and packed together--extending for hundreds of yards below high-water-mark. it was between these logs that the smaller things had lodged. there were a number of boats, not greatly damaged, and fragments enough to have reconstructed a dozen more. i am convinced that a half day's search would have discovered the material for building and furnishing a house, though carpets and wall paper would hardly have been all one could desire. i even found a curling iron--closely clasped by the bent nail upon which it had been hung on the log of a cabin--and a corset. the latter seemed hardly worth salving, as it appeared--according to blackmore--to be a "military model" of a decade or so back, and the steel-work was badly rusted. however, it was not gewgaws or house-furnishing we were after. one could hardly be expected to slither about in soft slush for second-hand things of that kind. i gave a great glad whoop at my first sight of a silt-submerged cask, only to find the head missing and nothing but mud in it. so, too, my second and third. then it was blackmore who gave the "view halloo," and my heart gave a mighty leap. _his_ treasure trove had the head intact, and even the bung _in situ_. but alas! the latter had become slightly started, and although the contents had both smell and colour they were so heavily impregnated with river mud that they would hardly have been deemed fit for consumption except in new york and california, and not worth the risk of smuggling even there. that cask was the high-water-mark of our luck. several others had the old familiar smell, and that was all. but there is no doubt in the world that there is whisky in that drift pile--hundreds of gallons of it, and some very old. blackmore swears to that, and i never knew him to lie--about serious matters, i mean. in hunting and trapping yarns a man is expected to draw a long bead. i pass on this undeniably valuable information to any one that cares to profit by it. there are no strings attached. but of course ... in the event of success ... pasadena always finds me!... we did have one find, though, that was so remarkable as to be worth all the trouble and disappointment of our otherwise futile search. this was a road-bridge, with _instinct_. the manner in which this had been displayed was so astonishing as to be almost beyond belief; indeed, i would hesitate about setting down the facts had i not a photograph to prove them. this bridge was perhaps sixty feet in length, and had doubtless been carried away by a freshet from some tributary of the upper river which it had spanned. this was probably somewhere between golden and windermere, so that it had run a hundred miles or more of swift water, including the falls of surprise rapids, without losing more than a few planks. this in itself was remarkable enough, but nothing at all to the fact that, when it finally decided it had come far enough, the sagacious structure had gone and planked itself down squarely across another stream. it was still a bridge in fact as well as in form. it had actually saved my feet from getting wet when i rushed to blackmore's aid in up-ending the cask of mud-diluted whisky. my photograph plainly shows blackmore standing on the bridge, with the water flowing directly beneath him. it would have been a more comprehensive and convincing picture if there had been light enough for a snapshot. as it was, i had to set up on a stump, and in a position which showed less of both stream and bridge than i might have had from a better place. i swear (and so does blackmore) that we didn't place the bridge where it was. it was much too large for that. roos wanted to shoot the whole three of us standing on it and registering "unbounded wonderment," but the light was never right for it up to the morning of our departure, and then there wasn't time. it rained and snowed all that night and most of the following day. during the afternoon of the latter the clouds broke up twice or thrice, and through rifts in the drifting wracks we had transient glimpses of the peaks and glaciers of the selkirks gleaming above the precipitous western walls of the lake. the most conspicuous feature of the sky-line was the three-peaked "trident," rising almost perpendicularly from a glittering field of glacial ice and impaling great masses of pendant _cumulo-nimbi_ on its splintered prongs. strings of lofty glacier-set summits marked the line of the back-bone of the selkirks to southeast and northwest, each of them sending down rain-swollen torrents to tumble into the lake in cataracts and cascades. behind, or east of us, we knew the rockies reared a similar barrier of snow and ice, but this was cut off from our vision by the more imminent lake-wall under which we were camped. if kinbasket lake is ever made accessible to the tourist its fame will reach to the end of the earth. this is a consummation which may be effected in the event the canadian pacific wipes out surprise rapids with its hydro-electric project dam and backs up a lake to beavermouth. the journey to this spot of incomparable beauty could then be made soft enough to suit all but the most effete. a torrential rain, following a warm southerly breeze which sprang up in the middle of the afternoon, lowered the dense cloud-curtain again, and shortly, from somewhere behind the scenes, came the raucous rumble and roar of a great avalanche. blackmore's practised ear led him to pronounce it a slide of both earth and snow, and to locate it somewhere on trident creek, straight across the lake from our camp. he proved to be right on both counts. when the clouds lifted again at sunset, a long yellow scar gashed the shoulder of the mountain half way up trident creek to the glacier, and the clear stream from the latter had completely disappeared. blackmore said it had been dammed up by the slide, and that there would be all hell popping when it broke through. scouting around for more boughs to soften his bed, roos, just before supper, chanced upon steinhoff's grave. it was under a small pine, not fifty feet from our tent, but so hidden by the dense undergrowth that it had escaped our notice for two days. it was marked only by a fragment split from the stern of a white-painted boat nailed horizontally on the pine trunk and with the single word "steinhoff" carved in rude capitals. at one corner, in pencil, was an inscription stating that the board had been put up in may, 1920, by joe french and leo tennis. with the golden sunset light streaming through the trees, roos, always strong for "pathetic human touches" to serve as a sombre background for his mack sennett stuff, could not resist the opportunity for a picture. andy and blackmore and i were to come climbing up to the grave from the lake, read the inscription, and then look at each other and shake our heads ominously, as though it was simply a matter of time until we, too, should fall prey to the implacable river. i refused straightaway, on the ground that i had signed up to act the part of a light comedy sportsman and not a heavy mourner. blackmore and andy were more amenable. in rehearsal, however, the expressions on their honest faces were so wooden and embarrassed that roos finally called me up to stand out of range and "say something to make 'em look natural." i refrain from recording what i said; but i still maintain that shot was an interruption of the "continuity" of my "gentleman-sportsman" picture. i have not yet heard if it survived the studio surgery. shortly before dark, andy, going down to look at his set-line, found a three-foot ling or fresh-water cod floundering on the end of it. roos persuaded him to keep it over night so that the elusive "fishing picture" might be made the following morning in case the light was good. as there were five or six inches of water in the bottom of the boat, andy threw the ling in there for the night in preference to picketing him out on a line. there was plenty of water to have given the husky shovel-nose ample room to circulate with comfort if only he had been content to take it easy and not wax temperamental. doubtless it was his imminent movie engagement that brought on his attack of flightiness. at any rate, he tried to burrow under a collapsible sheet-iron stove (which, preferring to do with a camp-fire, we had left in the boat) and got stuck. the forward five pounds of him had water enough to keep alive in, but in the night--when it cleared off and turned cold--his tail, which was bent up sharply under a thwart, froze stiff at almost right angles. but i am getting ahead of my story. the next morning, the sixth of october, broke brilliantly clear, with the sun gilding the prongs of the "trident" and throwing the whole snowy line of the selkirks in dazzling relief against a deep turquoise sky. blackmore, keen for an early start, so as not to be rushed in working down through the dreaded "twenty-one-mile" rapids to canoe river, rooted us out at daybreak and began breaking camp before breakfast. he had reckoned without the "fishing picture," however. roos wanted bright sunlight for it, claiming he was under special instructions to make something sparkling and snappy. all through breakfast he coached me on the intricate details of the action. "make him put up a stiff fight," he admonished through a mouthful of flapjack. "of course he won't fight, 'cause he ain't that kind; but if you jerk and wiggle your pole just right it'll make it look like he was. that's what a real actor's for--making things look like they is when they ain't. got me?" then we went down and discovered that poor half-frozen fish with the eight-point alteration of the continuity of his back-bone. the ling or fresh-water cod has an underhung, somewhat shark-like mouth, not unsuggestive of the new moon with its points turned downward. roos' mouth took on a similarly dejected droop when he found the condition the principal animal actor in his fish picture was in. but it was too late to give up now. never might we have so husky a fighting fish ready to hand, and with a bright sun shining on it. roos tried osteopathy, applied chiropractics and christian science without much effect. our "lead" continued as rigid and unrelaxing as the bushman's boomerang, whose shape he so nearly approximated. then andy wrought the miracle with a simple "laying on of hands." what he really did was to thaw out the frozen rear end of the fish by holding it between his big, warm red celtic paws; but the effect was as magical as a cure at lourdes. the big ling was shortly flopping vigorously, and when andy dropped him into a bit of a boulder-locked pool he went charging back and forth at the rocky barriers like a bull at a gate. roos almost wept in his thankfulness, and forthwith promised the restorer an extra rum ration that night. andy grinned his thanks, but reminded him that we ought to be at the old ferry by night, where something even better than "thirty per over-proof" rum would be on tap. it was indeed the morning of our great day. stimulated by that inspiring thought, i prepared to outdo myself in the "fish picture," the "set" for which was now ready. [illustration: blackmore and the ling that refused to "register"] [illustration: the writer, with pike-pole just before lining death rapids] [illustration: andy and i pulling down kinbasket lake] standing on the stern of the beached boat, i made a long cast, registering "concentrated eagerness." then roos stopped cranking, and andy brought the ling out and fastened it to the end of my line with a snug but comfortable hitch through the gills. (we were careful not to hurt him, for chester's directions had admonished especially against "showing brutality".) when i had nursed him out to about where my opening cast had landed, roos called "action!" and started cranking again. back and forth in wide sweeps he dashed, while i registered blended "eagerness" and "determination," with frequent interpolations of "consternation" as carefully timed tugs (by myself) bent my shivering pole down to the water. when roos had enough footage of "fighting," i brought my catch in close to the boat and leered down at him, registering "near triumph." then i towed him ashore and andy and blackmore rushed in to help me land him. after much struggling (by ourselves) we brought him out on the beach. at this juncture i was supposed to grab the ling by the gills and hold him proudly aloft, registering "full triumph" the while. andy and blackmore were to crowd in, pat me on the back and beam congratulations. blackmore was then to assume an expression intended to convey the impression that this was the hardest fighting ling he had ever seen caught. all three of us were action perfect in our parts; but that miserable turn-tail of a ling--who had nothing to do but flop and register "indignant protest"--spoiled it all at the last. as i flung my prize on high, a shrill scream of "rotten!" from roos froze the action where it was. then i noticed that what was supposed to be a gamy denizen of the swift-flowing columbia was hanging from my hand as rigid as a coupling-pin--a bent coupling-pin at that, for he had resumed his former cold-storage curl. "rotten!" shrieked roos in a frenzy; "do it again!" but that was not to be. for the "chief actor" the curtain had rung down for good. "you must have played him too fierce," said andy sympathetically. blackmore was inclined to be frivolous. "p'raps he was trying to register 'big bend,'" said he. just after we had pushed off there came a heavy and increasing roar from across the lake. presently the cascade of trident creek sprang into life again, but now a squirt of yellow ochre where before it was a flutter of white satin. rapidly augmenting, it spread from wall to wall of the rocky gorge, discharging to the bosky depths of the delta with a prodigious rumbling that reverberated up and down the lake like heavy thunder. a moment later the flood had reached the shore, and out across the lucent green waters of the lake spread a broadening fan of yellow-brown. "i told you hell would be popping after that big slide," said blackmore, resting on his paddle. "that's the backed-up stream breaking through." kinbasket lake is a broadening and slackening of the columbia, backed up behind the obstructions which cause the long series of rapids between its outlet and the mouth of canoe river. it is six or seven miles long, according to the stage of water, and from one to two miles wide. its downward set of current is slight but perceptible. the outlet, as we approached it after a three-mile pull from our camp at middle river, appeared strikingly similar to the head of surprise rapids. here, however, the transition from quiet to swift water was even more abrupt. the surface of the lake was a-dance with the ripples kicked up by the crisp morning breeze, and blindingly bright where the facets of the tiny wavelets reflected the sunlight like shaken diamonds. the shadowed depths of the narrow gorge ahead was stygian by contrast. blackmore called my attention to the way the crests of the pines rimming the river a few hundred yards inside the gorge appeared just about on the level with the surface of the lake. "when you see the tree-tops fall away like that," he said, standing up to take his final bearings for the opening run, "look out. it means there's water running down hill right ahead faster'n any boat wants to put its nose in." the roar rolling up to us was not quite so deep-toned or thunderous as the challenging bellow of the first fall of surprise; but it was more "permeative," as though the sources from which it came ran on without end. and that was just about the situation. we were sliding down to the intake of kinbasket or "the twenty-one-mile" rapids, one of the longest, if not _the_ longest, succession of practically unbroken riffles on any of the great rivers of the world. from the outlet of kinbasket lake to the mouth of canoe river is twenty-one miles. for the sixteen miles the tail of one rapid generally runs right into the head of the next, and there is a fall of two hundred and sixty feet, or more than sixteen feet to the mile. for the last five miles there is less white water, but the current runs from eight to twelve miles an hour, with many swirls and whirlpools. the river is closely canyoned all the way. this compels one to make the whole run through in a single day, as there is no camping place at any point. cliffs and sharply-sloping boulder banks greatly complicate lining down and compel frequent crossings at points where a failure to land just right is pretty likely to leave things in a good deal of a mess. blackmore ran us down through a couple of hundred yards of slap-banging white water, before coming to bank above a steep pitch where the river tore itself to rags and tatters across a patch of rocks that seemed to block the whole channel. from captain armstrong's description, this was the exact point where the trouble with his tipsy bow-paddler had occurred, the little difficulty which had been the cause of his leaving the salvaged cask of scotch at his next camp. like pious pilgrims approaching the gateway of some long-laboured-toward shrine, therefore, we looked at the place with much interest, not to say reverence. blackmore was perhaps the least sentimental of us. "i wouldn't try to run that next fall for all the whisky ever lost in the old columbia," he said decisively, beginning to re-coil his long line. then we turned to on lining down the most accursed stretch of river boulders i ever had to do with. barely submerged rocks crowding the bank compelled us to wade in and lift the boat ahead even oftener than in surprise rapids. andy always took the lead in this, but time after time my help was necessary to throw her clear. for the first time since i had boated in alaska a good many years previously, i began to know the numbing effects of icy water. the heavy exertion did a lot to keep the blood moving, but three or four minutes standing with the water up to mid-thigh sent the chill right in to the marrow of the bones, even when sweat was running off the face in streams. that started a sort of dull ache in the leg bones that kept creeping higher and higher the longer one remained in the water. that ache was the worst part of it; the flesh became dead to sensation very quickly, but that penetrating inward pain had more hurt in it every minute it was prolonged. it was bad enough in the legs, but when, submerged to the waist, as happened every now and then, the chill began to penetrate to the back-bone and stab the digestive organs, it became pretty trying. one realized then what really short shrift a man would have trying to swim for more than four or five minutes even in calm water of this temperature. that was about the limit for heart action to continue with the cold striking in and numbing the veins and arteries, a doctor had told blackmore, and this seemed reasonable. andy was repeatedly sick at the stomach after he had been wet for long above the waist. my own qualms were rather less severe (doubtless because i was exposed rather less), but i found myself very weak and unsteady after every immersion. a liberal use of rum would undoubtedly have been of some help for a while, but blackmore was adamant against starting in on it as long as there was any bad water ahead. and as there was nothing but bad water ahead, this meant that--in one sense at least--we were a "dry ship." i shall not endeavour to trace in detail our painful progress down "twenty-one-mile." indeed, i could not do so even if i wanted, for the very good reason that my hands were so full helping with the boat all the way that i had no time to make notes, and even my mental record--usually fairly dependable--is hopelessly jumbled. even blackmore became considerably mixed at times. at the first four or five riffles below the lake he called the turn correctly, landing, lining, crossing and running just where he should have done so. then his mind-map became less clear. twice he lined riffles which it presently became plain we could have run, and then he all but failed to land above one where a well-masked "souse-hole" would have gulped the boat in one mouthful. it was at this juncture that i asked him why he had never taken the trouble of making a rough chart of this portion of the river, so that he could be quite sure what was ahead. he said that the idea was a good one, and that it had often occurred to him. there were several reasons why he had never carried it out. one was, that he was always so mad when he was going down "twenty-one-mile" that he couldn't see straight, let alone write and draw straight. this meant that the chart would be of no use to him, even if some one else made it--unless, of course, he brought the maker along to interpret it. the main deterrent, however, had been the fact that he had always sworn each passage should be his last, so that (according to his frame of mind of the moment) there would be no use for the chart even if he could have seen straight enough to make it, and to read it after it had been made. the scenery--so far as i recall it--was grand beyond words to describe. cliff fronted cliff, with a jagged ribbon of violet-purple sky between. every few hundred yards creeks broke through the mountain walls and came cascading into the river over their spreading boulder "fans." framed in the narrow notches from which they sprang appeared transient visions of sun-dazzled peaks and glaciers towering above wedge-shaped valleys swimming full of lilac mist. i saw these things, floating by like double strips of movie film, only when we were running in the current; when lining i was aware of little beyond the red line of the gunwale which i grasped, the imminent loom of andy's grey-shirted shoulder next me, and the foam-flecked swirl of liquefied glacier enfolding my legs and swiftly converting them to stumpy icicles. there was one comfort, though. the farther down river we worked away from the lake, the shorter became the stretches of lining and the longer the rapids that were runnable. that accelerated our progress materially, but even so blackmore did not reckon that there was time to stop for pictures, or even for lunch. we were still well up to schedule, but he was anxious to work on a good margin in the event of the always-to-be-expected "unexpected." it was along toward three in the afternoon that, after completing a particularly nasty bit of lining a mile or two above the mouth of yellow creek, he came over and slapped me on the back. "that finishes it for the day, young man," he cried gaily. "we can turn loose and run the rest of it now, and we'll do it hell sizzling fast. it may also rejoice you to know that all the lining left for the whole trip is a couple of hundred yards at 'rock slide' and death rapids. all aboard for the ferry!" all of a sudden life had become a blessed thing again. for the first time i became aware that there were birds singing in the trees, flowers blooming in the protected shelves above high-water-mark, and maiden-hair ferns festooning the dripping grottoes of the cliffs. dumping the water from our boots, andy and i resumed our oars and swung the boat right out into the middle of the current. the first rapid we hit was a vicious side-winder, shaped like a letter "s," with overhanging cliffs playing battledore-and-shuttlecock with the river at the bends. blackmore said he would have lined it if the water had been two feet lower; as it was now we would get wetter trying to worry a boat round the cliffs than in slashing through. we got quite wet enough as it was. the rocks were not hard to avoid, but banging almost side-on into the great back-curving combers thrown off by the cliffs was just a bit terrifying. slammed back and forth at express-train speed, with nothing but those roaring open-faced waves buffeting against the cliffs, was somewhat suggestive of the sensation you get from a quick double-bank in a big biplane. only it was wetter--much wetter. it took blackmore ten minutes of hard bailing to get rid of the splashage. the succeeding rapids, though no less swift, were straighter, and easier--and dryer. roos, perched up in the bow, announced that all was over but the digging, and started to sing "old green river." andy and i joined in lustily, and even blackmore (though a lip-reader would have sworn he was mumbling over a rosary) claimed to be singing. exultant as we all were over the prize so nearly within our grasp, we must have put a world of feeling into that heart-stirring chorus. "i was drifting down the old green river on the good ship _rock-and-rye_- i drifted too far; i got stuck on the bar; i was out there alone, wishing that i were home- the captain was lost, with all of the crew, so that there was nothing left to do; and i had to drink the whole green river dry-igh to get back ho-ohm to you-oo-ou!" smoother and smoother became the going, and then--rather unexpectedly, it seemed to me--the water began to slacken its dizzy speed. blackmore appeared considerably puzzled over it, i thought. roos, turning sentimental, had started singing a song that he had learned from a phonograph, and in which, therefore, appeared numerous hiati. "now i know da-da-da-da-da- now i know the reason why- da-da-da-da----da-da-da-daah- now i know, yes, now i know! da-da-da, my heart...." blackmore frowned more deeply as the treble wail floated back to him, and then broke into the next "da-da" with a sudden growl. "i say, young feller," he roared, slapping sharply into the quieting water with his paddle blade; "if you know so _geesly_ much, i'm wondering if you'd mind loosening up on one or two things that have got _me_ buffaloed. first place, do i look like a man that had took a shot of hop?" "not at all, sir," quavered roos, who seemed rather fearful of an impending call-down. "i don't, huh?" went on the growl. "then please tell me why what i knows is a ten-mile-an-hour current looks to me like slack water, and why i think i hear a roar coming round the next bend." "but the water _is_ slack," protested roos, "and i've heard that roar for five minutes _myself_. just another rapid, isn't it? the water always...." "rot!" roared the veteran. "there ain't no fall with a rip-raring thunder like that 'tween yellow creek and death rapids. rot, i tell you! i must ha' been doped after all." nevertheless, when that ground-shaking rumble assailed us in a raw, rough wave of savage sound as we pulled round the bend, blackmore was not sufficiently confident of his "dope theory" to care to get any nearer to it without a preliminary reconnaissance. landing a hundred yards above where a white "eyelash" of up-flipped water showed above a line of big rocks, we clambered down along the right bank on foot. presently all that had occurred was written clear for one who knew the way of a slide with a river, and the way of a river with a slide, to read as on the page of a book. "a new rapid, and a whale at that!" gasped blackmore in astonishment; "the first one that's ever formed on the columbia in my time!" the amazing thing that had happened was this: sometime in the spring, a landslide of enormous size, doubtless started by an avalanche of snow far up in the selkirks, had ripped the whole side of a mountain out and come down all the way across the river. as the pines were hurled _backward_ for a couple of hundred feet above the river on the right or rocky mountain bank, it seemed reasonable to believe that the dam formed had averaged considerably more than that in height. as this would have backed up the river for at least ten or twelve miles, it is probable that the lake formed must have been rising for a number of days before it flowed over the top of the barrier and began to sluice it away. on an incalculably larger scale, it was just the sort of thing we had heard and seen happening on trident creek, opposite our kinbasket lake camp. not the least remarkable thing in connection with the stupendous convulsion was the fact that a large creek was flowing directly down the great gash torn out by the slide and emptying right into the rapid which was left when the dam had been washed away. blackmore was quite positive that there had been no creek at this point the last time he was there. it seemed reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the slide, in removing a considerable section of mountain wall, had opened a new line of drainage for some little valley in the high selkirks. it was the great, rough fragments of cliff and native rock left after the earth had been sluiced out of the dam that remained to form the unexpected rapid which now confronted us. they had not yet been worn smooth like the rest of the river boulders, and it was this fact, doubtless, that gave the cascade tumbling through and over them such a raw, raucous roar. the solution of the mystery of the appearance of the rapid was only an incident compared with the problem of how to pass it. there was a comparatively straight channel, but there was no possibility that the boat could live in the huge rollers that billowed down the middle of it. just to the right of the middle there was a smoother chute which looked better--provided the boat could be kept to it. blackmore said that it looked like too much of a risk, and decided to try to line down the right bank--the one on which we had landed. as the river walls were too steep and broken to allow any of the outfit to be portaged, the boat would have to go through loaded. a big uprooted pine tree, extending out fifty feet over the river and with its under limbs swept by the water, seemed likely to prove our worst difficulty, and i am inclined to believe it would have held us up in the end, even after we reached it. as things turned out, however, it troubled us not a whit, for the boat never got down that far. right at the head of the rapid her bows jammed between two submerged boulders about ten feet from the bank, and there she stuck. as it was quickly evident that it was out of the question to lift her on through, it now became a problem of working her back up-stream out of the jaws that held her. but with the full force of the current driving her tighter between the rocks, she now refused to budge even in the direction from which she had come. as i look back on it now, the fifteen minutes andy and i, mid-waist deep in the icy water, spent trying to work that hulking red boat loose so that blackmore could haul her back into quiet water for a fresh start takes pride of place as the most miserable interval of the whole trip. after andy's experience in surprise rapids, neither of us was inclined to throw his whole weight into a lift that might leave him overbalanced when the boat was swept out of his reach. and so we pulled and hauled and cursed (i should hate to have to record all we said about the ancestry of the river, the boat, and the two rocks that held the boat), while the tentacles of the cold clutched deeper with every passing minute. roos, sitting on a pine stump and whittling, furnished no help but some slight diversion. when he started singing "old green river" just after i had slipped and soused my head in the current, i stopped tugging at the boat for long enough to wade out and shy a stone at him. "green river"[1] was all right in its place, but its place was swirling against the _inside_ of the ribs, not the _outside_. roos had the cheek to pick the rock up out of his lap and heave it back at me--but with an aim less certain than my own. a few minutes later he called out to blackmore to ask if this new rapid had a name, adding that if it had not, he would like to do his employer, mr. chester, the honour of naming it after him. blackmore relaxed his strain on the line for a moment to roar back that no rapid was ever named after a man unless he had been "drownded" in it. "we'll name this one after you if you'll do the needful," he growled as an afterthought, throwing his weight again onto his line. that tickled andy and me so mightily that we gave a prodigious heave in all recklessness of consequences, and off she came. gaining the bank with little trouble, we joined blackmore and helped him haul her up by line into slower water. [1] for the benefit of those who have forgotten, or may never have known, i will state that "green river" was the name of a brand of whisky consumed by ancient americans with considerable gusto. l. r. f. "no good lining," the "skipper" announced decidedly, as we sat down to rest for a spell; "i'm going to drive her straight through." chilled, weary and dead-beat generally, i was in a state of mind that would have welcomed jumping into the rapid with a stone tied to my neck rather than go back to the half-submerged wading and lifting. roos said he hated to risk his camera, and so would try to crawl with it over the cliff and rejoin us below the rapid. andy said he was quite game to pull his oar for a run if we had to, but that he would first like to try lining down the opposite bank. he thought we could make it _there_, and he had just a bit of a doubt about what might happen in mid-river. that was reasonable enough, and blackmore readily consented to try the other side. [illustration: our wettest camp at kinbasket lake (_above_)] [illustration: the old ferry tower above canoe river (_below_)] [illustration: where we tied up at kinbasket lake (_above_)] [illustration: the bridge which the columbia carried a hundred miles and placed across another stream (_center_)] [illustration: lining down to the head of death rapids (_below_)] almost at once it appeared that we had landed in the same trouble as on the right bank. directly off the mouth of the stream that came down from the slide the bow of the boat was caught and held between two submerged rocks, defying our every attempt to lift it over. blackmore was becoming impatient again, and was just ready to give up and run, when andy, with the aid of a young tree-trunk used as a lever, rolled one of the boulders aside and cleared the way. five minutes later we had completed lining down and were pushing off for the final run to the ferry. no more "mystery rapids" cropped up to disturb our voyage, and, pulling in deep, swift water, we made the next five miles in twenty-five minutes. a part of the distance was through the rocky-walled red canyon, one of the grandest scenic bits of the bend. at one point blackmore showed us a sheer-sided rock island, on which he said he had once found the graves of two white men, with an inscription so worn as to be indecipherable. he thought they were probably those of miners lost during the cariboo gold-field excitement of the middle of the last century, or perhaps even those of hudson bay _voyageurs_ of a century or more back. there were many unidentified graves all the way round the bend, he said. the river walls fell back a bit on both sides as we neared our destination, and the low-hanging western sun had found a gap in the selkirks through which it was pouring its level rays to flood with a rich amber light the low wooded benches at the abandoned crossing. the old ferry-tower reared itself upward like the statue of liberty, bathing its head in the golden light of the expiring day. steering for it as to a beacon, blackmore beached the boat on a gravel bar flanking an eddy almost directly under the rusting cable. we would cross later to spend the night in a trapper's cabin on the opposite bank, he said; as there was sure to be a shovel or two in the old ferry shacks, he had come there at once so as to get down to business without delay. right then and there, before we left the boat, i did a thing which i have been greatly gratified that i did do--right then and there. i drew my companions close to me and assured them that i had made up my mind to divide the spoils with them. blackmore and andy should have a gallon apiece, and roos a quart. (i scaled down the latter's share sharply, partly because he had thrown that stone back at me, and the nerve of it rankled, and partly--i must confess--out of "professional jealousy." "stars" and "directors" never do hit off.) the rest i would retain and divide with captain armstrong as agreed. i did not tell them that i had high hopes that armstrong would soften in the end and let me keep it all to take home. after all of them (including roos) had wrung my hand with gratitude, we set to work, each in his own way. the spot was readily located the moment we took the compass bearing. pacing off was quite unnecessary. it was in the angle of a v-shaped outcrop of bedrock, where a man who knew about what was there could feel his way and claw up the treasure in the dark. it was an "inevitable" hiding place, just as gibraltar is an inevitable fortress and manhattan an inevitable metropolis. yes, we each went to work in our own way. blackmore and andy found a couple of rusty shovels and went to digging; roos climbed up into the old ferry basket to take a picture of them digging; i climbed up on the old shack to take a picture of roos taking a picture of them digging. nothing was omitted calculated to preserve historical accuracy. i had been in baalbek just before the war when a german archæological mission had inaugurated excavation for phoenician antiquities, and so was sapient in all that an occasion of the kind required. the picture cycle complete, i strolled over to where andy and blackmore were making the dirt fly like a pair of airedales digging out a badger. the ground was soft, they said, leaning on their shovels; it ought to be only the matter of minutes now. the "showings" were good. they had already unearthed a glove, a tin cup and a fragment of barrel iron. "gorgeous stroke of luck for us that chap, k----, hit the stuff so hard up at kinbasket," i murmured ecstatically. blackmore started and straightened up like a man hit with a steel bullet. "what was that name again?" he gasped. "k----," i replied wonderingly; "some kind of a swede, i believe armstrong said. but what difference does his name make as long as...." blackmore tossed his shovel out of the hole and climbed stiffly up after it before he replied. when he spoke it was in a voice thin and trailing, as though draggled by the weariness of the ages. "difference, boy! all the difference between hell and happiness. about two years ago k---dropped out of sight from revelstoke, and it was only known he had gone somewhere on the bend. a week after he returned he died in the hospital of the 'd. t's.'" roos (perhaps because he had the least to lose by the disaster) was the only one who had the strength to speak. it seemed that he had studied latin in the high school. "_sic transit gloria spiritum frumenti_," was what he said. never in all the voyage did he speak so much to the point. blackmore frowned at him gloomily as the mystic words were solemnly pronounced. "young feller," he growled, "i don't savvy what the last part of that drug-store lingo you're spitting means; but you're dead right about the first part. _sick_ is sure the word." we spent the night in an empty trapper's cabin across the river. charity forbids that i lift the curtain of the house of mourning. chapter viii iii. running the bend _boat encampment to revelstoke_ we were now close to the historic boat encampment, where at last our course would join with that followed by the early _voyageurs_ and explorers. no point in the whole length of the columbia, not even astoria, has associations more calculated to stir the imagination than this tiny patch of silt-covered overflow flat which has been formed by the erosive action of three torrential rivers tearing at the hearts of three great mountain ranges. sand and soil of the rockies, selkirks and the gold range, carried by the columbia, canoe and wood rivers, meet and mingle to form the remarkable halting place, where the east and westbound pioneering traffic of a century stopped to gather breath for the next stage of its journey. before pushing off from the ferry on the morning of october seventh i dug out from my luggage a copy of a report written in 1881 by lieutenant thomas w. symons, u. s. a., on the navigation of the upper columbia. this was chiefly concerned with that part of the river between the international boundary and the mouth of the snake, but lieutenant symons had made a long and exhaustive study of the whole columbia basin, and his geographical description of the three rivers which unite at boat encampment is so succinct and yet so comprehensive that i am impelled to make a liberal quotation from it here. of the great assistance i had from lieutenant symons' invaluable report when i came to the passage of that part of the river covered by his remarkable voyage of forty years ago i shall write later. "amid the universal gloom and midnight silence of the north, a little above the fifty-second parallel of latitude, seemingly surrounded on all sides by cloud-piercing snow-clad mountains, and nestled down among the lower and nearer cedar-mantled hills, there lies a narrow valley where three streams meet and blend their waters, one coming from the southeast, one from the northwest, and one from the east. the principal one of these streams is the one from the southeast ... and is the headwater stream, and bears the name of the columbia. "the northwestern stream is the extreme northern branch of the columbia, rising beyond the fifty-third parallel of latitude, and is known among the traders and _voyageurs_ as canoe river, from the excellence of the barks obtained on its banks for canoe building. this is a small river, forty yards wide at its mouth, flowing through a densely timbered valley in which the trees overhang the stream to such an extent as almost to shut it out from the light of heaven.... "portage river, the third of the trio of streams, the smallest and the most remarkable of them, is the one which enters from the east. it has its source in the very heart of the rocky mountains and flows through a tremendous cleft in the main range between two of its loftiest peaks, mounts brown and hooker. just underneath these giant mountains, on the divide known as 'the height of land,' lie two small lakes, each about thirty yards in diameter, and which are only a few yards from each other. one has its outlet to the west, portage river, flowing to the columbia; the other has its outlet to the east, whirlpool river, a branch of the athabaska, which joins the mackenzie and flows to the arctic ocean. "the elevated valley in which these lakes are situated is called 'the committee's punchbowl,' and the nabobs of the fur trade always treated their companions to a bucket of punch when this point was reached, if they had the ingredients from which to make it, and they usually had. "the pass across the mountains by the portage river, 'the committee's punchbowl' and whirlpool river, known as the athabaska pass, was for many years the route of the british fur traders in going from one side of the rocky mountains to the other. this route is far from being an easy one, and a description of the difficulties, dangers and discomforts of a trip over it will certainly deter any one from making the journey for pleasure. a great part of the way the traveller has to wade up to his middle in the icy waters of portage river. the journey had to be made in the spring before the summer thaws and rains set in, or in the autumn after severe cold weather had locked up the mountain drainage. during the summer the stream becomes an impetuous impassable mountain torrent." considering that lieutenant symons had never traversed the big bend nor the athabaska pass, this description (which must have been written from his careful readings of the diaries of the old _voyageurs_) is a remarkable one. it is not only accurate topographically and geographically, but it has an "atmosphere" which one who _does_ know this region at first hand will be quick to appreciate. how and when the stream which he and the men before him called portage river came to have its name changed to wood, i have not been able to learn. a mile below the ferry blackmore called my attention to a sharp wedge of brown-black mountain which appeared to form the left wall of the river a short way ahead. that lofty out-thrust of rock, he said, was the extreme northern end of the selkirk range. the columbia, after receiving the waters of wood and canoe rivers, looped right round this cape and started flowing south, but with the _massif_ of the selkirks still forming its left bank. but the rockies, which had formed its right bank all the way from its source, were now left behind, and their place was taken by the almost equally lofty gold range, which drained east to the columbia and west to the thompson. the columbia doubles back from north to south at an astonishingly sharp angle,--as river bends go, that is. picture mentally madison square, new york. now suppose the columbia to flow north on broadway, bend round the flatiron building (which represents the selkirks), and then flow south down fifth avenue. then east twenty-third street would represent wood river, and north broadway, canoe river. now forget all the other streets and imagine the buildings of madison square as ten to twelve thousand-feet-high mountains. and there you have a model of the apex of the big bend of the columbia. a milky grey-green flood--straight glacier water if there ever was such--staining the clear stream of the columbia marked the mouth of wood river, and we pulled in for a brief glimpse in passing of what had once been boat encampment. i had broken my thermometer at kinbasket lake, so i could not take the temperatures here; but wood river was beyond all doubt the coldest stream i had ever dabbled a finger-tip in. what the ascent to athabaska pass must have been may be judged from this description by alexander ross--one of the original astoria party--written over a hundred years ago. "picture in the mind a dark, narrow defile, skirted on one side by a chain of inaccessible mountains rising to a great height, covered with snow, and slippery with ice from their tops down to the water's edge; and on the other a beach comparatively low, but studded in an irregular manner with standing and fallen trees, rocks and ice, and full of driftwood, over which the torrent everywhere rushes with such irresistible impetuosity that very few would dare to adventure themselves in the stream. let him again imagine a rapid river descending from some great height, filling up the whole channel between the rocky precipices on the south, and the no less dangerous barrier on the north; and, lastly, let him suppose that we were obliged to make our way on foot against such a torrent, by crossing and recrossing it in all its turns and windings, from morning till night, up to the middle in water, and he will understand the difficulties to be overcome in crossing the rocky mountains." i have been able to learn nothing of records which would indicate that any of the early explorers or _voyageurs_ traversed that portion of the columbia down which we had just come. david thompson, who is credited with being the first man to travel the columbia to the sea, although he spent one winter at the foot of lake windermere, appears to have made his down-river push-off from boat encampment. mr. basil g. hamilton, of invermere, sends me an authoritative note on this point, based on thompson's own journal. from this it appears that the great astronomer-explorer crossed the rockies by athabaska pass and came down to what has since been known by the name of boat encampment in march, 1811. having built himself a hut, he made preparation for a trip down the columbia, by which he hoped to reach the mouth in advance of either of the astor parties, and thus be able to lay claim to the whole region traversed in the name of the northwest company. he writes: "we first tried to get birch rind wherewith to make our trip to the pacific ocean, but without finding any even thick enough to make a dish. so we split out thin boards of cedar wood, about six inches in breadth, and built a canoe twenty-five feet in length and fifty inches in breadth, of the same form as a common canoe. as we had no nails we sewed the boards to each other round the timbers, making use of the fine roots of the pine which we split." this ingeniously constructed but precarious craft was finished on the sixteenth of april, and thompson's party embarked in it on the seventeenth. mr. hamilton doubts if this was the same craft in which they finally reached astoria. from my own knowledge of what lies between i am very much inclined to agree with him. certainly no boat of the construction described could have lasted even to the arrow lakes without much patching, and if a boat seeming on the lines of the original really reached the pacific, it must have been many times renewed in the course of the voyage. i shall hardly need to add that thompson's remarkable journey, so far as its original object was concerned, was a failure. he reached the mouth of the columbia well in advance of astor's land party, but only to find the new yorker fur-trader's expedition by way of cape horn and hawaii already in occupation. boat encampment of to-day is neither picturesque nor interesting; indeed, there are several camp-sites at the bend that one would choose in preference to that rather damp patch of brush-covered, treeless clearing. all that i found in the way of relics of the past were some huge cedar stumps, almost covered with silt, and the remains of a demolished _batteau_. i salved a crude oar-lock from the latter to carry as a mascot for my down-river trip. as a mascot it served me very well, everything considered; though it _did_ get me in rather bad once when i tried to use it for an oar-lock. before the sparkling jade-green stream of the columbia had entirely quenched the milky flow of wood river, the chocolate-brown torrent of canoe river came pouring in to mess things up anew. the swift northern affluent, greatly swelled by the recent rains, was in flood, and at the moment appeared to be discharging a flow almost if not quite equal to that of the main river. for a considerable distance the waters of the right side of the augmented river retained their rich cinnamon tint, and it was not until a brisk stretch of rapid a mile below the bend got in its cocktail-shaker action that the two streams became thoroughly blended. then the former crystalline clearness of the columbia was a thing of the past. it was still far from being a muddy river. there was still more of green than of brown in its waters, but they were dully translucent where they had been brilliantly transparent. not until the hundred-mile-long settling-basin of the arrow lakes allowed the sediment to deposit did the old emerald-bright sparkle come back again. a couple of quick rifle shots from the left bank set the echoes ringing just after we had passed canoe river, and blackmore turned in to where a man and dog were standing in front of an extremely picturesquely located log cabin. it proved to be a french-canadian half-breed trapper called alphonse edmunds. his interest in us was purely social, and after a five minutes' yarn we pulled on. blackmore said the chap lived in golden, and that to avoid the dreaded run down through surprise and kinbasket rapids, he was in the habit of going a couple of hundred miles by the c. p. r. to kamloops, thence north for a hundred miles or more by the canadian northern, thence by packtrain a considerable distance over the divide to the head of canoe river, and finally down the latter by boat to the bend, where he did his winter trapping. this was about four times the distance as by the direct route down the columbia, and probably at least quadrupled time and expense. it threw an illuminative side-light on the way some of the natives regarded the upper half of the big bend. the river was deeper now, but still plugged along at near to the ten-miles-an-hour it had averaged from the foot of kinbasket rapids. as the western slopes of the selkirks were considerably more extensive than the eastern, the drainage to the columbia from that side was proportionately greater. cascades and cataracts came tumbling in every few hundred yards, and every mile or two, from one side or the other, a considerable creek would pour down over its spreading boulder "fan." we landed at twelve-thirty and cooked our lunch on the stove of a perfect beauty of a trapper's cabin near the mouth of mica creek. the trapper had already begun getting in his winter grub, but was away at the moment. the whole place was as clean as a dutch kitchen. a recent shift of channel by the fickle-minded mica creek had undermined almost to the door of this snug little home, and andy reckoned it would go down river on the next spring rise. [illustration: trapper's cabin being undermined by stream] [illustration: the camp above twelve-mile] [illustration: landing at sunset above canoe river (_above_)] [illustration: andy and blackmore swinging the boat into the head of rock slide rapids (_centre_)] [illustration: the big rollers, from 15 to 20 feet from hollow to crest, at head of death rapids (_below_)] we ran the next eighteen miles in less than two hours, tying up for the night at a well-built government cabin three miles below big mouth creek. it was occupied for the winter by a swede trapper named johnston. he was out running his trap-lines when we arrived, but came back in time to be our guest for dinner. he made one rather important contribution to the menu--a "mulligan," the _pièce de résistance_ of which, so he claimed, was a mud-hen he had winged with his revolver that morning. there were six or seven ingredients in that confounded irish stew already, and--much to the disgust of roos and myself, who didn't fancy eating mud-hen--andy dumped into it just about everything he had been cooking except the prunes. that's the proper caper with "mulligans," and they are very good, too, unless some one of the makings chances to be out of your line. and such most decidedly was mud-hen--fish-eating mud-hen! as we were sort of company, roos and i put on the best faces we could and filled up on prunes and marmalade. it was only after the other three had cleaned out the "mulligan" can that andy chanced to mention that "mud-hen" was the popularly accepted euphemism for grouse shot out of season! andy and blackmore and johnston talked "trapper stuff" all evening--tricks for tempting marten, how to prevent the pesky wolverine from robbing traps, "stink-baits," prices, and the prospects for beaver when it again became lawful to take them. johnston was a typical swede, with little apparent regard for his physical strength if money could be made by drawing upon it. the previous season he had had to sleep out in his blankets many nights while covering his lines, and he counted himself lucky that this year he had two or three rough cabins for shelter. he was a terrific worker and ate sparingly of the grub that cost him twenty cents a pound to bring in. he was already looking a bit drawn, and blackmore said the next morning that he would be more or less of a physical wreck by spring, just as he had been the previous season. the hardships these trappers endure is something quite beyond the comprehension of any one who has not been with them. a city man, a farmer, even a sailor, knows nothing to compare with it. we were a mile down stream the next morning before blackmore discovered that his rifle had been left in johnston's cabin, and it took him an hour of hard breaking through the wet underbrush to recover it. the river was still rising from the rains, and the current swift with occasional rapids. blackmore approached the head of gordon rapids (named, of course, from a man of that name who had lost his life there) with considerable caution. he intended to run them, he said, but the convergence of currents threw a nasty cross-riffle that was not to be taken liberties with. he appeared considerably relieved when he found that the high water made it possible to avoid the main rapid by a swift but comparatively clear back-channel. we had a good view of the riffle from below when we swung back into the main channel. it was certainly a vicious tumble of wild white water, and even with our considerable freeboard it would have been a sloppy run. i should have been very reluctant to go into it all with a smaller boat. still deeply canyoned between lofty mountains, the scenery in this part of the bend was quite equal to the finest through which we had passed above canoe river. the steady drizzle which had now set in, however, made pictures out of the question. this did not deter roos from looking for "location." he was under special instructions to make some effective camp shots, and had been on the lookout for a suitable place ever since we started. this day he found what he wanted. shooting down a swift, rough rapid shortly after noon, we rounded a sharp bend and shot past the mouth of a deep black gorge with the white shimmer of a big waterfall just discernible in its dusky depths. almost immediately opposite a rocky point jutted out into the eddy. it was thickly carpeted with moss and grass, and bright with the reds and yellows of patches of late flowers. at its base was an almost perfect circle of towering cedars and sugar pines, their dark green foliage standing out in fret-work against the pale purple mists filling the depths of a wedge-shaped bit of mountain valley behind. there were glaciers and peaks hanging giddily above, but these were obscured by the rain clouds. in response to roos' glad "eureka!" blackmore threw the boat's head sharply toward the left bank, and hard pulling just won us the edge of the eddy. missing that, we would have run on into the rough-and-tumble of twelve-mile rapids, where (as we found the next day) there was no landing for another half mile. the place looked even lovelier at close range than from the river, and roos announced decisively that we were not going to stir from there until the sun came to give him light for his camp shots. fortunately, this befell the next morning. after that, to the best of my recollection, we did not see the sun again until we crossed over to the u. s. a. many days later. roos took a lot of trouble with his camp picture, and i have since heard that it was most favourably reported upon from the studio. setting up on the end of the point, he made his opening shot as the boat ran down the rapid (we had had to line back above for this, of course) and floundered through the swirls and whirlpools past the mouth of the gloomy gorge and its half-guessed waterfall. after landing and packing our outfit up the bank, trees were felled, boughs cut and spread and the tent set up. finally, we fried bacon, tossed flapjacks and baked bannocks. i could tell by his expression that roos dearly wanted to lend a mack sennett "custard-pie" touch by having some one smear some one else in the face with a mushy half-baked bannock, but discretion prevailed. qualified "smearers" there were in plenty--andy and blackmore were wood-choppers and i was an ex-pitcher and shot-putter,--but the designation of a "smear-ee" was quite another matter. roos did well to stop where he did. pushing off about noon, we dropped down to near the head of "twelve-mile," and put roos ashore on the right bank for a shot as we ran through. we had expected to land to pick him up at the foot of the rapid, but blackmore, in order to make the picture as spectacular as possible, threw the boat right into the midst of the white stuff. there was a good deal of soft fluff flying in the air, but nothing with much weight in it. we ran through easily, but got so far over toward the left bank that it was impossible to pull into the eddy we had hoped to make. andy and i pulled our heads off for five minutes before we could reach slack water near the left bank, and by then we were a quarter of a mile below the foot of the rapid. andy had to go back to help roos down over the boulders with his machine and tripod. another mile in fast water brought us to the head of rock slide rapids, and we landed on the right bank for our last stretch of lining on the big bend. the rock slide is the narrowest point on the whole columbia between lake windermere and the pacific. an almost perpendicular mountainside has been encroaching on the river here for many years, possibly damming it all the way across at times. from the slide to the precipitous left bank there is an average channel seventy feet in width, through which the river rushes with tremendous velocity over and between enormous sharp-edged boulders. this pours into a cauldron-like eddy at a right-angled bend, and over the lower end of that swirling maelstrom the river spills into another narrow chute to form the _dalles des morts_ of accursed memory. i know of no place on the upper half of the bend where the river is less than a hundred feet wide. the little dalles, just below the american line, are about a hundred and forty feet across in their narrowest part, and the great dalles below celilo falls are slightly wider. kettle falls, hell-gate and rock island rapids have side channels of less than a hundred feet, but the main channels are much broader. save only the _dalles des morts_ (which are really its continuation) the rock slide has no near rival anywhere on the river. it has struck me as quite probable that the rock slide, and the consequent constriction of the river at that point, are of comparatively recent occurrence, almost certainly of the last hundred years. in the diaries of ross, cox and franchiere, on which most of the earlier columbian history is based, i can find no mention of anything of the kind at this point, a location readily identifiable because of its proximity to the _dalles des morts_, which they all mention. but in ross' record i _do_ find this significant passage: "a little after starting (_from the dalles des morts_) we backed our paddles and stood still for some minutes admiring a striking curiosity. the water of a cataract creek, after shooting over the brink of a bold precipice, falls in a white sheet onto a broad, flat rock, smooth as glass, which forms the first step; then upon a second, some ten feet lower down, and lastly, on a third, somewhat lower. it then enters a subterranean vault, formed at the mouth like a funnel, and after passing through this funnel it again issues forth with a noise like distant thunder. after falling over another step it meets the front of a bold rock, which repulses back the water with such violence as to keep it whirling around in a large basin. opposite to this rises the wing of a shelving cliff, which overhangs the basin and forces back the rising spray, refracting in the sunshine all the colours of the rainbow. the creek then enters the columbia." on the left bank, immediately above the _dalles des morts_, an extremely beautiful little waterfall leaps into the river from the cliffs, but neither this (as will readily be seen from my photograph of it) nor any other similar fall i saw in the whole length of the columbia, bears the least suggestion of a resemblance to the remarkable cataract ross so strikingly describes. but i _did_ see a very sizable stream of water cascading right down the middle of the great rock slide, and at a point which might very well coincide with that at which ross saw his "stairway-and-tunnel" phenomenon. does it not seem quite possible that the latter should have undermined the cliff over and through which it was tumbling, precipitating it into the river and forming the rock slide of the present day? the middle of the channel at rock slide was a rough, smashing cascade that looked quite capable of grinding a boat to kindling wood in a hundred feet; but to the right of it the water was considerably better. blackmore said the chances would be all in favour of running it safely, _but_, if anything at all went wrong (such as the unshipping of an oar, for instance), it might make it hard to get into the eddy at the bend; and if we missed the eddy--death rapids! he didn't seem to think any further elucidation was necessary. it would be best to line the whole way down, he said. on account of the considerable depth of water right up to the banks, the boat struck on the rocks rather less than usual; but the clamber over the jagged, fresh-fallen granite was the worst thing of the kind we encountered. i _did_ get a bit of a duck here, though, but it was not near to being anything serious, and the sequel was rather amusing. losing my footing for a moment on the only occasion i had to give andy a lift with the boat, i floundered for a few strokes, kicked into an eddy and climbed out. ever since andy had his souse and came out with empty pockets, i had taken the precaution of buttoning mine securely down before starting in to line. the buttons had resisted the best efforts of the kleptomaniacal river current, and i came out with the contents of my pocket wet but intact. but there was a trifling casualty even thus. a leg of my riding breeches was missing from the knee down. it was an ancient pair of east indian _jodpurs_ i was wearing (without leggings, of course), and age and rough usage had opened a slit at the knee. possibly i caught this somewhere on the boat without noting it in my excitement; or it is even possible the current _did_ tear it off. there was nothing especially remarkable about it in any case. all the same, blackmore and andy always solemnly declared that the _geesly_ river, baulked by my buttons of its designs on the contents of my pockets, had tried to get away with my whole pair of pants! if that was so, it had its way in the end. before i set out on the second leg of my voyage from the foot of the arrow lakes, i threw the river god all that was left of that bedraggled pair of _jodpurs_ as a propitiatory offering. the deeper rumble of death rapids became audible above the higher-keyed grind of rock slide as we worked down toward the head of the intervening eddy. of all the cataracts and cascades with sinister records on the columbia this dalles of the dead has undoubtedly been the one to draw to itself the greatest share of execration. the terrific toll of lives they have claimed is unquestionably traceable to the fact that this swift, narrow chute of round-topped rollers is many times worse than it looks, especially to a comparatively inexperienced river man, and there have been many such numbered among its victims. there are two or three places in surprise rapids, and one or two even in kinbasket, that the veriest greenhorn would know better than to try to run; death rapids it is conceivable that a novice might try, just as many of them have, and to their cost. however, it is probable that the greatest number that have died here were comparatively experienced men who were sucked into the death-chute in spite of themselves. of such was made up the party whose tragic fate gave the rapid its sinister name. ross cox, of the original astorians, tells the story, and the account of it i am setting down here is slightly abridged from his original narrative. on the sixteenth of april, 1817, ross cox's party of twenty-three left fort george (originally and subsequently astoria) to ascend the columbia and cross the rockies by the athabaska pass, en route montreal. on the twenty-seventh of may they arrived at boat encampment after the most severe labours in dragging their boats up the rapids and making their way along the rocky shores. seven men of the party were so weak, sick and worn out that they were unable to proceed across the mountains, so they were given the best of the canoes and provisions, and were to attempt to return down river to spokane house, a hudson bay post near the mouth of the river of that name. they reached the place which has since borne the name of _dalles des morts_ without trouble. there, in passing their canoe down over the rapids with a light cod line, it was caught in a whirlpool. the line snapped, and the canoe, with all the provisions and blankets, was lost. the men found themselves utterly destitute, and at a time of year when it was impossible to procure any wild fruit or roots. the continual rising of the water completely inundated the beach, which compelled them to force their way through a dense forest, rendered almost impervious by a thick growth of prickly underbrush. their only nourishment was water. on the third day a man named macon died, and his surviving comrades, though unconscious of how soon they might be called on to follow him, divided his remains into equal parts, on which they subsisted for several days. from the sore and swollen state of their feet, their daily progress did not exceed two or three miles. a tailor named holmes was the next to die, and the others subsisted for some days on his emaciated remains. in a little while, of the seven men, only two remained alive--dubois and la pierre. la pierre was subsequently found on the upper arrow lake by two indians who were coasting it in a canoe. they took him to kettle falls, from where he was carried to spokane house. he stated that after the death of the fifth man of the party, dubois and he remained for some days at the spot, living on the remains. when they felt strong enough to continue, they loaded themselves with as much of the flesh as they could carry; that with this they succeeded in reaching the upper lake, around the shores of which they wandered for some time in search of indians; that their food at length became exhausted, and they were again reduced to the prospects of starvation. on the second night after their last meal la pierre observed something suspicious in the conduct of dubois, which induced him to be on his guard; and that shortly after they had lain down for the night, and while he feigned sleep, he observed dubois cautiously opening his clasp-knife, with which he sprang at la pierre, inflicting on the hand the blow evidently intended for the neck. a silent and desperate conflict followed, in which, after severe struggling, la pierre succeeded in wresting the knife from his antagonist, and, having no other resource left, was finally obliged to cut dubois' throat. it was several days after this that he was discovered by the indians. this was one of the earliest, and certainly the most terrible, of all the tragedies originating at the _dalles des morts_. there are a number of graves in the vicinity, but more numerous still are the inscriptions on the cliffs in memory of the victims whose bodies were never recovered for burial. compared to what we had been having, lining down death rapids was comparatively simple. it was only when one got right down beside them that the terrible power of the great rolling waves became evident. from crest to trough they must have been from twelve to fifteen feet high, with the water--on account of the steep declivity and the lack of resistance from rocks--running at race-horse speed. we had become so used to expecting big boulders to underlie heavy waves that it was difficult to realize that there was all of a hundred feet of green water between these giant rollers and the great reefs of bedrock which were responsible for them. for a quarter of a mile below where the rolling waves ceased to comb there was a green-white chaos of whirlpools and the great geyser-like up-boils where the sucked-down water was ejected again to the surface. this was another of the places where the river was said to "eat up" whole pine trees at high water, and it was not hard to believe. even now the voracious vortices were wolfing very considerable pieces of driftwood, and one had to keep a very sharp lookout to see the spewed-forth fragments reappear at all. this was no water for a small boat or canoe. it would, for instance, have engulfed the sixteen-foot skiff which i used on the lower river as an elephant gulps a tossed peanut. but our big double-ended thirty-footer was more of a mouthful. blackmore pushed off without hesitation as soon as we had lined below the rollers, but _not_ without reiterating the old warning about not dipping too deep, and being quick about throwing the oar free from its oar-lock if a whirlpool started to drag down the blade. we had a lively five minutes of it, what with the whirlpools trying to suck her stern under and the geysers trying to toss her bow on high; but they never had us in serious trouble. they did spin her all the way round, though, in spite of all the three of us could do to hold her, and as for our course--a chart of it would make the track of an earthquake on a seismograph look as if drawn with a straight-edge! another mile took us to the head of priest rapids, so named because two french-canadian priests had been drowned there. this was to be our great rapid-running picture. bad light had prevented our getting anything of the kind in surprise and kinbasket rapids, and "twelve-mile," though white and fast, was hardly the real thing. but priest rapids was reputed the fastest on the whole river--certainly over twenty miles an hour, blackmore reckoned. it had almost as much of a pitch as the upper part of the first drop of surprise rapids down to the abrupt fall. but, being straight as a city street and with plenty of water over the rocks, running it was simply a matter of having a large enough boat and being willing to take the soaking. blackmore had the boat, and, for the sake of a real rip-snorting picture, he said he was willing to take the soaking. so were andy and i. [illustration: looking across to boat encampment (_above_)] [illustration: "wood smoke at twilight" above twelve-mile (_below_)] [illustration: lining down rock slide rapids (_above_)] [illustration: when the columbia took half of my riding breeches (_below_)] we dropped roos at the head of the rumbling "intake," and while andy went down to help him set up in a favourable position, blackmore and i lined back up-stream a hundred yards so as to have a good jump on when we started. andy joined us presently, to report that roos appraised the "back-lighting" effect across the white caps as "cheap at a million dollars." he was going to make the shot of his life. pushing off we laid on our oars, floating down until we caught roos' signal to come on. then andy and i swung into it with all of the something like four hundred and fifty pounds of beef we scaled between us. blackmore headed her straight down the "v" into the swiftest and roughest part of the rapid. it was a bit less tempestuous toward the right bank, but a quiet passage was not what he was looking for this trip. the boat must have had half her length out of water when she hurdled off the top of that first wave. i couldn't see, of course, but i judged it must have been that way from the manner in which she slapped down and buried her nose under the next comber. that brought over the water in a solid green flood. andy and i only caught it on our hunched backs, but blackmore, on his feet and facing forward, had to withstand a full frontal attack. my one recollection of him during that mad run is that of a freshly emerged neptune shaking his grizzly locks and trying to blink the water out of his eyes. our team-work, as usual, went to sixes-and-sevens the moment we hit the rough water, but neither andy nor i stopped pulling on that account. yelling like a couple of _locoed_ apaches, we kept slapping out with our oar-blades into every hump of water within reach, and i have an idea that we managed to keep a considerable way even over the speeding current right to the finish. it was quite the wettest river run i ever made. a number of times during the war i was in a destroyer when something turned up to send it driving with all the speed it had--or all its plates would stand, rather--into a head sea. that meant that it made most of the run tunnelling under water. and that was the way it seemed going down priest rapids, only not so bad, of course. we were only about a quarter full of water when we finally pulled up to the bank in an eddy to wait for the movie man. i could see that something had upset roos by the droop of his shoulders, even when he was a long way off; the droop of his mouth confirmed the first impression on closer view. "you couldn't do that again, could you?" he asked blackmore, with a furtive look in his eyes. the "skipper" stopped bailing with a snort. "sure i'll do it again," he growled sarcastically. "just line the boat back where she was and i'll bring her down again--only not to-night. i'll want to get dried out first. but what's the matter anyhow? didn't we run fast enough to suit you?" "guess _you_ ran fast enough," was the reply; "but the film didn't. buckled in camera. oil-can! washout! out of luck!" engulfed in a deep purple aura of gloom, roos climbed back into the boat and asked how far it was to camp and dinner. for a couple of miles we had a fast current with us, but by the time we reached the mouth of downie creek--the centre of a great gold rush half a century ago--the river was broadening and deepening and slowing down. a half hour more of sharp pulling brought us to keystone creek and boyd's ranch, where we tied up for the night. this place had the distinction of being the only ranch on the big bend, but it was really little more than a clearing with a house and barn. boyd had given his name to a rapid at the head of revelstoke canyon--drowned while trying to line by at high water, blackmore said--and the present owner was an american civil war pensioner named wilcox. he was wintering in california for his health, but andy, being a friend of his, knew where to look for the key. hardly had the frying bacon started its sizzling prelude than there came a joyous yowl at the door, and as it was opened an enormous tiger-striped tomcat bounded into the kitchen. straight for andy's shoulder he leaped, and the trapper's happy howl of recognition must have met him somewhere in the air. andy hugged the ecstatically purring bundle to his breast as if it were a long-lost child, telling us between nuzzles into the arched furry back that this was "tommy" (that was his name, of course), with whom he had spent two winters alone in his trapper's cabin. it was hard to tell which was the more delighted over this unexpected reunion, man or cat. he had little difficulty in accounting for "tommy's" presence at boyd's. he had given the cat to wilcox a season or two back, and wilcox, when he left for california, had given him to "wild bill," who had a cabin ten miles farther down the river. "bill" already had a brother of "tommy," but a cat of much less character. as "bill" was much given to periodic sprees, andy was satisfied that "tommy," who was a great sizer-up of personality, had left him in disgust and returned to his former deserted home to shift for himself. as he would pull down rabbits as readily as an ordinary cat caught mice, this was an easy matter as long as the snow did not get too deep. of what might happen after that andy did not like to think. he would have to make some provision for his pet before full winter set in. that evening we sat around the kitchen fire, telling all the cat stories we knew and quarrelling over whose turn it was to hold "tommy" and put him through his tricks. the latter were of considerable variety. there was all the usual "sit-up," "jump-through" and "roll-over" stuff, but with such "variations" as only a trapper, snow-bound for days with nothing else to do, would have the time to conceive and perfect. for instance, if you only waved your hand in an airy spiral, "tommy" would respond with no more than the conventional "once-over;" but a gentle tweak of the tail following the spiral, brought a roll to the left, while two tweaks directed him to the right. similarly with his "front" and "back" somersaults, which took their inspiration from a slightly modified form of aerial spiral. of course only andy could get the fine work out of him, but the ordinary "jump-through" stuff he would do for any of us. i am afraid the cat stories we told awakened, temporarily at least, a good deal of mutual distrust. roos didn't figure greatly, but andy and blackmore and i were glowering back and forth at each other with "i-suppose-you-don't-believe-_that_" expressions all evening. the two woodsmen, "hunting in couples" for the occasion, displayed considerable team-work. one of their best was of a trapper of their acquaintance--name and present address mentioned with scrupulous particularity--who had broken his leg one winter on maloney creek, just as he was at the end of his provisions. dragging himself to his cabin, he lay down to die of starvation. the next morning his cat jumped in through the window with a rabbit in his mouth. then the trapper had his great idea. leaving the cat just enough to keep him alive, he took the rest for himself. that made the cat go on hunting, and each morning he came back with a rabbit. and so it went on until springtime brought in his partner and relief. i asked them why, if the cat was so hungry, he didn't eat the rabbit up in the woods; but they said that wasn't the way of a cat, or at least of this particular cat. then i told them of a night, not long before the war, that i spent with the german archæologists excavating at babylon. hearing a scratching on my door, i got up and found a tabby cat there. entering the room, she nosed about under my mosquito netting for a few moments with ingratiating mewings and purrings, finally to trot out through the open door with an "i'll-see-you-again-in-a-moment" air. presently she returned with a new-born kitten in her mouth. nuzzling under the net and coverlets, she deposited the mewing atom in my bed, and then trotted off after another. when the whole litter of five was there, she crawled in herself and started nursing them. i spent the night on the couch, and without a net. according to the best of my judgment, that story of mine was the only true one told that night. and yet--confound them--they wouldn't believe it--any more than i would theirs! considerable feeling arose along toward bed-time as to who was going to have "tommy" to sleep with. roos--who hadn't cut much ice in the story-telling--came strong at this juncture by adopting cave-man tactics and simply picking "tommy" up and walking off with him. waiting until roos was asleep, i crept over and, gently extricating the furry pillow from under his downy cheek, carried it off to snuggle against my own ear. whether andy adopted the same sabine methods himself, i never quite made sure. anyhow, it was out of his blankets that "tommy" came crawling in the morning. as we made ready to pack off, andy was in considerable doubt as to whether it would be best to leave his pet where he was or to take him down to "wild bill" again. "tommy" cut the gordian knot himself by following us down to the boat like a dog and leaping aboard. he was horribly upset for a while when he saw the bank slide away from him and felt the motion of the boat, but roos, muffling the dismal yowls under his coat, kept him fairly quiet until "wild bill's" landing was reached. here he became his old self again, following us with his quick little canine trot up to the cabin. outside the door he met his twin brother, and the two, after a swift sniff of identification, slipped away across the clearing to stalk rabbits. "wild bill," as andy had anticipated, was still in bed, but got up and welcomed us warmly as soon as he found who it was. he was a small man--much to my surprise, and looked more like a french-canadian gentleman in reduced circumstances than the most tumultuous booze-fighter on the upper columbia. i had heard scores of stories of his escapades in the days when golden and revelstoke were wide-open frontier towns and life was really worth living. but most of them just miss being "drawing-room," however, and i refrain from setting them down. there was one comparatively polite one, though, of the time he started the biggest free-for-all fight revelstoke ever knew by using the white, woolly, cheek-cuddling poodle of a dance-hall girl to wipe the mud off his boots with. and another--but no, that one wouldn't quite pass censor. "bill" had shot a number of bear in the spring, and now asked andy to take the unusually fine skins to revelstoke and sell them for him. he also asked if we could let him have any spare provisions, as he was running very short. he was jubilant when i told him he could take everything we had left for what it had cost in golden. that was like finding money, he said, for packing in his stuff cost him close to ten cents a pound. but it wasn't the few dollars he saved on the grub that etched a silver--nay, a roseate--lining on the sodden rain clouds for "wild bill" that day; rather it was the sequel to the consequences of a kindly thought i had when he came down to the boat to see us off. "'bill,'" i said, as he started to wring our hands in parting, "they tell me you've become a comparative teetotaler these last few years. but we have a little 'thirty per over-proof' left--just a swallow. perhaps--for the sake of the old days...." that quick, chesty cough, rumbling right from the diaphragm, was the one deepest sound of emotion i ever heard--and i've heard a fair amount of "emoting," too. "don't mind--if i do," he mumbled brokenly, with a long intake of breath that was almost a sob. i handed him a mug--a hulking big half-pint coffee mug, it was--and uncorked the bottle. "say when...." "thanks--won't trouble you," he muttered, snatching the bottle from me with a hand whose fingers crooked like claws. then he inhaled another deep breath, took out his handkerchief, brushed off a place on one of the thwarts, sat down, and, pouring very deliberately, emptied the contents of the bottle to the last drop into the big mug. the bottle--a british imperial quart--had been a little less than a quarter full; the mug was just short of brimming. "earzow!" he mumbled, with a sweepingly comprehensive gesture with the mug. then, crooking his elbow, he dumped the whole half pint down his throat. diluted four-to-one, that liquid fire would have made an ordinary man wince; and "wild bill" downed it without a blink. then he wiped his lips with his sleeve, set mug and bottle carefully down on the thwart, bowed low to each of us, and stepped ashore with dignified tread. blackmore, checking roos' hysterical giggle with a prod of his paddle handle, pushed off into the current. "wait!" he admonished, eyeing the still figure on the bank with the fascinated glance of a man watching a short length of fuse sputter down toward the end of a stick of dynamite. we had not long to wait. the detonation of the dynamite was almost instantaneous. the mounting fumes of that "thirty per" fired the slumbering volcano of the old trapper as a dash of kerosene fires a bed of dormant coals. and so "wild bill" went wild. dancing and whooping like an indian, he shouted for us to come back--that he would give us his furs, his cabin, the columbia, the selkirks, canada.... what he was going to offer next we never learned, for just then a very sobering thing occurred--"tommy" and his twin brother, attracted by the noise, came trotting down the path from the cabin to learn what it was all about. andy swore that he had told "bill" that we had brought "tommy" back, and that "bill" had heard him, and replied that he hoped the cat would stay this time. but even if this was true, it no longer signified. "bill" had forgotten all about it, and _knew_ that there ought to be only one tiger-striped tomcat about the place, whereas his eyes told him there were two. so he kept counting them, and stopping every now and then to hold up two fingers at us in pathetic puzzlement. finally he began to chase them--or rather "it"--now one of "it" and now the other. the last we saw of him, as the current swept the boat round a point, he had caught "tommy's" twin brother and was still trying to enumerate "tommy." very likely by that time there were two of him in fancy as well as in fact--possibly mauve and pink ones. blackmore took a last whiff at the neck of the rum bottle and then tossed it gloomily into the river. "the next time you ask a man to take a 'swallow,'" he said, "probably you'll know enough to find out how big his 'swallow' is in advance." we pulled hard against a head wind all morning, and with not much help from the current. the latter began to speed up at rocky point rapids, and from there the going was lively right on through revelstoke canyon. sand slide rapid, a fast-rolling serpentine cascade near the head of the canyon, gave us a good wetting as blackmore slashed down the middle of it, and he was still bailing when we ran in between the sides of the great red-and-black-walled gorge. between cliffs not over a hundred feet apart for a considerable distance, the river rushes with great velocity, throwing itself in a roaring wave now against one side, now against the other. as the depth is very great (blackmore said he had failed to get bottom with a hundred-and-fifty-foot line), the only things to watch out for were the cliffs and the whirlpools. neither was a serious menace to a boat of our size at that stage of water, but the swirls would have made the run very dangerous for a skiff or canoe at any time. unfortunately, the drizzling rain and lowering clouds made pictures of what is one of the very finest scenic stretches of the big bend quite out of the question. if it had been the matter of a day or two, we would gladly have gone into camp and waited for the light; but blackmore was inclined to think the spell of bad weather that had now set in was the beginning of an early winter, in which event we might stand-by for weeks without seeing the sky. it was just as well we did not wait. as i have already mentioned, we did not feel the touch of sunlight again until we were on the american side of the border. from the foot of the canyon to blackmore's boat-house was four miles. pulling down a broadening and slackening river flanked by ever receding mountains, we passed under the big c. p. r. bridge and tied up at four o'clock. in spite of taking it easy all the time, the last twenty miles had been run in quite a bit under two hours. chapter ix revelstoke to the spokane the voyage round the big bend, in spite of the atrocious weather, had gone so well that i had just about made up my mind to continue on down river by the time we reached revelstoke. a letter which awaited me at the hotel there from captain armstrong, stating that he would be free to join me for my first week or ten days south from the foot of the lakes, was all that was needed to bring me to a decision. i wired him that i would pick him up in nelson as soon as i had cleaned up a pile of correspondence which had pursued me in spite of all directions to the contrary, and in the meantime for him to endeavour to find a suitable boat. nelson, as the metropolis of western british columbia, appeared to be the only place where we would have a chance of finding what was needed in the boat line on short notice. while i wrote letters, roos got his exposed film off to los angeles, laid in a new stock, and received additional instructions from chester in connection with the new picture--the one for which the opening shots had already been made at windermere, and which we called "the farmer who would see the sea." as there was no swift water whatever between revelstoke and kootenay rapids, i had no hesitation in deciding to make the voyage down the arrow lakes by steamer. both on the score of water-stage and weather, it was now a good month to six weeks later than the most favourable time for a through down-river voyage. any time saved now, therefore, might be the means of avoiding so many days of winter further along. i was hoping that, with decreasing altitude and a less humid region ahead, i would at least be keeping ahead of the snows nearly if not quite all the way to portland. i may mention here that, all in all, i played in very good luck on the score of weather. there were to be, however, a few _geesly_ cold days on the river along about wenatchee, and two or three mighty blustery blows in the cascades. the arrow lakes are merely enlargements of the columbia, keeping throughout their lengths the same general north-to-south direction of this part of the river. the upper lake is thirty-three miles in length, and has an average width of about three miles. sixteen miles of comparatively swift river runs from the upper to the lower lake. the latter, which is forty-two miles long and two and a half wide, is somewhat less precipitously walled than the upper lake, and there are considerable patches of cultivation here and there along its banks--mostly apple orchards. there is a steamer channel all the way up the columbia to revelstoke, but the present service, maintained by the canadian pacific at its usual high standard, starts at the head of the upper lake and finishes at west robson, some miles down the columbia from the foot of the lower lake. this is one of the very finest lake trips anywhere in the world; i found it an unending source of delight, even after a fortnight of the superlative scenery of the big bend. there is a stock story they tell of the arrow lakes, and which appears intended to convey to the simple tourist a graphic idea of the precipitousness of their rocky walls. the skipper of my steamer told it while we were ploughing down the upper lake. seeing a man struggling in the water near the bank one day, he ran some distance off his course to throw the chap a line. disdaining all aid, the fellow kept right on swimming toward the shore. "don't worry about me," he shouted back; "this is only the third time i've fallen off my ranch to-day." i told the captain that the story sounded all right to me except in one particular--that even my glass failed to reveal any ranches for a man to fall off of. "oh, that's all right," was the unperturbed reply; "there _was_ one when that yarn was started, but i guess it fell into the lake too. but mebbe i _had_ ought to keep it for the lower lake, though," he added; "there is still some un-slid ranches down there." nelson is a fine little city that hangs to a rocky mountainside right at the point where kootenay lake spills over and discharges its surplus water into a wild, white torrent that seems to be trying to atone at the last for its long delay in making up its mind to join the columbia. nelson was made by the rich silver-lead mines of the kootenay district, but it was so well made that, even now with the first fine frenzy of the mining excitement over, it is still able to carry on strongly as a commercial distributing and fruit shipping centre. it is peopled by the same fine, out-door loving folk that one finds through all of western canada, and is especially noted for its aquatic sports. i am only sorry that i was not able to see more of both nelson and its people. as soon as i saw captain armstrong i made a clean breast to him about my failure to unearth the treasure at the bend. he was a good sport and bore up better than one would expect a man to under the circumstances. "i wish that matter of k---and his d. t.'s had come up before you left," was his only comment. "why?" i asked. "i can't see what difference that would have made. we didn't waste a lot of time digging." "that's just it," said the captain with a wry grin. "wouldn't you have gone right on digging if you had known that the spell of jim-jams that finished k---came from some stuff he got from a section-hand at beavermouth? now i suppose i'll have to watch my chance and run down and salvage that keg of old scotch myself." it shows the stuff that armstrong was made of when i say that, even after the way i had betrayed the trust he had reposed in me, he was still game to go on with the columbia trip. that's the sort of man he was. boats of anywhere near the design we would need for the river were scarce, the captain reported, but there was one which he thought might do. this proved to be a sixteen-foot, clinker-built skiff that had been constructed especially to carry an out-board motor. she had ample beam, a fair freeboard and a considerable sheer. the principal thing against her was the square stern, and that was of less moment running down river than if we had been working up. it _did_ seem just a bit like asking for trouble, tackling the columbia in a boat built entirely for lake use; but captain armstrong's approval of her was quite good enough for me. save for her amiable weakness of yielding somewhat overreadily to the seductive embraces of whirlpools--a trait common to all square-sterned craft of inconsiderable length--she proved more than equal to the task set for her. we paid fifty-five dollars for her--about half what she had cost--and there was a charge of ten dollars for expressing her to west robson, on the columbia. we left nelson by train for castlegar, on the columbia just below west robson, the afternoon of october nineteenth. the track runs in sight of the kootenay practically all of the way. there is a drop of three hundred and fifty feet in the twenty-eight miles of river between the outlet of the lake and the columbia, with no considerable stretch that it would be safe to run with a boat. a large part of the drop occurs in two fine cataracts called bonnington falls, where there is an important hydro-electric plant, serving nelson and trail with power; but most of the rest of the way the river is one continuous series of foam-white cascades with short quiet stretches between. the last two or three miles to the river the railway runs through the remarkable colony of russian doukobours, with a station at brilliant, where their big co-operative jam factory and administrative offices are located. we had a more intimate glimpse of this interesting colony from the river the following day. we found the express car with the boat on the siding at west robson, and the three of us--armstrong, roos and myself--had little difficulty in sliding her down the quay and launching her in the columbia. pulling a mile down the quiet current, we tied her up for the night at the castlegar ferry. then we cut across the bend through the woods for a look at kootenay rapids, the first stretch of fast water we were to encounter. after the rough-and-rowdy rapids of the big bend, this quarter-mile of white riffle looked like comparatively easy running. it was a very different sort of a craft we had now, however, and armstrong took the occasion to give the channel a careful study. there were a lot of big black rocks cropping up all the way across, but he thought that, by keeping well in toward the right bank, we could make it without much trouble. on the way back to the hotel at castlegar, the captain was hailed from the doorway of a cabin set in the midst of a fresh bit of clearing. it turned out to be a boatman who had accompanied him and mr. forde, of the canadian department of public works, on a part of their voyage down the columbia in 1915. they reminisced for half an hour in the gathering twilight, talking mostly of the occasion when a whirlpool had stood their peterboro on end in the little dalles. i found this just a bit disturbing, for armstrong had already confided to me that he intended running the little dalles. the boat trimmed well when we came to stow the load the next morning, but when the three of us took our places she was rather lower in the water than we had expected she was going to be. she seemed very small after blackmore's big thirty-footer, and the water uncomfortably close at hand. she was buoyant enough out in the current, however, and responded very smartly to paddle and oars when armstrong and i tried a few practice manoeuvres. the captain sat on his bedding roll in the stern, plying his long paddle, and i pulled a pair of oars from the forward thwart. roos sat on the after thwart, facing armstrong, with his tripod, camera and most of the luggage stowed between them. she was loaded to ride high by the head, as it was white water rather than whirlpools that was in immediate prospect. with a small boat and a consequent comparatively small margin of safety, one has to make his trim a sort of a compromise. for rough, sloppy rapids it is well to have the bows just about as high in the air as you can get them. on the other hand, it is likely to be fatal to get into a bad whirlpool with her too much down by the stern. as the one succeeds the other as a general rule, about the best you can do is to strike a comfortable mean based on what you know of the water ahead. [illustration: bonnington falls of the kootenay (_above_)] [illustration: plastered log cabin in the doukhobor village (_below_)] [illustration: trucking the skiff through kettle falls] [illustration: twilight in the gorge at kettle falls] i found it very awkward for a while pulling with two oars after having worked for so long with one, and this difficulty--especially in bad water--i never quite overcame. in a really rough rapid one oar is all a man can handle properly, and he does well if he manages that. your stroke is largely determined by the sort of stuff the blade is going into, and--as on the verge of an eddy--with the water to port running in one direction, and that to starboard running another, it is obviously impossible for a man handling two oars to do full justice to the situation. he simply has to do the best he can and leave the rest to the man with the paddle in the stern. when the latter is an expert with the experience of captain armstrong there is little likelihood of serious trouble. the matter of keeping a lookout is also much more difficult in a small boat. in a craft with only a few inches of freeboard it is obviously out of the question for a steersman to keep his feet through a rapid, as he may do without risk in a _batteau_ or canoe large enough to give him a chance to brace his knees against the sides. armstrong effected the best compromise possible by standing and getting a good "look-see" while he could, and then settling back into a securer position when the boat struck the rough water. the three or four feet less of vantage from which to con the channel imposes a good deal of a handicap, but there is no help for it. we ran both pitches of kootenay rapids easily and smartly. her bows slapped down pretty hard when she tumbled off the tops of some of the bigger rollers, but into not the softest of the souse-holes would she put her high-held head. we took in plenty of spray, but nothing green--nothing that couldn't be bailed without stopping. it was a lot better performance than one was entitled to expect of a lake boat running her maiden rapid. "she'll do!" chuckled the captain with a satisfied grin, resting on his paddle as we slid easily out of the final run of swirls; "you ought to take her right through without a lot of trouble." "_imshallah!_" i interjected piously, anxious not to offend the river god with a display of overmuch confidence. i began to call her "_imshallah_" in my mind from that time on, and "_imshallah_"--"god willing"--she remained until i tied her up for her well-earned rest in a portland boat-house. it was in the course of the next day or two that i made a propitiatory offering to the river god in the form of the remnants of the _jodpurs_ he had tried so hard to snatch from me at rock slide rapids. i've always had a sneaking feeling offerings of that kind are "good medicine;" that the old greeks knew what they were doing when they squared things with the gods in advance on venturing forth into unknown waters. big and little tin cup rapids, which are due to the obstruction caused by boulders washed down by the torrential kootenay river, gave us little trouble. there is a channel of good depth right down the middle of both, and we splashed through this without getting into much besides flying foam. just below we pulled up to the left bank and landed for a look at one of the doukobour villages. the doukobours are a strange russian religious sect, with beliefs and observances quite at variance with those of the greek church. indeed, it was the persecutions of the orthodox russians that were responsible for driving considerable numbers of them to canada. they are best known in america, not for their indefatigable industry and many other good traits, but for their highly original form of protesting when they have fancied that certain of their rights were being restricted by canadian law. on repeated occasions of this kind whole colonies of them--men, women and children--have thrown aside their every rag of clothing and started off marching about the country. perhaps it is not strange that more has been written about these strange pilgrimages than of the fact that the doukobours have cleared and brought to a high state of productivity many square miles of land that, but for their unflagging energy, would still be worthless. in spite of their somewhat unconventional habits, these simple people have been an incalculably valuable economic asset to western canada. on the off chance that there might be an incipient "protest" brewing, roos took his movie outfit ashore with him. he met with no luck. indeed, we found the women of the astonishingly clean little village of plastered and whitewashed cabins extremely shy of even our hand cameras. the captain thought that this was probably due to the fact that they had been a good deal pestered by kodak fiends while godivaing round the country on some of their protest marches. "the people were very indignant about it," he said; "but i never heard of any one pulling down their blinds." coventry was really very "victorian" in its attitude toward lady godiva's "protest." there was good swift water all the way from castlegar to trail, and we averaged close to nine miles an hour during the time we were on the river. at china bar the river was a good deal spread out, running in channels between low gravel islands. any one of these was runnable for a small boat, and we did not need to keep to the main channel that had once been maintained for steamers. sixteen miles below castlegar, and about half a mile below the mouth of sullivan creek, there was a long black reef of basaltic rock stretching a third of the way across the river. we shot past it without difficulty by keeping near the left bank. the sulphurous fumes of the big smelter blotching the southern sky with saffron and coppery red clouds indicated that we were nearing trail. the stacks, with the town below and beyond, came into view just as we hit the head of a fast-running riffle. we ran the last half mile at a swift clip, pulling up into about the only place that looked like an eddy on the trail side of the river. that this proved to be the slack water behind the crumbling city dump could not be helped. he who rides the running road cannot be too particular about his landing places. we reached trail before noon, and, so far as time was concerned, could just as well have run right on across the american line to northport that afternoon. however, october twenty-first turned out to be a date of considerable importance to british columbians, for it was the day of the election to determine whether that province should continue dry or, as the proponents of wetness euphemized it, return to "moderation." as there was a special provision by which voters absent from their place of registration could cast their ballots wherever they chanced to be, captain armstrong was anxious to stop over and do his bit for "moderation." indeed, i was a bit worried at first for fear, by way of compensating in a measure for the injury we had done him in failing to come through with the treasure from the big bend, he would expect roos and me to put in a few absentee ballots for "moderation." there was a rumour about that a vote for "moderation" would be later redeemable--in case "moderation" carried, of course--in the voter's weight of the old familiar juice. i never got further than a pencilled computation on the "temperance" bar of the crown point hotel that two hundred and thirty-five pounds (i was down to that by now) would work out to something like one hundred seventeen and a half quarts. this on the rule that "a pint's a pound, the world round." that was as far as i got, i say, for there seemed rather too much of a chance of international complications sooner or later. but i am still wondering just what _is_ the law covering the case of a man who sells his vote in a foreign country--and for his weight in whisky that he would probably never have delivered to him. i doubt very much if there is any precedent to go by. between votes--or rather before captain armstrong voted--we took the occasion to go over the smelter of the consolidated mining and smelting company. it is one of the most modern plants of its kind in the world, and treats ore from all over western canada. we were greatly interested in the recently installed zinc-leaching plant for the handling of an especially refractory ore from the company's own mine in the kootenays. this ore had resisted for years every attempt to extract its zinc at a profit, and the perfection of the intricate process through which it is now put at trail has made a mine, which would otherwise have remained practically valueless, worth untold millions. the two thousand and more employés of the smelter are the main factor in the prosperity of this live and by no means unattractive little town. we had two very emphatic warnings before leaving trail the next morning--one was on no account to attempt to take any drinkables across the line by the river, and the other was to keep a weather eye lifting in running the rapids at the rock islands, two miles below town. as we reached the latter before we did the international boundary line, we started 'wareing the rapids first. this was by no means as empty a warning as many i was to have later. the islands proved to be two enormous granite rocks, between which the river rushed with great velocity. the captain headed the boat into the deep, swift channel to the right, avoiding by a couple of yards a walloping whale of a whirlpool that came spinning right past the bow. i didn't see it, of course, until it passed astern; but it looked to me then as though its whirling centre was depressed a good three feet below the surface of the river, and with a black, bottomless funnel opening out of that. i was just about to register "nonchalance" by getting off my "all-day-sucker" joke, when i suddenly felt the thwart beneath me begin to push upwards like the floor of a jerkily-started elevator, only with a rotary action. fanning empty air with both oars, i was saved from falling backwards by the forty-five degree up-tilt of the boat. way beneath me--down below the surface of the river--armstrong, pop-eyed, was leaning sharply forward to keep from being dumped out over the stern. roos, with a death-grip on either gunwale, was trying to keep from falling into the captain's lap. round we went like a prancing horse, and just as the boat had completed the hundred and eighty degrees that headed her momentarily up-river, something seemed to drop away beneath her bottom, and as she sunk into the hole there came a great snorting "ku-whouf!" and about a barrel of water came pouring its solid green flood over the stern and, incidentally, the captain. a couple of seconds later the boat had completed her round and settled back on a comparatively even keel as hard-plied oars and paddle wrenched her out of the grip of the thing that had held her in its clutch. i saw it plainly as it did its dervish dance of disappointment as we drew away. it looked to me not over half as large as that first one which the captain had so cleverly avoided. "that was about the way we got caught in the little dalles," observed armstrong when we were in quieter water again. "only it was a worse whirlpool than that one that did it. this square stern gives the water more of a grip than it can get on a canoe. we'll have to watch out for it." save over a broad, shallow bar across the current at the mouth of the salmon, there was deep, swift water all the way to waneta, the canadian customs station. here we landed roos to await the morning train from nelson to spokane and go through to northport to arrange the american customs formalities. at a final conference we decided to heed the warning about not attempting to carry any drinkables openly into the united states. stowing what little there was left where not the most lynx-eyed or ferret-nosed customs officer could ever get at it, we pushed off. there is a fairly fast current all the way to northport, but from the fact that we made the eleven miles in about three-quarters of an hour, it seems likely that, between paddle and oars, the boat was driven somewhat faster than the columbia. just below waneta and immediately above the international boundary line, the pend d'oreille or clark's fork flows, or rather falls into the columbia. this really magnificent stream comes tumbling down a sheer-walled gorge in fall after fall, several of which can be seen in narrowing perspective from the columbia itself. its final leap is over a ten-feet-high ledge which extends all the way across its two-hundred-feet-wide mouth. above this fine cataract it is the pend d'oreille, below it, the columbia. i know of no place where two such rivers come together with such fine spectacular effect, in a way so fitting to the character of each. the pend d'oreille is generally rated as the principal tributary of the upper columbia. although the kootenay--because it flows through a region of considerably greater annual rainfall--carries rather the more water of the two, the pend d'oreille is longer and drains a far more extensive watershed--that lying between the main chain of the rockies and the bitter root and coeur d'alene ranges. great as is the combined discharge of these two fine rivers, their effect on the columbia is not apparent to the eye. if anything, the latter looks a bigger stream where it flows out of the lower arrow lake, above the kootenay, than it does where it crosses the american line below the pend d'oreille. as a matter of fact, its flow must be nearly doubled at the latter point, but the swifter current reduces its apparent volume. nothing but the most careful computations, based on speed of current and area of cross-section, will give anything approximating the real discharge of a river. i was a good deal interested in the pend d'oreille, because it was on one of its upper tributaries, the flathead in montana, that i had made my first timid effort at rapid-running a good many years previously. it hadn't been a brilliant success--for two logs tied together with ropes hardly make the ideal of a raft; but the glamour of the hare-brained stunt had survived the wetting. i should dearly have loved to explore that wonderful black-walled canyon, with its unending succession of cataracts and cascades, but lack of time forbade. the drizzling rain made it impossible even to get a good photograph of the fine frenzy of that final mad leap into the columbia. it was funny the way that rain acted. for something like a month now there had been only two or three days of reasonably fair weather, and for the last fortnight the sun had hardly been glimpsed at all. pulling up to waneta in a clammy drizzle, captain armstrong remarked, as he drew the collar of his waterproof closer to decrease the drainage down the back of his neck, that he reckoned they wouldn't stand for weather of that kind over in "god's country." as there was nothing but sodden clouds to the southward, i didn't feel like giving him any definite assurance on the point at the moment. however, when we crossed the line an hour later the rain had ceased. a couple of miles farther down the clouds were breaking up, and at northport the sun was shining. i did not have another rainy day, nor even one more than slightly overcast, until i was almost at the cascades. i trust my good canadian friend was as deeply impressed as he claimed to be. beyond a sharp riffle between jagged rock islands above deadman's eddy, and one or two shallow boulder bars where the channels were a bit obscure, it was good open-and-above-board water all the way to northport. the "eddy" is a whirling back-sweep of water at a bend of the river, and is supposed to hold up for inspection everything floatable that the columbia brings down from canada. "funny they never thought of calling it 'customs eddy,'" armstrong said. from the condition of its littered banks, it looked to be almost as prolific of "pickings" as the great drift pile of kinbasket lake. being near a town, however, it is doubtless much more thoroughly gone over. we tied up below the ferry at northport, which was the rendezvous to which roos was to bring the customs inspector. the ferry-man, who had once seen captain armstrong run the rapids of the upper kootenay with one of his steamers, was greatly elated over having such a notable walking the quarterdeck of his own humble craft. armstrong, in turn, was scarcely less excited over an automatic pumping contrivance which the ferry-man had rigged up to keep his pontoons dry. after waiting for an hour, we took our bags and walked up to the hotel on the main street at the top of the bluff. we found roos in the office reading a last year's haberdashery catalogue. he said he had not expected us for a couple of hours yet, and that he had arranged for inspection at three o'clock. that gave us time for a bath and lunch ourselves. as our bags were now well beyond the tentacles of the customs, we did a little figuring on the table-cloth between courses. by this we proved that, had we had the nerve to disregard the warnings of well-meaning friends in trail and filled our hand-bags with scotch instead of personal effects, armstrong would now have had fourteen quarts up in his room, and i eighteen quarts. then the waitress gave us current local quotations, and we started to figure values. i shall never know whether or not there would have been room on the corner of that gravy and egg broidered napery for my stupendous total. just as i was beginning to run over the edge, the inspector came in and asked if we would mind letting him see those two suit-cases we had brought to the hotel with us! many and various are the joys of virtue, but none of the others comparable to that one which sets you aglow as you say "search me!" when, by the special intervention of the providence which watches over fools and drunks, you haven't got goods. the inspection, both at the hotel and at the ferry, was _fairly_ perfunctory, though i did notice that the customs man assumed a rather springy step when he trod the light inner bottom of the skiff. roos filmed the operation as a part of the picture, i acting as much as i could like i thought a farmer would act at his first customs inspection. roos, complaining that i didn't "do it natural," wanted to shoot over again. the customs man was willing, but armstrong and i, trudging purposefully off up the road, refused to return. roos followed us to the hotel in considerable dudgeon. "why wouldn't you let me make that shot over?" he asked. "it was an 'oil-can'--rotten!" "because," i replied evenly, looking him straight in the eye, "i was afraid the inspector might try that jig-a-jig step of his on the false bottom in the bow if we put him through the show a second time. i don't believe in tempting providence. we can get a street-car conductor and make that inspection shot again in portland. this isn't...." "you're right," cut in roos, with a dawning grin of comprehension. "i beg your pardon. you're a deeper bird than i gave you credit for. or perhaps it was the captain...." [illustration: waiting for the fog to lift above bishop's rapids] [illustration: ross and armstrong registering "gloom"] [illustration: the "intake" at the little dalles (_above_)] [illustration: where we started to line the little dalles (_below_)] a heavy fog filled the river gorge from bank to bank when we pushed off the following morning, and we had to nose down carefully to avoid the piers of the bridge of the great northern branch line to rossland. a quarter of a mile farther down the river began shoaling over gravel bars, and out of the mist ahead came the rumble of water tumbling over boulders. this was an inconsiderable riffle called bishop's rapid, but the captain was too old a river man to care to go into it without light to choose his channel. a half hour's wait on a gravel bar in mid-stream brought a lifting of the fog, and we ran through by the right hand of the two shallow channels without difficulty. in brilliant sunshine we pulled down a broad stretch of deep and rapidly slackening water to the gleaming white lime-stone barrier at the head of the little dalles. all of northport had been a unit in warning us not to attempt to run the little dalles. nearly every one, as far as i could judge, had lost some relative there, and one man gave a very circumstantial description of how he had seen a big _batteau_, with six swede lumbermen, sucked out of sight there, never to reappear. on cross-questioning, he admitted that this was at high water, and that there was nothing like so much "suck" in the whirlpools at the present stage. the captain, however, having just received telephonic word from nelson that "moderation" had carried in b. c. by a decisive majority, felt that nothing short of running the little dalles would be adequate celebration. he had managed to come through right-side-up in a peterboro once, and he thought our skiff ought to be equal to the stunt. he held that opinion just long enough for him to climb to the top of the cliff that forms the left wall of river at the gorge and take one good, long, comprehensive look into the depths. "nothing doing," he said, with a decisive shake of his broad-brimmed stetson. "the river's four or five feet higher than when we ran through here in 'fifteen, and that makes all the difference. it was touch-and-go for a minute then, and now it's out of the question for a small boat. if we can't line, we'll have to find some way to portage." the little dalles are formed by a great reef of lime-stone which, at one time, probably made a dam all the way across the river. the narrow channel which the columbia has worn through the stone is less than two hundred feet in width for a considerable distance, and has lofty perpendicular walls. the river is divided by a small rock island into two channels at the head, the main one, to the right, being about two hundred feet in width, and the narrow left-hand one not over forty feet. the depth of the main channel is very great--probably much greater than its narrowest width; so that here, as also at tumwater and "five-mile" in the great dalles, it may be truly said that the columbia "has to turn on its side to wriggle through." it is that little rock island at the head of the gorge, extending, as it does, almost longitudinally _across_ the current that makes all the trouble. it starts one set of whirlpools running down the right-hand channel and another set down the left-hand. every one of the vortices in this dual series of spinning "suckers" is more than one would care to take any liberties with if it could be avoided; and either line of whirlpools, taken alone, probably _could_ be avoided. the impassable barrage comes a hundred feet below the point where the left-hand torrent precipitates itself at right-angles into the current of the right-hand one, and the two lines of whirlpools converge in a "v" and form one big walloping sockdolager. him there would still be room to run by if he were "whouf-ing" there alone; but his satellites won't have it. their accursed team-work is such that the spreading "v" above catches everything that comes down stream and feeds it into the maw of the big whirlpool as into a hopper. logs, ties, shingle-bolts, fence-posts--all the refuse of sawmills and the flotsam and jetsam of farms and towns--are gulped with a "whouf!" and when they reappear again, a mile or two down river, they are all scoured smooth and round-cornered by their passage through the monster's alimentary canal. "i'm sorry not to celebrate the victory of 'moderation,'" said the captain finally, with another regretful shake of his head; "but 'moderation' begins at home. it would be immoderately foolish to put the skiff into that line of whirlpools, the way they're running now." roos was the only one who was inclined to dispute that decision, and as his part would have been to stand out on the brink of the cliff and turn the crank, it was only natural that he should take the "artistic" rather than the "humanitarian" view. as a last resort before portaging, we tried lining down, starting at the head of the narrow left-hand channel. we gave it up at the end of a hundred feet. a monkey at one end of the line and a log of wood at the other would have made the only combination calculated to get by that way. it was no job for a shaky-kneed man and a sinkable boat. there was nothing to do but look up a team or truck. what appeared to be the remains of the ancient portage road ran down from an abandoned farm to the river, and it seemed likely some kind of vehicle could be brought over it. as the highway ran along the bench, four or five hundred feet above the river, i set off by the railroad track, which was comparatively close at hand. at the end of a couple of miles i reached a small station called marble, the shipping point for a large apple orchard project financed by the j. g. white company of new york. mr. reed, the resident manager, immediately ordered a powerful team and wagon placed at my disposal, and with that i returned northward over the highway. we had a rough time getting down through brush and dead-falls to the river, but finally made it without an upset. roos having finished what pictures he wanted--including one of the captain standing on the brink of the cliff and registering "surprise-cum-disappointment-cum-disgust,"--we loaded the skiff and our outfit onto the wagon and started the long climb up to the top of the bench. the discovery of an overgrown but still passable road offered a better route than that followed in coming down, and we made the highway, and on to the village, in good time. mr. reed dangled the bait of a french _chef_ and rooms in the company's hotel as an inducement to spend the night with him, but we had not the time to accept the kind invitation. his ready courtesy was of the kind which i learned later i could expect as a matter of course all along the river. never did i have trouble in getting help when i needed it, and when it was charged for, it was almost invariably an under rather than an over-charge. the running road is the one place left where the people have not been spoiled as have those on the highways frequented by motor tourists. launching the boat from the marble ferry at four o'clock, we pulled off in a good current in the hope of reaching bossburg before dark. between the windings of the river and several considerable stretches of slack water, however, our progress was less than anticipated. shut in by high hills on both sides, night descended early upon the river, and at five-thirty i found myself pulling in stygian blackness. knowing there was no really bad water ahead, the captain let her slide through a couple of easy riffles, the white-topped waves barely guessed as they flagged us with ghostly signals. but a deepening growl, borne on the wings of the slight up-river night-breeze, demanded more consideration. no one but a lunatic goes into a strange rapid in a poor light, to say nothing of complete darkness. pulling into an eddy by the left bank, we stopped and listened. the roar, though distant, was unmistakable. water was tumbling among rocks at a fairly good rate, certainly too fast to warrant going into it in the dark. while we were debating what to do, a black figure silhouetted itself against the star-gleams at the top of the low bank. "hello, there!" hailed the captain. "can you tell us how far it is to bossburg?" "_this_ is bossburg," was the surprising but gratifying response. "you're there--that is, you're here." it proved to be the local ferry-man, and columbia ferry-men are always obliging and always intelligent, at least in matters relating to the river. tying up the boat, we left our stuff in his nearby house and sought the hotel with our hand-bags. it was not a promising looking hotel when we found it, for bossburg was that saddest of living things, an all-but-extinguished boom-town; but the very kindly old couple who lived there and catered to the occasional wayfarer bustled about and got us a corking good meal--fried chicken and biscuits as light as the whipped cream we had on the candied peaches--and our beds were clean and comfortable. as we were now but a few miles above kettle falls, the most complete obstruction in the whole length of the columbia, i took the occasion to telephone ahead for a truck with which to make the very considerable portage. there would be two or three miles at the falls in any case, captain armstrong said, and he was also inclined to think it would be advisable to extend the portage to the foot of grand rapids, and thus save a day's hard lining. it was arranged that the truck should meet us at the ruins of the old hudson bay post, on the east bank some distance above the upper fall. we pushed off from bossburg at eight o'clock on the morning of october twenty-third. the water was slack for several hundred yards, which was found to be due to a reef extending all of the way across the river and forming the rapid which we had heard growling in the dark. this was called "six mile," and while it would have been an uncomfortable place to tangle up with in the night, it was simple running with the light of day. "five mile," a bit farther down, was studded with big black rocks, but none of them hard to avoid. as we were running rather ahead of the time of our rendezvous with the truck, we stretched our legs the length and back of the main street of marcus, a growing little town which is the junction point for the boundary branch of the great northern. we passed the mouth of the kettle river shortly after running under the railway bridge, and a pull across a big eddy carried us to the lake-like stretch of water backed up by the rocky obstructions responsible for kettle falls. the roar of the latter filled the air as we headed into a shallow, mud-bottomed lagoon widening riverward from the mouth of a small creek and beached the skiff under a yellowing fringe of willows. the site of the historic post was in an extremely aged apple orchard immediately above. it was one of those "inevitable" spots, where the _voyageurs_ of all time passing up or down the river must have begun or ended their portages. i was trying to conjure up pictures of a few of these in my mind, when the chug-chugging of an engine somewhere among the pines of the distant hillside recalled me to a realization of the fact that it was time to get ready for my own portage. before we had our stuff out of the boat the truck had come to a throbbing standstill beyond the fringe of the willows. it promised to be an easier portage than some of our predecessors had had, in any event. to maintain his "continuity," roos filmed the skiff being taken out of the water and loaded upon the truck, the truck passing down the main street of the town of kettle falls, and a final launching in the river seven miles below. half way into town we passed an old indian mission that must have been about contemporaneous with hudson bay operations. although no nails had been used in its construction, the ancient building, with its high-pitched roof, still survived in a comparatively good state of preservation. the town is some little distance below the falls, and quite out of sight of the river, which flows here between very high banks. we stopped at the hotel for lunch before completing the portage. after talking the situation over with captain armstrong, i decided to fall in with his suggestion to pass grand rapids as well as kettle falls in the portage. there were only about five miles of boatable water between the foot of the latter and the head of the former, and then an arduous three-quarters of a mile of lining that would have entailed the loss of another day. there is a drop of twelve feet in about twelve hundred yards in grand rapids, with nothing approaching a clear channel among the huge black basaltic rocks that have been scattered about through them as from a big pepper shaker. as far as i could learn, there is no record of any kind of a man-propelled craft of whatever size ever having run through and survived, but a small stern-wheeler, the _shoshone_, was run down several years ago at high water. she reached the foot a good deal of a hulk, but still right side up. this is rated as one of the maddest things ever done with a steamer on the columbia, and the fact that it did not end in complete disaster is reckoned by old river men as having been due in about equal parts to the inflexible nerve of her skipper and the intervention of the special providence that makes a point of watching over mortals who do things like that. i met captain mcdermid a fortnight later in potaris. he told me then, what i hadn't heard before, that he took his wife and children with him. "nellie thought a lot of both me and the little old _shoshone_," he said with a wistful smile, "and she reckoned that, if we went, she wouldn't exactly like to be left here alone. and so--i never could refuse nellie anything--i took her along. and now she and the _shoshone_ are both gone." he was a wonderful chap--mcdermid. all old columbia river skippers are. they wouldn't have survived if they hadn't been. there was a low bench on the left bank, about a mile below the foot of grand rapids, which could be reached by a rough road, and from which the boat could be slid down over the rocks to the river. running to this point with the truck, we left our heavier outfit at a road camp and dropped the boat at the water's edge, ready for launching the following morning. returning to the town, we were driven up to the falls by dr. baldwin, a prominent member of this live and attractive little community, where roos made a number of shots. the upper or main fall has a vertical drop of fifteen feet at low water, while the lower fall is really a rough tumbling cascade with a drop of ten feet in a quarter of a mile. the river is divided at the head of the falls by an arrow-shaped rock island, the main channel being the one to the right. the left-hand channel loops in a broad "v" around the island and, running between precipitous walls, accomplishes in a beautiful rapid the same drop that the main channel does by the upper fall. a rocky peninsula, extending squarely across the course of the left-hand channel, forces the rolling current of the latter practically to turn a somersault before accepting the dictum that it must double back northward for five or six hundred feet before uniting with the main river. it was the savage swirling of water in that rock-walled elbow where the "somersault" takes place that prompted the imaginative french-canadian _voyageurs_ to apply the appropriately descriptive name of _chaudière_ to the boiling maelstrom. up to the present the development of the enormous power running to waste over kettle falls has gone little further than the dreams of the brave community of optimists who have been attracted there in the belief that a material asset of such incalculable value cannot always be ignored in a growing country like our own. and they are right, of course, but a few years ahead of time. it is only the children and grandchildren of the living pioneers of the columbia who will see more than the beginning of its untold millions of horse-power broken to harness. and in the meantime the optimists of kettle falls are turning their attention to agriculture and horticulture. never have i seen finer apple orchards than those through which we drove on the way to resume our down-river voyage. the point from which we pushed off at ten o'clock on the morning of october twenty-fourth must have been only a little below that at which lieutenant symons launched the _batteau_ for his historic voyage to the mouth of the snake in 1881. forty years have gone by since that memorable undertaking, yet symons' report is to-day not only the most accurate description of an upper columbia voyage that has ever been written, but also the most readable. during the time i was running the three hundred and fifty miles of river surveyed by lieutenant symons, i found his admirable report only less fascinating on the human side than it was of material assistance on the practical. of his preparations for the voyage lieutenant symons writes: "i was fortunate enough to procure from john rickey, a settler and trader, who lives at the grand rapids, a strongly built _batteau_, and had his assistance in selecting a crew of indians for the journey. the _batteau_ was about thirty feet long, four feet wide at the gunwales, and two feet deep, and is as small a boat as the voyage should ever be attempted in, if it is contemplated to go through all the rapids. my first lookout had been to secure the services of 'old pierre agare' as steersman, and i had to carry on negotiations with him for several days before he finally consented to go. old pierre is the only one of the old hudson bay _voyageurs_ now left who knows the river thoroughly at all stages of water, from colville to its mouth.... the old man is seventy years of age, and hale and hearty, although his eyesight is somewhat defective.... the other indians engaged were pen-waw, big pierre, little pierre, and joseph. they had never made the trip all the way down the river, and their minds were full of the dangers and terrors of the great rapids below, and it was a long time before we could prevail upon them to go, by promising them a high price and stipulating for their return by rail and stage. old pierre and john rickey laboured and talked with them long and faithfully, to gain their consent, and i am sure that they started off with as many misgivings about getting safely through as we did who had to trust our lives to their skill, confidence and obedience." lieutenant symons does not state whether any confusion ever arose as a consequence of the fact that three of his five indians bore the inevitable french-canadian name of "pierre." of the method of work followed by himself and his topographical assistant, downing, throughout the voyage, he writes: "mr. downing and myself worked independently in getting as thorough knowledge of the river as possible, he taking the courses with a prismatic compass, and estimating distances by the eye, and sketching in the topographical features of the surrounding country, while i estimated also the distances to marked points, and paid particular attention to the bed of the river, sounding wherever there were any indications of shallowness. each evening we compared notes as to distances, and we found them to come out very well together, the greatest difference being six and three-fourths miles in a day's run of sixty-four miles. some days they were identical. the total distance from our starting point ... to the mouth of the snake river was estimated by mr. downing to be three hundred and sixty-three miles, and by myself to be three hundred and fifty. his distances were obtained by estimating how far it was to some marked point ahead, and correcting it when the point was reached; mine by the time required to pass over the distances, in which the elements considered were the swiftness of the current and the labour of the oarsmen." i may state that it was only rarely that we found the distances arrived at by lieutenant symons and mr. downing to be greatly at variance with those established by later surveys. in the matter of bars, rapids, currents, channels and similar things, there appeared to have been astonishingly little change in the four decades that had elapsed since he had made his observations. where he advised, for instance, taking the right-hand in preference to the middle or left-hand channels, it was not often that we went far wrong in heeding the direction. bars of gravel, of course, shift from season to season, but reefs and projections of the native rock are rarely altered by more than a negligible erosion. the prominent topographical features--cliffs, headlands, _coulees_, mountains--are immutable, and for mile after mile, bend after bend, we picked them up just as symons reported them. the river is broad and slow for a few miles below grand rapids (they are called rickey's rapids locally), with steep-sided benches rising on either hand, and the green of apple orchards showing in bright fringes along their brinks. there had been the usual warnings in kettle falls of a bad rapid to be encountered "somewhere below," but the data available on this part of the river made us practically certain that nothing worse than minor riffles existed until the swift run of spokane rapids was reached. seven miles below grand rapids several islands of black basalt contracted the river considerably, but any one of two or three channels offered an easy way through them. the highest of them had a driftwood crown that was not less than fifty feet above the present stage of the river, showing graphically the great rise and fall at this point. at the shallow san poil bar we saw some indians from the colville reservation fishing for salmon--the crooked-nosed "dogs" of the final run. if they were of the tribe from which the bar must have been named, civilization had brought them its blessing in the form of hair-restorer. they were as hirsute a lot of ruffians as one could expect to find out of bolshevia--and as dirty. turtle rapid was the worst looking place we found during the day, but the menace was more apparent than real. the riffle took its name from a number of turtle-backed outcroppings of bedrock pushing up all the way across the river. the current was swift and deep, making it just the sort of place one would have expected to encounter bad swirls. these were, indeed, making a good deal of a stir at the foot of several of the narrow side runs, but by the broader middle channel which we followed the going was comparatively smooth. we finished an easy day by tying up at four o'clock where the road to the colville reservation comes down to the boulder-bordered bank at hunter's ferry. columbia river ferry-men are always kindly and hospitable, and this one invited us to sleep on his hay and cook our meals in his kitchen. he was an amiable "cracker" from kentucky, with a delectable drawl, a tired-looking wife and a houseful of children. ferry-men's wives always have many children. this one was still pretty, though, and her droop--for a few years yet--would be rather appealing than otherwise. i couldn't be quite sure--from a remark she made--whether she had a sense of humor, or whether she had not. seeing her sitting by the kitchen stove with a baby crooked into her left arm, a two-year-old on her lap, and a three-year-old riding her foot, the while she was trying to fry eggs, bake biscuit and boil potatoes, i observed, by way of bringing a brighter atmosphere with my presence, that it was a pity that the human race hadn't been crossed with octopi, so that young mothers would have enough arms to do their work with. she nodded approvingly at first, brightening visibly at the emancipative vision conjured up in her tired brain, but after five minutes of serious cogitation relapsed into gloom. "i reckon it wouldn't be any use, mistah," she said finally; "them octupusses would only give the young 'uns mo' ahms to find troubl' with." now _did_ she have a sense of humour, or did she not? we had a distinctly bad night of it hitting the hay. the mow was built with a horseshoe-shaped manger running round three sides of it, into which the hay was supposed to descend by gravity as the cows devoured what was below. as a labour-saving device it had a good deal to recommend it, but as a place to sleep--well, it might not have been so bad if each of the dozen cows had not been belled, and if the weight of our tired bodies on the hay had not kept pressing it into the manger all night, and so made a continuous performance of feeding and that bovine bell-chorus. i dozed off for a spell along toward morning, awakening from a chinese-gong nightmare to find my bed tilted down at an angle of forty-five degrees and a rough tongue lapping my face. with most of my mattress eaten up, i was all but in the manger myself. turning out at daybreak, we pushed off at an early hour. a run of nine miles, made in about an hour, took us to gerome, where another ferry crossed to the west or colville reservation bank. a couple of swift, shallow rapids above and below roger's bar was the only rough water encountered. we were looking for a point from which spokane could be reached by car, as captain armstrong, who had originally planned to go with us only to kettle falls, was now quite at the end of the time he was free to remain away from nelson and business. there were two reasons for our making a temporary halt at gerome ferry. one was the fact that spokane could be reached as readily from there as from any point lower down, and the other was ike emerson. i shall have so much to say of ike a bit further along that i shall no more than introduce him for the moment. as much of the worst water on the american course of the columbia occurs in the two hundred and thirty miles between the head of spokane rapids and the foot of priest rapids,[2] i was considerably concerned about finding a good river man to take captain armstrong's place and help me with the boat. roos made no pretensions to river usefulness, and i was reluctant to go into some of the rapids that i knew were ahead of us without a dependable man to handle the steering paddle and to help with lining. men of this kind were scarce, it appeared--even more so than on the big bend, in canada, where there was a certain amount of logging and trapping going on. two or three ferry-men had shaken their heads when i brought the matter up. there was nothing they would like better if they were free, they said, but, as ferries couldn't be expected to run by themselves, that was out of the question on such short notice. [2] not be confused with the rapids of the same name we had run on the big bend in canada. l. r. f. it was that genial "cracker" at hunter's ferry who was the first to mention ike emerson. ike would be just my man, he said, with that unmistakable grin that a man grins when the person he speaks of is some kind of a "character." or, leastways, ike would be just my man--_if i could find him_. "and where shall i be likely to find him?" i asked. he wasn't quite sure about that, but probably "daun rivah sumwhah." there was no telling about ike, it appeared. once he had been seen to sink when his raft had gone to pieces in hell gate, and he had been mourned as dead for a fortnight. at the end of that time he had turned up in kettle falls, but quite unable--or else unwilling--to tell why the river had carried him eighty-five miles _up_ stream instead of down to the pacific. a keg of moonshine which had been ike's fellow passenger on the ill-fated raft _may_ have had something to do both with the wreck and that long up-stream swim after the wreck. at any rate, it had never been explained. however, gerome was ike's headquarters--if any place might be called that for a man who lived on or in the river most of the time--and that would be the place to inquire for him. when i asked the ferry-man at gerome if ike emerson had been seen thereabouts recently, he grinned the same sort of grin his colleague at hunter's had grinned when the same subject was under discussion. yes, he had seen ike only the night before. he was a real old river rat; just the man i wanted--_if i could find him_. he was as hard as a flea to put your hand on when you _did_ want him, though. well, it took us four hours to run our man down, but luck was with us in the end. every lumber-jack, farmer and indian that we asked about ike, grinned that same grin, dropped whatever he was doing and joined in the search. there were a score of us when the "view halloo" was finally sounded, and we looked more like a lynching party on vengeance bent than anything else i can think of. ike, who was digging potatoes (of all the things in the world for a river rat to be doing), glowered suspiciously as we debouched from a _coulee_ and streamed down toward him, but his brow cleared instantly when i hastily told him what we had come for. you bet, he would go with us. but, wait a moment! why should we not go with him? he was overdue with a raft of logs and cordwood he had contracted to take down below hell gate, and was just about to get to work building it. we could just throw our boat aboard, and off we would go together. if he could get enough help, he could have the raft ready in two or three days, and, once started, it would not be a lot slower than the skiff, especially if we took a fast motor-boat he knew of for towing purposes and to "put her into the rapids right." it would make a lot more of a show for the movies, and he had always dreamed of having himself filmed on a big raft running hell gate and box canyon. just let us leave it to him, and he would turn out something that would be the real thing. all of this sounded distinctly good to me, but i turned to roos and captain armstrong for confirmation before venturing a decision. roos said it would be "the cat's ears" (late slang meaning _au fait_, or something like that, in english); that a raft would photograph like a million dollars. armstrong's face was beaming. "it will be the chance of a lifetime," he said warmly. "go by all means. i'm only sorry i can't be with you." so we gave ike _carte blanche_ and told him to go ahead; we would arrange the financial end when he knew more about what he would be spending. i was glad of the wait for one reason; it would give us a chance to speed the captain on his way as far as spokane. running over a spokane paper in the post office and general store at gerome, the program of the chamber of commerce luncheon for the morrow, october the twenty-sixth, recalled to me that i had a conditional engagement to perform at that function. major laird, the publicity secretary of the chamber, had phoned me before we left nelson, asking if i would run up to spokane from some convenient point on the river and give them a bit of a yarn about our voyage at the next tuesday luncheon. i had replied that, as it was quite out of the question keeping to any definite schedule in river travel, i could give him no positive assurance of turning up in time, but suggested that if he would sign up some one else for _pièce de résistance_, he could be free to use me for soup or nuts in the event i put in an appearance. as it now appeared that we had arrived within a few hours of spokane, i phoned major laird, and he said he would start a car off at once to take us there. we spent the afternoon helping roos patch up the continuity of his "farmer" picture. although captain armstrong had appeared in all the scenes shot since we started with the skiff, he had never made his official entry into the picture. properly, this should have been done in one of the introductory scenes shot at the source of the river, near lake windermere. it will be remembered that, when i leaned on my hay-fork and gazed pensively off toward the river, i was supposed to see a prospector tinkering with his boat. i had walked out of two scenes on my way to join that prospector: the first time to ask if he would take me with him, and the second time, with a blanket-roll on my shoulder (the improvised one with the two "nicht-goons" and other foreign knick-knacks in it), to jump into the boat and push off. obviously, as we had neither prospector nor boat at the time, these shots could not be made until later. now, with the "prospector" about to leave us, it was imperative to continuity that we should get him into the picture before we could go ahead getting him out of it. "location" was our first care, and in this fortune favoured us. the mouth of a small creek flowing in just below gerome furnished a "source of the columbia" background that would have defied an expert to tell from an original. in fact, it looked more like the popular idea of a "source" than did the real one; and that is an important point with the movies. here we made the "tinkering" and the "first push-off" shots. of course, i had a different blanket-roll on my shoulder this time, but i took great care to make it as close an imitation as possible of the one i had so hastily flung together out of "jock's" bedding. a close imitation externally, i mean--there were no "frou-frous" in it. now that we had the "prospector" properly into the picture, we were ready for the "farewell" shot--the getting him out of it. for this the captain and i were "picked up" on a picturesque rocky point, regarding with interest something far off down-river. presently he registers "dawning comprehension," and tells me in fluent french-canadian pantomime that it is a raft--a whale of a big one. that will offer a way for me to continue my voyage now that he has to leave me. then we go down to the boat, which he presents to me with a comprehensive "it-is-all-yours" gesture, before shouldering his sack of ore (one of our bags of canned stuff answered very well for this) and climbing off up the bank toward the "smelter." (we had intended to make a real smelter scene at trail or northport, but the light was poor at both places.) finally i pushed off alone, pulling down and across the current to throw in my fortunes with the "raft." that left the thread of "continuity" dangling free, to be spliced up as soon as ike had the raft completed. that worthy was losing no time. all afternoon we heard the rumble of logs rolling over boulders, and every now and then a fan-shaped splash of spray would flash up with a spangle of iridescence in the light of the declining sun. the car arrived for us at seven-thirty that evening. it was driven by commissioner howard, of the spokane county board, who had courteously volunteered to come for us when it appeared there would be some delay in getting a hired car off for the hundred and sixty-mile round trip. he was accompanied by his son, a high-school youngster. as they had eaten lunch on the way, they announced themselves ready to start on the return trip at once. the road turned out to be a rough mountain track, and rather muddy. ten miles out from gerome a suspicious clicking set in somewhere under the rear seat, and at twenty miles the differential had gone. mr. howard finally induced an empty truck to take us in tow, and behind that lumbering vehicle we did the last sixty miles. the tow-chain parted on an average of once a mile while we were still in the mountains, but did better as the roads improved. the temperature fell as the altitude increased, and it must have been well under twenty before daylight--and a mean, marrow-searching cold at that. mr. howard, refusing every offer of relief, stuck it out at the wheel all the way in--a remarkable example of nerve and endurance, considering that he had only recently come out of a hospital. armstrong, as always, was indomitable, singing french-canadian boating songs of blood-stirring _tempo_ most of the way. i shall ever associate his "_rouli, roulant, ma boule roulant, en roulant, ma boule roulant!_" rather with the chug-chugging of a motor truck than with the creak of oars from which it derived its inspiration. we struck the paved state highway at davenport about four o'clock, and in the very grey dawn of the morning after came rumbling into spokane. somewhere in the dim shadowy outskirts we stopped rumbling. the truck driver reported he had run out of gas. assiduous milking of the cole's tank yielded just enough to carry us on to the hotel. the davenport of spokane is one of the very finest hotels in all the world, but if it had been just a cabin with a stove, it would still have seemed a rose-sweet paradise after those last two nights we had put in--one on the hay with belled cows eating up the beds beneath our backs, and the other jerked over a frosty road in the wake of a skidding truck. soaking for an hour in a steaming bath, i rolled in between soft sheets, leaving orders not to be called until noon. spokane is one of the finest, cleanest and most beautiful cities of the west, and i have never left it after a visit without regret. this time, brief as our stay had to be, was no exception. it was an unusually keen looking lot of business and professional men that turned out for the chamber luncheon, among whom i found not a few old college friends and others i had not seen for a number of years. notable of these were herbert moore and samuel stern, with whom i had spent six weeks on a commercial mission in china in 1910. i was also greatly interested to meet mr. turner, the field engineer of the great project for reclaiming a million and three-quarters acres of land in the columbia basin of eastern washington by diverting to it water from the pend d'oreille. the incalculable possibilities, as well as the great need of this daring project i was to see much of at firsthand during that part of my voyage on which i was about to embark. captain armstrong left by train for nelson the evening of the 27th, and the following morning major laird drove roos and me back to gerome. for a considerable part of the distance we followed the highly picturesque route along the spokane river, stopping for lunch at the hydro-electric plant of the washington power company at long lake. this enterprising corporation has power installations already in operation on the spokane which must make that stream pretty nearly the most completely harnessed river of its size in america. the lofty concrete barrier which backs up long lake has the distinction of being the highest spillway dam in the world. the "spokane interval" proved a highly enjoyable spell of relaxation before tackling the rough stretch of river ahead. i knew i was going to miss greatly the guiding hand and mind of captain armstrong, but had high hopes of ike emerson. i was not to be disappointed. chapter x rafting through hell gate ike had been working at high speed during our absence, but his imagination appeared rather to have run ahead of his powers of execution. the hundred-feet-long, thirty-feet-wide raft he had set himself to construct (so as to have something that would "stack up big in the movie") took another two days to complete, and even then was not quite all that critical artist wanted to make it. after filling in the raft proper with solid logs of spruce and cedar, he began heaping cordwood upon it. he was trying to make something that would loom up above the water, he explained; "somethin' tu make a showin' in the pictur'." he had three or four teams hauling, and as many men piling, for two days. we stopped him at fifty cords in order to get under way the second day after our return. there was some division of opinion among the 'long shore loafers as to whether or not this was the _largest_ raft that had ever started down this part of the columbia, but they were a unit in agreeing that it was the _highest_. never was there a raft with so much "freeboard." the trouble was that every foot of that "freeboard" was cordwood, and then some; for the huge stacks of four-foot firewood had weighted down the logs under them until those great lengths of spruce and cedar were completely submerged. when you walked about "on deck" you saw the river flowing right along through the loosely stacked cordwood beneath. roos was exultant over the way that mighty mass of rough wood charging down a rock-walled canyon was going to photograph, and ike was proud as a peacock over the thing he had brought into being. but roos was going to be cranking on the cliff when we went through hell gate, and ike didn't care a fig what happened to him anyhow. and i _did_ care. there were a lot of things that could happen to a crazy contraption of that kind, _if ever it hit anything solid_; and i knew that the walls of hell gate and box canyon must be solid or they wouldn't have stood as long as they had. and as for hitting ... that raft must be pretty nearly as long as hell gate was wide, and if ever it got to swinging.... it's funny the things a man will think of the night before he is going to try out a fool stunt that he doesn't know much about. [illustration: map of the upper columbia] [illustration: a "close-up" of ike building his raft] [illustration: my fifty pound salmon] a fine motherly old girl called mrs. miller had put us up in her big, comfortable farm-house during our wait while ike completed his ship-building operations. she must have known all of seven different ways of frying chicken, and maybe twice that number of putting up apple preserves. we had just about all of them for breakfast the morning we started. jess, the ferry-man, treated us to vanilla extract cordials and told us the story of a raft that had struck and broken up just above his father's ranch near hawk creek. only guy they fished out was always nutty afterward. cracked on the head with a length of cordwood while swimming. good swimmer, too; but a guy had no chance in a swish-swashing bunch of broke-loose logs. thus jess, and thus--or in similar vein--about a dozen others who came down to see us off from the ferry landing. they all told stories of _raft_ disasters, just as they would have enlarged on _boat_ disasters if it had been a boat in which we were starting to run hell gate and box canyon. i pulled across and landed roos at the raft to make an introductory shot or two of ike before picking up the thread of his "continuity" with my (pictorial) advent. a corner of the raft had been left unfinished for this purpose. ike was discovered boring a log with a huge auger, after which he notched and laid a stringer, finishing the operation by pegging the latter down with a twisted hazel withe. the old river rat seemed to know instinctively just what was wanted of him, going through the action so snappily that roos clapped him on the back and pronounced him "the cat's ears" as an actor. ike showed real quality in the next scene; also the single-minded concentration that marks the true artist. looking up from his boring, he sees a boat paddling toward him from up-river. the nearing craft was _imshallah_, with the "farmer" at the oars, just as he had started (for the still unbuilt raft) when the "prospector" gave him the boat before disappearing up the bank to the "smelter" with his sack of "ore" over his shoulder. thus "continuity" was served. the "farmer" pulls smartly alongside, tosses ike the painter and clambers aboard the raft. an animated colloquy ensues, in which the "farmer" asks about the river ahead, and ike tells him, with dramatic gestures, that it will be death to tackle it in so frail a skiff. a raft is the only safe way to make the passage and--here ike spreads out his hands with the manner of a butler announcing that "dinner is served!"--the raft is at the "farmer's" disposal. that suits the "farmer" to a "t;" so the skiff is lifted aboard and they are ready to cast off. where ike displayed the concentration of a true artist was in the skiff-lifting shot. just as the green bow of _imshallah_ came over the side, a boy who had been stacking cordwood, in rushing forward to clear the fouled painter, stepped on an unsecured log and went through into the river. by this time, of course, i knew better than to spoil a shot by suspending or changing action in the middle of it, but that ike should be thus esoterically sapient was rather too much to expect. yet the sequel proved how much more consummate an artist of the two of us that untutored (even by roos) old river rat was. when we had finished "yo-heave-ho-ing" as the skiff settled into place, i (dropping my histrionics like a wet bathing suit) shouted to ike to come and help me fish that kid out. "what kid?" he drawled in a sort of languid surprise. then, after a kind of dazed once-over of the raft, fore-and-aft: "by cripes, the kid _is_ gone!" now has that ever been beaten for artistic concentration? the lad, after bumping down along the bottom to the lower end of the raft, had come to the surface no whit the worse for his ducking. he was clambering up over the logs like a wet cat before either ike or i, teetering across the crooked, wobbly cordwood, had stumbled half the distance to the "stern." "it must be a right sma't betta goin' daun unda than up heah," was ike's only comment. the motor-boat which ike had engaged to tow the raft was already on hand. it had been built by a spokane mining magnate for use at his summer home on lake coeur d'alene, and was one of the prettiest little craft of the kind i ever saw. with its lines streaming gracefully back from its sharp, beautifully-flared bow, it showed speed from every angle. hardwood and brass were in bad shape, but the engines were resplendent; and the engines were the finest thing about it. they had been built to drive it twenty-five miles an hour when she was new, the chap running it said, and were probably good for all of twenty-two yet when he opened up. except that its hull wasn't rugged enough to stand the banging, it was an ideal river boat, though not necessarily for towing rafts. however, it was mighty handy even at that ignominious work. i couldn't quite make up my mind about the engineer of the motor boat--not until he settled down to work, that is. his eye was quite satisfactory, but his habit of hesitating before answering a question, and then usually saying "i dunno," conveyed rather the impression of torpid mentality if not actual dulness. nothing could have been further from the truth, as i realized instantly the moment he started swinging the raft into the current. he merely said "i dunno" because he really didn't know, where an ordinary man would have felt impelled to make half an answer, or at least to say something about the weather or the stage of the river. earl (i never learned his last name) was sparing with his tongue because he was unsparing with his brain. his mind was always ready to act--and to react. there were to arise several situations well calculated to test the mettle of him, and he was always "there." i have never known so thoroughly useful and dependable a man for working a launch in swift water. while ike was completing his final "snugging down" operations, i chanced to observe a long steel-blue and slightly reddish-tinged body working up the bottom toward the stern of the raft. it looked like a salmon, except that it was larger than any member of that family i had ever seen. a blunt-pointed pike-pole is about the last thing one would use for a fish-spear, but, with nothing better ready to hand, i tried it. my first thrust was a bad miss, but, rather strangely, i thought--failed to deflect the loggily nosing monster more than a foot or two from his course. the next thrust went home, but where i was half expecting to have the pole torn from my hands by a wild rush, there was only a sluggish, unresentful sort of a wriggle. as there was no hook or barb to the pike, the best i could do was to worry my prize along the bottom to the bank, where a couple of indians lifted it out for me. it was a salmon after all--a vicious looking "dog," with a wicked mouthful of curving teeth--but of extraordinary size. it must have weighed between fifty and sixty pounds, for the pike-pole all but snapped when i tried to lift the monster with it. indeed, its great bulk was undoubtedly responsible for the fact that it was already half-dead from battering on the rocks before i speared it. as the flesh was too soft even for the indians, i gave it to a german farmer from a nearby clearing to feed to his hogs. or rather, i traded it. the german had a dog which, for the sake of "human interest," roos very much wanted to borrow. (why, seeing it was a dog, he should not have called it "canine interest," i never quite understood; but it was the "heart touch" he wanted, at any rate). so ike proposed to the "dutchman" that we give him fifty pounds of dead "dog" for half that weight of live dog, the latter to be returned when we were through with him. that was ike's _proposition_. as soon as we were under way, however, he confided to me that he never was going to give that good collie back to a dutchman. a people that had done what the "dutchmen" did to belgium had no right to have a collie anyhow. if they must have dogs, let them keep dachshunds--or pigs. and he forthwith began to alienate that particular collie's affection by feeding him milk chocolate. poor old ike! being only a fresh-water sailor, i fear he did not have a wife in every port, so that there was an empty place in his heart that craved affection. we cast off at ten o'clock, earl swung the raft's head out by a steady pull with the launch, and the current completed the operation of turning. once in mid-stream she made good time, the motor-boat maintaining just enough of a tug to keep the towing-line taut and give her a mile an hour or so of way over the current. that gave earl a margin to work with, and, pulling sharply now to one side, now to the other, he kept the great pile of logs headed where the current was swiftest and the channel clearest. it was all in using his power at the right time and in the right way. a hundred-ton tugboat would have been helpless in stopping the raft once it started to go in the wrong direction. the trick was to start it right and not let it go wrong, ike explained--just like raising pups or kids. it was certainly no job for a novice, and i found constant reassurance in the consummate "raftsmanship" our taciturn engineer was displaying. the hills on both sides of the river grew loftier and more rugged as we ran to the south, and the trees became patchier and scrubbier. the bunch grass on the diminishing benches at the bends was withered and brown. it was evident from every sign that we were nearing the arid belt of eastern washington, the great semi-desert plateau that is looped in the bend of the columbia between the mouth of the spokane and the mouth of the snake. the towering split crest of mitre rock marked the approach to the slack stretch of water backed up by the boulder barrage over which tumbles spokane rapids. the run through the latter was to be our real baptism; a short rapid passed a few miles above proving only rough enough to set the raft rolling in fluent undulations and throw a few light gobs of spray over her "bows." we were now going up against something pretty closely approximating the real thing. it wasn't hell gate or box canyon by a long way, ike said, but at the same time it wasn't any place to risk any slip-up. save for two or three of the major riffles on the big bend of canada, spokane rapids has a stretch of water that must go down hill just about as fast as any on all the columbia. the channel--although running between boulders--was narrow in the first place, and the deepest part of it was still further restricted by an attempt to clear a way through for steamer navigation in the years when a through service up and down the columbia was still dreamed of. the channel was deepened considerably, but the effect of this was to divert a still greater flow into it and form a sort of a chute down which the water rushed as through a flume. being straight, this channel is not very risky to run, even with a small boat--provided one keeps to it. a wild tumble of rollers just to the left of the head must be avoided, however, even by a raft. that was why we had the motor-boat--to be sure of "hitting the intake right," as ike put it. and the motor-boat ought to be able to handle the job without help. he had been working hard ever since we started on a gigantic stern-sweep, but that was for hell gate and box canyon. here, with her nose once in right, she should do it on her own. mooring the raft against the right bank in the quiet water a couple of hundred yards above the "intake," earl ran us down to the mouth of the spokane river in the launch. we were purchasing gasoline and provisions in the little village of lincoln, just below the spokane, and ike thought that the lower end of the rapid would be the best place for roos to set up to command the raft coming through. it was indeed terrifically fast water, but--because the launch had the power to pick the very best of the channel--the run down just missed the thrill that would have accompanied it had it been up to one's oars to keep his boat out of trouble. earl shut off almost completely as he slipped into the "v," keeping a bare steerage-way over the current. twenty miles an hour was quite fast enough to be going in the event she _did_ swerve from the channel and hit a rock; there was no point in adding to the potential force of the impact with the engine. as there was a heavy wash from the rapids in even the quietest eddy he could find opposite the town, earl stayed with the launch, keeping her off the rocks with a pole while ike, roos and myself went foraging. ike spilled gasoline over his back in packing a leaking can down over the boulders, causing burns from which he suffered considerable pain and annoyance when he came to man the sweep the following day. after dropping roos on the right bank to set up for the picture, earl drove the launch back up the rapid to the raft. i hardly know which was the more impressive, the power of the wildly racing rapid or the power of the engine of the launch. it was a ding-dong fight all the way. although he nosed at times to within a few inches of the overhanging rocks of the bank in seeking the quietest water, the launch was brought repeatedly to a standstill. there she would hang quivering, until the accelerating engine would impart just the few added revolutions to the propellers that would give her the upper hand again. the final struggle at the "intake" was the bitterest of all, and earl only won out there by sheering to the right across the "v"--at imminent risk of being swung round, it seemed to me--and reaching less impetuous water. throwing off her mooring lines, earl towed the raft out into the sluggish current. there was plenty of time and plenty of room to manoeuvre her into the proper position. all he had to do was to bring her into the "intake" well clear of the rocks and rollers to the left, and then keep towing hard enough to hold her head down-stream. it was a simple operation--compared, for instance, with what he would have on the morrow at hell gate--but still one that had to be carried out just so if an awful mess-up was to be avoided. novice as i was with that sort of a raft, i could readily see what would happen if she once got to swinging and turned broadside to the rapid. that was about the first major rapid i ever recall running when i didn't have something to do, and it was rather a relief to be able to watch the wheels go round and feel that there was nothing to stand-by for. even ike, with no sweep to swing, was foot-loose, or rather hand-free. knowing earl's complete capability, he prepared to cast aside navigational worries for the nonce. he had picked up his axe and was about to turn to hewing at the blade of his big steering-oar, when i reminded him that he was still an actor and that he had been ordered to run up and down the raft and register "great anxiety" while within range of the camera. perhaps the outstanding sensation of that wild run was the feeling of surprise that swept over me at the almost uncanny speed with which that huge unwieldy mass of half submerged wood gathered way. in still water it would have taken a powerful tug many minutes to start it moving; here it picked up and leapt ahead like a motor-boat. one moment it was drifting along at three miles an hour; five seconds later, having slid over the "intake," it was doing more than twenty. the actual slope of that first short pitch must have been all of one-in-ten, so that i found myself bracing against the incline of the raft, as when standing in a wagon that starts over the brow of a hill. then the pitch eased and she hit the rollers, grinding right through them like a floating juggernaut. the very worst of them--haughty-headed combers that would have sent the skiff sky-rocketing--simply dissolved against the logs and died in hissing anguish in the tangle of cordwood. the motion had nothing of the jerkiness of even so large a craft as the launch, and one noticed it less under his feet than when he looked back and saw the wallowing undulations of the "deck." but best of all was the contemptuous might with which the raft stamped out, obliterated, abolished the accursed whirlpools. spokane was not deep and steep-sided enough to be a dangerous whirlpool rapid, like the dalles or hell gate, but there were still a lot of mighty mean-mouthed "suckers" lying in ambush where the rollers began to flatten. there was no question of their arrogance and courage. the raft might have been the dainty _imshallah_, with her annoying feminine weakness for clinging embraces, for all the hesitancy they displayed in attacking it. but, oh, what a difference! where the susceptible _imshallah_ had edged off in coy dalliance and ended by all but surrendering, the raft simply thundered ahead. the siren "whouf!" of the lurking brigand was forced back down its black throat as it was literally effaced, smeared from the face of the water. gad, how i loved to see them die, after all _imshallah_ and i had had to endure at their foul hands! _imshallah_, perched safely aloft on a stack of cordwood, took it all with the rather languid interest one would expect from a lady of her quality; but i--well, i fear very much that i was leaning out over the "bows," at an angle not wholly safe under the circumstances, and registering "ghoulish glee" at the exact point where roos had told me three times that i must be running up and down in the wake of ike and registering "great anxiety." as there was no stopping the raft within a mile or two of the foot of the rapid, it had been arranged that we should launch the skiff as soon as we were through the worst water, and pull in to the first favourable eddy to await roos and his camera. it was ike bellowing to me to come and lend him a hand with the skiff that compelled me to relinquish my position at the "bow," where, "thumbs down" at every clash, i had been egging on the raft to slaughter whirlpools. the current was still very swift, so that ike was carried down a considerable distance before making a landing. as it was slow going for roos, laden with camera and tripod, over the boulders, ten or fifteen minutes elapsed before they pushed off in pursuit of the raft. the latter, in the meantime, had run a couple of miles farther down river before earl found a stretch sufficiently quiet to swing her round and check her way by towing up against the current. in running down to this point the raft had splashed through a slashing bit of riffle, which i afterwards learned was called middle rapid locally. there was a short stretch of good rough white water. offhand, it looked to me rather sloppier than anything we had put the skiff into so far; but, as it appeared there would be no difficulty in steering a course in fairly smooth water to the left of the rollers, i was not greatly concerned over it. presently ike came pulling round the bend at a great rate, and the next thing i knew _imshallah_ was floundering right down the middle of the frosty-headed combers. twice or thrice i saw the "v" of her bow shoot skyward, silhouetting like a black wedge against a fan of sun-shot spray. then she began riding more evenly, and shortly was in smoother water. it was distinctly the kind of thing she did best, and she had come through with flying colours. roos was grinning when he climbed aboard, but still showed a tinge of green about the gills. "why didn't you head her into that smooth stretch on the left?" i asked. "_you_ had the steering paddle." "i tried to hard enough," he replied, still grinning, "but ike wouldn't have it. said he kinda suspected she'd go through that white stuff all right, and wanted to see if his suspicions were correct." and that was old ike emerson to a "t." we wallowed on through french rapids and hawk creek rapids in the next hour, and past the little village of peach, nestling on a broad bench in the autumnal red and gold of its clustering orchards. ike, pacing the "bridge" with me, said that they used to make prime peach brandy at peach, and reckoned that p'raps.... "no," i cut in decisively; "_i_ have no desire to return to kettle falls." i had jumped at the chance to draw ike on that remarkable up-river journey of his after the disaster in hell gate, but he sheered off at once. i have grave doubts as to whether that strange phenomenon ever will be explained. we were now threading a great canyon, the rocky walls of which reared higher and higher in fantastic pinnacles, spires and weird castellations the deeper we penetrated its glooming depths. there had been painters at work, too, and with colourings brighter and more varied than any i had believed to exist outside of the canyons of the colorado and the yellowstone. saffron melting to fawn and dun was there, and vivid streaks that were almost scarlet where fractures were fresh, but had changed to maroon and terra cotta under the action of the weather. a fluted cliff-face, touched by the air-brush of the declining sun, flushed a pink so delicate that one seemed to be looking at it through a rosy mist. there were intenser blocks and masses of colours showing in vivid lumps on a buttressed cliff ahead, but they were quenched before we reached them in a flood of indigo and mauve shadows that drenched the chasm as the sun dropped out of sight. from the heights it must have been a brilliant sunset, flaming with intense reds and yellows as desert sunsets always are; but looking out through the purple mists of the great gorge there was only a flutter of bright pennons--crimson, gold, polished bronze and dusky olive green--streaming across an ever widening and narrowing notch of jagged rock, black and opaque like splintered ebony. for a quarter of an hour we seemed to be steering for those shimmering pennons as for a harbor beacon; then a sudden up-thrust of black wall cut them off like a sliding door. by the time we were headed west again the dark pall of fallen night had smothered all life out of the flame-drenched sky, leaving it a pure transparent black, pricked with the twinkle of kindling stars. only by the absence of stars below could one trace the blank opacity of the blacker black of the towering cliffs. no one had said anything to me about an all-day-and-all-night schedule for the raft, and, as a matter of fact, running in the night had not entered into the original itinerary at all. the reason we were bumping along in the dark now was that ike, who had no more idea of time than an oriental, had pushed off from gerome an hour late, wasted another unnecessary hour in lincoln yarning across the sugar barrel at the general store, and, as a consequence, had been overtaken by night ten miles above the point he wanted to make. as there was no fast water intervening, and as earl had shown no signs of dissent, ike had simply gone right on ahead regardless. when i asked him if it wasn't a bit risky, he said he thought not very; adding comfortingly that he had floated down on rafts a lot of times before, and hadn't "allus bumped." if he could see to tighten up stringer pegs, he reckoned earl ought to be able to see rocks, "'cose rocks was a sight bigger'n pegs." it was not long after ike had nullified the effect of his reassuring philosophy by smearing the end of his thumb with a mallet that earl's night-owl eyes played him false to the extent of overlooking a rock. it may well have been a very small rock, and it was doubtless submerged a foot or more; so there was no use expecting a man to see the ripple above it when there wasn't light enough to indicate the passage of his hand before his eyes. it was no fault of earl's at all, and even the optimistic ike had claimed no more than that he hadn't "allus bumped." nor was it a very serious matter at the worst. the raft merely hesitated a few seconds, swung part way round, slipped free again and, her head brought back at the pull of the launch, resumed her way. the jar of striking was not enough to throw a well-braced man off his feet. (the only reason roos fell and pulped his ear was because he had failed to set himself at the right angle when the shock came.) the worst thing that happened was the loss of a dozen or so cords of wood which, being unsecurely stacked, toppled over when she struck. luckily, the boat was parked on the opposite side, as was also roos. it would have been hard to pick up either before morning, and roos would hardly have lasted. the wood was a total loss to ike, of course; but he was less concerned about that than he was over the fact that it reduced her "freeboard" on that quarter by three feet, so that she wouldn't make so much of a "showin' in the picters." he _did_ raise a howl the next morning, though. that was when he found that his old denim jacket had gone over with the cordwood. it wasn't the "wamus" itself he minded so much, he said, but the fact that in one of that garment's pockets had been stored the milk chocolate which he was using to alienate the affections of the dutchman's collie. "it's all in gettin' a jump on a pup's feelin's at the fust offsta't," he philosophied bitterly; "an' naow i'll be losin' mah jump." rather keen on the psychology of alienation, that observation of old ike, it struck me. it was along toward nine o'clock, and shortly after the abrupt walls of the canyon began to fall away somewhat, that a light appeared on the left bank. making a wide circle just above what had now become a glowing window-square, earl brought the raft's head up-stream and swung her in against the bank. the place was marked creston on the maps, but appeared to be spoken of locally as halberson's ferry. we spent the night with the hospitable halbersons, who ran the ferry across to the colville reservation side and operated a small sawmill when logs were available. earl slept at his ranch, a few miles away on the _mesa_. the night was intensely cold, and i was not surprised to find icicles over a foot long on the flume behind the house in the morning. the frozen ground returned a metallic clank to the tread of my hob-nailed boots as i stepped outside the door. then i gave a gasp of amazement, for what did i see but ike running--with a light, springing step--right along the surface of the river? at my exclamation one of the halbersons left off toweling and came over to join me. "what's wrong?" he asked, swinging his arms to keep warm. "wrong!" i ejaculated; "look at that! i know this isn't galilee; but you don't mean to tell me the columbia has frozen over during the night!" "hardly that," was the laughing answer. "ike's not running on either the ice or the water; he's just riding a water-soaked log to save walking. it's an old trick of his. not many can do it like he can." and that was all there was to it. ike had spotted a drift-log stranded a short distance up-river, and was simply bringing it down the easiest way so as to lash it to the raft and take it to market. but i should have hated to have seen a thing like that "water-walking" effect in those long ago days on the canadian big bend, when we used to prime our breakfast coffee with a couple of fingers of "thirty per over-proof." we cast off at nine-thirty, after ike had laid in some more "component parts" of his mighty sweep at the little sawmill. although less deeply encanyoned than through the stretch down which we passed the previous night, there were still enormously high cliffs on both sides of the river. trees and brush were scarcer and scrubbier than above, and the general aspect was becoming more and more like the semi-arid parts of the colorado desert. the colouring was somewhat less vivid than the riot in the canyon above, but was almost equally varied. the colour-effect was diversified along this part of the river by the appearance of great patches of rock-growing lichen, shading through half a dozen reds and browns to the most delicate amethyst and sage-green. at places it was impossible to tell from the river where the mineral pigments left off and the vegetable coating began. the river was broad and widening, with a comparatively slow current and only occasional stretches of white water. i took the occasion to launch the skiff and paddle about for an hour, trying to get some line on the speed at which the raft was towing. in smooth water i found i had the legs of her about three-to-one, and in rapids of about two-to-one. from this i figured that she did not derive more than from a mile and a half to two miles an hour of her speed from the launch. i only raced her through one bit of rapid, and she was such a poor sport about the course that i refused to repeat the stunt. just as i began to spurt past her down through the jumping white caps she did a sort of a side-slip and crowded me out of the channel and into a rather messy souse-hole. the outraged _imshallah_ gulped a big mouthful, but floundered through right-side up, as she always seemed able to do in that sort of stuff. but i pulled into an eddy and let the hulking old wood-pile have the right-of-way, declining earl's tooted challenge for a brush in the riffle immediately following. a monster that could eat whirlpools alive wasn't anything for a skiff to monkey with the business end of. i boarded her respectfully by the stern and pulled _imshallah_ up after me. the great bald dome of white rock, towering a thousand feet above the left bank of the river, signalled our approach to hell gate. towing across a broad reach of quiet water, earl laid the raft against the left bank about half a mile above where a pair of black rock jaws, froth-flecked and savage, seemed closing together in an attempt to bite the river in two. that was as close as it was safe to stop the raft, earl explained as we made fast the mooring lines, for the current began to accelerate rapidly almost immediately below. there were some shacks and an ancient apple orchard on the bench above, and ike came over to whisper that they used to make some mighty kicky cider there once upon a time, and perhaps.... i did not need the prompting of earl's admonitory head-shake. "get a jump on you with the sweep," i said, "while earl and i go down and help roos set up. there'll be time enough to talk about cider below hell gate." i saw a somewhat (to judge from a distance) bacchantic ciderette picking her way down the bench bank to the raft as the launch sped off down stream, but if ike realized dividends from the visit there was never anything to indicate it. although hell gate is a long ways from being the worst rapid on the columbia, it comes pretty near to qualifying as the _worst looking_ rapid. a long black reef, jutting out from the left bank, chokes the river into a narrow channel and forces it over against the rocky wall on the right. it shoots between these obstructions with great velocity, only to split itself in two against a big rock island a hundred yards farther down. the more direct channel is to the right, but it is too narrow to be of use. the main river, writhing like a wounded snake after being bounced off the sheer wall of the island, zigzags on through the black basaltic barrier in a course shaped a good deal like an elongated letter "z." hell gate is very much like either the great or little dalles would be if a jog were put into it by an earthquake--a rapid shaped like a flash of lightning, and with just as much kick in it. after much climbing and scrambling over rocks, roos found a place about half way down the left side of the jagged gorge from which he could command the raft rounding the first leg of the "z" and running part of the second leg. it would have taken a half dozen machines to cover the whole run through, but the place he had chosen was the one which would show the most one camera could be expected to get. it would miss entirely the main thing--the fight to keep the raft from bumping the rock island and splitting in two like the river did. that could not be helped, however. a set up in a place to catch that would have caught very little else, and we desired to show something of the general character of the gorge and rapid. roos, solacing himself with the remark to the effect that, if the raft _did_ break up, probably the biggest part of the wreck would come down his side, was cutting himself a "sylvan frame" through the branches of a gnarled old screw pine as we left him to go to the launch. [illustration: ike riding a log] [illustration: ike on the mooring line of the raft] [illustration: raft in tow of launch near mouth of san poil (_above_)] [illustration: ike at the sweep below hell gate (_below_)] ike was sitting on the bank talking with a couple of men from the farm-house when we got back to the raft. he had completed the sweep, he said, but as he had forgotten to provide any "pin" to hang it on he didn't quite know what to do. perhaps we had better go up to the farm-house and have dinner first, and then maybe he would think of something. the thought of keeping roos--whom i had seen on the verge of apoplexy over a half minute delay once he was ready for action--standing with crooked elbow at his crank, waiting an hour or more for the raft to shoot round the bend the next second, struck me as so ludicrous that i had to sit down myself to laugh without risk of rolling into the river. when i finally got my breath and sight back, i found earl's ready mind had hit upon the idea of using the hickory adze-handle as a pivot for the sweep and that he and ike were already rigging it. ten minutes later the launch had swung the raft out into the current and we were headed for hell gate. the sweep, clumsy as it looked, was most ingeniously constructed. its handle was a four-inch-in-diameter fir trunk, about twenty feet in length. one end of it had been hewn down to give hand-grip on it, and the other split to receive the blade. the latter was a twelve-foot plank, a foot and a half in width and three inches in thickness, roughly rounded and hewn to the shape of the flat of an oar. it was set at a slight upward tilt from the fir-trunk handle. ike had contrived to centre the weight of the whole sweep so nicely that you could swing it on its adze-handle pivot with one hand. swing it in the air, i mean; submerged, five or six men would have been none too few to force that colossal blade through the water. ike admitted that himself, but reckoned that the two of us ought to be 'better'n nothin' 'tall.' as we swung out into the quickening current, i mentioned to ike that, as i had never even seen a sweep of that kind in operation, much less worked at it myself, it might now be in order for him to give me some idea of what he hoped to do with it, and how. "ye're right," he assented, after ejecting the inevitable squirt of tobacco and parking the residuary quid out of the way of his tongue as a squirrel stows a nut; "ye're right; five minutes fer eloosidashun an' r'h'rsal." as usual, ike overestimated the time at his disposal; nevertheless, his intensive method of training was so much to the point that i picked up a "right smart bit o' sweep dope" before we began to cram into the crooked craw of hell gate. this was the biggest raft he had ever tried to take through, ike explained, but he'd never had so powerful a motor launch; and earl was the best man in his line on the columbia. he reckoned that the launch would be able to swing the head of the raft clear of the rock island where the river split "agin" it; but swinging _out_ the head would have the effect of swinging in the stern. we were to man the sweep for the purpose of keeping the raft from striking amidships. we would only have to stroke one way, but we'd sure have to "jump into it billy hell!" "that being so," i suggested, "perhaps we better try a practice stroke or two to perfect our team-work." that struck ike as reasonable, and so we went at it, he on the extreme end of the handle, i one "grip" farther along. pressing the handle almost to our feet in order to elevate the blade, we dipped the latter with a swinging upward lift and jumped into the stroke. in order to keep the blade well submerged, it was necessary to exert almost as much force upward as forward. the compression on the spine was rather awful--especially as i was two or three inches taller than ike, and on top of that, had the "inside" berth, where the handle was somewhat nearer the deck. but the blade moved through the water when we both straightened into it; slowly at first, and more rapidly toward the end of the stroke. then we lifted the blade out of the water, and ike swung it back through the air alone. i had only to "crab-step" back along the runway--a couple of planks laid over the cordwood--and be ready for the next stroke. twice we went through that operation, without--so far as i could see--having any effect whatever upon the raft; but that was only because i was expecting "skiff-action" from a hundred tons of logs. we really must have altered the course considerably, for presently a howl came back from earl to "do it t'other way," as we were throwing her out of the channel. by the time we had "corrected" with a couple of strokes in the opposite direction the launch was dipping over the crest of the "intake." straightening up but not relinquishing the handle, ike said to "let 'er ride fer a minnit," but to stand-by ready. that swift opening run through the outer portal of hell gate offered about the only chance i had for a "look-see." my recollections of the interval that followed at the sweep are a good deal blurred. i noted that the water of the black-walled chasm down which we were racing was swift and deep, but not--right there at least--too rough for the skiff to ride. i noted how the sharp point of the rock island ahead threw off two unequal back-curving waves, as a battleship will do when turning at full speed. i remember thinking that, if i were in the skiff, i would try to avoid the island by sheering over to the right-hand channel. it looked too hard a pull to make the main one to the left; and the latter would have the worst whirlpools, too. i noted how confoundedly in the way of the river that sharp-nosed island was; and not only of the river, but of anything coming down the river. with that up-stabbing point out of the stream, how easy it would be! but since.... "stan'-by!" came in a growl from ike. "'memba naow--'billy hell' when i says 'jump!'" by the fact that he spat forth the whole of his freshly-bitten quid i had a feeling that the emergency was considerably beyond the ordinary. my last clear recollection was of earl's sharply altering his course just before he nosed into the roaring back-curving wave thrown off by the island and beginning to tow to the left with his line at half of a right-angle to the raft. the staccato of his accelerating engine cut like the rattle of a machine-gun through the heavy rumble of the rapid, and i knew that he had thrown it wide open even before the foam-geyser kicked up by the propellers began to tumble over onto the stern of the launch. on a reduced scale, it was the same sort of in-tumbling jet that a destroyer throws up when, at the appearance of an ominous blur in the fog, she goes from quarter-speed-ahead to full-speed-astern. a jet like that means that the spinning screws are meeting almost solid resistance in the water. ike's shoulder cut off my view ahead now, and i knew that the bow was swinging out only from the way the stern was swinging in. at his grunted "now!" we did our curtsey-and-bow to the sweep-handle, just as we had practised it, then dipped the blade and drove it hard to the right. four or five times we repeated that stroke, and right smartly, too, it seemed to me. the stern stopped swinging just at the right time, shooting by the foam-whitened fang of the black point by a good ten feet. the back-curving wave crashed down in solid green on the starboard quarter--but harmlessly. there was water enough to have swamped a _batteau_, but against a raft the comber had knocked its head off for nothing. under ike's assurance that the battle would all be over but the shouting in half a minute, i had put about everything i had into those half dozen mighty pushes with the sweep. i started to back off leisurely and resume my survey of the scenery as we cleared the point, but ike's mumbled "nother one!" brought me back to the sweep again. evidently there had been some kind of a slip-up. "wha' 'smatter?" i gurgled, as we swayed onto the kicking handle, and "engin's on blink," rumbled the chesty reply. "gotta keep'er off wi' sweep." it had been the motor-boat's rôle, after keeping the head of the raft clear of the point of the island by a strong side pull, to tow out straight ahead again as soon as the menace of collision was past. earl was trying to do this now (i glimpsed as i crab-stepped back), but with two or three cylinders missing was not able to do much more than straighten out the tow-line. as the raft was already angling to the channel, the fact the current was swifter against the side of the island had the tendency to throw her stern in that direction. it was up to the sweep to keep her from striking, just as it had been at the point. what made it worse now was that the possible points of impact were scattered all the way along for two or three hundred yards, while the launch was giving very little help. a man ought to be able to lean onto a sweep all day long without getting more than a good comfortable weariness, and so i _could_ have done had i been properly broken in. but i was in the wrong place on the sweep, and, on top of that, had allowed my infantile enthusiasm to lead me into trying to scoop half the columbia out of its channel at every stroke. and so it was that when we came to a real showdown, i found myself pretty hard put to come through with what was needed. ike's relentless "'nother one!" at the end of each soul-and-body wracking stroke was all that was said, but the 'tween-teethed grimness of its utterance was more potent as a verbal scourge than a steady stream of sulphurous curses. ike was saving his breath, and i didn't have any left to pour out my feelings with. we were close to the ragged black wall all the way, and i have an idea that the back-waves thrown off by the projecting points had about as much to do with keeping us from striking as had the sweep. such waves will often buffer off a canoe or _batteau_, and they must have helped some with the raft. there is no doubt, however, that, if the raft had once been allowed to swing broadside, either she or the rock island would have had to change shape or else hold up the million or so horse-power driving the columbia. that could have only resulted in a one-two-three climax, with the island, columbia and raft finishing in the order named. or, to express it in more accurate race-track vernacular; "island," first; "columbia," second; "raft," nowhere! my spine was a bar of red-hot iron rasping up and down along the exposed ends of all its connecting nerves, when a throaty "aw right!" from ike signalled that the worst was past. hanging over the end of the trailing sweep-handle, i saw that the raft had swung into a big eddy at the foot of the island, and that the launch, with its engine still spraying scattered pops, was trying to help the back-current carry her in to the right bank. middle and lower rapids of hell gate were still below us, but earl had evidently determined not to run them until his engine was hitting on all fours again. it was characteristic of him that he didn't offer any explanation as to what had gone wrong, or why; but the trouble must have been a consequence of the terrific strain put on the engine in towing the head of the raft clear of the upper point of the island. at the end of a quarter hour's tinkering earl reckoned that the engine would go "purty good" now; leastways, he hoped so, for there was nothing more he could do outside of a machine-shop. to save tying up again below, he ran across and picked up roos and the camera before casting off. middle and lower rapids were just straight, fast, white water, and we ran them without trouble. roos set up on the raft and shot a panorama of the reeling rollers and the flying black curtains of the rocky walls as they slid past. then he made a close-up of the weird, undulating chinese-dragon-wiggle of the "deck" of the raft, and finally, when we had recovered a bit of breath, of ike and me toiling at the sweep. to save time, we had lunch on the raft, taking earl's portion up to him in the skiff. ike, announcing that he would need a crew of four or five men to handle the raft in box canyon, was scouting for hands all afternoon. whenever a farm or a ferry appeared in the distance, we would pull ahead in the skiff and he would dash ashore and pursue intensive recruiting until the raft had come up and gone on down river. then we would push off and chase it, repeating the performance as soon as another apple orchard or ferry tower crept out beyond a bend. for all our zeal, there was not a man to show when we finally pulled the skiff aboard as darkness was falling on the river. most of the men ike talked to took one look at the nearing raft and cut him off with a "good-night" gesture, the significance of which was not lost on me even in the distant skiff. the nearest we came to landing any one was at plum, where the half-breed ferry-man said he would have gone if it hadn't been for the fact that his wife was about to become a mother. it wasn't that he was worried on the woman's account (she did that sort of thing quite regularly without trouble), but he had bet a horse with the blacksmith that it was going to be a boy, and he kind of wanted to be on hand to be sure they didn't put anything over on him. at clark's ferry an old pal of ike's, whom he had confidently counted on getting, not only refused to go when he saw the raft, but even took the old river rat aside and talked to him long and earnestly, after the manner of a brother. ike was rather depressed after that, and spent the next hour slouching back and forth across the stern runway, nursing the handle of the gently-swung sweep against his cheek like a pet kitten. he was deeply introspective, and seemed to be brooding over something. it was not until the next morning that he admitted that the raft had not proved quite as handy as he had calculated. again we ran well into the dark, but this time in a somewhat opener canyon than the black gorge we had threaded the night before. it was spring canyon we were making for, where ike had left his last raft. no one was living there, he said, but it was a convenient place for the ranchers from up on the plateau to come and get the wood. earl found the place and made the landing with not even a window-light to guide. we moored to the lower logs of the cedar raft, most of which was now lying high and dry on the rocks, left by the falling river. we cooked supper on the bank and--after roos had deftly picked the lock with a bent wire--slept on the floor of an abandoned farm-house on the bench above. ike had complained a good deal of his gasoline-burned back during the day, and was evidently suffering not a little discomfort from the chafing of his woollen undershirt. he was restless during the night, and when he got up at daybreak i saw him pick up and shake out an old white table-cloth that had been thrown in one corner. when i went down to the raft a little later, i found the old rat stripped to the waist and earl engaged in swathing the burned back in the folds of the white table-cloth. as the resultant bundle was rather too bulky to allow a shirt to be drawn over it, ike went around for a couple of hours just as he was, for all the world like "the noblest roman of them all"--from neck to the waist, that is. the long, drooping, tobacco-stained moustaches, no less than the sagging overalls, would have had rather a "foreign" look on the _forum romanum_. chapter xi by launch through box canyon there was plainly something on ike's mind all through breakfast, but what it was didn't transpire until i asked him what time he would be ready to push off. then, like a man who blurts out an unpalatable truth, he gave the free end of his "toga" a fling back over his shoulder and announced that he had come to the conclusion that the raft was too big and too loosely constructed to run box canyon; in fact, we could count ourselves lucky that we got through hell gate without smashing up. what he proposed to do was to take the biggest and straightest logs from both the rafts and make a small, solid one that would stand any amount of banging from the rocks. he never gave a thought to his life when working on the river, he declared, but it would be a shame to run an almost certain risk of losing so big a lot of logs and cordwood. the wreckage would be sure to be salvaged by farmers who would otherwise have to buy wood from him, so he would be a double loser in case the raft went to pieces. i told him that i quite appreciated his feelings (about the wood and logs, i mean), and asked how long he figured it would take to get the logs out of the old rafts and build a new one. he reckoned it could be done in two or three days, if we hustled. as i had already learned that any of ike's estimates of time had to be multiplied by at least two to approximate accuracy, i realized at once that our rafting voyage was at an end. we already had some very good raft pictures, and as a few hundred yards of the run through box canyon would be all that could be added to these, it did not seem worth anything like the delay building the new raft would impose. as far as the sale of the wood and logs was concerned, ike said he would rather have the stuff where it was than in bridgeport. so, quite unexpectedly but in all good feeling, we prepared to abandon the raft and have the motor-boat take the skiff in tow as far as chelan. this would make up a part of the time we had lost in waiting for the raft in the first place, and also save the portage round box canyon. it was quite out of the question venturing into that gorge in our small boat, earl said, but he had made it before with his launch, and reckoned he could do it again. we settled with ike on a basis of twenty dollars a day for his time, out of which he would pay for the launch. as his big raft of logs and firewood was brought to its destination for nothing by this arrangement, he was that much ahead. for the further use of the launch, we were to pay earl ten dollars a day and buy the gasoline. we helped ike get the raft securely moored, had an early lunch on the rocks, and pushed off at a little after noon, the skiff in tow of the launch on a short painter. a few miles along ike pointed out a depression, high above the river on the left side, which he said was the mouth of the grand coulee, the ancient bed of the columbia. i have already mentioned a project which contemplates bringing water from the pend d'oreille to irrigate nearly two million acres of semi-arid land of the columbia basin. a project that some engineers consider will bring water to the same land more directly and at a much less cost per acre is to build a dam all the way across the columbia below the mouth of the grand coulee, and use the power thus available to pump sixteen thousand second-feet into the old channel of that river. mr. james o'sullivan, a contractor of port huron, michigan, who has made an exhaustive study of this latter project, writes me as follows: "a dam at this point could be built 300 feet high above low water, and it would form a lake 150 miles long all the way to the canadian boundary. it is estimated that one million dollars would pay all the flooding damages. a dam 300 feet high would be 4,300 feet long on the crest, and would require about 5,000,000 cubic yards of concrete. it would cost, assuming bedrock not to exceed 100 feet below water, about forty million dollars. it is estimated that the power-house, direct connected pumps, turbines and discharge pipes would cost fifteen million dollars.... from the columbia river to the arid lands, a distance of less than forty miles, there is a natural channel less than one mile wide, flanked by rock walls on both sides, so that the cost of getting water to the land would be primarily confined to the dam and power. such a dam would require about five years to build, and it would create out of a worthless desert a national estate of four hundred and fifty million dollars, and the land would produce annually in crops two hundred and seventy-five million.... an irrigation district is now being formed in central washington, and it is proposed to proceed at once with the core drilling of the dam-site, to determine the nature and depth of bedrock, which seems to be the only question left unsettled which affects the feasibility of the project. the northwestern states are all in a league for securing the reclamation of this vast area, and there is no doubt that, if bedrock conditions prove to be favourable, that in the near future the money will be raised to construct this great project, which will reclaim an area equal to the combined irrigation projects undertaken by the u. s. government to-day.... it is considered now that where power is free, a pumping lift as high as 300 feet is perfectly feasible." which of these two great projects for the reclamation of the desert of the columbia basin has the most to recommend is not a question upon which a mere river _voyageur_, who is not an engineer, can offer an intelligent opinion. that the possibilities of such reclamation, if it can be economically effected, are incalculably immense, however, has been amply demonstrated. from source to mouth, the columbia to-day is almost useless for power, irrigation and even transportation. the experience of those who, lured on by abnormal rainfalls of a decade or more ago, tried dry farming in this region border closely on the tragic. and the tragedy has been all the more poignant from the fact that the disaster of drought has overtaken them year after year with the columbia running half a million second-feet of water to waste right before their eyes. i subsequently met a rancher in wenatchee who said the only good the columbia ever was to a man who tried to farm along it in the dry belt was as a place to drown himself in when he went broke. [illustration: the suspension bridge at chelan falls (_above_)] [illustration: old river veterans on the landing at potaris. (capt. mcdermid on left, ike emerson on right) (_below_)] [illustration: night was falling as we headed into box canyon (_above_)] [illustration: the columbia above box canyon (_below_)] the rock-littered channel of moneghan's or buckley's rapids was easily threaded by the launch, and equilibrium or "jumbo" rapids, three miles lower down, did not prove a serious obstruction. the official name is the former, and was given the riffle by symons on account of a round-topped rock which rolled back and forth in the current because of its unstable equilibrium. the local name of "jumbo" derives from the fact that this same rolling rock has something of the appearance of an elephant, when viewed from a certain angle. ten miles more of deep, evenly-flowing water brought us to mah-kin rapids and the head of nespilem canyon. the next twenty-four miles, terminating at the foot of what is officially called kalichen falls and whirlpool (box canyon in local nomenclature), is the fastest stretch of equal length on the columbia except on the big bend in canada. it is one continuous succession of rapids, eddies and whirlpools all the way, and the much feared box canyon is a fitting finale. i was distinctly glad to be running through in a motor-boat rather than the skiff. as to the raft, i never have been able to make up my mind as to just how she would have fared. the roar of the savage half-mile tumble of mah-kin rapids was a fitting overture to the main performance. the river narrows down sharply between precipitous banks, and most of the rocks from the surrounding hills seem to have rolled into the middle of the channel. there was an awful mess of churned water even where the river was deepest, and i wouldn't have been quite comfortable heading into it even in the launch. earl seemed rather of the same mind, too, for he kept edging out to the right every time one of the big combers lurched over at him. with the engine running like a top, he kept her in comparatively good water all the way through. it was a striking lesson in the value of power in running a rapid--as long as the power doesn't fail you. rock-peppered rapids followed each other every mile or two from the foot of mah-kin, but--thanks to earl's nose for the best channel--we were not taking more than an occasional shower of spray over the bows where the water was whitest. it was not too rough for reading, and, anxious to prepare roos for what he was about to experience at kalichen falls and collision rock, i dug out symons' report and ran rapidly through the dramatic description of how his party fared in running the sinister gorge ahead. it seems to me rather a classic of its kind, and i am setting it down in full, just as i read it to roos and ike that afternoon in the cockpit of the launch. i only wish i could complete the effect with the diorama of the flying canyon walls, the swirling waters of the river, and the obligato in duet by the roaring rapids and the sharply hitting engine. "the shores of nespilem canyon are strewn with huge masses of black basaltic rock of all sizes and shapes, and this continues for several miles, forming a characteristic picture of columbia river scenery. the complete ... lifelessness of the scene makes it seem exceedingly wild, almost unearthly. and so we plunge along swiftly through the rolling water, with huge rocks looming up, now on one side and now on the other. every stroke of the oar is bearing us onward, nearer and nearer, to that portion of our voyage most dreaded, the terrible kalichen falls and whirlpool rapids. we hear the low rumbling of the water, and see the tops of the huge half-sunken rocks and the white foam of the tumbling waters. for a few moments the rowing ceases, while brave old pierre gives his orders to the indians in their own tongue. he knows that everything depends upon his steering and their rowing or backing at the right moment, with all the strength they possess. years ago he was in a hudson bay company _batteau_ which capsized in these very rapids, and out of a crew of sixteen men eight perished in the water or on the rocks. "the indians make their preparations for the struggle by stripping off all their superfluous clothing, removing their gloves, and each ties a bright-coloured handkerchief tightly about his head; poles and extra oars are laid ready in convenient places to reach should they become necessary, and then with a shout the indians seize their oars and commence laying to them with all their strength. we are rushing forward at a fearful rate, owing to the combined exertions of the indians and the racing current, and we shudder at the thought of striking any of the huge black rocks near which we glide. now we are fairly in the rapids, and our boat is rushing madly through the foam and billows; the indians are shouting at every stroke in their wild, savage glee; it is infectious; we shout too, and feel the wild exultation which comes to men in moments of great excitement and danger. ugly masses of rocks show their heads above the troubled waters on every side, and sunken rocks are discernible by the action of the surf. great billows strike us fore and aft, some falling squarely over the bows and drenching us to the waist. this is bad enough, but the worst is yet to come as we draw near with great velocity to a huge rock which appears dead ahead. "has old pierre seen it? the water looks terribly cold as we think of his failing eyesight. then an order, a shout, backing on one side and pulling on the other, and a quick stroke of the steering oar, and the rock appears on our right hand. another command, and answering shout, and the oars bend like willows as the indians struggle to get the boat out of the strong eddy into which pierre had thrown her. finally she shoots ahead and passes the rock like a flash, within less than an oar's length of it, and we shout for joy and breathe freely again.... "for half a mile the river is comparatively good, and our staunch crew rest on their oars preparatory to the next struggle, which soon comes, as some more rocky, foamy rapids are reached. here the swells are very high and grand, and our boat at one time seems to stand almost perpendicularly." ("them's eagle rapids," ike interrupted; "sloppier 'n 'ell, but straight.") "for about nine miles further the river continues studded with rocks and swift, with ripples every mile or so, until we reach foster creek rapids. here the rocks become thicker ... and the water fierce and wild. for a mile more we plunge and toss through the foaming, roaring water, amid wild yells from our indian friends, and we emerge from foster creek rapids, which appear to be as rough and dangerous a place as any we have yet encountered. we are now out of nespilem canyon and through all the nespilem rapids, and we certainly feel greatly relieved...." ike, renewing his quid, observed that they didn't call it nespilem canyon any more, for the reason that that sounded too much like "let's spill 'em!" and there was enough chance of that without asking for it. roos, in bravado, asked ike if he was going to strip down like symons' indians did. the old roman replied by pulling on a heavy mackinaw over his "toga," saying that he'd rather have warmth than action once he was out in the "columby." that led me to ask him--with a touch of bravado on my own account--how long it would take him to "submarine" from box canyon to kettle falls. he grinned a bit sourly at that, and started slacking the lashings on the sweeps and pike-poles. roos was just tying a red handkerchief round his head when earl beckoned him forward to take the wheel while he gave the engine a final hurried tuning. ike, saying that we would be hitting "white cap" just round the next bend, gave me brief but pointed instructions in the use of sweep and pike-pole in case the engine went wrong. he had spat forth his quid again, just as at hell gate, and his unmuffled voice had a strange and penetrating _timbre_. white cap rapids are well named. two rocky points converge at the head and force all the conflicting currents of the river into a straight, steep channel, heavily littered with boulders and fanged with outcropping bedrock. in that currents from opposite sides of the river are thrown together in one mad tumble of wallowing waters, it is much like gordon rapids, on the big bend. if anything, it is the rougher of the two, making up in volume what it lacks in drop. it is a rapid that would be particularly mean for a small boat, from the fact that there would be no way of keeping out of the middle of it, and that is a wet place--very. the launch had the power to hold a course just on the outer right edge of the rough water, and so made a fairly comfortable passage of it. with the "intake" above kalichen falls full in view a half mile distant, earl went back to his engine as we shot out at the foot of "white cap" and gave it a few little "jiggering" caresses--much as a rider pats the neck of his hunter as he comes to a jump--before the final test. then he covered it carefully with a double canvas and went back to the wheel. roos he kept forward, standing-by to take the wheel or tinker the engine in case of emergency. the lad, though quite without "river sense," was a first-class mechanic and fairly dependable at the steering wheel providing he was told what to do. the sounding board of the rocky walls gave a deep pulsating resonance to the heavy roar ahead, but it was not until we dipped over the "intake" that the full volume of it assailed us. then it came with a rush, a palpable avalanche of sound that impacted on the ear-drums with the raw, grinding roar of a passing freight train. it was not from the huge rollers the launch was skirting so smartly that this tearing, rending roar came, but from an enormous black rock almost dead ahead. it was trying to do the same thing that big island in the middle of hell gate had tried to do, and was succeeding rather better. the latter had been able to do no more than split the river down the middle; this one was forcing the whole stream to do a side-step, and pretty nearly a somersault--hence kalichen falls and whirlpool. collision rock was distinctly impressive, even from a launch. the sun was just dipping behind the southern wall of box canyon (how funky i became later, when i was alone, about going into a rapid in that slanting, deceptive evening light!) as the launch hit the rough water. there was dancing iridescence in the flung foam-spurts above the combers, and at the right of collision bock the beginning of a rainbow which i knew would grow almost to a full circle when we looked back from below the fall. i snapped once with my kodak into the reeling tops of the waves that raced beside us, and then started to wind up to have a fresh film for the rock and the crowning rainbow. that highly artistic exposure was never made. earl, instead of shutting off his engine as he did in running spokane rapids, opened up all the wider as he neared the barrier and its refluent wave. this was because the danger of striking submerged rocks was less than that of butting into that one outcrop of ragged reef that was coming so near to throwing the river over on its back. if the launch was to avoid telescoping on collision rock as the columbia was doing, it must get enough way on to shoot across the current into the eddy on the left. that was what earl was preparing for when he opened up the engine. with both boat and current doing well over twenty miles an hour, we were literally rushing down at the rocky barrier with the speed of an express train when earl spun the wheel hard over and drove her sharply to the left. that was when i stopped kodaking. in spite of the rough water, the launch had been remarkably dry until her course was altered. then she made up for lost time. the next ten or fifteen seconds was an unbroken deluge. with a great up-toss of wake, she heeled all of forty-five degrees to starboard at the turn, seeing which, the river forthwith began piling over her port or up-stream side and making an astonishingly single-minded attempt to push her on the rest of the way under. failing in that (for her draught was too great and her engine set too low to make her easily capsizable), the river tried to accomplish the same end by swamping her. fore and aft the water came pouring over in a solid green flood, and kept right on pouring until earl, having driven through to the point he wanted, turned her head down stream again and let her right herself. the water was swishing about my knees for a few moments in the cockpit, and it must have been worse than that forward. then it drained down into the bilge without, apparently, greatly affecting her buoyancy. the higher-keyed staccato of the engine cut sharply through the heavier roar of the falls. it was still popping like a machine-gun, without a break. reassured by that welcome sound, earl orientated quickly as he shook the water from his eyes, and then put her full at the head of the falls. just how much of a pitch there was at this stage of water i couldn't quite make out. nothing in comparison with the cataract there at high water (when the river rushes right over the top of collision rock) certainly; and yet it was a dizzy bit of a drop, with rather too deliberate a recovery to leave one quite comfortable. for a few seconds the launch's head was deeply buried in the soft stuff of the souse-hole into which she took her header; the next her bows were high in the air as the up-boil caught her. then her propellers began striking into something solider than air-charged suds, and she shot jerkily away in a current so torn with swirls that it looked like a great length of twisted green-and-white rope. we had missed collision rock by thirty feet, and given the dreaded whirlpool behind it an even wider berth. the next thirteen miles we did at a rate that ike figured must have been about the fastest travelling ever done on the columbia. the current runs at from ten to twenty miles an hour all the way from the head of box canyon to bridgeport, and earl, racing to reach foster creek rapids before it was dark, ran just about wide open nearly the whole distance. it was real train speed at which we sped down the darkening gorge--possibly over forty miles an hour at times. earl knew the channel like a book, and said there was nothing to bother about in the way of rocks as long as he could see. we were out of the closely-walled part of the canyon at eagle rapids, and the sunset glow was bright upon the water ahead. there is a series of short, steep riffles here, extending for a mile and a half, and earl slammed right down the lot of them on the high. ike was right about their being sloppy, but the beacon of the afterglow gave the bearing straight through. two miles further on the river appeared suddenly to be filled with swimming hippos--round-topped black rocks just showing above the water; but each one was silhouetted against a surface that glinted rose and gold, and so was as easy to miss as in broad daylight. it was all but full night as the roar of foster creek rapids began to drown the rattle of the engine, with only a luminous lilac mist floating above the south-western mountains to mark where the sun had set; but it was enough--just enough--to throw a glow of pale amethyst on the frothy tops of the white-caps, leaving the untorn water to roll on in fluid anthracite. earl barely eased her at the head, and then plunged her down a path of polished ebony, with the blank blur of rocks looming close on the right and an apparitional line of half-guessed rollers booming boisterously to the left. for three-quarters of a mile we raced that ghostly ku-klux-klan procession, and roos, who was timing with his radium-faced watch, announced that we had made the distance in something like seventy seconds. then there was quieter water, and presently the lights of bridgeport. earl put us off opposite the town, and ran down a quarter of a mile farther to get out of the still swiftly-running current and berth the launch in a quiet eddy below the sawmill. bridgeport, for a town a score of miles from the railway, proved unexpectedly metropolitan, with electric lights, banks, movie theatres, and a sign at the main crossing prohibiting "left hand turns." the people, for a country town, showed very diverting evidences of sophistication. at the movies that night (where we went to get the election returns), they continually laughed at the villain and snickered at the heroine's platitudinous sub-titles; and finally, when word came that it was harding beyond all doubt, they forgot the picture completely and gave their undivided attention to joshing the town's only avowed democrat. the victim bore up fairly well as long as his baiters stuck to "straight politics," but when they accused him of wearing an imitation leather coat made of brown oil-cloth, the shaft got under his armour. with a ruddy blush that was the plainest kind of a confession of guilt, he pushed out to the aisle and beat a disorderly retreat. a prosperous apple farmer sitting next me (he had been telling me what his crop would bring the while the naturally vamp-faced heroine was trying to register pup-innocence and "gold-cannot-buy-me" as the villain was choking her) sniffed contemptuously as the discomfited democrat disappeared through the swinging doors. "seems to feel worse about being caught with an imitation coat than about being an imitation politician. better send him to congress!" now _wasn't_ that good for a small town that didn't even have a railroad? i've known men of cities of all of a hundred thousand, with street cars, municipal baths, carnegie libraries and women's clubs, who hadn't the measure of congress as accurately as that. i wish there had been time to see more of bridgeport. it was down to twelve above when we turned out in the morning, with the clear air tingling with frost particles and incipient ice-fringes around the eddies. fortunately, earl had bailed both boats the night before and drained his engine. just below bridgeport the river, which had been running almost due west from the mouth of the spokane river, turned off to the north. in a slackening current we approached the small patch of open country at the mouth of the okinagan. the latter, which heads above the lake of the same name in british columbia, appears an insignificant stream as viewed from the columbia, and one would never suspect that it is navigable for good-sized stern-wheelers for a considerable distance above its mouth. on the right bank of the columbia, just above the mouth of the okinagan, is the site of what was perhaps the most important of the original astor posts of the interior. as a sequel to the war of 1812 it was turned over to the northwest company, and ultimately passed under the control of hudson bay. i could see nothing but a barren flat at this point where so much history was made, but a splendid apple orchard occupies most of the fertile bench in the loop of the bend on the opposite bank. the mouth of the okinagan marks the most northerly point of the washington big bend of the columbia. from there it flows southwesterly for a few miles to the mouth of the methow, before turning almost directly south. we passed brewster without landing, but pulled up alongside a big stern-wheeler moored against the bank at potaris, just above the swift-running methow rapids. it was the _bridgeport_, and ike had spoken of her skipper, whom he called "old cap," many times and with the greatest affection. "old cap" proved to be the captain mcdermid, who had run the _shoshone_ down through grand rapids, and who was rated as the nerviest steamer skipper left on the columbia. captain mcdermid was waiting on the bow of his steamer to give us a hand aboard. he had read of our voyage in the spokane papers, he said, and had been on the lookout for several days. at first he had watched for a skiff, but later, when he had heard that we had pushed off with ike on a raft, it was logs he had been keeping a weather eye lifting for. when ike described the raft to him, he wagged his head significantly, and said he reckoned it was just as well we had changed to the launch for box canyon. "it isn't everybody that can navigate under water like this old rat here," he added, giving ike a playful prod in the ribs. as we were planning to go on through to the mouth of the chelan river, in the hope of getting up to the lake that afternoon, an hour was the most i could stop over on the _bridgeport_ for a yarn with captain mcdermid, where i would have been glad of a week. he told me, very simply but graphically, of the run down grand rapids, and a little of his work with stern or side-wheelers in other parts of the world, which included a year on the upper amazon and about the same time as skipper of a ferry running from the battery to staten island. then he spoke, with a shade of sadness, of the _bridgeport_ and his plans for the future. in all the thousand miles of the columbia between the dalles and its source, she had been the last steamer to maintain a regular service. (this was not reckoning the arrow lakes, of course). but the close of the present apple season had marked the end. between the increasing competition of railways and trucks, the game was no longer worth the candle. he, and his partners in the _bridgeport_, had decided to try to take her to portland and offer her for sale. she was very powerfully engined and would undoubtedly bring a good price--once they got her there. but getting her to portland was the rub. there were locks at the cascades and the dalles, but rock island, cabinet, priest and umatilla, to say nothing of a number of lesser rapids would have to be run. it was a big gamble, insurance, of course, being out of the question on any terms. the _douglas_, half the size of the _bridgeport_, had tried it a couple of months ago, and--well, we would see the consequences on the rocks below cabinet rapids. got through rock island all right, and then went wrong in cabinet, which wasn't half as bad. overconfidence, probably, "old cap" thought. but he felt sure that _he_ would have better luck, especially if he went down first and made a good study of rock island and priest; and that was one of the things that he had wanted to see me about. if there was room for him in the skiff, he would like to run through with us as far as pasco, and brush up on the channel as we went along. if things were so he could get away, he would join us at wenatchee on our return from chelan. i jumped at the chance without hesitation, for it would give us the benefit of the experience and help of the very best man on that part of the columbia in getting through the worst of the rapids that remained to be run. i had been a good deal concerned about how the sinister cascade of rock island was to be negotiated, to say nothing of the long series of riffles called priest rapids, which had even a worse record. i parted with captain mcdermid with the understanding that we would get in touch by phone a day or two later, when i knew definitely when we would return to the river from chelan, and make the final arrangements. leaving ike on the _bridgeport_ for a yarn with his old friend, we pushed off in the launch for chelan. methow rapids, just below the river of that name, was the only fast water encountered, and that was a good, straight run in a fairly clear channel. we landed half a mile below the mouth of the chelan river, where the remains of a road led down through the boulders to the tower of an abandoned ferry. earl put about at once and headed back up-stream, expecting to pick up ike at potaris and push on through to bridgeport that evening. we parted from both earl and ike in all good feeling and with much regret. each in his line was one of the best men i have ever had to do with. ike--in spite of the extent to which his movements were dominated by the maxim that "time is made for slaves," or, more likely, for that very reason--was a most priceless character. i only hope i shall be able to recruit him for another river voyage in the not-too-distant future. chapter xii chelan to pasco for two reasons i am writing but briefly of our visit to lake chelan: first, because it was entirely incidental to the columbia voyage, and, second, because one who has only made the run up and down this loveliest of mountain lakes has no call to write of it. chelan is well named "beautiful water." sixty miles long and from one to four miles wide, cliff-walled and backed by snowy mountains and glaciers, it has much in common with the arrow lakes of the upper columbia, and, by the same tokens, kootenay lake. among the large mountain lakes of the world it has few peers. the chelan river falls three hundred and eighty-five feet in the four miles from the outlet of the lake to where it tumbles into the columbia. it is a foam-white torrent all the way, with a wonderful "horse-shoe" gorge near the lower end which has few rivals for savage grandeur. one may reach the lake from the columbia by roads starting either north or south of the draining river. we went by the latter, as it was the more conveniently reached from the ferry-man's house where we had left our outfit after landing. the town of chelan, at the lower end of the lake, is a lovely little village, with clean streets, bright shops, and a very comfortable hotel. i have forgotten the name of the hotel, but not the fact that it serves a big pitcher of thick, yellow cream with every breakfast. so far as my own experience goes, it is the only hotel in america or europe which has perpetuated that now all but extinct ante-bellum custom. in case there may be any interested to know--even actually to enjoy--what our forefathers had with their coffee and mush, i will state that three transcontinental railways pass within a hundred miles to the southward of chelan. it will prove well worth the stop-over; and there is the lake besides. the lower end of lake chelan is surrounded by rolling hills, whose fertile soil is admirably adapted to apples, now an important industry in that region; the upper end is closely walled with mountains and high cliffs--really an extremely deep gorge half filled with water. indeed, the distinction of being the "deepest furrow time has wrought on the face of the western hemisphere" is claimed for upper chelan lake--this because there are cliffs which rise almost vertically for six thousand feet from the water's edge, and at a point where the sounding lead has needed nearly a third of that length of line to bring it back from a rocky bottom which is indented far below the level of the sea. the head of chelan is far back in the heart of the cascades, in the glaciers of which its feeding streams take their rise. the main tributaries are railroad creek, which flows in from the south about two-thirds of the way up, and stehekin river, which comes in at the head. these two streams are credited with some of the finest waterfalls, gorges and cliff and glacier-begirt mountain valleys to be found in north america, and it is possible to see the best of both in the course of a single "circular" trip by packtrain. to my great regret, it was not practicable to get an outfit together in the limited time at our disposal. the best we could do so late in the season was a hurried run up to rainbow falls, a most striking cataract, three hundred and fifty feet in height, descending over the cliffs of the stehekin river four miles above the head of the lake. roos made a number of scenic shots here, but on a roll which--whether in the camera or the laboratory it was impossible to determine--was badly light-struck. similar misfortune attended a number of other shots he made (through the courtesy of the captain of the mail launch in running near the cliffs) of waterfalls tumbling directly into the lake. there are many slips between the cup and the lip--the camera and the screen, i should say--in scenic movie work. [illustration: a rocky cliff near head of lake chelan] [illustration: rainbow falls, 350 feet high, above head of lake chelan] [illustration: wenatchee under the dust cloud of its speeding autos (_above_)] [illustration: head of rock island rapids (_below_)] we arrived back at the town of chelan in time for lunch on the sixth of november, and a couple of hours later were down at the columbia ready to push off again. i had been unable to get in touch with captain mcdermid by phone, but was confident that he would turn up in good time at wenatchee. as there was nothing between that point and the mouth of the chelan in the way of really bad water, i had no hesitation in making the run without a "pilot." launching _imshallah_ below the old ferry-tower at two o'clock, we reached the little town of entiat, just above the river and rapids of that name, at five. the skiff rode higher with captain armstrong and his luggage out, her increased buoyancy compensating in a measure for the less intelligent handling she had. roos took the steering paddle in the stern, and i continued rowing from the forward thwart. all of the luggage was shifted well aft. the current was fairly swift all the way, but the two or three rapids encountered were not difficult to pass. ribbon cliff, two thousand feet high and streaked with strata of yellow, grey and black clays, was the most striking physical feature seen in the course of this easy afternoon's run. entiat is a prosperous little apple-growing centre, and, with the packing season at its height, was jammed to the roof with workers. rooms at the hotel were out of the question. roos slept on a couch in the parlour, which room was also occupied by three drummers and two truck drivers. i had a shakedown on a canvased-in porch, on which were six beds and four cots. my room-mates kept me awake a good part of the night growling because their wages had just been cut to seven dollars a day, now that the rush was over. i would have been the more surprised that any one should complain about a wage like that had not a trio of farmettes--or rather packettes--at the big family dinner table been comparing notes of their takings. one twinkling-fingered blonde confessed to having averaged thirteen dollars a day for the last week packing apples, while a brown-bloomered brunette had done a bit better than twelve. the third one--attenuated, stoop-shouldered and spectacled--was in the dumps because sore fingers had scaled her average down to ten-fifty--"hardly worth coming out from spokane for," she sniffed. roos tried to engage them in conversation, and started out auspiciously with a description of running box canyon. but the gimlet-eyed thin one asked him what he got for doing a thing like that, and promptly their interest faded. and why _should_ they have cared to waste time over a mere seventy-five-dollar-a-week cameraman? but it was something even to have eaten pumpkin pie with the plutocracy. the swift-flowing entiat river has dumped a good many thousand tons of boulders into the columbia, and most of these have lodged to form a broad, shallow bar a short distance below the mouth of the former. the columbia hasn't been able quite to make up its mind the best way to go here, and so has hit on a sort of a compromise by using three or four channels. roos found himself in a good deal the same sort of dilemma when we came rolling along there on the morning of the seventh, but as a boat--if it is going to preserve its entity as such--cannot run down more than one channel at a time, _imshallah_ found the attempt at a compromise to which she was committed only ended in butting her head against a low gravel island. it was impossible to make the main middle channel from there, but we poled off without much difficulty and went bumping off down a shallow channel to the extreme right. she kissed off a boulder once or twice before winning through to deeper water, but not hard enough to do her much harm. it was a distinctly messy piece of work, though, and i was glad that ike or captain armstrong was not there to see their teachings put into practice. the river cliffs became lower as we ran south, and after passing a commanding point on the right bank we came suddenly upon the open valley of the wenatchee, the nearest thing to a plain we had seen in all the hundreds of miles from the source of the columbia. there are not over twenty to thirty square miles of land that is even comparatively level here, but to eyes which had been wont for two months to seek sky-line with a forty-five degree upward slant of gaze it was like coming out of an andean pass upon the boundless pampas of argentina. wenatchee was in sight for several miles before we reached it, an impressive water-front of mills, warehouses and tall buildings. over all floated a dark pall, such as one sees above pittsburgh, birmingham, essen or any other great factory city, but we looked in vain for the forest of chimneys it would have taken to produce that bituminous blanket. as we drew nearer we discovered that what we had taken to be smoke was a mighty dust-cloud. it was a sunday at the height of the apple-packing season, and all the plutocratic packettes were joy-riding. there were, it is true, more fords than rolls-royces in the solid double procession of cars that jammed the main street for a mile, but that was doubtless because the supply of the former had held out better. i can't believe that the consideration of price had anything to do with it. the hotel, of course, was full, even with the dining-room set thick with cots, but by admiring a haberdashery drummer's line of neck-ties for an hour, i managed to get him to "will" me his room and bath when he departed that afternoon. roos employed similar strategy with a jazz movie orchestra fiddler, but his train didn't pull out until four-thirty in the morning. a young reporter from the local paper called for an interview in the afternoon, and told us the story of the _douglas_, the steamer which captain mcdermid had mentioned as having been lost in trying to take her to portland. selig had gone along to write the story of the run through rock island rapids, the first to be reached and the place which was reckoned as the most dangerous she would have to pass. when she had come out of that sinister gorge without mishap, he had them land him at the first convenient place in the quiet water below, from where he made his way to the railway and hurried back to wenatchee with his story. that he had seen all the best of the excitement, he had no doubt. a quarter of an hour after selig left her, the _douglas_ was a total wreck on the rocks below cabinet rapids. he didn't know just how it had happened, but said we would find what was left of her still where she had struck. wenatchee is the liveliest kind of a town, and claims to be the largest apple-shipping point in the united states. it also has a daily paper which claims to be the largest in the world in a city of under ten thousand population. i can easily believe this is true. i have seen many papers in cities of fifty or a hundred thousand that were not to be compared with it for both telegraphic and local news. banks are on almost every corner for a half dozen blocks of the main street of wenatchee, and every one seems to have a bank account. i saw stacks of check-books by the cashiers' desks in restaurants and shops, and in one of the ice cream parlours i saw a young packette paying for her nut sundae with a check. no word came from captain mcdermid during the day, and after endeavouring to reach him by phone all of the following forenoon, i reluctantly decided to push on without him. this was a good deal of a disappointment, not only because i felt that i was going to need his help mighty badly, but also because i was anxious to see more of him personally. a man who will take a steamer containing his wife and children down rickey's rapids of the columbia isn't to be met with every day. roos was anxious to get a picture of the "farmer who would see the sea" working his way down rock island rapids, and as his machine was about the most valuable thing there was to lose in getting down there, it seemed up to me to do what i could. but for the first time since we pushed off to run the big bend, i unpacked and kept out my inflatable "gieve" life-preserver waistcoat, which i had worn in the north sea during the war, and which i had brought along on the "off chance." selig came down with his graflex to get a photo of our departure for the _world_, but declined an invitation for another run through rock island rapids. there is a long and lofty highway bridge spanning the columbia half a mile below wenatchee, which fine structure also appears to be used on occasion as a city dump. that it was functioning in this capacity at the very moment we were about to pass under it between the two mid-stream piers did not become apparent until the swift current had carried us so close that it was not safe to try to alter course either to left or right. there was nothing to do but run the gauntlet of the swervily swooping dust-tailed comets whose heads appeared to run the whole gamut of discard of a rather extravagant town of eight thousand people, all disdainful of "used" things. it would have been a rare chance to renew our outfit, only most of the contributions were speeding too rapidly at the end of their hundred-foot drop to make them entirely acceptable. "low bridge!" i shouted to roos, and swung hard onto my oars, yelling a lung-full at every stroke in the hope that the busy dumpers might stay their murderous hands at the last moment. vain hope! my final frightened upward glance told me that the nauseous cataclysm was augmenting rather than lessening. i put _imshallah_ into some mighty nasty looking rapids with a lot less apprehension than i drove her into that reeking second-hand barrage, that niagara of things that people didn't want. doubtless it was the fact that _i_ wanted the stuff still less than they did that lent power to my arms and gave me a strength far transcending that of ordinary endeavour. roos swore afterward that i lifted her right out of the water, just as a speeding hydroplane lifts at the top of its jump. this may have been so; but if it was, roos sensed it rather than saw it, for his humped shoulders were folded tightly over his ducked head, like the wings of a newly hatched chicken. anyhow, the little lady drove through safely, just as she always had. but where she had always emerged dewy-fresh and dancing jauntily on the tips of her toes from the roughest of rapids, here she oozed out upon an oil-slicked stream with the "mark of the beast" on her fore and aft. i mean that literally. that accursed little "white wings" that sat up aloft to take toll of the life of poor jack, must have had some kind of a slaughter-house dumping contract--and _imshallah_ got a smothering smear of the proceeds. also a trailing length of burlap and a bag of cinders. as the latter burst when it kissed off my shoulder, roos' joke about my wearing sack-cloth-and-ashes was not entirely without point. the only article of value accruing was the shaving-brush which fell in roos' lap. he felt sure it must have been thrown away by mistake, for it had real camel's-hair bristles, and he liked it better than his own--after the ashes had worked out of it. and yet it might have been a lot worse. i only _heard_ the splash of the wash-boiler that must have hit just ahead of her, but the sewing machine that grazed her stern jazzed right across my line of vision. up to that time surprise rapids of the big bend of canada had stood as the superlative in the way of a really nasty hole to go through; from then on "surprise rapids of wenatchee bridge" claimed pride of place in this respect. swabbing down decks as best we could without landing, we pushed ahead. i was anxious to get down to rock island rapids in time to look over the channels, if not to start through, before dark. we should have known better than to treat a dainty lady like _imshallah_ in that way. it was bad enough to have subjected her to the indignity of running the garbage barrage; not to give her a proper bath after it was unpardonable. at least that was the way she seemed to look at it, and so i never felt inclined to blame her for taking matters into her own hands. wallowing through a sharp bit of rapid a mile below the bridge washed the outside of her bright and clean as ever, but it was the stain of that slaughter-house stuff on the inside that rankled. she was restive and cranky in the swirls and eddies all down a long stretch of slack water running between black basalt islands, and as the river narrowed and began to tumble over a boisterous rapid above the great northern railway bridge, she began jumping about nervously, like a spirited horse watching his chance for a bolt. it was roos' business, of course, to watch where she was going, but he made no claim of being a qualified steersman; so that there was really no excuse for my failing to watch our capricious lady's symptoms and keep a steadying hand on her. probably i _should_ have done so had not a freight train run out on the bridge just as we neared the head of the rapid, throwing out so striking a smoke-smudge against a background of sun-silvered clouds that i needs must try for a hurried snapshot. that done, we were close to the "v" of the drop-off, and i had just time to see that there were three or four rather terrifying rollers tumbling right in the heart of the riffle, evidently thrown up by a jagged outcrop of bedrock very close to the surface. i would never have chanced putting even a big _batteau_ directly into so wild a welter, but, with fairly good water to the left, there was no need of our passing within ten feet of the centre of disturbance. the course was so plain that i do not recall even calling any warning to roos as i sat down and resumed my oars. each of us claimed the other was responsible for what followed, but i think the real truth of it was that _imshallah_ had made up her mind to have a bath without further delay, and couldn't have been stopped anyhow. i never did see just what hit us, nor how we were hit; for it all came with the suddenness of a sand-bagging. roos was stroking away confidently, and appeared to be singing, from the movement of his lips. the words, if any, were drowned in the roar. all at once his eyes became wild and he lashed out with a frenzied paddle-pull that was evidently intended to throw her head to the left. the next instant the crash came--sudden, shattering, savage. i remember distinctly wondering why roos' eyes were shifted apprehensively upward, like those of a man who fancies he is backing away from a bombing airplane. and i think i recall spray dashing two or three lengths astern of us, before the solid battering ram of the water hit me on the back, and roos in the face. and all _imshallah_ did was to stand straight up on her hind legs and let little demi-semi-quivers run up and down her back like a real lady exulting in the tickle of a shower-bath. then she lay down and let the river run over her; then reared up on her hind legs again. twice or thrice she repeated that routine, when, apparently satisfied that her ablutions were complete, she settled down and ran the rest of the rapid sedately and soberly, and, i am afraid, without much help from either oars or paddle. i have always thought roos was particularly happy in his description of how it looked for'ard just after that first big wave hit us. "the top of that comber was ten feet above your head," he said, "and it came curving over you just like the 'canopy' of a 'jack-in-the-pulpit.'" with _imshallah_ rather more than half full of water, and consequently not a lot more freeboard for the moment than a good thick plank, it was just as well that no more rapids appeared before we found a patch of bank flat enough to allow us to land and dump her. fresh as a daisy inside and out, she was as sweet and reasonable when we launched her again as any other lady of quality after she has had her own way. not far below the bridge we tied up near the supply-pipe of a railway pumping station on the left bank. with the black gorge of rock island rapids three-quarters of a mile below sending up an ominous growl, this appeared to be the proper place to stop and ask the way. the engineer of the pumping-station said that he knew very little about the big rapid, as he had only been on his present job for a week. he had only seen the left-hand channel, and, as an old sailor, he was dead certain no open boat ever launched could live to run the lower end of it. he said he thought the safest way would be to put the skiff on his push-car, run it down the tracks a couple of miles, and launch it below the worst of the rapids. i told him we might be very glad to do this as a last resort, but, as it would involve a lot of time and labour, i would like to look at the rapid first. he told us to make free of his bunk-house in case we spent the night there, and suggested we call in at a farm house a couple of hundred yards down the track and talk with an old man there, who would probably know all about the rapid. that proved to be a good tip. the farmer turned out to be an old-time stern-wheeler captain, who had navigated the upper columbia for many years in the early days. he was greatly interested in our trip, and said that we ought to have no great trouble with the rapids ahead, that is, as long as we didn't try to take undue liberties with them. the safest way to get through would be to land at the head of the big island that divided the channels and line right down the left side of it. it would be pretty hard work, but we ought not to get in wrong if we took our time. he was sorry he couldn't go down and look the place over with us, but it happened that his youngest daughter was being married that evening, and things were sort of crowding for the rest of the day. _that_ explained why the yard was full of flivvers, and the numerous dressed-up men lounging around the porches. we decided that the groom was the lad, with an aggressively fresh-shaven gill, who was being made the butt of a joke every time he sauntered up to a new group, and that the bride was the buxom miss having her chestnut hair combed at a window, with at least half a dozen other girls looking on. roos was very keen to have the wedding postponed to the following morning, and changed to an _al fresco_ affair which he could shoot with good light. with a little study, he said, he was sure he could work it into his "continuity." perhaps, for instance, the "farmer-who-would-see-the-sea" might start them off on their honeymoon by taking them a few miles down river in his boat. that would lend "heart interest and...." i throttled that scheme in the bud before my impetuous companion could broach it to the principals. i wasn't going to tempt the providence that had saved me whole from the wrath of jock o' windermere by taking a chance with any more "bride stuff." the black-walled gorge of rock island is one of the grimmest-looking holes on the columbia, and of all hours of the day sunset, when the deep shadows are banking thick above the roaring waters, is the least cheery time to pay it a visit. somewhat as at hell gate, the river splits upon a long, rocky island, the broader, shallower channel being to the right, and the narrower, deeper one to the left. the upper end of the right-hand channel was quiet and straight; indeed, it was the one i would have been prompted to take had not the old river captain at the farm-house inclined to the opinion that the lining on the other would be easier. the former had been the course symons had taken, and he mentioned that the lower end was very crooked and rocky. i decided, therefore, to brave the difficulties that i could see something of in advance rather than to blunder into those i knew not of. although the left channel began to speed up right from the head, i saw enough of it to be sure that we could run at least the upper two-thirds of it without much risk, and that there was then a good eddy from which to land on the side next to the railroad. this was the head of the main fall--an extremely rough cascade having a drop of ten feet in four hundred yards. down that we would have to line. i was quite in agreement with the pump-station man that no open boat would live in those wildly rolling waters. fearful of complications, i restrained roos from accepting an invitation to the wedding, and we turned in early for a good night's sleep at the pump-station bunk-house. the game old octogenarian had asked me especially to hail him from the river in the morning, so that he could go down and help us through the rapids. i should have been glad indeed of his advice in what i knew would be a mighty awkward operation, but had not the heart to disturb him when i saw there was no curl of smoke from the kitchen chimney when we drifted by at eight o'clock. the roar of fast and furious revelry had vied with the roar of the rapids pretty well all night, culminating with a crescendo leading up to the old shoe barrage at about daybreak. it didn't seem quite human to keep the old boy lining down river all morning after lining up against that big barrel of "sweet cider" all night.... (no, i hadn't missed that little detail; that was one of the reasons i had kept roos away). so we drifted on down toward the big noise alone. the pump-man promised he would come down to help as soon as his tank was filled, but that wouldn't be for an hour or more. rock island rapids are in a gorge within a gorge. the black water-scoured canyon with the foam-white river at the bottom of it is not over fifty feet deep in the sheer. back of high-water mark there is a narrow strip of bench on either side, above which rises a thousand feet or more of brown bluff. the eastern wall still cast its shadow on the river, but the reflection of the straw-yellow band of broadening light creeping down the western bluff filled the gorge with a diffused golden glow that threw every rock and riffle into sharp relief. it was a dozen times better to see by than the blinding brilliance of direct light, and, knowing just what to expect for the next quarter-mile, i ran confidently into the head of the rapid. early morning is the hour of confidence and optimism on the flowing road; evening the hour of doubt, indecision and apprehension. a submerged rock at the entrance to the left channel, which i had marked mentally from the high bank the night before as an obstacle to be avoided, proved rather harder to locate from water level; but roos spotted it in time to give it a comfortable berth in shooting by. then the abrupt black walls closed in, and we ran for three hundred yards in fast but not dangerous water. the current took us straight into the eddy i had picked for a landing place, and the skiff slid quietly into a gentle swirling loop of back-water, with nothing but a huge jutting rock intervening between that secure haven and the brink of the fall. so far all had gone exactly as planned. now we were to see how it looked for lining. roos set up on a shelf and cranked while i lined round the projecting rock, an operation which proved unexpectedly simple once it was started right. at my first attempt i failed to swing the boat out of the eddy, and as a consequence she was brought back against the rock and given rather a stiff bump. the next time i launched her higher up, and paying out plenty of scope, let her go right out into the main current and over the "intake" of the fall. it took brisk following up to keep the line from fouling, and after that was cleared i didn't have quite as much time as i needed to take in slack and brace myself for the coming jerk. the result was _imshallah_ got such a way on in her hundred feet of run that, like a _locoed_ broncho pulling up and galloping off with its picket-pin, she took me right along over and off the big rock and into the water below. to my great surprise, where i was expecting to go straight into the whirlpool one usually finds behind a projecting rock, i landed in water that was both slack and comparatively shallow. recovering quickly from my stumble, i braced against the easy current and checked the runaway with little trouble. roos, who had missed the last part of the action, wanted me to do that jump and stumble over again, but the ten foot flop down onto the not very deeply submerged boulders was a bit too much a shake-up to sustain for art's sake. now that it was too late to line back, i saw why it was the old captain had advised working down the side of the island. the left bank of the cascade (which latter was tumbling close beside me now), was all but sheer. only here and there were there footings close to the water, so that the man with the line would have to make his way for the most part along the top of the rocky wall. _he_ could get along all right, but there was no place where a man could follow the boat and keep it off with a pole. it might have been managed with a man poling-off from the boat itself, but i hardly felt like urging roos to take the chance. it was out of the question trying to line back up the "intake" of the fall, but there _was_ one loop-hole which looked worth exploring before risking an almost certain mess-up in trying to work down the side of the cascade. i have mentioned that i had expected to find a whirlpool under the big jutting rock. the only reason there wasn't one was because what at high water must have been a very considerable back channel took out at this point and acted as a sort of safety-valve. there was still a stream a few inches deep flowing out here, running off to the left into a dark cavernous-looking crack in the bedrock. that water had to come back to the river somewhere below, and there was just a chance that the boat could be squeezed through the same way. at any rate, there was not enough of a weight of water to do any harm, and it ought not to be hard to "back up" in the event it proved impossible to push on through. leaving roos to set up and shoot a particularly villainous whirlpool he had discovered, i dragged the skiff through the shallow opening and launched it into a deep black pool beyond. poling from pool to pool, i entered a miniature gorge where i was presently so walled in by the rock that the raw roar of the cascade was muffled to a heavy, earth-shaking rumble. this tiny canyonette opened up at the end of a hundred yards to a sheer-walled rock-bound pool, evidently scoured out by the action of a high-water whirlpool. this turned out to be an enormous "pot-hole," for i had to avoid the water-spun boulder, which had been the tool of the sculpturing river god, in pushing into the outlet crack. the latter was so narrow and overhanging that i had to lie down and work the skiff along with my up-raised hands. twenty yards of that brought me out to a winding little lake, less steeply walled than the gorge above, but apparently closed all the way round, even at the lower end. i was in a complete _cul de sac_. a gurgling whirlpool showed where the water escaped by a subterranean passage, but that was plainly no place to take a lady, especially a lady of quality like _imshallah_. tying _imshallah_ up to a boulder to prevent her amiable weakness for rushing to the embraces of whirlpools getting the better of her, i climbed up a steeply-sloping pitch of bedrock and looked down to the head of a long narrow arm of quiet water. the gay little waterfall breaking forth from the rock beneath my feet was leaping directly into the main stream of the columbia--and below the cascade. a stiff thirty or forty-foot portage, and we were through. we might have to wait for the pump-man to help us lift the boat up that first pitch, but he ought to be along almost any time now. taking a short-cut back across the water-washed rock, i found roos just completing his shots of the cascade. the sun was on the latter now, and its dazzling whiteness threw it into striking relief against the sinister walls between which it tumbled. save the first two falls of surprise rapids, there is not a savager rush of water on the upper columbia than this final three hundred yards of the left-hand channel of rock island. roos was delighted with the way it showed up in his finder, and even more pleased when he learned that we were not going to have to line the boat down it. then he had one of his confounded inspirations. that portage over the reef of bedrock, with the little waterfall in the background, would photograph like a million dollars, he declared; but to get the full effect of it, and to preserve "continuity," the "farmer" ought to do it alone. it wouldn't do to include the pump-man in the picture, now that the "farmer" was supposed to be travelling alone. if i _had_ to have his help, all right; only it wouldn't do to shoot while the other man was in the picture. but it _would_ really be the "cat's ears" if the "farmer" could make it on his own. he wouldn't have to make that big pull-up without stopping; he could jerk the boat along a foot or two at a time, and then get his breath like the pursued villain did in the processional finales of knockabout comedies. then he showed me how, by resuming the same grip on the boat and the same facial expression at each renewed attack, the action could be made to appear practically continuous. well, i fell for it. tom sawyer was not more adroit in getting out of white-washing his fence than was roos in getting out of that portage job. he wanted to preserve "continuity" by starting back at the head of the cascade, but we compromised by making it the "pot-hole." emerging to the lakelet, i registered "extreme dejection" at finding my progress blocked, and "dull gloom" as i landed and climbed up for a look-see. but when i reached the top of the reef and discovered the quiet water below, like sunlight breaking through a cloud, i assumed as nearly as i knew how an exact imitation of an expression i had seen on the face of balboa in a picture called "first sight of the pacific." "that's the 'cat's ears,'" encouraged roos; "now snake the boat over--and make it snappy!" i made it snappy, all right; but it was my spine that did most of the snapping. and it wasn't a foot at a time that i snaked the boat over. (roos had been too optimistic on that score); it was by inches. roos took infinite pains in coaching me as to "resuming grip and expression;" but even so, i am afraid the finished film will display considerable jerkiness in its "continuous action." i gained some solace by calling roos names all the time, and so must again beg "lip-readers" who see the picture to consider the provocation and not judge too harshly. once tilted over the crest of the reef, the boat took more holding than hauling. being pretty well gone in the back and knees, she got away from me and slid the last ten feet, giving her bottom a bumping that it never did entirely recover from. i was caulking incipient leaks all the way to portland as a consequence of that confounded "one man" portage. just as we had loaded up and were ready to push off, the pump-man breezed along and asked us to give him a passage as far as columbia river station, two or three miles below. he wanted to take an oar, but as the distance was short and the current swift, i told him it was not worth bothering with. so he laid the oar he had taken out along the starboard gunwale, and knelt just aft the after thwart, facing forward. roos always claimed that it was the loom of the pump-man's back cutting off his view ahead that was responsible for the little diversion that followed. a good part of the blame was doubtless my own for not keeping a sharper watch over my shoulder, as i certainly should have done had i been alone. in any event, _imshallah's alibi_ was complete. she behaved through it all like a real thoroughbred. there was a sinuous tangle of swirls where the right-hand and left-hand cascades flew at each other's throats at the lower end of the rock island, and then a gay stretch of sun-dazzled froth where the teeth of a long reef menaced all the way across the channel; then a stretch of lazily-coiling green-black water, flowing between lofty brown cliffs and broken here and there with the loom of house-like rocks of shattered basalt. the roar of rock island died down in muffled _diminuendo_, and it seemed mighty good to have that diapason muttering in bafflement astern rather than growling in anticipation ahead. there was only one little rapid between here and the siding, the pump-man said, and it wouldn't bother us much as there was plenty of room to get by. he was right--for the most part. i took a good look at the riffle as we headed down to it. it was a short stretch of rough, noisy water, but nothing that would have had to be avoided except for a single big roller in the middle of it. as this was throwing a great dash of spray high in the air every now and then, i felt sure the rock responsible for it was very slightly submerged--perhaps not more than a few inches. as this was so obviously an obstacle to steer well clear of, it never occurred to me to give roos any especial warning about it, especially as he continued standing and sizing up the situation for half a minute after i had resumed my oars. the main current ran straight across the riffle, but with fifty feet of clear water to the left there was no need of getting into any of the worst of it, let alone trying to hurdle that foam-throwing rock. leaning hard on my oars, i had good steerage-way on the skiff by the time she dipped over into the fast-running water. roos was cuffing jauntily at the wave crests, and singing. because of the sequel, i remember particularly it was "dardanella" that was claiming his attention. two or three times he had maintained that he was a "lucky fella" before i saw what seemed to me to be mingled dissent and perturbation gathering in the pump-man's steel-grey eyes. then, all of a sudden, he gave vocal expression to his doubts. "you won't think you're a 'lucky fella' if you put her onta that rock," he yelled over his shoulder. turning at the finish of my stroke, i saw that big spray-flipping comber about two lengths away, and _dead ahead_, looking savager than ever. trailing my right oar, i pulled every ounce i could bring to bear upon my left, trying to throw her head toward the better water. the next instant i was all but falling over backwards as the oar snapped cleanly off in the oar-lock. i recall perfectly the gleam of the long copper nails which had weakened it, and the fresh fracture of the broken spruce. the weight i put onto my right oar in saving myself from tumbling backward had the effect of throwing her head in just the opposite direction i had intended. since she could hardly have avoided hitting the big roller anyhow, once she was so near, it is probably better that she hit it squarely than sidling. the crash was solid, almost shattering in its intensity, and yet i am not sure that she hit the rock at all. if she did, it was a glancing blow, for she could not possibly have survived anything heavier. the pump-man, true to his sailor instincts, kept his head perfectly in the face of the deluge that had engulfed him. the spare oar was lying ready to hand, and he had it waiting for me in the oar-lock by the time i was on an even keel again. the second wave, which she rode on her own, threw _imshallah's_ head off a bit, but by the time she was rising to the third i was helping her again with the oars. seeing how well she was taking it, i did not try to pull out of the riffle now, but let her run right down through it to the end. only the first wave put much green water into her, but even that had not filled her anywhere nearly so deep as she had been the evening before. when we beached her below columbia river station we found her starboard bow heavily dented, but even that did not convince me that we had hit the big rock. i am rather inclined to think that denting was done when i did my lone-hand portage at rock island. i was dead sorry i couldn't persuade that pump-man to throw up his job and come along with us. he had the real stuff in him. [illustration: the picture that cost me a wetting (_above_)] [illustration: the wreck of the "douglas" (_below_)] [illustration: we cooked our breakfast in the galley of the wreck of the "douglas"] [illustration: a rocky cliff above beverly] after having lunch in the railway men's eating house at columbia river, we went down to push off again. finding the local ferry-man examining the skiff, i asked him if he thought she would do to run cabinet rapids, which we could hear rumbling a mile below. "not if you try to push them out of the river the way you did that riffle above here a while ago," he replied with a grin. he said he had been watching us through his glass, and that the boat had disappeared from sight for three or four seconds when she hit the big roller. he offered to bet his ferry-boat against the skiff that we couldn't do it again and come through right-side-up. no takers. speaking seriously, he said that, by keeping well to the left, we could run cabinet all right--if nothing went wrong. "but better not make a practice of breaking an oar just where you're going to need it most," he added with another grin; "there's nothing on the river that would live through the big riffle over against the right bank. you'll see what she did to the _douglas_." landing from the slack water above a rocky point which juts out into the river at the head of cabinet rapids, we climbed a couple of hundred yards over water-scoured boulders to the brink of the gorge. it was a decidedly rough-looking rapid, but by no means so hopeless for running with a small boat as rock island. in that the main riffle was thrown against a sheer bank of the river, it reminded me a good deal of death rapids on the big bend. but this riffle, while appearing fully as rough as that of the dreaded _dalles des morts_, was not, like the latter, unavoidable. the chance of passing it in only fairly broken water to the left looked quite good enough to try. the wreck of the _douglas_, standing out white and stark against the black boulders a mile below, was a good warning against taking any unnecessary chances. i looked well to the oars and the trim of the boat before shoving off. once out into the river, i could see that the rapid was white from bank to bank, but still nothing that ought to trouble us seriously. i stood for a minute or two looking ahead from the vantage of one of the thwarts, and it was just as i was taking up my oars again in the quickening current that the corner of my eye glimpsed the narrow opening of a deep back-channel winding off between splintered walls of columnar basalt to the left. i wasn't looking for any more one-man portages, but this opening looked good enough to explore. it might lead through by an easy way, and there was hardly enough water to do much harm if it didn't. it took hard pulling to sheer off from the "intake" now we had drifted so close, but we finally made it and entered the dark back-channel. narrowing and broadening, just as the other had done, it led on for a couple of hundred yards, finally to discharge over a six-foot fall into a deeply indented pool that opened out to the river about half way down the rapid. the wedge-shaped crack at the head of the little fall was narrower than the skiff at water-line, but by dint of a little lifting and tugging we worked her through and lowered her into the pool below. pulling out through the opening, we headed her confidently into the current. there was a quarter-mile of white water yet, but we were far enough down now so that the loss of an oar or any other mishap wouldn't leave the skiff to run into those wallowing rollers over against the further cliff. a sharp, slashing run carried us through to the foot of cabinet rapids, and a few minutes later we had hauled up into an eddy under the left bank opposite the wreck of the _douglas_. the little stern-wheeler had come to grief at high-water, so that we had to clamber all of three hundred yards over big, smooth, round boulders to reach the point where the wreck was lying. the latter was by no means in so bad a shape as i had expected to find it. the principal damage appeared to have been done to the wheel, which was clamped down tight over a huge boulder, and to the starboard bow, which was stove in. the rest of her hull and her upper works were intact; also the engines, though terribly rusty. there was not much from which one could reconstruct the story of the disaster; in fact, i have not learned to this day any authentic details. the chances are, however, that the wheel struck a rock somewhere in cabinet rapids, and, after that, drifting out of control, she had come in for the rest of the mauling. if her captain is like the rest of the columbia river skippers i met, i have no doubt that she will be patched up again before next high-water and started off for portland. with towering cliffs on both sides and the great black boulders scattered all around, roos felt that both subject and setting were highly favourable for an effective movie, and started to think out a way to work the wreck of the _douglas_ into his "continuity." after some minutes of brown study, he declared that the best way to work it would be for the "farmer" to land, come clambering across the boulders registering "puzzled wonderment," and then to stand in silent contemplation of the wreck, registering "thankfulness." "thankfulness for what?" i demanded; "it doesn't strike me as christian to gloat over the wreck of a ship." "you don't get me at all," he expostulated. "i don't mean for him to show thankfulness because of the wreck of the steamer, but because his own boat has so far escaped a similar fate. he just stands here with his arms folded, casts his eyes upward, moves his lips as if...." "nothing doing," i cut in decisively. "if you'd been raising beans and hay and apricots as long as i have, you'd know that a farmer never registers thankfulness about anything but a rise in the market, and there ain't no such thing any more." while we were arguing that moot point, the sun dipped behind the loftily looming wall of brown-black cliff across the river and the trouble settled itself automatically. because there was no longer light, roos thought it would be a good stunt to camp where we were until morning, and as a camp was always "continuity"--there we were! there was plenty of cordwood left, and the galley stove was in good condition. as we had no candles, dinner was cooked by the mingled red and green gleams of the port and starboard lights, transferred to the galley for that purpose. i slept in the cook's cabin and roos--with his bed made up on the wire springs from the captain's cabin--on the deck of the galley. with water freezing half an inch thick in the coffee-pot on the galley stove, we had an insufferably cold night of it--one of the worst we spent on the river. in the morning roos made his "camp shots," which consisted principally of the farmer chopping cordwood on the main deck, building a fire in the galley stove and cooking breakfast. out of deference to my esoteric knowledge of the way farmers feel about things, he consented to omit the "thankfulness stuff." shoving off into a steady six-mile current at nine-thirty, a few minutes brought us in sight of a striking basaltic island, which symons had characterized as "one of the most perfect profile rocks in existence." "approaching it from the north," he wrote, "it presents a striking likeness to the profile of queen victoria.... coming nearer to it and passing it on the west, the profile changes and merges into a more grecian and sphinx-like face, whose placid immobility takes one's mind involuntarily to far-off egypt. it rises from the surface of the water about a hundred feet, and a pair of eagles have selected it as their home, and upon its extreme top have built a nest, giving, as it were, a crown to this goddess of the columbia." roos declared himself strong for that "sphinx stuff," and had his camera set up in the bow ready for a close-up of every change of expression. he was doomed to disappointment. the first thing we discovered missing was the crowning eagles' nest, and then victoria's nose, mouth and chin. her brow and hair were there, but both considerably eroded and inroad-ed by the weather. the "grecian-and-sphinx-like face" we never did locate, although i pulled around the island twice in search of them. roos declared her an "oil can," and packed up his camera in supreme disgust. that was, i believe, the last time he had it set up on the columbia. as lieutenant symons had proved so invariably accurate in all of his topographical descriptions, i am strongly inclined to the belief that floods and the elements had conspired to wreak much havoc with "victoria's" features in the forty years that had elapsed since he limned them so strikingly with pen and pencil. i have known fairly stonily-featured ladies to change almost as much in a good deal less than forty years. cabinet rapids is the beginning of a somewhat irregular series of columnar basaltic cliffs which wall in the columbia closely for the next thirty miles. they range in height from fifteen hundred to three thousand feet, and in colour from a rich blend of saffron-cinnamon, through all the shades of brown, to a dull black. the prevailing formation is that of upended cordwood, but there are endless weird stratifications and lamiations, with here and there queer nuclei that suggest sulphur crystallizations. imbedded in the face of one of these cliffs not far from the tumultuous run of gualquil rapids, is a landmark that has been famous among columbia _voyageurs_ for over a hundred years. this is huge log, barkless and weather-whitened, standing on end in the native basalt. over a thousand feet above the river and almost an equal distance from the brink of the sheer wall of rock, there is no possible question of its having been set there by man. the descriptions written of it a hundred years ago might have been written to-day. whether it is petrified or not, there is no way of knowing. the only possible explanation of its presence is that it was lodged where it is at a time when the columbia flowed a thousand feet higher than it does to-day, probably before it tore its great gorge through the cascades and much of what is now eastern washington was a vast lake. on the suggestion of the ferry-man at trinidad, we avoided the upper half of gualquil rapids by taking a straight, narrow channel to the right, which would probably have been dry in another week. there is a half mile of fast, white water here, ending with some heavy swirls against a sheer cliff, but nothing seriously to menace any well-handled open boat. the water was slack for a number of miles from the foot of gualquil, but began quickening where the river spread out between long gravel bars below vantage ferry. they were shunting sheep across at the latter point, and the portuguese herders crowded eagerly round our boat, making strange "high signs" and voicing cryptic utterances, evidently having something to do with a local bootleggers' code. at our failure to respond in kind, they became suspicious (doubtless the fact that roos was wearing a second-hand canadian officer's uniform he had bought in revelstoke had something to do with it) that we were prohibition enforcement officials, and they were muttering darkly to each other and shaking their heads as we pushed off again. the cliffs ran out not long after we left vantage ferry, and as we neared the chicago, milwaukee and st. paul bridge at beverly rough patches of sandy desert began opening up on either side. deprived of the shelter of the high river walls, we were at once exposed to a heavy easterly wind that had evidently been blowing all day on the desert. the sun dulled to a luminous blur behind the pall of the sand-filled air, and the wind, which headed us every now and then, about neutralized the impulse of the accelerating current. there was a forty-miles-an-hour sand-storm blowing when we beached the boat under the railway bridge at four-thirty. the brilliantly golden-yellow cars of the c. m. & st. p. limited rumbling across above behind their electric locomotive seemed strangely out-of-place in the desolate landscape. the one sidewalk of the town's fragment of street was ankle-deep in sand as we buffetted our way to the hotel. "have you ever been in beverly before?" asked the sandy-haired (literally) girl who responded to the jangle of the cowbell on the counter. "but i should know better than that," she apologized with a blush as she blew off the grit on the register; "'cause if you had been here once, you'd sure never be here again. what's the game, anyhow? you haven't...?" a knowing twitch of a dusty eyelash finished the question. "no, we haven't," growled roos irritably. somehow he was never able to extract half the amusement that i did over being taken for a boot-legger. it was the sand-storm that broke roos' heart, i think. he was non-committal at supper that night when i started to talk about priest rapids, and the next morning, after describing his shave as like rubbing his face with a brick, he announced that he was through with the columbia for good. as there was a good deal to be said for his contention that, between the shortening days and the high cliffs walling in the river, there were only two or three hours of good shooting light even when the sun was out, i did not feel justified in urging him to go on unless he wanted to. in any event, light for filming the running and lining of priest rapids, now that the sand-storm was at its height, was out of the question for a day or two at least. and below priest rapids there would be nothing worth filming until the mouth of the snake was passed. i suggested, therefore, that he should go on to pasco by train and await me there, finding out in the meantime by wire whether chester cared to have him continue the "farmer" picture in the face of the adverse light conditions. by this time i had fairly complete data on priest rapids. these, beginning at the end of a stretch of slack water several miles below beverly, continue for eleven miles. in this distance there are seven major riffles, with considerable intervals of fairly quiet water between. it seemed probable that all of these, with the exception of the second and seventh, and possibly the sixth, could be run. the lining of the others, while not difficult, would require the help of another man. all that morning i inhaled sand as i went over beverly with a fine-toothed comb in a very earnest effort to find some one willing to give me a hand through priest rapids. the nearest i came to success was an ex-brakeman, who said he would go with me after the storm was over, provided a job hadn't turned up in the meantime. the only real river-man i found was an old chap who opined that the middle of november was too late in the year to be getting his feet--if nothing else--wet in the "columby." he offered to haul the boat to the foot of the rapids by the road for twenty dollars, but as the down-river branch of the milwaukee presented an opportunity to accomplish the same end in less time and discomfort, i decided to portage by the latter. as there was an auto-stage service from hanford to pasco, roos accompanied me to the former point by train, and helped get the boat down to the river and into the water in the morning. hanford was not the point on the line closest to the foot of priest rapids, but i took the boat through to there because the station was nearer the river than at white bluffs, and launching, therefore, a simpler matter. the stretch of seventy miles between the foot of priest rapids and the mouth of the snake has the slowest current of any part of the columbia above the dalles. mindful of the time we had been losing by stops for lunch, i now began putting into practice a plan which i followed right on to the end of my voyage. taking a package of biscuit and a couple of bars of milk chocolate in my pocket, i kept the river right straight on through to my destination. munching and resting for an hour at noon, i at least had the benefit of the current for this period. eating a much lighter lunch, i also gained the advantage of no longer being troubled with that comfortable _siesta_-time drowsiness that inevitably follows a hearty meal and disinclines one strongly to heavy exertion for an hour or more. for a dozen miles or more below hanford the river, flanked on either side by rolling desert sand-dunes, winds in broad shallow reaches through a region desolate in the extreme. the only signs of life i saw for many miles were coyotes slinking through the hungry sage-brush and occasional flocks of geese, the latter forerunners of the countless myriads that were to keep me company below the snake. at richfield the results of irrigation became evident in young apple orchards and green fields of alfalfa, and these multiplied all the way down to pasco. the country seemed very flat and monotonous after so many weeks among cliffs and mountains, but there was no question of its richness and productivity once water was brought to it. the low overflow flats about the mouth of the yakima, which flows into the columbia from the west a few miles above pasco, gave little indication of the beauty of the famous apple country which owes so much to the waters diverted from that little river. after pulling for an hour with the long northern pacific bridge in view, i landed just below the pasco-kennewick ferry at three o'clock. as i was beaching the boat and getting out the luggage to leave in the ferry-man's house-boat, a hail from the river attracted my attention. it was from roos, in the front seat of an auto, on the approaching ferry-boat. his stage had been behind time in leaving hanford, and as a consequence i had beaten him to the pasco landing by ten minutes. after the speed with which we had moved on the upper river, however, mine had been rather a slow run. in spite of my steady pulling, it had taken me just under six hours to do the thirty-five miles. after the exchange of a wire or two, roos obtained permission from chester to suspend the "farmer" picture, and was ordered on to new york to report. we were both a good deal disappointed not to have a pictorial record of the "farmer" actually seeing the sea; in fact, we did some hours of "location" scouting in the hope of finding a substitute pacific in the vicinity of pasco. if that beverly sand-storm had only made itself felt seventy-five miles farther down river i honestly believe we would have accomplished our worthy end. there was a pretty bit of white beach below the n. p. bridge. _if_ the sand had been blowing thick enough to obscure the farther shore, and _if_ the wind had blown in the right direction to throw up a line or two of surf, i could have stood with one foot on that beach, the other on _imshallah's_ bow, elbow on knee, chin in hand, and registered "fulfilment," and none could have told it from the real pacific. indeed, that bit of backwash from pasco's outfall sewer, with the sand-barrage and surf i have postulated, would have "shot" _more_ like the pacific than many spots i can think of looking off to the columbia bar. chapter xiii pasco to the dalles the only lone-hand river voyage i had ever taken previous to the one on which i was about to embark was down the lower colorado river, from needles to the head of the gulf of california. this had been in comparatively quiet water all the way, with nothing much to look out for save the tidal bore at the lower end. as i had never been above the dalles on the lower columbia, i had very little idea of what i would encounter in the way of rapids. i knew that there were locks by which the dalles and cascades could be passed, but as the combined fall at these points accounted for only about a quarter of that between the snake and tide-water, it was certain there must still be some very swift rapids to run. that there had at times been a steamer service maintained from the snake down meant that there must be some sort of a rock-free channel through all of the riffles; but it did not necessarily mean that these were runnable in a small boat. a properly handled stern-wheeler can be drifted down and (by means of line and capstan) hauled up rapids where not even a high-powered launch can live. i had a list of about a score of the principal rapids between the snake and celilo falls, with their distances from the canadian boundary by river. this would enable me to know approximately _where_ i was going to find them. that was all. information on fall, channel and the best means of running them i would have to pick up as i went along. i shoved off from pasco ferry at nine o'clock in the morning of sunday, november fourteenth. with roos and his blanket-roll, camera and tripod out of the stern, i found that the skiff trimmed better when i rowed from the after thwart. she pulled easier and handled a lot more smartly now. it was evident, however, that her increased freeboard was going to make her harder to hold to her course with head winds, but these i hoped to have little trouble with until i reached the gorge of the cascades. the ferry-man assured me that i would encounter no really bad water until i came to the last pitch of umatilla rapids, about thirty-five miles below. he advised me to take a good look at that before putting into it, as an unbroken reef ran almost directly across the current and the channel was not easy to locate. it was the most troublesome bar to navigation on the lower columbia, and steamers were repeatedly getting in trouble there. i would see the latest wreck a couple of miles below the foot of the rapids. i passed the mouth of the snake about three miles below the ferry. here was no such spectacular meeting of waters as occurs when the pend d'oreille and columbia spring together, for the country is low and level, and the mouth of the snake broad and shallow. the discharge was through two channels, and the water greenish-grey in colour; but where that blend in the swift tributaries of the upper river suggests the intense coldness of glacial origin, here the picture conjured up was of desert and alkali plains. its mouth is the least interesting part of the snake. it has some magnificent canyons in its upper and middle waters--as have also its two fine tributaries, the salmon and clearwater,--and its shoshone falls are second only to niagara on the north american continent. lieutenant symons, who concluded his exploration of the upper columbia at the snake, characterizes the region as a "bleak, dreary waste, in which for many miles around sage-brush and sand predominate ... one of the most abominable places in the country to live in." alexander ross, on the other hand, writing seventy years earlier, describes it as one of the loveliest lands imaginable. the fact that the one reached the snake in the fall and the other in the spring may have had something to do with these diametrically opposed impressions. irrigation and cultivation have gone far to redeem this land from the desert symons found it, but it is still far from being quite the paradise ross seemed to think it was. as the only considerable plain touching the columbia at any point in its course, this region of the snake can never make the scenic appeal of the hundreds of miles of cliff-walled gorges above and below; but it is a land of great potential richness. with water and power available from the two greatest rivers of the west, there can be no question of its future, both agriculturally and industrially. pasco will yet more than fulfil the promises made for that mushroom town in its early boom days. "keep your eye on pasco!" was a byword from one end of the country to the other in the nineties, and this hustling rail and agricultural centre at the junction of the columbia and the snake should not be lost sight of even to-day. the lighter-hued water of the snake was pretty well churned into the flood of the columbia at the end of a mile, leaving a faint suggestion of cloudiness in the transparent green that the latter had preserved all the way from the arrow lakes. the long bridge of the spokane, portland and seattle railway spanned the columbia just below the snake, and from there on paralleled the river closely right down to the willamette. after the oregon-washington railway and navigation company tracks appeared on the south bank below the walla walla, it was only at rare intervals that i was out of sight of a grade, or out of sound of a train, for the remainder of my voyage. in a day or two the trainmen, running back and forth between divisional points, came to recognize the bright green skiff plugging on down the dark green river (mighty small she must have looked to them from the banks) and never failed to give her a hail or a wave in passing. on a certain memorable occasion one of them (doubtless in direct defiance of rules) ventured even further in the way of a warning ... but i will tell of that in its place. homley rapids, seven miles below pasco ferry, are formed by a rough reef of bedrock running half way across the river from the right bank. approached from the right side of the long gravel island that divides the river just above them, one might get badly tangled up before he got through; by the left-hand channel the going is easy if one keeps an eye on the shallowing water at the bars. a sky-line of brown mountains, with a double-turreted butte as their most conspicuous feature, marks the point where the columbia finally turns west for its assault on the cascades and its plunge to the pacific. that bend is the boundary of the fertile plains extending from the yakima to the walla walla, and the beginning of a new series of gorges, in some respects the grandest of all. the matchless panorama of the cascade gorges is a fitting finale to the stupendous scenic pageant that has been staged all the way from the glacial sources of the columbia. a low sandy beach just above the mouth of the rather insignificant walla walla comes pretty near to being the most historically important point on the columbia. here lewis and clark first came to the waters of the long-struggled-toward oregon; here came frémont, the "pathfinder;" here thompson planted his pious proclamation claiming all of the valley of the columbia for the northwest company; and by here, sooner or later, passed and repassed practically every one of the trappers, missionaries, settlers and other pioneers who were finally to bring oregon permanently under the stars and stripes. the double-topped butte, an outstanding landmark for _voyageurs_ for a hundred years, has long been called "the two virgins." the story is told locally of a catholic priest who saved his life by taking refuge in a cave between the castellated turrets during an indian massacre, but who got in rather serious trouble with the church afterwards as a consequence of sending words of his deliverance by a french-canadian half-breed _voyageur_. the latter got the salient details of the story straight, but neglected to explain that the two virgins were mountains. the result was that the unlucky priest narrowly missed excommunication for saving his life at the expense of breaking his vows. i got no affidavit with the story; but local "stock" yarns are always worth preserving on account of their colour. there were a number of big black rocks where the river began its bend to the west, but the channel to the right was not hard to follow. neither did bull run rapids, a few miles farther down, offer any difficulties. i followed the steamer channel as having the swiftest current, but could have passed without trouble on either side of it in much quieter water. brown and terra-cotta-tinged cliffs reared higher and higher to left and right, encroaching closely on the river. there was little room for cultivation at any point, and often the railways had had to resort to heavy cutting and tunnelling to find a way through some jutting rock buttress. there were no trees, and the general aspect of the country was desolate in the extreme. it was toward the end of a grey afternoon that i headed _imshallah_ into the first pitch of umatilla rapids. the sun had dissolved into a slowly thickening mist about three o'clock, and from then on the whole landscape had been gradually neutralizing itself by taking on shade after shade of dull, inconspicuous grey. from the grey-white mistiness of the sky to the grey-green murkiness of the river there was nothing that contrasted with anything else; every object was blended, dissolved, all but quenched. the foam-ruffles above even the sharpest of the riffles blurred like the streaking of clouded marble at a hundred feet, and it took the livest kind of a lookout to avoid the ones with teeth in them. neither the first nor the second riffle had any very bad water, but my neck was stiff from watching over my shoulder even as they were. i had rather intended avoiding this trouble by drifting down anything that looked very threatening stern first, but that would have involved retrimming the boat and greatly reducing her speed. if i was going to make umatilla by dark, there was no time to lose. from the head of the first riffle of umatilla rapids to the head of the third or main one is a mile and a half. there was a slight up-river breeze blowing in the mist, and the heavy rumble of the big fall came to my ears some distance above the opening riffle. the distant roar augmented steadily after that, and the sharper grind of the more imminent riffles was never loud enough to drown it out entirely. the fact that it had a certain "all pervasive" quality, seeming to fill the whole of the gorge with its heavy beat, told me that it was an unusually long rapid, as well as an unusually rough one. that, it seemed, was about all i was going to be able to find out. no one was in sight on the left bank, which i was skirting, and the right bank was masked with mist. with none to seek information from, and with not enough light to see for myself, the alternatives were very simple: i could either land, line as far as i could while light lasted and then seek umatilla on foot for the night, or i could take my chance at running through. it was the delay and uncertainty sure to be attendant upon lining that was the principal factor in deciding me to try the latter course. also, i knew that there was an open channel all the way through, and that the rapid was a comparatively broad and shallow one, rather than constricted and deep. this meant that it would be straight white water--a succession of broken waves--i was going into, rather than heavy swirls and whirlpools; just the water in which the skiff had already proved she was at her best. these points seemed to minimize the risk of going wrong to a point where the chance of running was worth taking for the time and trouble it would save. if i had not known these things in advance, i should never, of course, have risked going into so strong a rapid under such conditions of light. i shall always have a very grateful feeling toward that pasco ferry-man for those few words he dropped about the run of the reef and the set of the current at umatilla rapid. this is one of the few great rapids i have ever known on any river where the main drift of the current will not carry a boat to the deepest channel. this is due to the fact that the great reef of native rock which causes the rapid is sufficiently submerged even at middle water to permit a considerable flow directly across it. the consequence of this is that a boat, large or small, which follows the current and does not start soon enough working over toward the point where a channel has been blasted through the reef, is almost certain to be carried directly upon the latter. this has happened to a good many steamers, the latest having been wrecked not long before my voyage. with a rough idea of the lay of things in my mind, i had edged a good deal farther out across the current than would have been the case had i been trusting to my own judgment of the way the rapid _ought_ to develop in the light of my past experience. the smooth but swiftly-flowing water to the left looked almost empty of threat, and it was not until i was within a hundred feet of the barrier that i saw it was flowing directly over the latter and went tumbling down the farther side in an almost straight fall. at the same instant i saw that i was still heading forty or fifty feet to the left of where the "intake" dipped through the break in the reef. realizing that i could never make it by heading straight, i swung the skiff round and pulled quartering to the current with her head up-stream. even then it was a nearer squeak than i like to think of. i missed the middle of the "v" by ten feet as i swung her head down-stream again, and as the racing current carried her up against the back-wave thrown off the end of the break in the reef she heeled heavily to starboard, like an auto turning on a steeply-banked track. then she shot out into the big white combers in mid-channel and started slap-banging down through them. it looked beastly rough ahead, but in any event it was better than hanging up on the reef at the outset. we were going to have a run for our money whatever happened. the only precautions there had been time to take were slipping into my "gieve" and throwing all my luggage aft. half-inflated, the rubber-lined jacket was no handicap in rowing, and the tube hung ready to receive more air if necessity arose. as for the trim, it had been my snap judgment at the last moment that it would be better to give the skiff her head in the rollers that i _knew_ were coming, and let her take her chance in being down by the stern in whirlpools that might never materialize. i still think that was the best thing to have done under the circumstances. not until i was right down into that wild wallow of rock-churned foam was there a chance to get an idea of the rather remarkable bedrock formation which is responsible for making umatilla rapids the worrisome problem they have always been for river skippers. after piercing the black basaltic barrier of the reef, the channel shoots to the left and runs for a quarter of a mile or more (i was too busy to judge distances accurately) right along the foot of it. with a considerable stream of water cascading over the reef at almost right angles to the channel, a queer sort of side-kick is thrown into the waves of the latter which make it one of the most "unrhythmic" rapids i ever ran. _imshallah_ pounded horribly, but gave not the savagest of the twisting combers a chance to put anything solid over her high held head. my erratic pecking strokes did not find green water often enough to give her much way over the current, but she responded instantly every time i dug deep to throw her head back after she had been buffeted sideways by an arrogant ruffian of a roller. as soon as i saw the way she was riding the roughest of the water, i realized that the only chance of a bad mess-up would come through my failure to keep her head to the enemy. knowing this wasn't likely to happen unless i broke an oar, i eased a bit on my pulling and gave just a quick short-arm jerk now and then to hold her steady. she was never near to broaching-to, and i'm mighty glad she wasn't. umatilla is the sort of a rapid that hasn't quite the teeth to get the best of a carefully handled boat that is running in good luck, but which has the power, with a mile to spare, to grind to match-wood any craft that gets into trouble on its own account. it was an eerie run that--with the snarling cascade of the reef on one side, the ghostly dance of the rollers on the other, and the impenetrable grey curtain of the mist blanking everything beyond a radius of a hundred feet; but _imshallah_ went through it with her head in the air and came waltzing out into the swirls below as cocky as a partridge. indeed, that was just the trouble. the pair of us were just a bit _too_ cocky over the way we had gone it blind and come through so smartly. it remained for a couple of lesser rapids to reduce both of us to a proper humility of spirit. i had been prepared to make a quick shift to the forward thwart in case there was a bad run of whirlpools following the rapid, and so bring her up by the stern. this did not prove necessary, however, as the rapidly broadening river was too shallow for dangerous under-currents. a short run in slackening water brought me to the town of umatilla just as the lights were beginning to twinkle in the windows. landing in the quiet water below a short stone jetty, i left my stuff in a nearby shack and sought the hotel. the pool-room "stove-decorators" refused to believe i had come through the rapid until i described it to them. then they said it was better to be a lucky darnfool on the columbia than an unlucky school-teacher. "school-teacher," it appeared, was the local apotheosis of wisdom, and stood at the opposite pole from "darnfool." it seems that there had been two male school-teachers drowned in umatilla that summer and only one darnfool, and they were rather put out at me for having failed to even up the score. then they tried to spoil my evening by telling me all the things that had happened to people in devil's run rapids, which i would go into just below the mouth of the river the first thing in the morning. they had me rather fussed for a while, too--until they told one about a farmer who, after having had his launch upset on his way home from his wedding, swam out with his bride in his arms. i told them i'd try to get that lusty swimmer to tow me through devil's run in the morning, and turned in for a good sleep. umatilla is a decrepit little old town that knew its best days away back in the last century, when it was the head of steamer navigation on the columbia and the terminus of the freighting route to idaho and eastern washington. there are rich irrigated lands farther up the umatilla river, but the development of these seems to have done little for the stagnating old settlement by the columbia, which has little left but its historic memories. it was by the umatilla that the rugged hunt and the remnants of the astor overland party came to the columbia, after what was perhaps the most terrible journey ever made across the continent. and all through the time of the _voyageurs_, the trappers and the pioneers, umatilla was only less important as a halting and portage point than the cascades and the dalles. i pulled away from the jetty of umatilla at eight o'clock in the morning of november fifteenth. the sky was clear and there was no trace of the mist of the previous evening. there was brilliant, diamond-bright visibility on the river, with the usual early morning mirage effects, due to the chill stratum of air lying close to the water. this exaggerated considerably the height of distant riffles, lifting them up into eye-scope much sooner than they would have been picked up ordinarily. i put on my "gieve" and blew it up in anticipation of a stiff fight at devil's run, only to find just enough rocks and riffles there to make me certain of locating them. i could see, however, that the formation was such that there might have been very troublesome water there at higher, and possibly lower, stages. out of charity for the tellers of a good many awesome tales i had to listen to in respect of rapids i subsequently found to be comparatively innocuous, i am inclined to believe that a number of them were substantially straight accounts of disasters which had actually occurred in flood season, or at times when other water levels than those i encountered made the riffles in question much more troublesome. i had an easy day of it for rapids, but, as a consequence of the comparatively slow water, rather a hard one for pulling. canoe encampment rapids, twenty miles below devil's run, gave me a good lift for a mile or more, but not enough to make much of a respite from the oars if i was going to make the fifty miles i had set for my day's run. i was still ten miles short of that at four o'clock when a drizzling rain setting in from the south-west decided me to land for shelter at hepburn junction, on the left bank. that was the first rain i had encountered since passing the canadian boundary, after a month of practically continuous storms. there was nothing but a railway station at the junction, but a nearby road-camp offered the chance of food and shelter. the young contractor--he was doing the concrete work on a state highway bridge at that point--eyed my bedraggled figure somewhat disapprovingly at first, at a loss, apparently, as to whether i was a straight hobo or merely a disguised boot-legger. an instant later we had recognized each other as football opponents of los angeles-pasadena school-days. his name was walter rees, of a family prominent among early southern california pioneers. with the rain pattering on the tent roof, we talked each other to sleep lamenting the good old days of the "flying wedge" and massed play in football. it was clear again the following morning, but with a mistiness to the west masking mount hood and the cascades, to which i was now coming very near. the cliffs had been rearing up higher and higher at every mile, great walls of red-brown and black rock strongly suggestive, in their rugged barrenness, of the buttressed, turreted and columned formation through which the river runs below the mouth of the spokane. owyhee, blalock and four o'clock rapids were easy running, but the sustained roar which the slight up-river breeze brought to my ears as the black, right-angling gorge of rock creek came in sight was fair warning that there was really rough water ahead. although i had been able to gather very little information along the way, the fact that i had so far descended but a small part of the two hundred feet of drop between umatilla and celilo falls meant that the several rapids immediately ahead would have to make up for the loafing the columbia had been guilty of for the last sixty miles. taking advantage of the quiet stretch of water below four o'clock rapids, i went all over the skiff as she drifted in the easy current, tuning her up for the slap-banging she could not fail to receive in the long succession of sharp riffles which began at rock creek. in tightening up the brass screws along the gunwale, i removed and threw into the bottom of the boat both of my oar-locks. when i started to restore them to place as the roar of the nearing rapid grew louder, i found that one of them--the left--had been kicked out of reach under the bottom-boards. rather than go to the trouble of tearing up the latter just then, i replaced the missing lock with one from my duffle-bag, a roughly-smithed piece of iron that i had carried away as a mascot from an old _batteau_ at boat encampment. it proved quite a bit too snug for its socket, besides being a deal wider than it should have been for the shaft of my light oar. there was a spoon oar, with a ring lock, under the thwarts, but i was somewhat chary of using it since its mate had snapped with me below rock island rapids. the river narrowed sharply above rock creek, and, standing on a thwart as the skiff drifted down, i saw that the rapid dropped away in a solid stretch of white foam tumbling between black basaltic walls. there was a good, stiff fall, but it was reassuring that i could see right away to the end of the white water, which did not appear to continue around the ninety-degree bend at the foot. it was just the sort of water _imshallah_ was at her best in running, so i decided it was simply a matter of choosing the clearest channel and letting her go. a white cross-barred post on the mountainside at the angle of the bend gave me the bearing for the channel a minute or two before i made out the dip of the "intake." stowing everything well aft, as i had done at umatilla, i took up my oars and put her straight over the jade-green tip of the "v." that was rough-and-rowdy water, and no mistake. every roller meant a slam, and every slam meant a shower-bath; but withal, it was mostly spray that came over her bows--nothing really to bother about. and so _imshallah_ would have run it right through--had not a sharp dig i gave with my left oar jerked the latter out of that "open-faced" boat encampment mascot lock and sent me keeling over backwards. the next moment she was wallowing, beam-on, into the troughs and over the crests of the combers, dipping green water at every roll. recovering my seat as quickly as possible, i tried to bring her head up again by backing with the right oar. she swung obediently enough, but i could not hold her bow down-stream once she was headed right. rather than chance that "mascot" oar-lock again, i tumbled aft and did what i could with the paddle. down as she was by the stern, that brought her head right out of the water and made it rather hopeless getting any way on her. she tumbled on through to the foot of the rapid without putting a gunwale under again, however, a circumstance for which i was highly thankful. she already had five or six inches of water in her, as i found as soon as i began to bail. it is just as well the trouble didn't occur at the head of the rapid. we were half way down when i ceased to function, and _imshallah_ had about all she wanted to navigate the remainder. i was also duly thankful that there was nothing more than a few bad swirls at the foot of the rapid. standing on her tail as she was after i plumped down in the stern with the paddle, a good strong whirlpool, such as must form at that sharp bend at high-water, would have made not more than one comfortable mouthful of her. from the foot of rock creek rapids to the head of squally hook rapids is something less than four miles of not very swift water. it took me about all the time the boat was drifting that distance to get her bailed out enough to retrieve my lost oar-lock from under the bottom-boards. squally hook, i could see, was much the same sort of a short, sharp, savage rapid as rock creek. there was the same restricted "intake," and the same abrupt bend just beyond the foot; only below squally hook the river turned to the left, where at rock creek it had turned to the right. the sheer two-thousand-foot cliff on the inside of the bend that gives its name to the rapid is well called squally hook. what had been a gentle ten-miles-an-hour breeze on the river above began resolving itself into a succession of fitful gusts of twenty or thirty as i approached the rock-walled bend. even a steady head-wind makes steering awkward in going into a rapid; a gusty one is a distinct nuisance. to avoid the necessity of any sharp change of course after i was once among the white-caps, i resolved to use every care in heading into the rapid at exactly the right place. that was why, when i became aware that two girls from a farm-house on a bench above the right bank were motioning me imperiously in that direction, i swerved sharply from the course i had decided upon in an endeavour to locate the channel into which i was sure they were trying to tell me to head. just what those confounded half-breed loreli were _really_ driving at i never did learn. perhaps they had apples to sell, or some sweet cider; or perhaps they thought i had some cider that was not sweet. perhaps it was pure sociability--the desire of a bit of a "talky-talk" with the green-boated _voyageur_. at any rate, they were certainly _not_ trying to pilot me into a clear channel. that fact walloped me right between the eyes the instant i discovered that i had pulled beyond the entrance of a perfectly straight channel and that there was a barely submerged barrier of rock blocking the river all the way on to the right bank. that, of course, left me no alternative but to pull back for all that was in me to wait the "intake." it was a very similar predicament to the one in which the mist had tricked me at the head of umatilla; only there i had room to make the channel and here i didn't. the current, running now like a mill-race, carried me onto the reef sixty feet to the right of the smooth green chute of the "fairway." if it had taken half an hour instead of half a second to shoot out across the shoaling shelf of that froth-hidden reef there might have been time for a goodly bit of worrying anent the outcome. as it was, there was just the sudden thrill of seeing the bottom of the river leaping up to hit the bottom of the boat, the instant of suspense as she touched and dragged at the brink, and then the dizzy nose-dive of two or three feet down into deeper water. it was done so quickly that a stroke checked by the rock of the reef was finished in the up-boil below the little cascade. with an inch or two less of water she might have hung at the brink and swung beam-on to the current, which, of course, would have meant an instant capsize. the way it was, she made a straight clean jump of it, and only buried her nose in the souse-hole for the briefest part of a second when she struck. the rest was merely the matter of three hundred yards of rough running down a rock-clear channel. the authors of my near-mess-up came capering down the bank in pursuit as i swung out into the smoothening swirls, but i only shook my fist at them and resumed my oars. darn women, anyway!--when a man's running rapids, i mean. now one would have thought that those two performances were enough for one afternoon, especially as both were very largely due to my own carelessness; but i suppose the "trilogy of trouble" had to be rounded out complete. from the foot of squally hook rapids to the head of indian rapids is about three miles. the water became ominously slack as i neared what appeared to be a number of great rock islands almost completely barring the river. it was not until i was almost even with the first of them that a channel, very narrow and very straight, opened up along the left bank. various other channels led off among the islands, but with nothing to indicate how or where they emerged. that flume-like chute down the left bank was plainly the way the steamers went, and certainly the quickest and most direct course on down the river. peering through the rocky vista, i could see a rain storm racing up the columbia, with the grey face of it just blotting out a wedge-shaped gorge through the southern cliffs which i knew must be the mouth of the john day. that storm was another reason why i should choose the shortest and swiftest channel. there ought to be some kind of shelter where this important southern tributary met the columbia. of course, i knew all about still water running deep (which was of no concern to me) and "twisty" (which was of considerable concern). i should certainly have given more thought to the matter of trimming for what was sure to be waiting to snap up _imshallah_ at the foot of that speeding chute of green-black water had not an old friend of mine breezed along just then. he was the engineer of the way freight on the "south-bank" line. we had been exchanging signals in passing for three days now--twice on his down run and once on his up. this was the first opportunity i had had to show him how a rapid should be run, and i noted with gratification that he appeared to be slowing down so as to miss none of the fine points. on my part, dispensing with my wonted preliminary "look-see," i swung hard on the oars in an effort to get into the swiftest water before the spectators were out of sight. as the engine drew up even with me, i balanced my oars with my right hand for a moment and waved the engineer greetings with my left; he, in turn, ran the locomotive with his left hand and waved with his right. then i saw that the fireman was also waving, and, farther back, the brakeman, from the top of a car, and the conductor from the "lookout" of the caboose. the occupants of the "dirigible grandstand" at the poughkeepsie regattas had nothing on the crew of that way freight. and the latter, moreover, were treated to a burst of speed such as no man-propelled boat in still water ever came close to. i was not pulling over four or five miles an hour myself, but that smooth, steep, unobstructed chute must have been spilling through its current at close to twenty. in a couple of hundred yards i pulled up three or four car-lengths on the comparatively slow-moving train, and i was still gaining when a sudden "_toot-a-too-toot!_" made me stop rowing and look around. i had recognized instantly the familiar danger signal, and was rather expecting to see a cow grazing with true bovine nonchalance on the weeds between the ties. instead, it was the engineer's wildly gesticulating arm that caught my back-cast eye. he was pointing just ahead of me, and down--evidently at something in the water. then i saw it too--a big black funnel-shaped hole down which a wide ribbon of river seemed to be taking a sort of a spiral tumble. it was that entirely well-meant _toot-a-toot_, which was intended to prod me, not a cow, into activity, that was primarily responsible for what followed. had i not ceased rowing on hearing it, it is probable that the skiff would have had enough way when she did strike that whirlpool to carry her right on through. as it was _imshallah_ simply did an undulant glide into the watery tentacles of the lurking octopus, snuggled into his breast and prepared to spend the night reeling in a dervish dance with him. i must do the jade the justice of admitting that she had no intention of outraging the proprieties by going any further than a nocturnal terpsichorean revel. going home for the night with him never entered her mind; so that when he tried to pull the "cave-man stuff" and drag her down to his under-water grottoes, she put up the most virtuous kind of resistance. the trouble was that i didn't want to go even as far as she did. dancing was the last thing i cared for, with that rain-storm and night coming on. yet--at least as far as my friends on the way freight ever knew--an all-night _danse d'apache_ looked very much like what we were up against; for i recall distinctly that when the train was disappearing round the next bend _imshallah_, her head thrown ecstatically skyward, was still spinning in circles, while i continued to fan the air with my oars like an animated dutch windmill. it was a mighty sizeable whirlpool, that black-mouthed maelstrom into which _imshallah's_ susceptibility had betrayed both of us. i should say that it was twice the diameter of the one which had given us such a severe shaking just above the canadian boundary, and with a "suck" in proportion. what helped the situation now, however, was the fact that the skiff carried rather less than half the weight she did then. at the rate she was taking water over the stern during that first attack, she could not have survived for more than half a minute; now she was riding so much more buoyantly that she was only dipping half a bucket or so once in every two or three rounds. when i saw that she could probably go on dancing for an hour or two without taking in enough water to put her under, something of the ludicrousness of the situation began to dawn on me. missing the water completely with half of my strokes, and only dealing it futile slaps with the rest, i was making no more linear progress than if i had been riding a merry-go-round. i didn't dare to put the stern any lower by sliding down there and trying to paddle where there was water to be reached. crowding her head down by working my weight forward finally struck me as the only thing to do. with the forward thwart almost above my head this was not an easy consummation to effect, especially with an oar in either hand. luckily, i was now using the "ring" oar-locks, so that they came along on the oars when i unshipped the latter. standing up was, of course, out of the question. i simply slid off backwards on to the bottom and wriggled forward in a sitting position until i felt my spine against the thwart. that brought her nose out of the clouds, and she settled down still farther when, after getting my elbows over the seat behind me, i worked up into a rowing position. the whirlpool was spinning from right to left, and one quick stroke with my left oar--against the current of the "spin," that is--was enough to shoot her clear. bad swirls and two or three smaller "twisters" made her course a devious one for the next hundred yards, but she never swung in a complete revolution again. i pulled into smooth water just as the first drops of the storm began to patter on the back of my neck. the first riffle of john day rapids sent its warning growl on the up-river wind before i was a quarter of a mile below the whirlpool, and ahead loomed a barrier of rock islands, rising out of the white foam churned up as the columbia raced between them. i had to run the first riffle--an easy one--to make the mouth of the john day, but that was as far as i went. i reckoned there had been quite enough excitement for one afternoon without poking into any more rough water against a rain and head wind. dropping below the gravel bar off the mouth of the day, i pulled fifty yards up-stream in a quiet current and moored _imshallah_ under the railway bridge. i camped for the night with a couple of motor tourists in a shack near the upper end of the bridge. my hosts were two genial souls, father and son, enjoying an indefinite spell of fishing, hunting and trapping on a stake the former had made in the sale of one of his "prospects" in southern oregon. they were bluff, big-hearted, genuine chaps, both of them, and we had a highly delightful evening of yarning. it was clear again the next morning, but with the barometer of my confidence jolted down several notches by what had occurred the previous afternoon. i pulled across the river and sought a quieter way through the second riffle of john day rapids than that promised by the boisterous steamer channel. by devious ways and sinuous, i wound this way and that among the black rock islands, until a shallow channel along the right bank let me out of the maze at the lower end. this waste of time and effort was largely due to funkiness on my part, and there was no necessity for it. the steamer channel is white and rough, with something of a whirlpool on the left side at the lower end, but nothing that there is any real excuse for avoiding. the third riffle was nothing to bother about; nor did schofield's rapids, two miles below, offer any difficulties. as a matter of fact, adventure, having had its innings, was taking a day off, leaving me to follow the golden trail of romance. to-day was "ladies' day" on the columbia. romance first showed her bright eyes at a little farm on the right bank, three miles below schofield's rapids. landing here to ask about the channel through a rather noisy rapid beginning to boom ahead, i found a delectable apple-cheeked miss of about twelve in charge, her father and mother having gone across to biggs for the day. she was in sore trouble at the moment of my advent because her newly-born brindle bull calf--her really-truly very own--wouldn't take nourishment properly. now as luck would have it, teaching a calf table-manners chanced to be one of the few things i knew about stock-farming. so i showed her how to start in by letting _cultus_ (that was merely a temporary name, she said, because he was so bad) munch her own finger for a spell, from which, by slow degrees, the lacteal liaison with "old mooley" was established. it took us half an hour to get _cultus_ functioning on all fours, and rather longer than that to teach her collie, tabby cat, and the latter's three kittens to sit in a row and have their mouths milked into. it didn't take us long to exhaust "old mooley's" milk supply at that game, and when i finally climbed over the barnyard fence on the way down to my boat, poor _cultus_ was left butting captiously at an empty udder. "apple cheek" rather wanted me to stay until her father came back, saying that he had gone to biggs to get a 'breed for a hired man, and that, if he didn't get the 'breed, maybe i would do. she almost burst into tears with shame when i told her i was a moving picture actor seeking rest and local colour on the columbia. "you a actor, and i made you milk 'old mooley!'" she sobbed; and it took all my lunch ration of milk chocolate to bring back her smile. then, like the scotch bride at windermere, she asked me if i was bill hart. somehow, i wasn't quite base enough to tell her a concrete lie like that; so i compromised with a comparative abstraction. i was a rising star in the movie firmament, i said; an eclectic, taking the best of all the risen stars, of whom much would be heard later. she was still pondering "_eclectic_" when i pushed off into the current. bless your heart, little "apple cheek," i hope you didn't get a spanking for wasting all of _cultus'_ dinner on the dogs and cats and the side of the barn! you were about the first person i met on the columbia who didn't accuse me of being a boot-legger, and the only one who believed me hot off the bat when i said i was a movie star. the rapid ahead became noisier as i drew nearer, and when i saw it came from a reef which reached four-fifths of the way across the river from the left bank, i pulled in and landed at biggs to inquire about the channel. the first man i spoke to called a second, and the latter a third, and so on _ad infinitum_. pretty near to half the town must have been gathered at the railway station giving me advice at the end of a quarter of an hour. each of them had a different suggestion to make, ranging from dragging through a half-empty back channel just below the town to taking the boat out and running it down the track on a push-cart. as they all were agreed that the steamers used to go down the opposite side, i finally decided that would be the best way through. not to run too much risk of being carried down onto the reef in pulling across, i lined and poled a half mile up-stream before pushing off. once over near the right bank, i found a channel broad and deep enough to have run at night. a couple of miles below biggs the columbia is divided by a long narrow rocky island. the deep, direct channel is that to the right, and is called hell gate--the third gorge of that hackneyed name i had encountered since pushing off from beavermouth. possibly it was because i was fed-up with the name and all it connoted that i avoided this channel; more likely it was because romance was at the tow-line. at any rate, i headed into the broad shallow channel that flows by the mouth of the river des chutes. it was up this tumultuous stream that frémont, after camping at the dalles and making a short boat voyage below, started south over the mountains in search of the mythical river that was supposed to drain from the utah basin to the pacific in the vicinity of san francisco--one of the indomitable "pathfinder's" hardest journeys. just beyond where the river of the falls, true to name to the last, came cascading into the columbia, romance again raised her golden head--this time out of the steam rising above an indian "turkish-bath." the first time i had found her in the guise of a twelve-year-old; this time it was more like a hundred and twelve. one can't make certain within a year or two about a lady in a turkish-bath; it wouldn't be seemly even to _try_ to do so. pulling in close to the left bank to look at some queer mud-plastered indian wickiups, a rush of steam suddenly burst from the side of the nearest one, and out of that spreading white cloud, rising like aphrodite from the sea-foam, emerged the head and shoulders of an ancient squaw. she was horribly old--literally at the sans eyes, sans hair, sans teeth, sans everything (including clothes) stage. cackling and gesticulating in the rolling steam, she was the _belle ideal_ of the witch of one's fancy, muttering incantations above her boiling cauldron. frémont, in somewhat humorous vein, tells of visiting an indian camp in this vicinity on the columbia, and of how one of the squaws who had rushed forth in complete _déshabille_ on hearing the voices of strangers, "properized" herself at the last moment by using her papoose--as far as it would go--as a shield. but this old "aphrodite" i had flushed from cover was so old that, if her youngest child had been ready to hand, and that latter had had one of her own children within reach, and this third one had had a child available, i am certain that still another generation or two would have had to be descended before a papoose sufficiently young enough to make "properization" proper would have been found. i trust i make that clear. and when you _have_ visualized it, isn't it a funny pyramid? with two or three more "aphrodites" beginning to bubble up through the steam, it is just possible that some such an ocular barrage actually was in process of formation; but i think not. my hard-plied oars had hardly lengthened my interval to much over fifty yards, when the whole lot of them trooped down to the river--steaming amazingly they were at the touch of the sharp early winter air--and plunged into the icy water. i learned later that this "sweat-bath" treatment is the favourite cure-all with the indians of that part of the columbia basin. where the left-hand channel returned to the main columbia a mile or more below the mouth of the river des chutes i encountered an extensive series of rock-reefs which, until i drew near them, seemed to block the way completely. it was a sinuous course i wound in threading my way through the ugly basaltic outcroppings, but the comparatively slow water robbed it of any menace. once clear of the rocks, i found myself at the head of the long, lake-like stretch of water backed up above celilo falls. the low rumble of the greatest cataract of the lower columbia was already pulsing in the air, while a floating cloud of "water-smoke," white against the encroaching cliffs, marked its approximate location. i was at last approaching the famous "long portage" of the old _voyageurs_, a place noted (in those days) for the worst water and the most treacherous indians on the river. now, however, the indians no longer blocked the way and exacted toll, while the portage had been bridged by a government canal. i caught the loom of the head-gate of the latter about the same time that the bridge of the "north-bank" branch line, which spans the gorge below the falls, began rearing its blurred fret-work above the mists. then, once again, romance. "ladies' day" was not yet over. as i pulled in toward the entrance to the canal, at the left of the head of the falls, i observed a very gaily-blanketed dame dancing up and down on the bank and gesticulating toward the opposite side of the river. as i landed and started to pull the skiff up on the gravelly beach, she came trotting down to entreat, in her best "anglo-chinook," that i ferry her to the opposite bank, where her home was, and, where, apparently, she was long overdue. she wasn't a beggar, she assured me, but--jingling her beaded bag under my nose--was quite willing to pay me "_hiyu chickamon_" for my services. nor was she unduly persistent. no sooner had i told her that i was in a "_hiyu rush_" and hadn't the time just then to be a squire of dames, than she bowed her head in stoical acquiescence and went back to her waving and croaking. it was that futile old croak (with not enough power behind it to send it a hundred yards across a mile-wide river) that caved my resolution. shoving _imshallah_ back into the water, i told her to pile in. and so romance drew near to me again, this time perched up in the long-empty stern-sheets of my boat. this one was neither an infant nor a centurienne, but rather a fair compromise between the two. nor was she especially fair nor especially compromising (one couldn't expect that of a sixty-year-old squaw); but she was the most trusting soul i ever met, and that's something. the falls were thundering not fifty yards below--near enough to wet us with their up-blown spray,--and yet not one word of warning did she utter about giving the brink a wide birth in pulling across. not that i needed such a warning, for the first thing i did was to start pulling up-stream in the slack water; but, all the same, it was a distinct compliment to have it omitted. as it turned out, there was nothing to bother about, for the current was scarcely swifter in mid-stream than along the banks. it was an easy pull. romance beamed on me all the way, and once, when one of her stubby old toes came afoul of my hob-nailed boot, she bent over and gave a few propitiary rubs to--the boot ... as if _that_ had lost any cuticle. and at parting, when i waved her money-bag aside and told her to keep her _chickamon_ to spend on the movies, she came and patted me affectionately on the shoulder, repeating over and over "_close tum-tum mika!_" and that, in chinook, means: "you're very much all right!" as far as i can remember, that is the only unqualified praise i ever had from a lady--one of that age, i mean. squiring squaws--especially dear old souls like that one--is a lot better fun than a man would think. [illustration: lifted drawbridge on celilo canal (_above_)] [illustration: tumwater gorge of the grand dalles (_below_)] [illustration: "imshallah" in the lock at five-mile] [illustration: "imshallah" half way through the celilo canal] it was four o'clock when i turned up at the lock-master's house at celilo, and then to find that that worthy had just taken his gun and gone off up on the cliffs to try and bag a goose. as it would probably be dark before he returned, his wife reckoned i had better put up with them for the night and make an early start through the canal the following morning. the lock-master, a genial texan, came down with his goose too late it get it ready for supper, but not to get it picked that night. indeed, we made rather a gala occasion of it. "mistah" sides got out his fiddle and played "the arkansaw traveller" and "turkey in the straw," the while his very comely young wife accompanied on the piano and their two children, the village school-marm and myself collaborated on the goose. it was a large bird, but many hands make light work; that is, as far as getting the feathers off the goose was concerned. cleaning up the kitchen was another matter. as it was the giddy young school-teacher who _started_ the trouble by putting feathers down my neck, i hope "missus" sides made that demure-eyed minx swab down decks in the morning before she went to teach the young idea how to shoot. there is no lock at the head of the celilo canal, but a gate is maintained for the purpose of regulating flow and keeping out drift. sides, silhouetted against the early morning clouds, worked the gates and let me through into the narrow, concrete-walled canal, down which i pulled with the thunder of the falls on one side and on the other the roar of a passing freight. the earth-shaking rumbles died down presently, and beyond the bend below the railway bridge i found myself rowing quietly through the shadow of the great wall of red-black cliffs that dominate the dalles from the south. celilo falls is a replica on a reduced scale of the horse-shoe cataract at niagara. at middle and low-water there is a drop of twenty feet here, but at the flood-stage of early summer the fall is almost wiped out in the lake backed up from the head of the tumwater gorge of the dalles. the dalles then form one practically continuous rapid, eight or nine miles in length, with many terrific swirls and whirlpools, but with all rocks so deeply submerged that it is _possible_ for a well-handled steamer to run through in safety--provided she is lucky. with the completion of the canal this wildest of all steamer runs was no longer necessary, but in the old days it was attempted a number of times when it was desired to take some craft that had been constructed on the upper river down to portland. the first steamer was run through successfully in may, 1866, by captain t. j. stump, but the man who became famous for his success in getting away with this dare-devil stunt was captain james troup, perhaps the greatest of all columbia skippers. professor w. d. lyman gives the following graphic account of a run through the dalles with captain troup, on the _d. s. baker_, in 1888. "at that strange point in the river, the whole vast volume is compressed into a channel but one hundred and sixty feet wide at low water and much deeper than wide. like a huge mill-race the current continues nearly straight for two miles, when it is hurled with frightful force against a massive bluff. deflected from the bluff, it turns at a sharp angle to be split asunder by a low reef of rock. when the _baker_ was drawn into the suck of the current at the head of the 'chute' she swept down the channel, which was almost black, with streaks of foam, to the bluff, two miles in four minutes. there feeling the tremendous refluent wave, she went careening over toward the sunken reef. the skilled captain had her perfectly in hand, and precisely at the right moment rang the signal bell, 'ahead, full speed,' and ahead she went, just barely scratching her side on the rock. thus close was it necessary to calculate distance. if the steamer had struck the tooth-like point of the reef broadside on, she would have been broken in two and carried in fragments on either side. having passed this danger point, she glided into the beautiful calm bay below and the feat was accomplished." there is a fall of eighty-one feet in the twelve miles from the head of celilo falls to the foot of the dalles. this is the most considerable rate of descent in the whole course of the columbia in the united states, though hardly more than a third of that over stretches of the big bend in canada. it appeared to be customary for the old _voyageurs_ to make an eight or ten miles portage here, whether going up or down stream, though there were doubtless times when their big _batteaux_ were equal to running the dalles below celilo. i climbed out and took hurried surveys of both tumwater and five-mile (sometimes called "the big chute") in passing, and while they appeared to be such that i would never have considered taking a chance with a skiff in either of them, it did look as though a big double-ender, with an experienced crew of oarsmen and paddlers, would have been able to make the run. that was a snap judgment, formed after the briefest kind of a "look-see," and it may well be that i was over optimistic. the celilo canal, which was completed by the government about five years ago, is eight and a half miles long, has a bottom width of sixty-five feet, and a depth of eight feet. it has a total lift of eighty feet, of which seventy are taken by two locks in flight at the lower end. that this canal has failed of its object--that of opening up through navigation between tide-water and the upper columbia--is due to no defect of its own from an engineering standpoint, but rather to the fact that, first the railway, and now the truck, have made it impossible for river steamers to pay adequate returns in the face of costly operation and the almost prohibitive risks of running day after day through rock-beset rapids. there is not a steamer running regularly on the columbia above the dalles to-day. the best service, perhaps, which the celilo canal rendered was the indirect one of forcing a very considerable reduction of railway freight rates. that alone is said to have saved the shippers of eastern oregon and washington many times the cost of this highly expensive undertaking. i pulled at a leisurely gait down the canal, stopping, as i have said, at tumwater and five-mile, and at the latter giving the lock-master a hand in dropping _imshallah_ down a step to the next level. rowing past a weird "fleet" of laid-up salmon-wheels in the big eddy basin, i sheered over to the left bank in response to a jovial hail, and found myself shaking hands with captain stewart winslow, in command of the government dredge, _umatilla_, and one of the most experienced skippers on the upper river. he said that he had been following the progress of my voyage by the papers with a good deal of interest, and had been on the lookout to hold me over for a yarn. as i was anxious to make the dalles that night, so as to get away for an early start on the following morning, he readily agreed to join me for the run and dinner at the hotel. while captain winslow was making a hurried shift of togs for the river, i had a brief but highly interesting visit with captain and mrs. saunders. captain saunders, who is of the engineering branch of the army, has been in charge of the celilo canal for a number of years. mrs. saunders has a very large and valuable collection of indian relics and curios, and at the moment of my arrival was following with great interest the progress of a state highway cut immediately in front of her door, which was uncovering, evidently in an old graveyard, some stone mortars of unusual size and considerable antiquity. when captain winslow was ready, we went down to the skiff, and pulled along to the first lock. with captain saunders and a single helper working the machinery, passing us down to the second lock and on out into the river was but the matter of a few minutes. big eddy must be rather a fearsome hole at high water, but below middle stage there is not enough power behind its slow-heaving swirls to make them troublesome. it was a great relief to have a competent river-man at the paddle again, and my rather over-craned neck was not the least beneficiary by the change. the narrows at two-mile were interesting rather for what they might be than what they were. beyond a lively snaking about in the conflicting currents, it was an easy passage through to the smooth water of the broadening river below. one or two late salmon-wheels plashed eerily in the twilight as we ran past the black cliffs, but fishing for the season was practically over weeks before. we landed just above the steamer dock well before dark, beached the skiff, stowed my outfit in the warehouse, and reached the hotel in time to avoid an early evening shower. captain winslow had to dine early in order to catch his train back to big eddy, but we had a mighty good yarn withal. chapter xiv the home stretch the dalles was the largest town i touched on the columbia, and one of the most attractive. long one of the largest wool-shipping centres of the united states, it has recently attained to considerable importance as a fruit market. it will not, however, enter into anything approaching the full enjoyment of its birthright until the incalculably enormous power possibilities of celilo falls and the dalles have been developed. so far, as at every other point along the columbia with the exception of a small plant at priest rapids, nothing has been done along this line. when it is, the dalles will be in the way of becoming one of the most important industrial centres of the west. in the days of the _voyageurs_ the dalles was notorious for the unspeakably treacherous indians who congregated there to intimidate and plunder all who passed that unavoidable portage. they were lying, thieving scoundrels for the most part, easily intimidated by a show of force and far less prone to stage a real fight than their more warlike brethren who disputed the passage at the cascades. that this "plunderbund" tradition is one which the present-day dalles is making a great point of living down, i had conclusive evidence of through an incident that arose in connection with my hotel bill. i had found my room extremely comfortable and well appointed, so that the bill presented for it at my departure, far from striking me as unduly high, seemed extremely reasonable. i think i may even have said something to that effect; yet, two days later in portland, i received a letter containing an express order for one dollar, and a note saying that this was the amount of an unintentional over-charge for my room. that was characteristic of the treatment i received from first to last in connection with my small financial transactions along the way. i never dreamed that there were still so many people in the world above profiteering at the expense of the passing tourist until i made my columbia voyage. i had intended, by making an early start from the dalles, to endeavour to cover the forty odd miles to the head of the cascades before dark of the same day. two things conspired to defeat this ambitious plan: first, some unexpected mail which had to be answered, and, second, my equally unexpected booking of a passenger--a way passenger who had to be landed well short of the cascades. just as i was cleaning up the last of my letters, the hotel clerk introduced me to the "society editor" of the dalles _chronicle_, who wanted an interview. i told her that i was already two hours behind schedule, but that if she cared to ride the running road with me for a while, she could have the interview, with lunch thrown in, on the river. she accepted with alacrity, but begged for half an hour to clean up her desk at the _chronicle_ office and change to out-door togs. well within that limit, she was back again at the hotel, flushed, pant-ing and pant-ed, and announced that she was ready. picking up a few odds and ends of food at the nearest grocery, we went down to the dock, where i launched and loaded up _imshallah_ in time to push off at ten o'clock. i had, of course, given up all idea of making the cascades that day, and reckoned that hood river, about twenty-five miles, would be a comfortable and convenient halting place for the night. and so it would have been.... [illustration: palisade rock, lower columbia river] [illustration: multnomah falls columbia river highway, near portland] i don't remember whether or not we ever got very far with the "interview," but i do recall that miss s---talked very interestingly of johan bojer and his work, and that she was in the midst of a keenly analytical review of "the great hunger" when a sudden darkening of what up to then had been only a slightly overcast sky reminded me that i had been extremely remiss in the matter of keeping an eye on the weather. indeed, up to that moment the menace of storms on the river had been of such small moment as compared to that of rapids that i had come to rate it as no more than negligible. now, however, heading into the heart of the cascades, i was approaching a series of gorges long notorious among river _voyageurs_ as a veritable "wind factory"--a "storm-breeder" of the worst description. after all that i had read of the way in which the early pioneers had been held up for weeks by head winds between the dalles and the cascades, there was no excuse for my failure to keep a weather eye lifting at so treacherous a point. the only _alibi_ i can think of is adam's: "the woman did it." nor is there any ungallantry in that plea. quite the contrary, in fact; for i am quite ready to confess that i should probably fail to watch the clouds again under similar circumstances. there were a few stray mavericks of sunshine shafts trying to struggle down to the inky pit of the river as i turned to give the weather a once-over, but they were quenched by the sinister cloud-pall even as i looked. the whole gorge of the river-riven cascades was heaped full of wallowing nimbus which, driven by a fierce wind, was rolling up over the water like an advancing smoke-barrage. the forefront of the wind was marked by a wild welter of foam-white water, while a half mile behind a streaming curtain of gray-black indicated the position of the advancing wall of the rain. it would have been a vile-looking squall even in the open sea; here the sinister threat of it was considerably accentuated by the towering cliffs and the imminent outcrops of black rock studding the surface of the river. i had no serious doubt that _imshallah_, after all the experience she had had in rough water, would find any great difficulty in riding out the blow where she was, but since it hardly seemed hospitable to subject my lady guest to any more of a wetting than could be avoided, i turned and headed for the lee shore. miss s---was only about half muffled in the rubber saddle _poncho_ and the light "shed" tent i tossed to her before resuming my oars when the wall of the wind--hard and solid as the side of a flying barn--struck us full on the starboard beam. it was rather careless of me, not heading up to meet that squall before it struck; but the fact was that i simply couldn't take seriously anything that it seemed possible _could_ happen on such a deep, quiet stretch of river. the consequence of taking that buffet on the beam was quite a merry bit of a mix-up. the shower-bath of blown spray and the dipping under of the lee rail were rather the least of my troubles. what did have me guessing for a minute, though, was the result of the fact that that confounded fifty-miles-an-hour zephyr got under the corners of the tent and, billowing it monstrously, carried about half of it overboard; also a somewhat lesser amount of miss s----, who was just wrapping herself in it. i had to drop my oars to effect adequate salvage operations, and so leave the skiff with her port gunwale pretty nearly hove under. as soon as i got around to swing her head up into the teeth of the wind things eased off a bit. the river was about a mile wide at this point--ten miles below the dalles and about opposite the station of rowena--and, save for occasional outcroppings of black bedrock, fairly deep. the north shore was rocky all the way along, but that to the south (which was also the more protected on account of a jutting point ahead) was a broad sandy beach. that beach seemed to offer a comparatively good landing, and, as it extended up-stream for half a mile, it appeared that i ought to have no great difficulty in fetching it. the first intimation i had that this might not be as easy as i had reckoned came when, in spite of the fact that i was pulling down-stream in a three or four-mile current, the wind backed the skiff up-stream past a long rock island at a rate of five or six miles an hour. that was one of the queerest sensations i experienced on the whole voyage--having to avoid bumping the _lower_ end of a rock the while i could see the riffle where a strong current was flowing around the _upper_ end. i settled down to pulling in good earnest after that rather startling revelation, trying to hold the head of the skiff just enough to the left of the eye of the wind to give her a good shoot across the current. luckily, i had been pretty well over toward the south bank when the wind struck. there was only about a quarter of a mile to go, but i was blown back just about the whole length of that half mile of sandy beach in making it. the last hundred yards i was rowing "all out," and it was touch-and-go as to whether the skiff was going to nose into soft sand or the lower end of a long stretch of half-submerged rocks. i was a good deal relieved when it proved to be the beach--by about twenty feet. we would have made some kind of a landing on the rocks without doubt, but hardly without giving the bottom of the boat an awful banging. the sand proved unexpectedly soft when i jumped out upon it, but i struck firm bottom before i had sunk more than an inch or two above my boot tops and managed to drag the skiff up far enough to escape the heaviest of the wash of the waves. it was rather a sodden bundle of wet canvas that i carried out and deposited under a pine tree beyond high-water mark, but the core of it displayed considerable life after it had been extracted and set up to dry before the fire of pitchy cones that i finally succeeded in teasing into a blaze. to show miss s---that the storm hadn't affected my equanimity, i asked her to go on with her review of "the great hunger;" but she replied her own was more insistent, and reminded me that i hadn't served lunch yet. well, rain-soaked biscuit and milk chocolate are rather difficult to take without a spoon; but a pound of california seedless raisins, if munched slowly, go quite a way with two people. the worst of the squall was over in half an hour, and, anxious to make hay while the sun shone, i pushed off again in an endeavor to get on as far as i could before the next broadside opened up. miss s---and i landed at the rowena ferry, to catch the afternoon train back to the dalles. she was a good ship-mate, and i greatly regret she had the bad luck to be my passenger on the only day i encountered a really hard blow in all of my voyage. there was another threatening turret of black cloud beginning to train its guns as i pulled out into the stream beyond rowena, and it opened with all the big stuff it had before i had gone a mile. while it lasted, the bombardment was as fierce as the first one. fortunately, its ammunition ran out sooner. i kept the middle of the current this time, pulling as hard as i could against the wind. i got a thorough raking, fore-and-aft, for my temerity, but, except at the height of the wind, i managed to avoid the ignominy of being forced back against the stream. the third squall, which opened up about three-thirty, was a better organized assault, and gave me a pretty splashy session of it. when that blow got the range of me i was just pulling along to the left of a desolate tongue of black basalt called memaloose island. for many centuries this rocky isle was used by the klickatats as a burial place, which fact induced a certain indian-loving pioneer of the dalles, victor trevett by name, to order his own grave dug there. a tall marble shaft near the lower end of the island marks the spot. now i have no objection to marble shafts in general, nor even to this one in particular--as a shaft. i just got tired of seeing it, that was all. if any skipper on the columbia ever passed vic trevett's monument as many times in a year as i did in an hour, i should like to know what run he was on. swathed in oilskins, my potential speed was cut down both by the resistance my augmented bulk offered to the wind and the increased difficulty of pulling with so much on. down past the monument i would go in the lulls, and up past the monument i would go before the gusts. there, relentless as the _flying dutchman_, that white shaft hung for the best part of an hour. i only hope what i said to the wind didn't disturb old vic trevett's sleep. finally, a quarter of an hour's easing of the blow let me double the next point; and then it turned loose with all its guns again. quite gone in the back and legs, i gave up the unequal fight and started to shoot off quartering toward the shore. glancing over my shoulder in an endeavour to get some kind of an idea of where, and against what, i might count on striking, an astounding sight met my eyes, a picture so weird and infernal that i had to pause (mentally) and assure myself that those raisins i had for lunch had not been "processed." of all the sinister landscapes i ever saw--including the lava fields of a good many volcanoes and a number of the world's most repulsive "bad lands"--that which opened up to me as i tried to head in beyond that hard-striven-for point stands alone in my memory for sheer awesomeness. the early winter twilight had already begun to settle upon the gloomy gorge, the duskiness greatly accentuating the all-pervading murk cast upon the river by the pall of the sooty clouds. all round loomed walls of black basalt, reflecting darkly in water whose green had been completely quenched by the brooding purple shadows. the very pines on the cliffs merged in the solid opacity behind their scraggly forms, and even the fringe of willows above high-water-mark looped round the crescent of beach below like a fragment of mourning band. and that stretch of silver sand--the one thing in the whole infernal landscape whose whiteness the gloom alone could not drown: how shall i describe the jolt it gave me when i discovered that six or seven black devils were engaged in systematically spraying it with an inky liquid that left it as dark and dead to the eye as a stygian strand of anthracite? it was a lucky thing those raisins had _not_ been "processed;" else i might not have remembered readily what i had heard of the way the "south-bank" railway had been keeping the sand from drifting over its tracks by spraying with crude oil the bars uncovered at low water. with that infernal mystery cleared up, my mind was free to note and take advantage of a rather remarkable incidental phenomenon. the effect of oil on troubled waters was no new thing to me, for on a number of occasions i had helped to rig a bag of kerosene-soaked oakum over the bows of a schooner hove-to in a gale; but to find a stretch of water already oiled for me at just the time and place i was in the sorest need of it--well, i couldn't see where those manna-fed children of israel wandering in the desert found their advance arrangements looked to any better than that. the savage wind-whipped white-caps that were buffeting me in mid-stream dissolved into foam-streaked ripples the moment they impinged upon the broadening oil-sleeked belt where the petroleum had seeped riverward from the sprayed beach. a solid jetty of stone could not have broken the rollers more effectually. on one side was a wild wallow of tossing water; on the other--as far as the surface of the river was concerned--an almost complete calm. it was a horrible indignity to heap upon _imshallah_ (and, after the way she had displayed her resentment following her garbage shower under the wenatchee bridge, i knew that spirited lady would make me pay dear for it if ever she had the chance); still--dead beat as i was--there was nothing else to do but to head into that oleaginous belt of calm and make the best of it. the wind still took a deal of bucking, but with the banging of the waves at an end my progress was greatly accelerated. hailing the black devils on the bank, i asked where the nearest village was concealed, to learn that moosier was a couple of miles below, but well back from the river. they rather doubted that i could find my way to the town across the mudflats, but thought it might be worth trying in preference to pushing on in the dark to hood river. those imps of darkness were right about the difficulty of reaching moosier after nightfall. a small river coming in at that point seemed to have deposited a huge bar of quicksand all along the left bank, and i would never have been able to make a landing at all had not a belated duck-hunter given me a hand. after tying up to an oar, he very courteously undertook to pilot me to the town through the half-overflowed willow and alder flats. as a consequence of taking the lead, it was the native rather than the visitor who went off the caving path into the waist-deep little river. coming out of the woods, a hundred-yards of slushing across a flooded potato-patch brought us to the railway embankment, and from there it was comparatively good going to the hotel. luckily, the latter had a new porcelain tub and running hot water, luxuries one cannot always be sure of in the smaller columbia river towns. [illustration: city of portland with mt. hood in the distance] it was just at the close of the local apple season, and i found the hotel brimming over with departing packers. most of the latter were girls from southern california orange-packing houses, imported for the season. several of them came from anaheim, and assured me that they had packed valencias from a small grove of mine in that district. they were a good deal puzzled to account for the fact that a man with a valencia grove should be "hobo-ing" round the country like i was, and seemed hardly to take me seriously when i assured them it was only a matter of a year or two before all farmers would be hobos. it's funny how apple-packing seems to bring out all the innate snobbery in a lady engaging in that lucrative calling; they didn't seem to think tramping was quite respectable. i slept on the parlour couch until three in the morning, when i "inherited" the room occupied by a couple of packettes departing by the portland train. as they seem to have been addicted to "_attar of edelweiss_," or something of the kind, and there hadn't been time for fumigation, i rather regretted making the shift. [illustration: bridge on columbia highway near portland, oregon] when i had splashed back to the river in the morning, i found that _imshallah_ anxious to hide the shame of that oil-bath, had spent the night trying to bury herself in the quicksand. dumping her was out of the question, and i sank mid-thigh deep two or three times myself before i could persuade the sulking minx even to take the water. i knew she would take the first chance that offered to rid herself of the filth, just as she had before; but, with no swift water above the cascades, there seemed small likelihood of her getting out-of-hand. knowing that she was quite equal to making a bolt over the top of that terrible cataract if she hadn't managed to effect some sort of purification before reaching there, i made an honest attempt at conciliation by landing at the first solid beach i came to and giving her oily sides a good swabbing down with a piece of carpet. that seemed to mollify the temperamental lady a good deal, but just the same i knew her too well to take any chances. of all the great rivers in the world, there are only two that have had the audacity to gouge a course straight through a major range of mountains. these are the brahmaputra, which clove a way through the himalaya in reaching the bay of bengal from tibet, and the columbia, which tore the cascades asunder in making its way to the pacific. but the slow process of the ages by which the great asian river won its way to the sea broke its heart and left it a lifeless thing. it emerges from the mountains with barely strength enough to crawl across the most dismal of deltas to lose its identity in the brackish estuaries at its many insignificant mouths. the swift stroke by which the cascades were parted for the columbia left "the achilles of rivers" unimpaired in vigour. it rolls out of the mountains with a force which endless æons have not weakened to a point where it was incapable of carrying the silt torn down by its erosive actions far out into the sea. it is the one great river that does not run for scores, perhaps hundreds, of miles through a flat, monotonous delta; the one great stream that meets the ocean strength for strength. the nile, the niger, the amazon, the yangtse, the mississippi--all of the other great rivers--find their way to the sea through miasmic swamps; only the columbia finishes in a setting worthy of that in which it takes its rise. nay, more than that. superlative to the last degree as is the scenery along the columbia, from its highest glacial sources in the rockies and selkirks right down to the cascades, there is not a gorge, a vista, a panorama, a cascade of which i cannot truthfully say: "that reminds me of something i have seen before." the list would include the names of most of the scenic wonders that the world has come to know as the ultimate expression of the grand and the sublime; but in time my record of comparisons would be complete. but for the distinctive grandeur of that fifty miles of cliff-walled gorge where the columbia rolls through its titan-torn rift in the cascades, i fail completely to find a comparison. it is unique; without a near-rival of its kind. because so many attempts--all of them more or less futile--have been made to describe the cascade gorge of the columbia, i shall not rush in here with word pictures where even railway pamphleteers have failed. the fact that several of the points i attained in the high selkirks are scarcely more than explored, and that many stretches i traversed of the upper river are very rarely visited, must be the excuse for such essays at descriptions as i have now and then been tempted into in the foregoing chapters. that excuse is not valid in connection with the cascade gorge, and, frankly, i am mighty glad of the chance to side-step the job. i must beg leave, however, to make brief record of an interesting "scenic coincidence" that was impressed on my mind the afternoon that i pulled through the great chasm of the cascades. it was a day of sunshine and showers, with the clouds now revealing, now concealing the towering mountain walls on either hand. the almost continuous rains of the last four days had greatly augmented the flow of the streams, and there was one time, along toward evening, that i counted seven distinct waterfalls tumbling over a stretch of tapestried cliff on the oregon side not over two miles in length. and while these shimmering ribbons of fluttering satin were still within eye-scope, a sudden shifting of the clouds uncovered in quick succession three wonderful old volcanic cones--hood, to the south, adams, to the north, and a peak which i think must have been st. helens to the west. instantly the lines of tennyson's _lotos eaters_ came to my mind. "a land of streams! some, like a downward smoke, slow-dropping veils of thinnest lawn, did go; and some thro' wavering lights and shadows broke, rolling a slumbrous sheet of foam below. they saw the gleaming river seaward flow from the inner land: far off, three mountain-tops, three silent pinnacles of aged snow, stood sunset-flushed; and, dew'd with showery drops, up-clomb the shadowy pine above the woven copse." tennyson, of course, was writing of some tropic land thirty or forty degrees south of oregon, for in the next verse he speaks of palms and brings the "mild-eyed melancholy lotos-eaters" swimming about the keel; and yet there is his description, perfect to the last, least word, of what any one may see in a not-too-cloudy day from the right point on the lower columbia. the hood and the white salmon flow into the columbia almost opposite each other, the former from mount hood, to the south, and the latter from mount adams, to the north. white salmon, perched on the mountains of the washington side, is, so far as i can recall, the "swiss-iest" looking village in america. at close range it would doubtless lose much of its picturesqueness, but from the river it is a perfect bit of the tyrol or the bernese-oberland. the hood river valley is one of the very richest in all the west, running neck-and-neck with yakima and wenatchee for the blue ribbon honours of northwestern apple production. it is also becoming a dairying centre of considerable importance. i was genuinely sorry that my "through" schedule made it impossible to visit a valley of which i had heard so much and so favourably. nearing the cascades, i headed over close to the oregon bank for a glimpse of the famous "sunken forest." this is one of the strangest sights on the lower river. for a considerable distance i pulled along the stumps of what had once been large forest trees, the stubby boles showing plainly through the clear water to a very considerable depth. there is some division of opinion as to whether these trees were submerged following the damming up of the river by the slide which formed the cascades, or whether they have slid in from the mountainside at a later date. as there is still enough of a riverward earth-movement to necessitate a realignment of the rails on the south bank of the cascades, it is probable that the latter is the correct theory. the self-preservative character of oregon pine is proverbial, but it hardly seems reasonable to believe that it would last through the very considerable geologic epoch that must have elapsed since the cascades were formed. hugging the oregon shore closely, i pulled down toward the head of the cascades canal. the water continued almost lake-like in its slackness even after the heavy rumble of the fall began to beat upon the air. i was taking no chances of a last-minute bolt from the still restive _imshallah_, however, and skirted the sandy bank so closely that twice i found myself mixed up in the remains of the past season's salmon-traps. passing a big sawmill, i entered the canal and kept rowing until i came plump up against the lofty red gates. an astonishingly pretty girl who peered down from above said she didn't know what a lock-master was (being only a passenger waiting for the steamer herself), but thought a man hammering on the other side of the gate looked like he might be something of that kind. she was right. the lock-master said he would gladly put me through, but would be greatly obliged if i would wait until he locked down the steamer, as he was pretty busy at the moment. that would give me half an hour to go down and size up the tail of the cascades, which i would have to run immediately on coming out at the foot of the lock. there is a fall of twenty-five feet at the cascades, most of it in the short, sharp pitch at the head. it is this latter stretch that is avoided by the canal and locks, the total length of which is about half a mile. the two lock chambers are identical in dimensions, each being ninety feet by four hundred and sixty-five in the clear. they were opened to navigation in 1896, and were much used during the early years of the present century. with the extension of the railways, (especially with the building of the "north-bank" line), and the improvement of the roads, with the incidental increase of truck-freighting, it became more and more difficult for the steamers to operate profitably even on the lower river. one after another they had been taken off their runs, until the _j. n. teal_, for which i was now waiting, was the last steamer operating in a regular service on the columbia above portland. opening the great curving gates a crack, the lock-master admitted _imshallah_ to the chamber, from where--in the absence of a ladder--i climbed up fifty feet to the top on the beams of the steel-work. that was a pretty stiff job for a fat man, or rather one who had so recently been fat. i was down to a fairly compact two hundred and twenty by now, but even that required the expenditure of several foot-tons of energy to lift it out of that confounded hole. the main fall of the cascades was roaring immediately on my right, just beyond the narrow island that had been formed when the locks and canal were constructed. it was indeed a viciously-running chute, suggesting to me the final pitch of the left-hand channel of rock island rapids rather than grand rapids, to which it is often compared. i had heard that on rare occasions steamers had been run down here at high water; at the present stage it looked to me that neither a large nor a small boat would have one chance in a hundred of avoiding disaster. the canal and locks avoided that first heavy fall of the cascades completely, but the swift tumble of waters below was quite rough enough to make a preliminary survey well worth while. the steamer channel was on the washington side, so that it was necessary for a boat to head directly across the current immediately on emerging from the lower lock chamber. the oregon side of the river was thick with rocks right away round the bend, with not enough clear water to permit the passage of even a skiff. my course, therefore, would have to be the same as that of the steamer--just as sharply across to the opposite side as oars would take me. i had put _imshallah_ through worse water than that a score of times, and, while it wasn't the sort of a place where one would want to break an oar or even catch a "crab," there was no reason to believe that we should have the least trouble in pulling across the hard-running swirls. of course, if _imshallah_ really was still smarting under the indignity of that oil-bath.... but no--i honestly think there was nothing of distrust of my well-tried little skiff behind my sudden change of plans. rather, i should say, it was due to the fact that a remark of the lock-master had brought me to a sudden realization that i now arrived at what i had always reckoned as my ultimate objective--tide-water. i had been planning to run on four miles farther to bonneville that afternoon, in the hope of being able to pull through the forty miles of slackening water to vancouver the following day. there i would get a tug to take the skiff up the willamette to portland, where i intended to leave her. as some of the finest scenery on the columbia is passed in the twenty miles below the cascades, this promised me another memorable day on the river--provided that there was only an occasional decent interval between showers. it was the lock-master's forecast of another rainy day, together with his assurance that the foot of the locks was generally rated as the head of tide-water, that prompted me to change my mind a few moments before i was due to pull out again to the river, and book through to portland on the _teal_. with the idea of avoiding the wash of the steamer, i pulled down to the extreme lower end of the locks before she entered, taking advantage of the interval of waiting to trim carefully and look to my oars for the pull across the foot of the cascades. i was intending to let the _teal_ lock out ahead of me, and then pull as closely as possible in her wake, so as to have her below me to pick up the pieces in case anything went wrong. it was close to twilight now, with the sodden west darkening early under the blank grey cloud-mass of another storm blowing up-river from the sea. if that impetuous squall could have curbed its impatience and held off a couple of minutes longer, it might have had the satisfaction of treating me to a good soaking, if nothing more. as it was, i flung up my hands and _kamerad-ed_ at the opening pelt of the big rain-drops. speaking as one columbia river skipper to another, i hailed the captain of the _j. n. teal_ and asked him if he would take me and my boat aboard. "where bound?" he bawled back. "portland," i replied. "aw right. pull up sta'bo'd bow lively--'fore gate open!" a dozen husky roustabouts, urged on by an impatient mate, scrambled to catch the painter and give us a hand-up. i swung over the side all right, but _imshallah_, hanging back a bit, came in for some pretty rough pulling and hauling before they got her on deck. the two or three of her planks that were started in the melée constituted about the worst injury the little lady received on the whole voyage. and so _imshallah_ and i came aboard the _j. n. teal_ to make the last leg of our voyage as passengers. the gates were turning back before i had reached the upper deck, and a few minutes later the powerfully-engined old stern-wheeler went floundering across the foam-streaked tail of the cascades and off down the river. castle rock--nine hundred feet high and sheer-walled all around--was no more than a ghostly blur in the darkness as we slipped by in the still rapidly moving current. multnomah's majesty was blanked behind the curtain of night and a driving rain, and only a distant roar on the port beam told where one of the loveliest of american waterfalls took its six-hundred-foot leap from the brink of the southern wall of the river. cape horn and rooster rock were swathed to their foundations in streaming clouds. once the _teal_ was out on the comparatively open waters of the lower river, the captain came down for a yarn with me--as one columbia skipper to another. he had spent most of his life on the snake and lower columbia, but he seemed to know the rapids and canyons below the canadian line almost reef by reef, and all of the old skippers i had met by reputation. he said that he had never heard of any one's ever having deliberately attempted to run the cascades in anything smaller than a steamer, although an endless lot of craft had come to grief by getting in there by accident. the only time a man ever went through in a small boat and came out alive was about ten years ago. that lucky navigator, after drinking most of a saturday night in the town, came down to the river in the dim grey dawn of a sunday, got into his boat and pushed off. it was along toward church-time that a ferry-man, thirty miles or more down river, picked up a half filled skiff. quietly sleeping in the stern-sheets, with nothing but his nose above water, was the only man that ever came through the cascades in a small boat. the captain looked at me with a queer smile after he told that story. "i don't suppose you were heeled to tackle the cascades just like that?" he asked finally. and so, for the last time, i was taken for a boot-legger. but no--not quite the last. i believe it was the porter at hotel portland who asked me if--ahem!--if i had got away with anything from canada. and for all of that incessant trail of smoke, no fire--or practically none. the day of my arrival in portland i delivered _imshallah_ up to the kindest-faced boat-house proprietor on the willamette and told him to take his time about finding her a home with some sport-loving oregonian who knew how to treat a lady right and wouldn't give her any kind of menial work to do. i told him i didn't want to have her work for a living under any conditions, as i felt she had earned a rest; and to impress upon whoever bought her that she was high-spirited and not to be taken liberties with, such as subjecting her to garbage shower-baths and similar indignities. he asked me if she had a name, and i told him that she hadn't--any more; that the one she had been carrying had ceased to be in point now her voyage was over. it had been a very appropriate name for a boat on the columbia, though, i assured him, and i was going to keep it to use if i ever made the voyage again. portland, although it is not directly upon the columbia, has always made that river distinctively its own. i had realized that in a vague way for many years, but it came home to me again with renewed force now that i had arrived in portland after having had some glimpse of every town and village from the selkirks to the sea. (astoria and the lower river i had known from many steamer voyages in the past.) of all the thousands living on or near the columbia, those of portland still struck me as being the ones who held this most strikingly individual of all the world's rivers at most nearly its true value. with portlanders, i should perhaps include all of those living on the river from astoria to the dalles. these, too, take a mighty pride in their great river, and regard it with little of that distrustful reproach one remarks so often on the upper columbia, where the settlers see it bearing past their parched fields the water and the power that would mean the difference to them between success and disaster. when this stigma has been wiped out by reclamation (as it soon will be), without a doubt the plucky pioneers of the upper columbia will see in their river many beauties that escape their troubled eyes to-day. the early romans made some attempt to give expression to their love of the tiber in monuments and bridges. it would be hard indeed to conceive of anything in marble or bronze, or yet in soaring spans of steel, that would give adequate expression to the pride of the people of the lower columbia in their river; and so it is a matter of felicitation that they have sought to pay their tribute in another way. there was inspiration behind the conception of the idea of the columbia highway, just as there was genius and rare imagination in the carrying out of that idea. i have said that the cascade gorge of the columbia is a scenic wonder apart from all others; that it stands without a rival of its kind. perhaps the greatest compliment that i can pay to the columbia highway is to say that it is worthy of the river by which it runs. (the end) * * * * * transcriber notes: alternate spellings and archaic words have been retained. page 82: "experienced" changed to "inexperienced" (roos was young and inexperienced). page 96: added closing quotation mark which was missing in the original ("... than some the old girl's had."). page 147: "rifflles" changed to "riffles" (four or five riffles below). page 160: "lientenant" changed to "lieutenant" (lieutenant thomas w. symons). page 163: "avenue" changed to "avenue" (fifth avenue). page 300: "spilts" changed to "splits" (the river splits upon). page 315: "goddes" changed to "goddess" (this goddess of the columbia). page 320: "staight" changed to "straight" (straight on through to). page 331: "a" added to sentence for continuity (we were going to have a run for our money). page 366: added "and" (miss s---and i). page 380: "of" changed to "or" (the two or three of her planks). page 380: "mélee" changed to "melée" (that were started in the melée). produced from images generously made available by the internet archive.) [illustration] the columbia river its history, its myths, its scenery, its commerce by william denison lyman professor of history in whitman college, walla walla, washington _with 80 illustrations and a map_ g. p. putnam's sons new york and london the knickerbocker press 1909 copyright, 1909 by g. p. putnam's sons the knickerbocker press, new york to my parents horace lyman and mary denison lyman pioneers of 1849, who bore their part in laying the foundations of civilization upon the banks of the columbia, this volume is dedicated by the author i see the living tide roll on, it crowns with rosy towers the icy capes of labrador, the spaniard's land of flowers; it streams beyond the splintered ridge that parts the northern showers. from eastern rock to sunset wave, the continent is ours. holmes. preface as one of the american waterways series, this volume is designed to be a history and description of the columbia river. the author has sought to convey to his reader a lively sense of the romance, the heroism, and the adventure which belong to this great stream and the parts of the north-west about it, and he has aimed to breathe into his narrative something of the spirit and sentiment--a spirit and sentiment more easily recognised than analysed--which we call "western." with this end in view, his treatment of the subject has been general rather than detailed, and popular rather than recondite. while he has spared no pains to secure historical accuracy, he has not made it a leading aim to settle controverted points, or to present the minutiæ of historical research and criticism. in short, the book is rather for the general reader than for the specialist. the author hopes so to impress his readers with the majesty of the columbia as to fill their minds with a longing to see it face to face. frequent reference in the body of the book to authorities renders it unnecessary to name them here. suffice it to say that the author has consulted the standard works of history and description dealing with oregon--the old oregon--and its river, and from the voluminous matter there gathered has selected the facts that best combine to make a connected and picturesque narrative. he has treated the subject topically, but there is a general progression throughout, and the endeavour has been to find a natural jointure of chapter to chapter and era to era. while the book has necessarily been based largely on other books, it may be said that the author has derived his chief inspiration from his own observations along the shores of the river and amid the mountains of oregon and washington, where his life has mainly been spent, and from familiar conversations in the cabins of pioneers, or at camp-fires of hunters, or around indian tepees, or in the pilot-houses of steamboats. in such ways and places one can best catch the spirit of the river and its history. the author gladly takes this opportunity of making his grateful acknowledgments to prof. f. g. young, of oregon university, for his kindness in reading the manuscript and in making suggestions which his full knowledge and ripe judgment render especially valuable. he wishes also to express his warmest thanks to mr. harvey w. scott, editor of the _oregonian_, for invaluable counsel. similar gratitude is due to prof. henry landes of washington university for important assistance in regard to some of the scientific features of the first chapter. w. d. l. whitman college, walla walla, wash., 1909. contents page part i.--the history chapter i the land where the river flows 3 chapter ii tales of the first white men along the coast 33 chapter iii how all nations sought the river from the sea and how they found it 43 chapter iv first steps across the wilderness in search of the river 69 chapter v the fur-traders, their bateaux, and their stations 98 chapter vi the coming of the missionaries to the tribes of the river 136 chapter vii the era of the pioneers, their ox-teams, and their flatboats 159 chapter viii conflict of nations for possession of the river 179 chapter ix the times of tomahawk and firebrand 202 chapter x when the "fire-canoes" took the place of the log-canoes 234 chapter xi era of the miner, the cowboy, the farmer, the boomer, and the railroad-builder 249 chapter xii the present age of expansion and world commerce 265 part ii.--a journey down the river chapter i in the heart of the canadian rockies 273 chapter ii the lakes from the arrow lakes to chelan 290 chapter iii in the land of wheat-field, orchard, and garden 313 chapter iv where river and mountain meet, and the traces of the bridge of the gods 332 chapter v a side trip to some of the great snow-peaks 352 chapter vi the lower river and the ocean tides 374 index 399 illustrations page st. peter's dome, columbia river, 2300 feet high _frontispiece_ copyright, kiser photograph co., 1902. mount adams from the south 74 photo. by w. d. lyman. capt. robert gray 76 the "columbia rediviva" 76 mount hood from lost lake 82 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. eliot glacier, mt. hood 84 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. astoria in 1845 116 from an old print. astoria, looking up and across the columbia river 116 photo. by woodfield. one of the lagoons of the upper columbia river, near golden b. c. 120 photo. by c. f. yates, golden. saddle mountain, or swallalochort near astoria, famous in indian myth 120 photo. by woodfield. steamer "beaver," the first steamer on the pacific, 1836 124 portland, oregon, in 1851 124 from an old print. grave of marcus whitman and his associate martyrs at waiilatpu 210 photo. by w. d. chapman. cayuse babies--1 212 copyright by lee moorehouse, 1898. cayuse babies--2 212 copyright by lee moorehouse, 1898. col. b. f. shaw, who won the battle of grande ronde in 1856 222 by courtesy of lee moorehouse. fort sheridan on the grande ronde, built by philip sheridan in 1855 224 by courtesy of lee moorehouse. tullux holliquilla, a warm springs indian chief, famous in the modoc war as a scout for u. s. troops 228 by courtesy of lee moorehouse. hallakallakeen (eagle wing) or joseph, the nez percé chief 230 by t. w. tolman. camp of chief joseph on the nespilem, wash. 232 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. tirzah trask, a umatilla indian girl--taken as an ideal of sacajawea 234 photo. by lee moorehouse, pendleton. oregon pioneer in his cabin 256 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. old portage railroad at cascades in 1860 258 a log-boom down the river for san francisco 258 photo. by woodfield. lumber mill and steamboat landing at golden, b. c. 260 photo. by c. f. yates. a typical lumber camp 262 photo. by trueman. a logging railroad, near astoria 264 photo. by woodfield. natural bridge, kicking horse or wapta river, and mt. stephen, b. c. 276 photo. by c. f. yates. sunrise on columbia river, near washougal 276 copyright, kiser photograph co., 1902. lake windermere, upper columbia, where david thompson's fort was built in 1810 280 photo. by w. d. lyman. mt. burgess and emerald lake, one of the sources of the wapta river, b. c. 282 photo. by c. f. yates. bonnington falls in kootenai river, near nelson 284 photo. by allan lean. bridge creek, a tributary of lake chelan, wash. 286 photo. by f. n. kneeland, northampton, mass. kootenai lake, from proctor, b. c. 288 photo. by allan lean, nelson. lower arrow lake, b. c. 290 photo. by allan lean, nelson. bridal veil falls on columbia river 292 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. shoshone falls, in snake river, 212 feet high 294 photo. by w. d. lyman. lake pend oreille, idaho 296 photo. by t. w. tolman. lake coeur d'alene, idaho 296 photo. by t. w. tolman. the "shadowy st. joe," idaho 298 photo. by t. w. tolman. on the coeur d'alene river, idaho 300 photo. by t. w. tolman. gorge of chelan river, the outlet of lake chelan 302 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. head of lake chelan--looking up stehekin cañon 304 photo. by w. d. lyman. cascade pass at head of stehekin river, wash. 306 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. doubtful lake, cascade range, washington, near lake chelan 308 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane, wash. horseshoe basin through a rock gap, stehekin cañon 310 photo. by t. w. tolman. lake chelan 312 photo. by w. d. lyman. a harvest outfit, dayton, wash. 314 _sunset magazine._ a combined harvester, near walla walla 314 photo. by w. d. chapman. inland empire system's power plant, near spokane, 20,000 horse-power 316 photo. by t. w. tolman. lower spokane falls 316 photo. by t. w. tolman. cañon of the stehekin, near lake chelan 318 photo. by t. w. tolman. memorial building, whitman college, walla walla 320 photo. by w. d. chapman. starting the ploughs in the wheat land, walla walla, wash. 322 photo. by w. d. chapman, walla walla. on the historic walla walla river 324 photo. by w. d. chapman. blalock fruit ranch of a thousand acres at walla walla, wash. 326 photo. by w. d. chapman. witch's head, near old wishram village. the indian superstition is that these eyes will follow any unfaithful woman 328 by courtesy of lee moorehouse. cabbage rock, four miles north of the dalles 330 photo. by lee moorehouse, pendleton. eagle rock, just above shoshone falls in snake river 332 photo. by w. d. lyman. stehekin cañon, 5000 feet deep 334 photo. by w. d. lyman. steamer "dalles city," descending the cascades of the columbia 336 memaloose island, columbia river 338 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. horseshoe basin near lake chelan, wash. 340 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. castle rock, columbia river 342 copyright, kiser photograph co., 1902. the lyman glacier and glacier lake in north star park, near lake chelan 344 photo. by w. d. lyman. hunters on lake chelan, with their spoils 346 photo. by w. d. lyman. a morning's catch on the touchet, near dayton, wash. 346 _sunset magazine._ oneonta gorge--looking in 348 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. cape horn, columbia river--looking up 350 photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland. looking up the columbia river from the cliff above multnomah falls, ore. 352 copyright, 1902, by kiser photograph co. spokane falls and city, 1886 354 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. spokane falls and city, 1908 354 photo. by t. w. tolman. in the heart of the cascade mountains, above lake chelan, wash. 360 photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane. birch-tree channel, upper columbia, near golden, b. c. 362 photo by c. f. yates, golden. typical mountain meadow, stehekin valley, wash. 364 photo. by t. w. tolman. high school, walla walla, wash. 366 photo. by w. d. chapman, walla walla. lake chelan 368 photo. by f. n. kneeland. on the banks of the columbia river, near hood river 370 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. rooster rock, columbia river--looking up 372 photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland. band of elk on w. p. reser's ranch, walla walla, wash. 374 photo. by w. d. chapman. oregon city in 1845 376 from an old print. fort vancouver in 1845 376 lone rock, columbia river, about fifty miles east of portland 378 photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland. willamette falls, oregon city, ore. 380 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. among the big spruce trees, near astoria, oregon 382 photo. by woodfield, astoria. portland in 1908. mt. st. helens sixty-five miles distant 384 portland harbour, oregon 386 photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland. fish river road in upper columbia region, b. c. 388 photo. by trueman, victoria. multnomah falls, 840 feet high, on south side of columbia river about sixty miles above portland 390 photo. by e. h. moorehouse. chinook salmon, weight 80 pounds 392 photo. by woodfield, astoria. lake adela, near head of columbia river, b. c. 394 photo. by c. f. yates. bridal veil bluff, columbia river, oregon 396 photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland. band of kootenai indians, b. c. 398 photo. by allan lean, nelson. maps _at end_ part i the history chapter i the land where the river flows contrasts--the two islands--uplift--volcanic action--flood--age of ice--story of wishpoosh and creation of the tribes--outline of the mountain systems--peculiar interlocking of the columbia and the kootenai--the cascade range--the inland empire--the valleys west of the cascade mountains--the forests--the climate--the native races and some of their myths--story of the kamiah monster--the tomanowas bridge at the cascades--origin of three great mountains--the chinook wind--myths of the unseen life--klickitat story of the spirit baby--beauty of the native names. wonderfully varied though rivers are, each has a physiognomy of its own. each preserves its characteristics even in the midst of constant diversity. we recognise it, as we recognise a person in different changes of dress. the ohio has one face, the hudson another, and each keeps its essential identity. the traveller would not confuse the rhine with the danube, or the nile with the volga. even more distinctive than most rivers in form and feature is the columbia, the old oregon that now hears far other sounds than "his own dashings," the river of the west, the thegayo, the rio de los reyes, the rio estrachos, the rio de aguilar, the many-named river which unites all parts of the pacific north-west. it is to its records of romance and heroism, of legend and history, as well as to its alternating scenes of stormy grandeur and tranquil majesty that the reader's attention is now invited. though among the latest of american rivers to be brought under the control of civilised men, the columbia was among the earliest to attract the interest of the explorers of all nations, and the struggles of international diplomacy over possession were among the most momentous in history. the distance of the columbia from the centres of population and the difficulty of reaching it made its development slow, and for this reason its pioneer stage lasted longer than would otherwise have been the case. in this part of its history there was a record of pathos, tragedy, and achievement not surpassed in any of the annals of our country, while, in its later phases, the north-west has had the sweep and energy of growth and power characteristic of genuine american development. finally, by reason of scenic grandeur, absorbing interest of physical features, the majesty and mystery of its origin in the greatest of american mountains, the swift might of its flow through some of the wildest as well as some of the most beautiful regions of the globe, and at the last by the peculiar grandeur of its entrance into the greatest of the oceans, this "achilles of rivers" attracts alike historian, scientist, poet, statesman, and lover of nature. * * * * * "a land of old upheaven from the abyss," a land of deepest deeps and highest heights, of richest verdure here, and barest desolation there, of dense forest on one side, and wide extended prairies on the other; a land, in brief, of contrasts, contrasts in contour, hues, productions, and history;--such is that imperial domain watered by the columbia river and its affluents. to the artist, the poet, the scientist, and the sportsman, this region presents noble and varied scenes of shore, of mountain, of river, of lake, while to the romancer and historian it offers a wealth of native legend and of record from the heroic ages of american history. as a fit introduction to the picture of the land as it now appears, there may be presented a brief record of the manner in which it was wrought into its present form. professor thomas condon of oregon thought that the first land to rise on the pacific coast was composed of two islands, one in the region of the siskiyou mountains of northern california and southern oregon, and the other in the heart of what are now the blue mountains and saw-tooth mountains of north-eastern oregon, south-eastern washington, and western idaho. other geologists have doubted the existence of the second of these two islands. those islands, if both existed, were the nuclei of the pacific coast region. the rock consisted of the earlier granite, sandstone, and limestone crust of the earth. for long ages these two islands, washed by the warm seas of that early age, and bearing a life now found in the tropics, were slowly rising and widening their boundaries in all directions. next, or perhaps as early, to respond to the pressure of the shrinking crust of the earth and to appear above the sea, was the vast cordon of pinnacled peaks which compose the present okanogan and chelan uplift, granite and porphyry, broken by volcanic outflow. these peaks are veined with gold, silver, and copper. that first age of mountain uplift was ended by the coming on of the age of fire. the granite upheaval of the blue and the cascade mountains was blown apart and cracked asunder by volcanic eruption and seismic force. a vast outflow of basalt and andesite swept westward from the blue mountains to meet a similar outflow moving eastward from the cascades. thus, throughout the columbia basin, the surface is mainly of volcanic rock overlying the shattered fragments of the original earth crust. at many points, however, the primeval granite or sandstone surface was not covered, while at frequent intervals the breaking forth of the fiery floods transformed those original rocks into various forms of gneiss, porphyry, and marble. but the greatest result of the age of volcanic outflow was the elevation of the stupendous isolated snow peaks which now constitute so striking a feature of columbian landscapes. with the close of the age of fire, the mountain chains were in place, as they now stand, but the plains and valleys were not yet fashioned. another series of forces must needs come to elaborate the rude outlines of the land. and so came on the third great age, the age of flood. the upheaval of the mingled granite and volcanic masses of the cascade and blue mountains, while at the same time the rockies were undergoing the same process, imprisoned a vast sea over the region now known by westerners as the inland empire. in the depths of this sea the sediment from a thousand torrents was deposited to fashion the smooth and level valleys of the yakima, the walla walla, the spokane, and lesser streams, while a similar process fashioned the valleys of the willamette and other streams between the cascades and the coast mountains westward. but while the age of flood was shaping the great valley systems, a fourth age--the age of ice--was working still other changes upon the plastic land. the mountains had been reared by upheaval and volcanic outflow to a stupendous height. then they became glaciated. the whole northern hemisphere, in fact, took on the character of the present greenland. enormous glaciers descended the flanks of the mountains, gouging and ploughing out the abysmal cañons which now awe the beholder, and scooping out the deeps where chelan, coeur d'alene, pend oreille, kaniksu, and other great lakes delight the vision of the present day. such were the forces that wrought the physical features of the land where the river flows. we do not mean to convey the impression that there was a single age of each, and that they followed each other in regular chronological order. as a matter of fact there were several eras of each, interlocked with each other: upheaval, fire, flood, and frost. but as the resultant of all, the columbia basin assumed its present form. the great forces which have thus fashioned this land manifested themselves on a scale of vast energy. evidences of upheaval, fire, flood, and glacier are exhibited on every side, and these evidences constitute a testimony of geological history of the most interesting nature. long before this record of the rocks had found a white reader, the native red man had read the open pages, and interpreted them in the light of his ardent fancy. the indian conception of the flood, involving also that of the creation of the native tribes, is one of the most fantastic native legends. this is the story of the great beaver, wishpoosh, of lake kichelos. according to this myth the beaver wishpoosh inhabited that lake on the summit of the cascade mountains, the source of the yakima river. in the time of the watetash (animal people) before the advent of men, the king beaver, wishpoosh, of enormous size and voracious appetite, was in the evil habit of seizing and devouring the lesser creatures and even the vegetation. so destructive did he become that speelyei, the coyote god of the mid-columbia region, undertook to check his rapacities. the struggle only made the monster more insatiate, and in his wrath he tore out the banks of the lake. the gathered floods swept on down the cañon and formed another great lake in the region now known as the kittitas valley. but the struggle between wishpoosh and speelyei did not end, and the former in his mad fury went on thrashing around in this greater lake. for a long time the rocky barriers of the umtanum restrained the flood, but at last they gave way before the onslaughts of the wrathful beaver, and the loosened waters swept on down and filled the great basin now occupied by the fruit and garden ranches of the cowiche, natchees, and atahnum. in like fashion the restraining wall at the gap just below yakima city was torn out, and a yet greater lake was formed over all the space where we now see the level plains of the simcoe and toppenish. the next lake formed in the process covered the yet vaster region at the juncture of the yakima, snake and columbia rivers. for a long time it was dammed in by the umatilla highlands, but in process of time it, too, was drained by the bursting of the rocky wall before the well-directed attacks of wishpoosh. the yet greater lake, the greatest of all, now formed between the umatilla on the east and the cascade mountains on the west. but even the towering wall of the cascades gave way in time and the accumulated floods poured on without further hindrance to the open sea. thus was the series of great lakes drained, the level valleys left, and the great river suffered to flow in its present course. but there is a sequel to the story of the flood. for wishpoosh, being now in the ocean, laid about him with such fury that he devoured the fish and whales and so threatened all creation that speelyei perceived that the time had come to end it all. transforming himself into a floating branch, he drifted to wishpoosh and was swallowed. once inside the monster, the wily god resumed his proper size and power; and with his keen-edged knife proceeded to cut the vitals of the belligerent beaver, until at last all life ceased, and the huge carcass was cast up by the tide on clatsop beach, just south of the mouth of the great river. and now what to do with the carcass? speelyei solved the problem by cutting it up and from its different parts fashioning the tribes as each part was adapted. from the head he made the nez percés, great in council and oratory. from the arms came the cayuses, powerful with the bow and war-club. the klickitats were the product of the legs, and they were the runners of the land. the belly was transformed into the gluttonous chinooks. at the last there was left an indiscriminate mass of hair and gore. this speelyei hurled up the far distance to the east, and out of it sprung the snake river indians. such is the native physiography and anthropogenesis of the land of the oregon. if now one could rise on the pinions of the chinook wind (the warm south wind of the columbia basin, of which more anon), and from the southern springs of the owyhee and the malheur could wing his way to the snowy peaks in british columbia, from whose fastnesses there issues the foaming torrent of canoe river, the most northerly of all the tributaries of the great river, he would obtain, in a noble panorama, a view of the land where the river flows, in its present aspect, as fashioned by the elemental forces of which we have spoken. but not to many is it given thus to be "horsed on the sightless couriers of the air," and we must needs use imagination in lieu of them. even a map will be the safest guide for most. inspection of the map will show that the distance to which we have referred covers twelve degrees of latitude, while the distance from the source of the snake river in the yellowstone national park to the pacific requires a span of fifteen degrees of longitude. the south-eastern part of this vast area occupying southern idaho is mainly an arid plain; arid, indeed, in its natural condition, but, when touched by the vivifying waters in union with the ardent sun, it blossoms like a garden of the lord. upon these vast plains where the volcanic dust has drifted for ages, now looking so dismal in their monotonous garb of sage-brush, the millions of the future will some time live in peace and plenty, each under his own vine and apple-tree. on the eastern boundary, all the way from western wyoming to eastern british columbia, stand cordons of stupendous mountains, the western outposts of the great continental divide. these constitute one spur after another, from whose profound cañons issues river after river to swell the torrents of the turbid and impetuous snake on its thousand-mile journey to join the columbia. among these tributary streams are the payette, the boisé, the salmon, and the clearwater. yet farther north, beyond the system of the snake, are the bitter root, the missoula, the pend oreille, the spokane, and the kootenai (we follow here the american spelling, the canadian being kootenay), with almost innumerable affluents, draining the huge labyrinths of the bitter root mountains and the silver bow. thus our northward flight carries us to the international boundary in latitude 49 degrees. far beyond that parallel stretches chain after chain of divisions of the great continental range, the selkirks, the gold range, purcell's range, sky-piercing heights, snow-clad and glaciated. up and down these interlocking chains the columbia and the kootenai, with their great lakes and unexplored tributaries, seem to be playing at hide-and-seek with each other. these rivers form here one of the most singular geographical phenomena of the world, for so strangely are the parallel chains of mountains tilted that the kootenai, rising in a small lake on the western flank of the main chain of the canadian rockies and flowing south, passes within a mile of the source of the columbia at columbia lake, separated only by a nearly level valley. connection, in fact, is so easy that a canal once joined the two rivers. from that point of contact the kootenai flows far south into idaho, then makes a grand wheel to the north-west, forming kootenai lake on the way, then wheeling again in its tortuous course to the west, it joins the greater stream in the midst of the majestic mountain chains which stand guard over the arrow lakes. and meanwhile where has the columbia itself been journeying? after the parting from the kootenai it flows directly north-west between two stupendous chains of mountains. reaching its highest northern point in latitude 52 degrees, where it receives the canoe river, which has come two hundred miles or more from the north, it turns sharply westward, finding a passageway cleft in the mountain wall. thence making a grand wheel toward the south, it casts its turbid floods into the long expanse of the arrow lakes, from which it emerges, clear and bright, soon to join the kootenai. and how far have they journeyed since they parted? the columbia about six hundred miles, and the kootenai hardly less, though having passed within a mile of each other, flowing in opposite directions. it will be readily seen from this description that the mountains which feed the columbian system of rivers on the east and north, are of singular grandeur and interest. but now as we bear our way southward again we discover that another mountain system, yet grander and of more curious interest, forms the western boundary of the upper columbia basin. this is the cascade range. sublime, majestic, mysterious, this noble chain of mountains, with its tiaras of ice, its girdles of waterfalls, its draperies of forest, its jewels of lakes, must make one search long to find its parallel in any land for all the general features of mountain charm. but over and beyond those more usual delights of the mountains, the cascade range has a unique feature, one in which it stands unrivalled among all the mountains of the earth, with the exception possibly of the andes. this is the feature of the great isolated snow peaks, stationed like sentinels at intervals of from thirty to sixty miles all the way from the british line to california. there is nothing like this elsewhere on the north american continent. the sierras of california are sublime, but their great peaks are not isolated monarchs like those of the cascades. the high sierras are blended together in one mountain wall, in which no single peak dominates any wide extended space. but in the long array of the cascades, five hundred miles and more from the international boundary to the california line, one glorious peak after another uplifts the banner and sets its regal crown toward sunrise or sunset, king of earth and air to the border where the shadow of the next mountain monarch mingles with its own. hence these great cascade peaks have an individuality which gives them a kind of living personality in the life of any one who has lived for any length of time within sight of them. from the north, moving south, we might gaze at these great peaks, and find no two alike. baker--how much finer is the native name, kulshan, the great white watcher--first on the north; shuksan next, the place where the storm-winds gather, in the native tongue; then glacier peak, with its girdle of ice, thirteen great glaciers; stewart next with its dizzy horn of rock set in a field of snow; then the great king-peak of all, rainier, better named by the natives, takhoma, the fountain breast of milk-white waters; and after this, adams, or in the indian, klickitat, with st. helens or loowit near at hand on the west; then, across the great river, hood or wiyeast, with its pinnacled crest; next southward, jefferson with its sharp chimney whose top has never yet been touched by human foot; yet beyond, the marvellous group of the three sisters, each with its separate personality and yet all together combining in one superb whole; then mt. scott, mt. thielson, diamond peak, mt. pitt, and with them we might well include the truncated cone of mt. mazama, once the lordliest of the chain, but by some mighty convulsion of nature, shorn of crown and head, and now bearing on its summit instead the most singular body of water, crater lake, on all the american continent. fifteen is the number of the great peaks named, but there are dozens of lesser heights, snow-crowned and regal. the great cascade chain is, therefore, the noblest and most significant feature of the topography of the land of the columbia. between the rocky mountains and the cascades lies what is locally known as the inland empire, mainly a continuous prairie or series of prairies and valleys, wheat land, orchard land, garden land, fertile, beautiful, attractive, broken by an occasional mountain spur, as the irregular mass of the blue mountains, but substantially an inhabited land, reaching from colville, spokane, and the okanogan on the north to the klamath valleys on the south, a region five hundred miles long by two hundred wide, a goodly land, one difficult to excel in all the potentialities of use for human needs. such are the distinguishing features of the columbia basin on the east side of the cascade mountains. to the west of those mountains is another vast expanse of interior valleys, not so large indeed and not more fertile, but even more beautiful, and by reason of earlier settlement and contiguity to the ocean, better developed. this series of valleys is enclosed between the cascade mountains and the coast range, and in a general way parallels the inland empire already described. but this statement should be qualified by the explanation that north-western washington consists of the puget sound basin, which is a distinct geographical system, while south-western oregon consists of the umpqua and rogue river valleys, and these valleys though commercially and politically a part of the columbia system, are geographically separate, since they debouch directly into the pacific ocean. there is left, therefore, for the columbia region proper west of the cascade mountains, the willamette valley in oregon, and the valleys of the lewis, kalama, and cowlitz in washington, with several smaller valleys on each side. the willamette valley is the great distinguishing feature of this part of the columbia basin. a more attractive region is hard to find. mountains snow-clad and majestic, the great peaks of the cascades already described, guard it on the east, while westward the gentler slopes of the coast range separate it from the sea. between the two ranges lies the valley, two hundred miles long by about a hundred broad, including the foot-hills, a succession of level plains, oak-crowned hills, and fertile bottoms. not greece nor italy nor the vale of cashmere can surpass this earthly paradise in all the features that compose the beautiful and grand in nature. geologists tell us that this willamette region was once a counterpart of puget sound, only with less depth of water, and that, as the result of centuries of change, the old-time willamette sound has become the willamette valley. it has now become the most thickly settled farming region of the columbia basin, and, as its fitting metropolis, portland sits at the gateway of the willamette and columbia, the "rose city," handsomest of all western cities, to welcome the commerce of the world. the valleys on the washington side of the columbia make up together a region of great beauty, fertility, and productiveness, perhaps a hundred miles square, and, though yet but partially developed, contain many beautiful homes. the larger part of the columbia valley west of the cascade mountains is, in its natural state, densely timbered. here are found "the continuous woods where rolls the oregon and hears no sound but his own dashings." these great fir, spruce, cedar, and pine forests, extending a thousand miles along the pacific coast from central california to the straits of fuca (and indeed they continue, though the trees gradually diminish in size, for nearly another thousand miles up the alaska coast), constitute the world's largest timber supply. the demands upon it have been tremendous during the past twenty years, and the stately growths of centuries have vanished largely from all places in the near vicinity of shipping points. yet one can still find primeval woods where the coronals of green are borne three hundred feet above the damp and perfumed earth, and where the pillars of the wood sustain so continuous a canopy of foliage that the sunlight is stopped or filters through only in pale and watery rays. hence all manner of vines and shrubs grow with almost tropic profusion, though with weak and straggling stems. throughout the entire pacific north-west the soil is of extraordinary fertility. it is largely of volcanic dust as fine as flour and seems to contain the constituents of plant life in inexhaustible abundance. even in the arid belts of eastern oregon, where to the eye of the stranger the appearance is of a hopeless waste, those same elements of plant food exist, and with water every manner of tree or vine or flower bursts quickly into perfect life. the climate of the columbia basin is a puzzle to the stranger, but in most of its aspects it quickly becomes an equal delight. as is well known, the japan ocean current exercises upon the pacific coast an effect similar to that of the gulf stream on ireland and england. hence the states of the columbia valley are much warmer in winter than regions of the same latitude on the atlantic coast or in the mississippi valley. though the average temperature is higher, yet it is cooler in summer on the pacific coast than on the atlantic. the pacific climate has much less of extremes. the state of washington has about the same isothermal line as north carolina. there is, however, another feature of the columbia climate not so well known to non-residents, which is worthy of a passing paragraph. this is the division of the country by the cascade mountains into a humid western section and a dry eastern one. the mountain wall intercepts the larger part of the vapour rising from the pacific and flying eastward, and these warm masses of vapour are condensed by the icy barrier and fall in rain on the western side. hence western oregon and washington are damp and soft, with frequent clouds and fogs. the rainfall, though varying much, is in most places from forty to fifty inches a year. but east of the mountain wall which has "milked the clouds," the air is clear and bright, the sun shines most of the year from cloudless skies, and there seems to be more of tingle and electricity in the atmosphere. the rainfall ranges from ten to thirty inches, and in the drier parts vegetation does not flourish without irrigation. any view of primeval oregon would be incomplete without a glimpse of the native race, that melancholy people, possessed of so many interesting and even noble traits, whose sad lot it has mainly been to struggle against the advent of a civilisation which they could not understand nor resist, and before which they have melted away in pitiful impotency. but they have at least had the highest dignity of defeat, for they have died fighting. they have realised the conception of the roman emperor: "_me stantem mori oportet_." the oregon indians have essentially the same characteristic traits as other indians, secretiveness, patience, vindictiveness, stoicism; and, in their best state, fidelity and boundless generosity to friends. the poor broken fragments of the once populous tribes along the columbia cannot but affect the present-day observer with pity. most of the tangible memorials of this fallen race have vanished with them. not many of the conquerors have been sympathetic or even rational in their treatment of the indians. hence memorials of memory and imagination which might have been drawn from them and treasured up have vanished with them into the darkness. yet many indian legends have been preserved in one manner and another, and these are sufficient to convince us that the native races are of the same nature as ourselves. some of the legends which students of indian lore have gathered, will, perhaps, prove interesting to the reader. a quaint nez-percé myth accounts for the creation as follows: there was during the time of the watetash a monster living in the country of kamiah in central idaho. this monster had the peculiar property of an irresistible breath, so that when it inhaled, the winds and grass and trees and even different animals would be sucked into its devouring maw. the coyote god, being grieved for the destruction wrought by this monster, made a coil of rope out of grass and with this went to the summit of wallowa mountains to test the suction power of the monster. appearing like a tiny spear of grass upon the mountain, he blew a challenge to the monster. descrying the small object in the distance kamiah began to draw the air inward. but strange to say, coyote did not move. "ugh, that is a great medicine," said the monster. coyote now took his station upon the mountains of the seven devils, a good deal closer, and blew his challenge again. again the kamiah monster tried to breathe so deeply as to draw the strange challenger into his grasp, but again he failed. "he is a very big medicine," he said once more. and now coyote mounted the top of the salmon river mountains, somewhere near the buffalo hump of the present time, and again the monster's breath failed to draw him. the baffled kamiah was now sure that this was most extraordinary medicine. in reality, coyote had each time held himself by a grass rope tied to the mountain. coyote now called into counsel kotskots, the fox. providing him with five knives, kotskots advised coyote to force an entrance into the interior of the monster. entering in, coyote found people in all stages of emaciation, evidently having had their life gradually sucked out of them. it was also so cold and dark in the interior that they were chilled into almost a condition of insensibility. looking about him, coyote began to see great chunks of fat and pitch in the vitals of the monster, and accordingly he rubbed sticks together and started a fire, which being fed with the fat and pitch, soon grew into a cheerful glow. now, armed with his knives, he ascended the vast interior until he reached the heart. he had already directed kotskots to rouse up and gather together all the emaciated stowaways and provide that when the monster was cut open they should see how to rush out into the sunlight. great as was the monster kamiah, he could not stop the persistent hacking away at his heart which coyote now entered upon. when the fifth knife was nearly gone, the heart dropped down and kamiah collapsed into a lifeless mass. the people under the guidance of kotskots, burst out into the sunshine and scattered themselves abroad. it must be remembered that these were animal people, not human. coyote called upon them to wait until he should have shown them a last wonder, for, cutting the monster in pieces, he now began to fashion from the pieces a new race of beings to be called men. the portion which he cut from the head he flung northward, and of this was fashioned the flathead tribe. the feet he cast eastward, making them the blackfeet. so he continued, making new tribes here and there. but at the last kotskots interposed an objection. "you have made no people," he said, "for the valley of the lapwai, which is the most beautiful of all." realising the force of the suggestion, coyote mixed the blood of the monster with water and sprinkled it in a rain over the entire valley of the clearwater. from these drops of blood and water, the nez percé tribe was formed. the heart of the monster is still to be seen by all travellers in that country, being a heart-shaped hill in the valley of kamiah. perhaps the most perfect and beautiful of all indian fire myths of the columbia, is that connected with the famous "tomanowas bridge" at the cascades. this myth not only treats of fire, but it also endeavours to account for the peculiar formation of the river and for the great snow peaks in the near vicinity. this myth has various forms, and in order that it may be the better understood, we shall say a word with respect to the peculiar physical features in that part of the columbia. the river, after having traversed over a thousand miles from its source in the heart of the great rocky mountains of canada, has cleft the cascade range asunder with a cañon three thousand feet in depth. while generally swift, that portion between the dalles and the cascades is deep and sluggish. there are, moreover, sunken forests on both sides visible at low water, which seem plainly to indicate that at that point the river was dammed up by some great rock slide or volcanic convulsion. some of the indians affirm that their grandfathers have told them that there was a time when the river at that point passed under an immense natural bridge, and that there were no obstructions to the passage of boats under the bridge. at the present time there is a cascade of forty feet at that point. this is now overcome by government locks. among other evidences of some such actual occurrence as the indians relate, is the fact that the banks at that point are gradually sliding into the river. the prodigious volume of the columbia, which here rises from fifty to seventy-five feet during the summer flood, is continually eating into the banks. the railroad has slid several inches a year at this point toward the river and requires frequent readjustment. it is obvious at a slight inspection that this weird and sublime point has been the scene of terrific volcanic and probably seismic action. one indian legend, probably the best known of their stories, is to the effect that the downfall of the bridge and consequent damming of the river was due to a battle between mt. hood and mt. adams,--or, some say, mt. st. helens--in which mt. hood hurled a great rock at his antagonist; but, falling short of the mark, the rock demolished the bridge instead. this event has been made use of by frederick balch in his story, _the bridge of the gods_. but the finer, though less known legend, which unites both the physical conformation of the cascades and the three great snow mountains of hood, adams, and st. helens, with the origin of fire, is to this effect. according to the klickitats, there was once a father and two sons who came from the east down the columbia to the region in which dalles city is now located, and there the two sons quarrelled as to who should possess the land. the father, to settle the dispute, shot two arrows, one to the north and one to the west. he told one son to find the arrow to the north and the other the one to the west, and there to settle and bring up their families. the first son, going northward, over what was then a beautiful plain, became the progenitor of the klickitat tribe, while the other son was the founder of the great multnomah nation of the willamette valley. to separate the two tribes more effectively, sahale, the great spirit, reared the chain of the cascades, though without any great peaks, and for a long time all things went in harmony. but for convenience' sake, sahale had created the great tomanowas bridge under which the waters of the columbia flowed, and on this bridge he had stationed a witch woman called loowit, who was to take charge of the fire. this was the only fire in the world. as time passed on loowit observed the deplorable condition of the indians, destitute of fire and the conveniences which it might bring. she therefore besought sahale to allow her to bestow fire upon the indians. sahale, greatly pleased by the faithfulness and benevolence of loowit, finally granted her request. the lot of the indians was wonderfully improved by the acquisition of fire. they began to make better lodges and clothes and had a variety of food and implements, and, in short, were marvellously benefited by the bounteous gift. but sahale, in order to show his appreciation of the care with which loowit had guarded the sacred fire, now determined to offer her any gift she might desire as a reward. accordingly, in response to his offer, loowit asked that she be transformed into a young and beautiful girl. this was accordingly affected, and now, as might have been expected, all the indian chiefs fell deeply in love with the guardian of the tomanowas bridge. loowit paid little heed to any of them, until finally there came two chiefs, one from the north called klickitat and one from the south called wiyeast. loowit was uncertain which of these two she most desired, and as a result a bitter strife arose between the two. this waxed hotter and hotter, until, with their respective warriors, they entered upon a desperate war. the land was ravaged, all their new comforts were marred, and misery and wretchedness ensued. sahale repented that he had allowed loowit to bestow fire upon the indians, and determined to undo all his work in so far as he could. accordingly he broke down the tomanowas bridge, which dammed up the river with an impassable reef, and put to death loowit, klickitat, and wiyeast. but, inasmuch as they had been noble and beautiful in life, he determined to give them a fitting commemoration after death. therefore he reared over them as monuments, the great snow peaks; over loowit, what we now call mt. st. helens; over wiyeast, the modern mt. hood; and, above klickitat, the great dome which we now call mt. adams. of the miscellaneous myths which pertain to the forces of nature, one of the best is that accounting for the chinook wind. all people who have lived long in oregon or washington have a conception of that marvellous warm wind which in january and february suddenly sends them almost summer heat amid snow banks and ice-locked streams, and causes all nature to rejoice as with a resurrection of spring time. scarcely anything can be imagined in nature more picturesque and dramatic than this chinook wind. the thermometer may be down nearly to zero, a foot of snow may rest like a pall on the earth, or a deadly fog may wrap the earth, when suddenly, as if by the breath of inspiration, the fog parts, the peaks of the mountains may be seen half stripped of snow, and then, roaring and whistling, the warm south wind comes like an army. the snow begins to drip like a pressed sponge, the thermometer goes with a jump to sixty, and within two hours we find ourselves in the climate of southern california. no wonder the indians personified this wind. we personify it ourselves. the yakima account of the chinook wind was to the effect that it was caused by five brothers who lived on the columbia river, not far from the present town of columbus. now there is at rare intervals in this country a cold north-east wind, which the indians on the lower columbia call the walla walla wind because it comes from the north-east. the cold wind was caused by another set of brothers. both these sets of brothers had grandparents who lived near what is now umatilla. the two groups of brothers were continually fighting each other, sweeping one way or the other over the country, alternately freezing or thawing it, blowing down trees and causing the dust to fly in clouds, and rendering the country generally very uncomfortable. finally, the walla walla brothers sent a challenge to the chinook brothers to undertake a wrestling match, the condition being that those who were defeated should forfeit their lives. it was agreed that speelyei should act as umpire and should inflict the penalty by decapitating the losers. speelyei secretly advised the grandparents of the chinook brothers to throw oil on the wrestling ground so that their sons might not fall. in like manner he secretly advised the grandparents of the walla walla brothers to throw ice on the ground. between the ice and the oil it was so slippery that it would be hard for any one to keep upright, but inasmuch as the walla walla grandfather got ice on the ground last, the chinook brothers were all thrown and killed. the eldest chinook had an infant baby at home, whose mother brought him up with one sole purpose in view, and that was that he must avenge the death of his father and uncles. by continual practice in pulling up trees he became prodigiously strong, insomuch that he could pull up the largest fir trees and throw them about like weeds. the young man finally reached such a degree of strength that he felt that the time had come for him to perform his great mission. therefore he went up the columbia, pulling up trees and tossing them around in different places, and finally passed over into the valley of the yakima, where he lay down to rest by the creek called the setas. there he rested for a day and a night, and the marks of his couch are still plainly visible on the mountain side. now, turning back again to the columbia, he sought the hut of his grandparents, and when he had found it, he found also that they were in a most deplorable condition. the walla walla brothers had been having it all their own way during these years and had imposed most shamefully upon the old people. when he learned this, the young chinook told his grandfather to go out into the columbia to fish for sturgeon, while he in the meantime would lie down in the bottom of the boat and watch for the walla walla wind. it was the habit of these tormenting walla walla wind brothers to wait until the old man had got his boat filled with fish, and then they, issuing swiftly and silently from the shore, would beset and rob him. this time they started out from the shore as usual, but to their great astonishment, just as they were about to catch him, the boat would shoot on at miraculous speed and leave them far behind. so the old man landed safely and brought his fish to the hut. the young chinook then took his grandparents to a stream and washed from them the filth which had gathered upon them during all those years of suffering. strange to say, the filth became transformed into trout, and this is the origin of all the trout along the columbia. as soon as the news became known abroad that there was another chinook champion in the field, the walla walla brothers began to demand a new wrestling match. young chinook very gladly accepted the challenge, though he had to meet all five. but now speelyei secretly suggested to the chinook grandfather that he should wait about throwing the oil on the ground until the ice had all been used up. by means of this change of practice, the walla walla brothers fell speedily before the young chinook. one after another was thrown and beheaded until only the youngest was left. his courage failing, he surrendered without a struggle. speelyei then pronounced sentence upon him, telling him that he must live, but could henceforth only blow lightly, and never have power to freeze people to death. speelyei also decreed that in order to keep chinook within bounds he should blow his hardest at night time, and should blow upon the mountain ridges first in order to prepare people for his coming. thus there came to be moderation in the winds, but chinook was always the victor in the end. and thus at the present time, in the perpetual flux and reflux of the oceans of the air, when the north wind sweeps down from the chilly zones of canada upon the columbia basin, his triumph is but transient. for within a few hours, or days at most, while the cattle are threatened with destruction and while ranchers are gazing anxiously about, they will discern a blue-black line upon the southern horizon. in a short time the mountain ridges can be seen bare of snow, and deliverance is at hand. for the next morning, rushing and roaring from the south, comes the blessed chinook, and the icy grip of the north melts as before a blast from a furnace. the struggle is short and chinook's victory is sure. nearly all our native races had a more or less coherent idea of a future state of rewards and punishments. "the happy hunting ground" of the indians is often referred to in connection with the indians of the older part of the united states. our indians have ideas in general quite similar. some believe that there is a hell and a heaven. the siskiyou indians in southern oregon have a curious idea similar to that of the ancient egyptians as well as of the mohammedans. this is to the effect that the regions of the blessed are on the other side of an enormously deep chasm. to pass over this, one must cross on a very narrow and slippery pole. the good can pass, but the bad fall off into empty space, whence they reappear again upon the earth as beasts or birds. the klickitat indians, living along the dalles of the columbia have a fine legend of the land of spirits. there lived a young chief and a girl who were devoted to each other and seemed to be the happiest people in the tribe, but suddenly he sickened and died. the girl mourned for him almost to the point of death, and he, having reached the land of the spirits, could find no happiness there for thinking of her. and so it came to pass that a vision began to appear to the girl at night, telling her that she must herself go into the land of the spirits in order to console her lover. now there is, near that place, one of the most weird and funereal of all the various "memaloose" islands, or death islands, of the columbia. the writer himself has been upon this island and its spectral and volcanic desolation makes it a fitting location for ghostly tales. it lies just below the "great chute," and even yet has many skeletons upon it. in accordance with the directions of the vision, the girl's father made ready a canoe, placed her in it, and passed out into the great river by night, to the memaloose island. as the father and his child rowed across the dark and forbidding waters, they began to hear the sounds of singing and dancing and great joy. upon the shore of the island they were met by four spirit people, who took the girl, but bade the father return, as it was not for him to see into the spirit country. accordingly the girl was conducted to the great dance-house of the spirits, and there she met her lover, far stronger and more beautiful than when upon earth. that night they spent in unspeakable bliss, but when the light began to break in the east and the song of the robins was heard from the willows on the shore, the singers and the dancers fell asleep. the girl, too, had gone to sleep, but not soundly like the spirits. when the sun had reached the meridian, she woke, and now, to her horror, she saw that instead of being in the midst of beautiful spirits, she was surrounded by hideous skeletons and loathsome, decaying bodies. around her waist were the bony arms and skeleton fingers of her lover, and his grinning teeth and gaping eye-sockets seemed to be turned in mockery upon her. screaming with horror, she leaped up and ran to the edge of the island, where, after hunting a long time, she found a boat, in which she paddled across to the indian village. having presented herself to her astonished parents, they became fearful that some great calamity would visit the tribe on account of her return, and accordingly her father took her the next night back to the memaloose island as before. there she met again the happy spirits of the blessed, and there again her lover and she spent another night in ecstatic bliss. in the course of time a child was born to the girl, beautiful beyond description, being half spirit and half human. the spirit bridegroom, being anxious that his mother should see the child, sent a spirit messenger to the village, desiring his mother to come by night to the memaloose island to visit them. she was told, however, that she must not look at the child until ten days had passed. but after the old woman had reached the island, her desire to see the wonderful child was so intense that she took advantage of a moment's inattention on the part of the guard, and, lifting the cloth from the baby board, she stole a look at the sleeping infant. and then, dreadful to relate, the baby died in consequence of this premature human look. grieved and displeased by this foolish act, the spirit people decreed that the dead should never again return nor hold any communication with the living. in concluding this chapter we cannot forbear to call the attention of our readers to the rare beauty of many of the native indian names of localities. these names always have some significance, and ordinarily there is some such poetic or figurative conception involved in the name as plainly reveals the fact that these rude and unfortunate natives have the souls of poets beneath their savage exterior. it is truly lamentable that some of the sonorous and poetic native names have been thrust aside for the commonplace and oft-repeated names of eastern or european localities or the still less attractive names of discoverers or their unimportant friends. think of using the names salem and portland for chemeketa and multnomah, the native names. chemeketa means "here we rest," or, some say, the "place of peace," for it was the council ground of the willamette valley indians. but the methodist missionaries thought that it would have a more biblical sound and conduce to the spiritual welfare of the natives to translate the word into its equivalent, salem. so they spoiled the wild native beauty of the name for all time. multnomah means "down the waters." but two yankee sea captains, with a sad deficiency of poetry in them, tossed up a coin to decide whether to employ the name of boston or portland, the native town of each, and the latter won the toss. oregon has been more fortunate than washington in its state name, for it has the unique name, stately and sonorous, which old jonathan carver first used for the river and which is one of the most distinctive of all the names of states. but whether oregon is indian, spanish, french, or a corruption of something else, or a pure invention of carver's is one of the mooted points in our history. idaho, too, has one of the most mellifluous of names, meaning the "gem of the mountains." all three states have many beautiful and appropriate names of rivers, lakes, mountains, and cities. such are chelan, "beautiful water"; umatilla, "the wind-blown sand"; walla walla, "where the waters meet"; shuksan, "the place of the storm winds"; spokane, "the people of the sun"; kulshan, "the great white watcher"; snoqualmie, "the falls of the moon god." seattle derives its name from the old chief seattle, or sealth. the most bitterly disputed name of all is tacoma _vs._ rainier, as the name of the greatest of our mountains. the name of rainier was derived by vancouver from that of an officer of the british navy, a man who never knew anything of oregon and had no part or lot in its discovery or development. tacoma, or more accurately, _takhoma_ (a peculiar guttural which we cannot fully indicate), was the native indian name, meaning, according to some, "the great white mountain," and according to others meaning "the fountain-breast of milk-white waters." with these glances at the character of the land, and its native inhabitants, we are now ready to see how they became known to the world. chapter ii tales of the first white men along the coast nekahni mountain and tallapus--quootshoi and toulux--original beauty of clatsop plains--the story told by celiast and cultee--casting of the "thing" upon the beach--the pop-corn--burning of the ship--konapee, the iron-worker--franchère's account of soto--the treasure ship on the beach at nekahni mountain--the black spook and mysterious chest--the inscription still found on the rock--the beeswax ship--quiaculliby. we have told something of the mountains, rivers, and lakes which make up the framework of our pacific north-west. we have also tried to see the land through the eyes of the native red men, and have called back a few of the grotesque, fantastic, sometimes heroic, sometimes pathetic legends which they associated with every phase of their country. now the very centre of indian lore, the parnassus, the delphi, the dodona, of the lower columbia river indians, is the stretch of mingled bluff, plain, lake, sand-dune, and mountain, marvellously diversified, from the south shore of the columbia's mouth to the sacred nekahni mountain. it is a wonderously picturesque region. from it came tallapus, the hermes trismegistus of the oregon indians. its forests were haunted by the skookums and cheatcos. from the volcanic pinnacles of swallallochast, now known as saddle mountain, the thunder bird went forth on its daily quest of a whale, while at the mountain's foot quootshoi and toulux produced the first men from the monstrous eggs of that same great bird. in short, that region was rich in legend, as it was, and still is, in scenic beauty. it is said by the indians that a hundred years or more ago it was much finer than now, for the entire breadth of clatsop plains was sodded with deep green grass and bright with flowers almost the whole year through. this bright-hued plain lay open to the sea, and across its southern end flowed three tide streams, having the aboriginal names of nekanikum, ohanna, and neahcoxie. it was a veritable paradise for the indians. the forests were filled with elk (moosmoos) and deer (mowitch), while fish of almost every variety thronged the waters, from that king of all fish now known as the royal chinook of the columbia down to such smaller fry as the smelt and the herring, which even now sometimes so throng the lesser streams that the receding tide leaves them by the thousands on the muddy flats. on the beach were infinite numbers of clams; and as an evidence of their abundance we can now see shell mounds by the acre, in such quantity, indeed, that some of the modern roads have been paved with shells. this favoured region was the home of the clatsops. there, too, according to the legends, the first white men landed. the story of the first appearance of the white men has reached our own times in various forms, but the most coherent account is through the word of celiast, an indian woman who died many years ago, but who became the wife of one of the earliest white settlers and the mother of silas smith, now dead, but known in his time as one of the best authorities on indian history. celiast was the daughter of kobaiway, a chieftain whose sway extended over the land of the clatsops in the time of the astor company a century ago. celiast was in fact the best authority for many of the indian legends. but she is not alone in the knowledge of this appearance of the white men, for a number of other indians tell the substance of the same tale. among others an old indian of bay centre, washington, by the name of charlie cultee, related the story to dr. franz boas, whose work in the smithsonian institute is known as among the best on the native races. this is the story, a composite of that of celiast and that of cultee. it appears that an old woman living near the ancient indian village of ne-ahkstow, about two miles south of the mouth of the great river (the columbia) had lost her son. "she wailed for a whole year, and then she stopped." one day, after her usual custom, she went to the seaside, and walked along the shore towards clatsop. while on the way she saw something very strange. at first it seemed like a whale, but, when the old woman came close, she saw that it had two trees standing upright in it. she said, "this is no whale; it is a monster." the outside was all covered over with something bright, which they afterwards found was copper. ropes were tied all over the two trees, and the inside of the thing was full of iron. while the old woman gazed in silent wonder, a being that looked like a bear, but had a human face, though with long hair all over it, came out of the thing that lay there. then the old woman hastened home in great fear. she thought this bearlike creature must be the spirit of her son, and that the thing was that about which they had heard in the ekanum tales. the people, when they had heard the strange story, hastened with bows and arrows to the spot. there, sure enough, lay the thing upon the shore, just as the old woman had said. only instead of one bear there were two standing on the thing. these two creatures,--whether bears or people the indians were not sure,--were just at the point of going down the thing (which they now began to understand was an immense canoe with two trees driven into it) to the beach, with kettles in their hands. as the bewildered people watched them they started a fire and put corn into the kettles. very soon it began to pop and fly with great rapidity up and down in the kettles. the pop-corn (the nature of which the clatsops did not then understand) struck them with more surprise than anything else,--and this is the one part of the story preserved in every version. then the corn-popping strangers made signs that they wanted water. the chief sent men to supply them with all their needs, and in the meantime he made a careful examination of the strangers. finding that their hands were the same as his own, he became satisfied that they were indeed men. one of the indians ran and climbed up and entered the thing. looking into the interior, he found it full of boxes. there were also many strings of buttons half a fathom long. he went out to call in his relatives, but, before he could return, the ship had been set on fire. or, in the language of charlie cultee, "it burnt just like fat." as a result of the burning of the ship, the clatsops got possession of the iron, copper, and brass. now the news of this strange event became noised abroad, and the indians from all the region thronged to clatsop to see and feel of these strange men with hands and feet just like ordinary men, yet with long beards and with such peculiar garb as to seem in no sense men. there arose great strife as to who should receive and care for the strange men. each tribe or village was very anxious to have them, or at least one of them. the quienaults, the chehales, and the willapas, from the beach on the north side, came to press their claims. from up the river came the cowlitz, the cascades, and even the far-off klickitat. the different tribes almost had a battle for possession, but, according to one account, it was finally settled that one of the strange visitors should stay with the clatsop chief, and that one should go with the willapas on the north side of the great river. according to another, they both stayed at clatsop. from this first arrival of white men, the indians called them all "tlehonnipts," that is, "of those who drift ashore." one of the men possessed the magical art of taking pieces of iron and making knives and hatchets. it was indeed to the poor indians a marvellous gift of tallapus, their god, that they should have a man among them that could perform that priceless labour, for the possession of iron knives and hatchets meant the indefinite multiplying of canoes, huts, bows and arrows, weapons, and implements of every sort. the iron-maker's name was konapee. the indians kept close watch of him for many days and made him work incessantly. but, as the tokens of his skill became numerous, his captors held him in great favour and allowed him more liberty. being permitted to select a site for a house, he chose a spot on the columbia which became known to the indians, even down to the white occupancy of the region, as "konapee." among other possessions, konapee had a large number of pieces of money, which, from the description, must have been chinese "cash." from this some have inferred that konapee must have been a chinaman, and the wrecked ship a chinese or japanese junk. this does not, however, follow. for the spaniards had become entirely familiar with china, and any spanish vessel returning from the philippine islands or from china would have been likely to have a supply of chinese money on board. there is an interesting bit of testimony which seems to belong to this same story of konapee. it is found in the book by gabriel franchère in regard to the founding of astoria, the book which was the chief authority of irving in his fascinating narrative entitled _astoria_. franchère describes meeting an old man, eighty years old, in 1811, at the cascades, whose name was soto, and who said that his father was one of four spaniards wrecked on clatsop beach many years before. his father had tried to reach the land of the sunrise by going eastward, but having reached the cascades was prevented from going farther and had there married an indian woman, soto's mother. it is thought likely that the father of soto was konapee. the two stories seem to fit quite well. if this be true, it is likely that konapee's landing was as early as 1725. if all the details of konapee's life could be known, what a romance might be made of it! there is no reason to suppose that he ever saw other white men or ever got away from the region where the fortune of shipwreck had cast him. yet he was in possession of one of the greatest geographical secrets of that country, for the hope of the discovery of some great "river of the west," the elusive stream which many believed to be a pure fabrication of aguilar and other old navigators, had enticed many a "marinere" from many a far "countree." in any event it is probable that the columbia river indians had got a general knowledge of the whites and their arts from konapee long before the authentic discovery of the river was made. especially it seems that from him they got a knowledge of iron and implements fashioned from it. captain cook mentions that when he visited the coast in 1780 the indians manifested no surprise at the weapons or implements of iron. in fact even all whites who supposed themselves to be the first to visit this coast found the indians ready to trade and especially eager to get iron. a new era of trade and business seems to have been inaugurated among these clatsops and chinooks dating from about the supposed time of konapee. but he was by no means the only one of his race to be cast upon the oregon shore. there is a story of a treasure ship cast upon the beach near nekahni mountain. this mountain, the original home of tallapus, while on its summit the great chief god nekahni himself dwelt, is one of the noblest pieces of nature's art all along the shore. fronting the ocean with a precipitous rampart of rock five hundred feet high and thence rising in a wide sweeping park clad in thick turf, and dotted here and there with beautiful spruce and fir trees, to an elevation of twenty-five hundred feet, the sacred nekahni presents as fine a combination of the beautiful and sublime as can be seen upon a whole thousand miles of coast. it was a favourite spot with the natives. for lying upon its open and turfy slopes they could gaze upon many miles of sea, and could no doubt light up their signal fires which might be seen over a wide expanse of beach. very likely there, too, they celebrated the mysterious rites of nekahni and tallapus. one pleasant afternoon in early summer, a large group of natives assembled upon the lower part of nekahni, almost upon the edge of the precipitous cliff with which it fronts the sea. gazing into the offing they saw a great object like a huge bird drawing near from the outer sea. it approached the shore, and then from it a small boat with a number of men and a large black box put out to land. coming to the beach the men took out the box and also a black man whom the indians supposed to be a spook or evil demon. going a little way up the beach the men dug a hole into which they lowered the box, and then having struck down the black man they threw him on top of the box and, covering it up, they returned to the ship, which soon disappeared from sight. on account of the black man buried with the box, the superstitious indians dared not undertake to exhume the contents of the grave. but the story was handed from one generation to another, and it came to constitute the story of the "treasure ship." in recent times the idea that here some chest, with gold and jewels in the most approved style of buried fortunes, might be found has caused much searching. the ground has been dug over for the sight of the regulation rusty handle which is to lead to the great iron-bound chest with its doubloons of gold and crucifixes of pearls. parties have come from the eastern states to join the search. one party even secured the guidance of spirits who professed to locate the treasure. but though the spirit-led enthusiasts turned over every stone and dug up the sand for many feet along the beach, they found never an iron-bound chest, and never a sign of the treasure. there is, however, in plain sight now, on a rock at the foot of nekahni mountain, a character cut in the rock bearing a rude resemblance to a cross. some think it looks more like the letters, i.h.s., the sacred emblem of the catholic church. there is also what seems to be quite a distinct arrow pointing in a certain direction. but the treasure remains unfound. the next legend of the prehistoric white man is that of the "beeswax ship." this, too, has a real confirmation in the presence of large quantities of beeswax at a point also near nekahni mountain, just north of the mouth of the nehalem river. some naturalists claimed at one time that this substance was simply the natural paraffine produced from the products of coal or petroleum. but more recently cakes of the substance stamped with the sacred letters, "i.h.s.," together with tapers, and even one piece with a bee plainly visible within, may be considered incontestable proof that this is indeed beeswax, while the letters, "i.h.s." denote plainly enough the origin of the substance in some spanish colony. an interesting point in connection with this is the historical fact that on june 16, 1769, the ship _san josé_ left la paz, lower california, for san diego, and was never heard from again. some have conjectured that the _san josé_ was the "beeswax ship," driven far north by some storm or mutiny. as to the peculiar fact that a ship should have been entirely loaded with beeswax it has been conjectured that some of the good padres of the spanish missions meant to provide a new station with a large amount of wax for the sake of providing tapers for their service, the lighted candles proving then, as they do now, a matter of marvel and wonder to the natives, and, with other features of ceremonial worship, having a great effect to bring them into subjection to the church. the indian legend runs on to the effect that several white men were saved from the wreck of the "beeswax ship," and that they lived with them. but having infringed upon the family rights of the natives, they became obnoxious, and were all cut off by an attack from them. one story, however, asserts that there was one man left, a blue-eyed, golden-haired man, that he took a nehalem woman, and that from him was descended a fair-complexioned progeny, of which a certain chieftain who lived at a beautiful little lake on clatsop plains, now known as culliby lake, was our quiaculliby. such in brief survey, are some of the stories which preserve the record of the space betwixt the indian age of myth and the period of authentic discovery. chapter iii how all nations sought the river from the sea and how they found it search for gold--economic effects--early extension of exploration westward--cortez--magellan--aguilar--fables of the sea--shakspere and swift--maps--great wars of the seventeenth century and downfall of spain--long delay--resumption of exploration--spanish settlement of california--russia and behring--perez--heceta--cook--fur-trade--gathering of nations--the yankees--gray and kendrick--meares and vancouver--the complete discovery--strife between england and the united states. the period of the renaissance is one, which by reason of splendid achievements in literature, in art, in science, and in discovery, can hardly be duplicated. we are here especially concerned with the discoverers. a mingling of motives impelled those dauntless spirits onward, and among the most potent was the greed for gold. much american history is bound up with the mad rush for the precious metals, and the spread of exploration from the west indies and mexico, the first centres of spanish power, was one of its results. only eight years after the landing of columbus on san salvador, the portuguese gaspar cortereal had conceived the idea of a north-west passage, which in some unexplained manner became known as the strait of anian. in 1543, the spaniards cabrillo and ferrelo coasted along the shores of california, and the latter was doubtless the first white man to look upon the coast of oregon. in 1577, england appeared in the person of that boldest and most picturesque of the half-discoverers, half-pirates, of that time, francis drake. in that year he set forth on the wonderful voyage in which he plundered the treasures of the spanish main, cut the golden girdle of manila, queen of the spanish orient, skirted along the coast of california and oregon, and at last circumnavigated the globe. brilliant as were drake's exploits, they did not result in the discovery of our great river. in 1592, just a century after columbus, juan de fuca, whose name is now preserved in the strait leading to puget sound, is said to have made that voyage which is regarded by most historians as a myth, but which affords so fascinating a bit of narration that it ought to be true. two hundred years later john meares, the english navigator, attached the name of the stout old greek pilot to that inlet now familiar to ships of all nations. with the passage of a few years more, explorations upon the western shore of america began to assume a more definite form. in 1602 the best equipped squadron thus far sent out left acapulco under command of vizcaino, with the aim of carrying out monterey's great purpose for the northward extension of spanish power. the fleet being scattered by storm, the _fragata_ in command of martin aguilar ran up the coast as far as latitude 43 degrees. there they found a cape to which they attached the name still held, cape blanco. from that point, following the north-westerly trending of the coast, they soon came abreast of a "rapid and abundant river, with ash trees, willows, and brambles, and other trees of castile upon its banks." this they endeavoured to enter, but from the strength of the current could not. "and seeing that they had already reached a higher latitude than had been ordered by the viceroy and that the number of the sick was great, they decided to return to acapulco." torquemada, the historian, from whom the account is taken, goes on to say: it is supposed that this river is one leading to a great city, which was discovered by the dutch when they were driven thither by storms, and that it is the strait of anian, through which the vessels passed in sailing from the north sea to the south sea; and that the city called quivera is in those parts; and that this is the region referred to in the account which his majesty read, and which induced him to order this expedition. the interesting question arises, was the river the columbia? it is the only large river on the oregon coast, though the umpqua, if at flood stage, might have given the impression of size. the latitude is not right, either, though the spanish narrator does not say how far north of cape blanco they went. but whether or not aguilar really went so far north as the columbia, his voyage was one of much interest. it gave spain a warrant to claim the western coast of america; it still further strengthened the idea of the strait of anian; it seemed to confirm the romantic conception of a great city or group of cities with civilised inhabitants along that passage way, and it gave the first name to the river, the rio de aguilar. thenceforth the navigators of all nations accepted as the primary object of their search some great river of the west. hidden in the fogs of fancy, as it lay shrouded in truth in the mists of the ocean, the supposed rio de aguilar yet held the spell of enchantment over many an "ancient mariner" of many a land. whatsoever nation could actually find the river and establish a definite claim to first discovery, would have, by the generally accepted usage of nations, the right of occupation and ownership. that was a fruitful time for fables of the sea, and around the great river many of them gathered. the original of baron munchausen seems to have existed in the persons of captain lorenzo ferrer de maldonado and admiral pedro bartolomé de fonte. the first of these worthies, whose voyage was said to have been made in 1588, describes in a very circumstantial manner his passage through the strait of anian and his exit upon the asiatic side of the continent. this he averred was marked with a very remarkable rocky eminence which rendered it wonderfully adapted to fortification and defence, the mountain being so steep, in fact, that a missile dropped from the summit would fall directly upon a ship in mid-channel. it is thought by some students that some unchronicled spanish navigator may have actually made the inland passage up the alaskan coast and that some report of it may have become transformed into maldonado's story. fonte's story seems to have first appeared in a london publication in 1708, though his voyage was alleged to have been made in 1640. he told a marvellous tale of a great river which led to a magnificent lake on whose banks stood a great city. the river he located in latitude 53 degrees, and he named it the rio de los reyes, or river of kings. this is far north of the columbia, but the account persisted in popular idea for a long time. the name became associated with those of the rio de aguilar and the river of the west. these and other similar tales, the flotsam and jetsam of ocean myths, gave something of inspiration and suggestion to literature. for even long before the alleged exploits of fonte, the fertile mind of shakspere had conceived of caliban and ariel and other fancies of the age of western adventure. and in the next century the prince of political satirists, jonathan swift, had located almost exactly at the mouth of the rio de aguilar, the land of the brobdingnagians, while the countries into which the veracious gulliver was thrown at a later time, luggnagg and blubdubrib, were in the pacific at a somewhat indefinite distance from the land of the giants. the land of the oregon was in short, the land of the great unexplored and of boundless fancy. some of the old maps illustrating that period are of much interest. zaltieri's map of 1566 shows a generally accurate conception of the eastern part of america and of the western coast of mexico and california, but the entire continent above about latitude 60 degrees is occupied with a _mare septentrionale incognito_. luck's map of 1582 presents a fairly good conception of florida and mexico, but is entirely astray on the western coast. the wytfliet-ptolemy map of 1597 has a singularly indented coast running nearly east and west in the location of oregon, while cape blanco and a river, the rio de los estrachos, in about latitude 51 degrees, seem to be an attempt to denote aguilar's cape of 1543, and to locate the river by still another name, though in a higher latitude. maldonado's map of the strait of anian of 1609 is manifestly manufactured to suit the occasion, and is interesting only as showing how far mendacity and gullibility could travel hand in hand. but now the first age of discovery on the coast of oregon drew to a close. it cannot be said that much of tangible knowledge had been attained. puzzling questions had been raised. labyrinths of conjecture, with no definite clues for exit, had been entered. fascinating romances had been so interwoven with probable fact that no one could untangle them. a general conception of a great river and a great north-west passage had been held up with some distinctness as the goal of navigators. finally, most important of all, what had been seen was of so enticingly interesting a nature and seemed to promise results so important, that they furnished a motive for continued exploration. it certainly looked as though the nations would continue the search for the great river of the west. spain had the inside track of all, though drake and cavendish and hawkins had run down many a richly laden treasure galleon and had laid the booty at the feet of the virgin queen, and many an embittered buccaneer of french or english race had hounded the flag of spain across the breadth of half the seas. but a great change was impending. there was a new shuffle of the cards in the hands of the fates and the furies as the seventeenth century moved on apace. spain's time had come. her cup of iniquity was now full. her whole measure of national policy had been the sword for the pagan and the inquisition for the heretic. the banished moors of granada and the murdered "beggars" of holland and the wasted incas and montezumas of america united to call down the vengeance of nemesis upon the destroyer of a fair world's peace. the stupendous struggles engendered by the reformation, culminating in the thirty years' war, went on almost without pause for over a century. that strife, ending at westphalia in 1648, saw spain prostrate and the principle of religious toleration triumphant. but almost immediately another struggle arose, the natural successor of the first, the struggle against the absolute monarchy of the bourbons. as may well be seen, the nations of europe were so enchained in the strife against pope and king that they had little thought for new discoveries. over a hundred and sixty years passed after the voyage of aguilar before there was another serious movement of discovery on the coast of oregon. this new movement of pacific exploration, destined to continue with no cessation to our own day, was ushered in by spain. there was even yet much vitality in the fallen mistress of the world. impelled by both religious zeal and hope of material gain, the immigration of 1769 went forth from la paz to san diego and monterey. that inaugurated the singular and poetic, in some aspects even beautiful, history of spanish california, an era which has provided so much of romance and poetry for literature in the california of our own times. the march of events had made it plain to the spanish government that, if it was to retain a hold on the pacific coast, it must bestir itself. russia, england, and france, released in a measure from the pressure of european struggles, were fitting out expeditions to resume the arrested efforts of the sixteenth century. it seemed plain also that colonial america was going to be an active rival on the seas. and well may it have so seemed, for, in the sign of the yankee sailor, the conquest was to be made. but just at that important juncture a most favouring condition arose for spain. the government of england precipitated the struggle of the american revolution. france soon joined to strike her island rival a deadly blow by assisting in the liberation of the colonies. for the time, spain had nearly a clear field for pacific discovery, so far as england and france were concerned. as for russia, the danger was more imminent. russia had, indeed, begun to look in the direction of pacific expansion a long time prior to the spanish immigration to california. that vast monarchy, transformed by the genius of peter the great, had stretched its arms from the baltic to the aleutian archipelago, and had looked from the frozen seas of siberia to the open pacific as a fairer field for expansion. many years elapsed, however, before peter's great designs could be fulfilled. not till 1741 did vitus behring thread the thousand islands of sitka and gaze upon the glaciated crest of mt. st. elias. and it was not till thirty years later that it became understood that the bay of avatcha was connected by the open sea with china. in 1771 the first cargo of furs was shipped directly from avatcha to canton. then first the vastness of the pacific ocean was comprehended. then first it was understood that the same waters which lashed the frozen ramparts of kamchatka encircled the coral islands of the south sea and roared against the stormy barriers of cape horn. the russians had not found the great river, though it appears that behring in 1771 had gone as far south as latitude 46 degrees, just the parallel of the mouth of the columbia. but he was so far off the coast as not to see it. three spanish voyages followed in rapid succession: that of perez in 1774, of heceta in 1775, and of bodega in 1779. the only notable things in connection with the voyage of perez were his discovery of queen charlotte's island, with the sea-otter furs traded by the natives, the first sight of that superb group of mountains which we now call the olympic, but which the spaniards named the sierra de santa rosalia, and finally the fine harbour of nootka on vancouver island, named by perez port san lorenzo, for years the centre of the fur-trade and the general rendezvous of ships of all nations. but no river was found. with another year a still completer expedition was fitted out, bruno heceta being commander and francisco de la bodega y quadra, second in command. this voyage was the most important and interesting thus far in the history of the columbia river exploration. for heceta actually found the great river, so long sought and so constantly eluding discovery. on june 10, 1775, heceta passed cape mendocino, and entered a small bay just northward. there he entered into friendly relations with the natives and took solemn possession of the country in the name of his catholic majesty of spain. sailing thence northward, he again touched land just south of the straits of fuca, but there he met disaster at the ill-omened point subsequently named destruction island. for there his boat landing for exploration was set upon by the savage inhabitants, and the entire boat-load murdered. moving southward again, on august 15th, in latitude 46 degrees 10 minutes, heceta found himself abreast of some great river. deciding that this must be indeed the mysterious strait of fuca, or the long concealed river of the other ancient navigators, he made two efforts to enter, but the powerful current and uncertain depths deterred him, and he at last gave up the effort and bore away for monterey. three additional names were bestowed upon the river at this time. thinking the entrance a bay, heceta named it, in honour of the day, ensenada de asuncion. later it was more commonly known as ensenada de heceta, while the spanish charts designated the river as rio de san roque. the name of cabo de frondoso (leafy cape) was bestowed upon the low promontory on the south, now known as point adams, while upon the picturesque headland on the north which we now designate as cape hancock, the devout spaniards conferred the name of cabo de san roque, august 16th being the day sacred to that saint. the original account given by heceta is so interesting that we insert it here: on the 17th day of august i sailed along the coast to the 46th degree, and observed that from the latitude 47 degrees 4 minutes to that of 46 degrees 10 minutes, it runs in the angle of 18 degrees of the second quadrant, and from that latitude to 46 degrees 4 minutes, in the angle of 12 degrees of the same quadrant; the soundings, the shore, the wooded character of the country, and the little islands, being the same as on the preceding days. on the evening of this day i discovered a large bay, to which i gave the name assumption bay, and a plan of which will be found in this journal. its latitude and longitude are determined according to the most exact means afforded by theory and practice. the latitudes of the two most prominent capes of this bay are calculated from the observations of this day. having arrived opposite this bay at six in the evening, and placed the ship nearly midway between the two capes, i sounded and found bottom in four brazas [nearly four fathoms]. the currents and eddies were so strong that, notwithstanding a press of sail, it was difficult to get out clear of the northern cape, towards which the current ran, though its direction was eastward in consequence of the tide being at flood. these currents and eddies caused me to believe that the place is the mouth of some great river, or of some passage to another sea. had i not been certain of the latitude of this bay, from my observations of the same day, i might easily have believed it to be the passage discovered by juan de fuca, in 1592, which is placed on the charts between the 47th and the 48th degrees; where i am certain no such strait exists; because i anchored on the 14th day of july midway between these latitudes, and carefully examined everything around. notwithstanding the great difference between this bay and the passage mentioned by de fuca, i have little difficulty in conceiving they may be the same, having observed equal or greater differences in the latitudes of other capes and ports on this coast, as i will show at the proper time; and in all cases latitudes thus assigned are higher than the real ones. i did not enter and anchor in this port, which in my plan i suppose to be formed by an island, notwithstanding my strong desire to do so; because, having consulted with the second captain, don juan perez, and the pilot don christoval revilla, they insisted i ought not to attempt it, as, if we let go the anchor, we should not have men enough to get it up, and to attend to the other operations which would be thereby necessary. considering this, and also, that in order to reach the anchorage, i should be obliged to lower my long boat (the only boat i had) and to man it with at least fourteen of the crew, as i could not manage with fewer, and also as it was then late in the day, i resolved to put out; and at the distance of three leagues i lay to. in the course of that night, i experienced heavy currents to the south-west, which made it impossible to enter the bay on the following morning, as i was far to leeward. these currents, however, convinced me that a great quantity of water rushed from this bay on the ebb of the tide. the two capes which i name in my plan, cape san roque and cape frondoso, lie in the angle of 10 degrees of the third quadrant. they are both faced with red earth and are of little elevation. on the 18th i observed cape frondoso, with another cape, to which i gave the name of cape falcon, situated in the latitude of 45 degrees 43 minutes, and they lay at an angle of 22 degrees of the third quadrant, and from the last mentioned cape i traced the coast running in the angle of 5 degrees of the second quadrant. this land is mountainous, but not very high, nor so well wooded as that lying between the latitudes of 48 degrees 30 minutes, and 46 degrees. on sounding i found great differences: at a distance of seven leagues i got bottom at 84 brazas; and nearer the coast i sometimes found no bottom; from which i am inclined to believe there are reefs or shoals on these coasts, which is also shown by the colour of the water. in some places the coast presents a beach, in others, it is rocky. a flat-topped mountain, which i named the table, will enable any navigator to know the position of cape falcon without observing it; as it is in the latitude of 45 degrees 28 minutes, and may be seen at a great distance, being somewhat elevated. it may be added that the cape falcon of heceta was the bold elevation fronting the sea, known now as tillamook head, while the table mountain was doubtless what we now call nekahni mountain, both points especially the scenes of indian myth. such was the actual discovery of the columbia river, and as such the spaniards justly laid claim to oregon. their treaty with the united states in 1819 was the formal conveyance of their claims to us. nevertheless heceta only half discovered the river. it seems very strange that with the all-important object of two centuries' search before him, he should so readily have succumbed to the fear of the powerful outstanding current. but the spaniards were not in general the patient and persistent students of the shores that the english and americans were. their charts were in general worthless. nevertheless spain came nearest "making good" of any of the european powers. in 1779 bodega and arteaga sailed far north and sighted a vast snow peak "higher than orizaba," which was doubtless st. elias. in the same year martinez and de haro established themselves at nootka. subsequent voyages of bodega, valdez, and galiano, and their first circumnavigation of vancouver island (named by them quadra's island, but, by mutual courtesy and good-will of the british and spanish rivals, designated vancouver's and quadra's island), gave them a clear title to the pacific coast of north america from latitude 60 degrees to mexico. but "that is another story." what of the great river? in the very year of the declaration of american independence, the most elaborate expedition yet fitted out for western discovery, set forth from england in command of that columbus of the eighteenth century, captain james cook. after nearly two years of important movements in the southern hemisphere and among the pacific islands, cook turned to that goal of all nations, the coast of oregon. but the same singular fatality which had baffled many of the explorers thus far, attended this most skilful navigator and best equipped squadron thus far seen on pacific waters. for cook passed and repassed the near vicinity of both the straits of fuca and the columbia river, but without finding either. killed by the treacherous natives of hawaii in 1778, cook left a great name, a more intelligent conception of world geography than was known before, and greatly strengthened claims by great britain to the ownership of pivotal points of the pacific. of all the great english navigators, cook is perhaps best entitled to join the grand chorus that sings the _songs of seven seas_. but he did not see the great river of the west. what had become of it? after the fleeting vision which it accorded to heceta, it seemed to have gone into hiding. but a new set of motives came into play immediately after cook's voyage. the two ships, the _resolution_ and _discovery_, took with them to china a quantity of furs from nootka. a few years earlier, as previously stated, the russian fur-trade from avatcha to china had been inaugurated. a great demand for peltries sprang up at once. a new régime dawned in chinese and east india trade. gold, silver, and jewels had not thus far rewarded the search of explorers. they were reserved for our later days of need. but the fur-trade was as good as gold. the north pacific coast, already interesting, assumed a new importance in the eyes of europeans. the "struggle for possession" was on. the ships of all nations converged upon the fabled strait and river of oregon. english, dutch, french, portuguese, spanish, americans, began in the decade of the eighties to crowd to the land where the sea-otter, beaver, seal, and many other of the most profitable furs could be obtained for a trifle. the dangers of trading and the chances of the sea were great, but the profits of success were yet greater. the fur-trade began to take the place of the gold hunt as a matter of international strife. the manner in which our own country, weak and discordant as its different members were when just emerging from the revolutionary war, entered the lists, and by the marvellous allotment of fortune or the design of providence, slipped in between the greater nations and secured the prize of oregon, is one of the epics of history, one which ought to have some native tasso or calderon to celebrate its triumph. following quickly upon the conclusion of the american war, came a series of british, french, and russian voyages, which gradually centred more particularly about vancouver island and nootka sound. the british exceeded the others in numbers and enterprise. among them we find names now preserved at many conspicuous points on the northern coast: as portlock, hanna, dixon, duncan, and barclay. the most notable of the french was la pérouse, who was best equipped for scientific research of any one. a number of russian names appear at that period, most of which may yet be found upon the maps of alaska, as schelikoff, ismyloff, betschareff, resanoff, krustenstern, and baranoff. but none of them set eyes on the river, and it seemed more mythical than ever. as a result, however, of their various expeditions, incomplete though they were, each nation followed the usual practice of claiming everything in sight, either in sight of the eye or the imagination, and demanded the whole coast by priority of discovery. never did a geographical entity seem so to play the _ignis fatuus_ with the world as did the river. thirteen years elapsed from the discovery of the rio san roque by heceta before any one of the dozens who had meanwhile passed up and down the coast, looked in again between the cabo de frondoso and the cabo de san roque. then there came on one negative and two positive discoveries, and the elusive stream was really found never to be lost again. the negative discovery was that of captain john meares in 1788. since england afterwards endeavoured to make the voyages of meares an important link in her chain of proof to the ownership of oregon, it is worthy of some special attention. it happened on this wise. meares came first to the coast of oregon in 1786, in command of the _nootka_ to trade for furs for the east india company. with the _nootka_ was the _sea-otter_, in command of captain walter tipping. both seem to have been brave and capable seamen. but disaster followed on their track. for having sailed far up the coast, they followed the aleutian archipelago eastward to prince william's sound. separated on the journey, the _nootka_ reached a safe haven, but her consort never arrived, nor was she ever heard of more. the _nootka_, after an arctic winter of distress and after losing a large part of the crew through the ravages of scurvy, abandoned the trade and returned to china. discouraged by the outcome, the east india company abandoned the american trade and confined themselves henceforth to india. but meares, finding that the portuguese had special privileges in the fur-trade and in the harbour of nootka, entered into an arrangement with some portuguese traders whereby he went nominally as supercargo, but really as captain of the _felice_, under the portuguese flag. with her sailed the _iphigenia_ with william douglas occupying a place similar to that of meares. in estimating the subsequent pretensions of great britain, the student of history may well remember that these two mariners, though englishmen, were sailing under the flag of portugal. reaching again the coast of oregon, meares looked in, june 29, 1788, at the broad entrance of an extensive strait which he believed to be the mythical strait of juan de fuca of two centuries earlier, but which he did not pause to explore. he had resolved to solve the riddle of the rio san roque or the ensenada de asuncion or de heceta, and turned his prow southward. on july 5th, in latitude 46 degrees 10 minutes, he perceived a deep bay which he considered at once to be the object of his search. essaying to enter, he found the water shoaling with dangerous rapidity and a prodigious easterly swell breaking on the shore. from the masthead it seemed that the breakers extended clear across the entrance. with rather curious timidity for a bold briton right on the eve of a discovery for which all nations had been looking, meares lost courage and hauled out, attaching the name deception bay to the inlet and cape disappointment to the northern promontory, the last a name still officially used. meares left as his final conclusion in the matter, the following memorandum: "we can now assert that there is no such river as that of st. roc exists, as laid down in the spanish charts." in view of this statement of the case it would certainly seem that he could not be accepted as a witness for english discovery, even if the portuguese flag had not been flying at his masthead. after bestowing the name of lookout upon the great headland christened cape falcon by heceta and known to us as tillamook head, meares squared away for nootka, and there he spent a very profitable season in the fur-trade. but into the harbour of nootka that same year of 1788, there sailed the ship of destiny, the _columbia rediviva_, in command of john kendrick. with the _columbia_ came the _lady washington_, commanded by robert gray. these were the advance guard of yankee ships which the energies of our liberated forefathers were sending forth as an earnest of the coming conquest of oregon by the universal yankee nation. gray and kendrick were engaged in the fur-trade, and their energy and intelligence made it speedily profitable. it took a long time and a long arm, sure enough, in that day, to complete the great circuit of the outfitting, the bartering, the transferring, the return trip, and the final sale;--three years in all. the ship would be fitted out in boston or new york with trinkets, axes, hatchets, and tobacco, and proceed by the horn to the coast of oregon,--six months or sometimes eight. then up and down the coast, as far as known, they would trade with natives for the precious furs, making a profit of a thousand per cent. on the investment. gray on one occasion got for an axe a quantity of furs worth $8000. the fur-barter would take another six or eight months. then with hold packed with bales of furs, the ship would square away for macao or canton, six or eight months more. in china, the cargo of furs would go out and a cargo of nankeens, teas, and silks go in, with a great margin of profit at both ends. then away again to boston, there to sell the proceeds of that three years' "round-up" of the seas, for probably ten times the entire cost of outfitting and subsistence. the glory, fascination, and gain of the ocean were in it, and also its dangers. of this sufficient witness is found in vanished ships, murdered crews, storm, scurvy, famine, and war. but it was a great age. gray and kendrick were as good specimens of their keen, facile, far-sighted countrymen, as meares and vancouver were of the self-opinionated, determined, yet withal manly and thorough britons. among other pressing matters, such as looking out for good fur-trade in order to recoup the boston merchants who had put their good money into the venture, and looking out for the health of their crew, steering clear of the uncharted reefs and avoiding the treacherous natives, gray and kendrick remembered that they were also good americans. they must see that the new stars and stripes had their due upon the new coast. the first voyage of the two yankee skippers was ended and they set forth for another round in 1791, but with ships exchanged, gray commanding the _columbia_ on this second voyage. the year 1792 was now come, and it was a great year in the annals of oregon, three hundred years from columbus, two hundred from juan de fuca. the struggle between england and spain over conflicting rights at nootka, which at one time threatened war, had been settled with a measure of amicability. as a commissioner to represent great britain, captain george vancouver was sent out, while bodega y quadra was empowered to act in like capacity for spain. spaniards and britons alike realised that, whatever the nootka treaty may have been, possession was nine points of the law, and both redoubled their efforts to push discovery, and especially to make the first complete exploration of the straits of fuca and the supposed great river. there were great names among the spaniards in that year, some of which still commemorate some of the most interesting geographical points, as quimper, malaspina, fidalgo, caamano, elisa, bustamente, valdez, and galiano. a list of british names now applied to many points, as vancouver, puget, georgia, baker, hood, rainier, st. helens, whidby, vashon, townsend, and others, attests the name-bestowing care of the british commander. in going to nootka as british commissioner, vancouver was under instructions to make the most careful examination of the coast, especially of the rivers or any interoceanic channels, and thereby clear up the many conundrums of the ocean on that shore. with the best ship, the war sloop _discovery_, accompanied by the armed tender _chatham_, in command of lieutenant w. r. broughton, and with the best crew and best general equipment yet seen on the coast, it would have been expected that the doughty briton would have found all the important places yet unfound. that the americans beat him in finding the river and that the spaniards beat him in the race through the straits and around vancouver island, may be regarded as due partly to a little british obstinacy at a critical time, but mainly due to the appointment of the fates. on april 27, 1792, vancouver passed a "conspicuous point of land composed of a cluster of hummocks, moderately high and projecting into the sea." this cape was in latitude 46 degrees 19 minutes, and vancouver decided that here were doubtless the cape disappointment and deception bay of meares. in spite of the significant fact that the sea here changed its colour, the british commander was so prepossessed with the idea that meares must have decided correctly the nature of the entrance (for how was it possible for an english sailor to be wrong and a spaniard right?) that he decided that the opening was not worthy of more attention and passed on up the coast. so the english lost their second great chance of being first to enter the river. two days later the lookout reported a sail, and as the ships drew together, the newcomer was seen to be flying the stars and stripes. it was the _columbia rediviva_, captain robert gray, of boston. in response to vancouver's rather patronising queries, the yankee skipper gave a summary of his log for some months past. among other things he stated that he had passed what seemed to be a powerful river in latitude 46 degrees 10 minutes, which for nine days he had tried in vain to enter, being repelled by the strength of the current. he now proposed returning to that point and renewing his effort. vancouver declined to reconsider his previous decision that there could be no large river, and passed on to make his very elaborate exploration of the straits of fuca and their connected waters, and to discover to his great chagrin, that the spaniards had forestalled him in point of time. the vessels parted. gray sailed south and on may 10, 1792, paused abreast of the same reflex of water where before for nine days he had tried vainly to enter. the morning of the 11th dawned clear and favourable, light wind, gentle sea, a broad, clear channel, plainly of sufficient depth. the time was now come. the man and the occasion met. gray seems from the first to have been ready to take some chances for the sake of some great success. he always hugged the shore closely enough to be on intimate terms with it. and he was ready boldly to seize and use favouring circumstances. so, as laconically stated in his log-book, he ran in with all sail set, and at ten o'clock found himself in a large river of fresh water, at a point about twenty miles from the ocean. the geographical sphinx was answered. gray was its oedipus, though unlike the ancient theban myth there was no need that either the sphinx of the oregon coast or its discoverer perish. the river recognised and welcomed its master. the next day the _columbia_ moved fifteen miles up the stream. finding that he was out of the channel, gray stopped further progress and turned again seaward. natives, apparently friendly disposed, thronged in canoes round the ship, and a large quantity of furs was secured. the river already bore many names, but gray added another, and it was the one that has remained, the name of his good ship _columbia_. upon the southern cape he bestowed the name of adams, and upon the northern, the name hancock. these also remain. the great exploit was completed. the long sought river of the west was found, and by an american. the path of destiny for the new republic of the west was made secure. without oregon we probably would not have acquired california, and without a pacific coast, the united states would inevitably have been but a second-class power, the prey to european intrigue. the vast importance of the issue then becomes clear. gray's happy voyage, that yankee foresight and confidence in his seamanship and intuitive suiting of times and conditions to results which marks the vital turning points of history, differentiate gray's discovery from all others upon our north-west coast. as we view the matter now, a century and more later, we can see that our national destiny, and especially the vast part that we now seem at the point of taking in world interests through the commerce of the pacific, hung in the balance to a certain extent upon the stubborn adherence by vancouver, the briton, to the preconceived opinion that there was no important river at the point designated by his spanish predecessor, and the contrasted readiness of the american gray to embrace boldly the chances of some great discovery. it is true that the "oregon question" was not to be settled for several decades. much diplomacy and contention, almost to the verge of war, were yet to come, but gray's fortunate dash, "with all sail set, in between the breakers to a large river of fresh water," gave our nation a lead in the ultimate adjustment of the case, which we never lost. we have said that there was one negative discovery--that of meares--and two positive ones. gray's was one of the two, and that of broughton, in command of the _chatham_ accompanying vancouver, was the other. on the 20th of may, the _columbia rediviva_--a most auspicious name--bade adieu to the scene of her glory, and with the stars and stripes floating in triumph at her mizzen-mast, turned northward. again the american captain encountered vancouver and narrated to him his discovery of the columbia. with deep chagrin at his own failure in the two most important objects of discovery in his voyage, the british commander directed broughton to return to latitude 46 degrees 10 minutes, enter the river, and proceed as far up as time allowed. accordingly, on october 21st, the companion ships parted at the mouth of the river, the _discovery_ proceeding to monterey, while the _chatham_ crossed the bar, described by broughton as very bad, and endeavoured to ascend the bay that stretched out beautiful and broad before them. but finding the channel intricate and soundings variable, the lieutenant deemed it advisable to leave the ship at a point which must have been about twenty miles from the ocean, and to proceed thence in the cutter. there is one thing observable in vancouver's account of this expedition of broughton, and that is extreme solicitude to establish these two propositions:--first, that the lower part of the columbia is a bay and that its true mouth is at a point above that reached by gray; and second, that the river is much smaller than it really is. it is hard to reconcile the language used in broughton's report as given by vancouver with the supposition of candour and honesty. for while it is true that the lower part of the river is of bay-like expanse from four to nine miles in width, yet it is entirely fresh and has all river characteristics. one of the points especially made by gray was that he filled his casks with fresh water. moreover, the bar is entirely at the ocean limit. so completely does the river debouch into the ocean, in fact, that in the great flood of 1894 the clams were killed on the ocean beaches for a distance of several miles on either side of the outer headlands through the freshening of the sea. as to the size of the river, broughton gives its width repeatedly as half a mile or a quarter of a mile, whereas it is at almost no point below the cascades less than a mile in width, and a mile and a half is more usual. broughton expresses the conviction that it can never be used for navigation by vessels of any size. in view of the vast commerce now constantly passing in and out, the absurdity of that idea is and has been for years sufficiently exhibited. the animus of the british explorers is obvious. by showing that the mouth of the river was really an inlet of the sea, they hoped to lay a claim to british occupancy as against gray's discovery, and by belittling the size of the river they hoped to save their own credit with the british admiralty for having lost so great a chance for first occupation. broughton ascended the river to a point near the modern town of washougal. he bestowed british names after the general fashion, as mt. hood, cape george, vancouver point, puget's island, young's bay, menzies' island, and whidby's river. with true british assurance, he felt that he had "every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilised nation or state had ever entered this river before; in this opinion he was confirmed by mr. gray's sketch, in which it does not appear that mr. gray either saw or was ever within five leagues of its entrance." therefore he "took possession of the river, and the country in its vicinity, in his britannic majesty's name." in view of all the circumstances of gray's discovery, and his impartation of it to the british, this language of vancouver has a coolness, as john fiske remarks, which would be very refreshing on a hot day. on november 10th, the _chatham_ crossed the bar outward bound for monterey to join the _discovery_. such, in rapid view, were the essential facts in the long and curiously complicated finding of our river. we see that various nations bore each a part. we see the foundation of the subsequent contention between great britain and the united states. chapter iv the first steps across the wilderness in search of the river jefferson and ledyard--verendrye--montcachabe, the indian--the indians--the canadians--results of the louisiana purchase--fitting out the lewis and clark expedition--the winter with the mandans--crossing of the great divide--meeting of sacajawea and cameahwait--descent from the mountains to the clearwater and kimooenim--canoe journey down the snake and columbia--first sight of mt. hood--clark in the rôle of a magician--the timm or great falls--the sunken forests--first appearances of the tide--the winter of 1805-06 at fort clatsop--the beginning of the return trip--faithfulness of the indians--reception of lewis and clark in the states--the hunt expedition--the _voyageurs_ and trappers--slow progress to the snake river--disasters and distress along the "accursed mad river"--starvation--new year's day of 1812--a respite from suffering in the umatilla--first sight of the columbia and the mid-winter descent to astoria--melancholy lot of crooks and day--results of the hunt expedition. the pacific north-west was discovered both by land and by sea. to thomas jefferson, the great apostle of democracy, is due the gathering of american interests in the far west, and the opening of the road by which american sovereignty was to reach the pacific. his great mind outran that of the ordinary statesman of his time, and, with what seems at first sight the strangest inconsistency in our political history, he was the state-rights theorist and at the same time the creator of nationality beyond any other one of our early statesmen. away back in 1786, jefferson met john ledyard, one of cook's associates in his great voyage to the pacific ocean, and grasped from the eager and energetic yankee sailor, the idea of american destiny on the pacific coast. the fertile mind of jefferson may justly be considered as the fountain of american exploration up the missouri, across the crest of the shining mountains, as they then called the rockies, and down the columbia to the pacific. although jefferson never himself took any steps beyond the alleghanies, he was the inspiration of all the americans who did take those steps. since we are speaking of first steps across the wilderness we should not forget that those of other nationalities than ours first crossed the american continent. the honour of the pioneer expedition to the crest of the rocky mountains belongs to the frenchman, verendrye. in 1773 he set forth from montreal for the rocky mountains, and made many important explorations. his party is said to have reached the vicinity of the site of helena, but never saw the sunset side of the great divide. we are told by the interesting french writer, la page, that the first man to proceed across the continent to the shores of the pacific was a yazoo indian, montcachabe or montcacht ape by name. according to the story, his two-year journey across the great wilderness through every species of peril and hardship, savage beasts and forbidding mountains and deserts, hostile indians often barring his progress for many days, was one of the most remarkable explorations ever made by man. this yazoo indian with the long name was a veritable columbus in the nature of his achievements. but results for the world could hardly follow his enterprise. the first traveller to lead a party of civilised men through the shining, or the stony mountains, finally known as rocky mountains, to the pacific ocean, was alexander mackenzie, a canny scotchman, leading a party of scotch and french canadian explorers. in 1793 he reached the pacific coast at the point of 52 degrees 24 minutes 48 seconds north latitude. his inscription upon a rock with letters of vermilion and grease, were read many years afterwards: "alexander mackenzie, from canada by land, july 22, 1793." but the explorations of canadians were too far north to come within the scope of the pacific north-west of our day. we must therefore take up the american expeditions which proceeded from the master mind of jefferson. the first of these was the expedition of lewis and clark. this expedition did more to broaden the american mind and to fix our national destiny than any similar event in our whole history. as soon as jefferson was inaugurated president, he had urged upon congress the fitting out of an expedition "to explore the missouri river and such principal streams of it as, by its course of communication with the waters of the pacific ocean, whether the columbia, oregon, colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practical water communication across the continent, for the purposes of commerce." but before anything had actually been accomplished in the way of exploration, that vast and important event, the louisiana purchase, had been effected. the significance of this event was but little understood at the time, even by statesmen, but jefferson realised that a great thing had been accomplished towards the development of the nation. his enthusiasm and hopefulness spread to congress and to the leaders of opinion throughout the land. a like enthusiasm soon possessed the mass of population, and emigration westward began. already the older west was teeming with that race of pioneers which has made up the life and the grandeur of the nineteenth century. the american hive began to swarm. "out west" began to mean something more than ohio and kentucky. the distant sources of the missouri and the heights of the shining mountains, with all the fantastic tales that had been told of them, were drawing our grandfathers farther and farther from the old colonial america of the eastern coast, and were beginning to modify the whole course of american history. the atmosphere of boundless expectation gathered over farm and town in the older states and the proposed expedition of lewis and clark fascinated the people as much as the voyage of columbus fascinated the spain of his day. and what manner of men were in charge of this expedition, thus filled with both interest and peril? meriwether lewis was the leader of the party. he was a captain in the u. s. army who was well known to jefferson and who had been selected by him as possessed of the endurance, boldness, and energy which made him the fittest man within jefferson's knowledge for the duties of commander. his whole life, from his boyhood days in virginia, had been one of bold adventure. it is related that at the tender age of eight, he was already illustrious for successful midnight forays upon the coon and possum. he had not received a scientific education, but immediately upon receiving the appointment of commander of the expedition, he entered with great energy upon the acquisition of knowledge along geographical lines which would best fit him for preserving an accurate record of his journey. william clark, the lieutenant of the expedition, was also a united states officer, a man of very good judgment, boldness, and skill in organising his work, and readiness in meeting every kind of emergency. the party was made up of fourteen united states regular soldiers, nine kentucky volunteers, two french voyageurs, a hunter, an interpreter and a negro servant. the soldiers were offered the munificent bounty of retirement upon full pay, with a grant of land. by jefferson's directions, the party were encouraged to keep complete records of all they saw and did. they carried out the instruction so fully that seven journals besides those of lewis and clark themselves, were carefully kept, and in them a record was made of every important, as well as unimportant, discovery, even down to the ingredients of their meals and their doses of medicine. it is safe to say that no expedition was ever more fully or accurately reported. although not a single one of the party possessed literary attainments, there is nevertheless a singular charm about the combined record which has been recognised to this day by repeated editions of the work. it was well understood that the success of the expedition depended largely upon making friends with the indians, and the explorers were therefore completely fitted out with beads, mirrors, knives, and all manner of trinkets. the summer of 1804 was spent in an easy and uneventful journey of five months up the missouri to the country of the mandan indians, in what is now dakota. there they determined to winter. the winter was devoted to making the acquaintance of indians and to collecting botanical and zoölogical specimens, of which they sent president jefferson a large amount by a portion of the party which now left them and descended the river. and, while speaking of their relations to indians, it is very interesting to note the attitude jefferson instructed them to take in respect to the native tribes. he insisted upon a policy of peace and good-will toward all the tribes upon the route. it is observable that jefferson refers in a most considerate and friendly manner to the indians, and instructs the explorers to arrange, if possible, to have some of the more important chiefs induced to come back with the explorers to the city of washington. he also points out the desirability of urging any bright young indians to receive such arts as might be useful to them when in contact with the white men. jefferson even goes so far as to advise the explorers to take along vaccine matter that the indians might be instructed in the advantages of vaccination. a number of medallion medals were made that were intended to be given as presents to indian chiefs, the inscription of which was "peace and friendship," with the design of clasped hands. these medals, it may be remarked, seem to have been prized by the indians as among their greatest treasures. several of them have been found in indian graves; one even in a grave of the nez percé indians in idaho. while among the mandans, the expedition was joined by the most attractive personage in it, that is to say, sacajawea. this young indian woman, the only woman in the expedition, seems to have furnished the picturesque element in the composition of the party, and she has in later days become the subject of great interest on the part of students of pacific coast history. [illustration: mt. adams from the south. photo. by w. d. lyman.] on april 7th, everything was in readiness for resuming their journey up the river. the explorers embarked again in a squadron of six canoes and two pirogues. on the twelfth day of august, an advance party of the explorers crossed the great divide of the rocky mountains, the birthplace of mighty rivers. descending the western slope, they found themselves in the country of the shoshone indians. captain lewis was leading this advance expedition, and, as he neared the highest point of the pass, he realised the significance of the transition from the waters of the missouri to those of the columbia. a quotation from his narrative at this most interesting point of the journey gives the reader a better conception than any description could, of the feelings of the explorers: the road was still plain, and as it led directly toward the mountains, the stream gradually became smaller, till after their advancing two miles further, it had so greatly diminished in width that one of the men in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the rivulet, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. as they proceeded, their hope of seeing the waters of the columbia rose to almost painful anxiety; when at the distance of four miles from the last abrupt turn of the stream, they reached a small gap formed by the high mountains which recede on either side, leaving room for the indian road. from the foot of one of the lowest of these mountains, which arises with a gentle ascent of about half a mile, issued the remotest water of the missouri. they had now reached the hidden sources of that river, which had never before been seen by civilised man; and as they quenched their thirst at the chaste and icy fountain,--as they sat down by the brink of that little rivulet, which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean,--they felt themselves rewarded for all their labours and difficulties. they left reluctantly this interesting spot, and pursuing the indian road through the interval of the hills, arrived at the top of a ridge from which they saw high mountains, partially covered with snow, still to the west of them. the ridge on which they stood formed the dividing line between the waters of the atlantic and the pacific oceans. they found the descent much steeper than on the eastern side, and at the distance of three-quarters of a mile, reached a handsome, bold creek of cold, clear water running to the westward. they stopped to taste for the first time the waters of the columbia. the party was now upon the western slope of the great divide, in the vicinity of the present fort lemhi in eastern idaho. they supposed that they were almost to the pacific, not realising that a thousand miles of difficult and dangerous travel and more than two months of time still separated them from their wished-for goal. the journey, in fact, from the springs of the missouri to the navigable waters of the columbia, proved to be the most critical of the whole series. soon after passing the crest of the mountains, the party encountered a band of sixty indians of the shoshone tribe, coming to meet them at full speed, upon fine horses, and armed for battle. captain lewis, who always showed great discretion with indians, took the stars and stripes in his hand, and advanced alone to meet the party. as soon as the indians perceived that he was a white man, they showed signs of great rejoicing, and the three leaders of the war-party, dismounting, embraced the american captain with great exuberance, shouting words which he afterwards discovered meant, "we are rejoiced! we are rejoiced!" the valiant captain, however, was much more pleased with the hearty good-will of their intentions than in the manner of its expression, inasmuch as they had transferred a good portion of the war paint from their own faces to his. lewis now brought up his companions and entered upon a long and friendly conference with the chief of the party, whose name was cameahwait. captain lewis, as the representative of the great american nation, set forth to the eager listeners about him, a glowing report as to the benevolence of the great father at washington, and his desire that his brothers of the west should come into friendly relations with him and trade their furs for the beads and blankets and knives which the indians so highly prize. he also explained to them that they would receive from his government guns and ammunition which would enable them to cope with the dreaded sioux or the pitiless blackfeet. captain lewis also greatly aroused the curiosity of these indians by indicating to them that he had with him a woman of their tribe, and also a man who was perfectly black and yet not painted. he now made a proposition to cameahwait to go back with him and his companions to the forks of the missouri where they had left the main party with their goods and boats. cameahwait very gladly agreed to do this and also to provide them with horses for the journey westward to the navigable waters of the columbia. [illustration: capt. robert gray.] [illustration: the _columbia rediviva_.] after a journey of several days upon the back trail, the party found themselves again at the forks of the missouri, but, somewhat to their surprise and consternation, the main party was not there. the indians at first were very much excited, and, believing that they had been deceived and that the white men were enticing them to destruction, they were at the point of wreaking vengeance upon them. but with great tact and boldness, lewis gave the chief his gun and ammunition, telling him that if it proved that he had been a deceiver, they might instantly kill him. reassured, the indians proceeded onward and in a short time they could descry the boats, making their way slowly up the impetuous stream toward a bold promontory where the indians were stationed. in the bow of the foremost boat was seated sacajawea, clad in her bright red blanket, and gazing eagerly at the group of indians, thinking it possible that they might be of her own tribe. as the boat approached the band, the keen-sighted little indian woman soon perceived that these people were indeed of her own shoshone tribe. quickly disembarking, she made her way to them, when suddenly her eyes fell upon the chief, cameahwait. then to the astonishment of the white men who were with her, she broke forth suddenly into a torrent of tears which were soon changed into joyful smiles as the chief, with almost as much emotion as herself, rushed forward to embrace her. she then explained to captain lewis that cameahwait was her own brother, whom she had not seen since, as a little girl, she had been seized by the mandans and carried into captivity. of course there was now the kindliest feeling between the party of explorers and the indians. they found everything that they needed, horses, provisions, and guides, placed at their disposal. they were at that time, as would be seen by an inspection of the map, at the head waters of salmon river. they hoped that they might find a route down that powerful stream to navigable water. but the indians assured them that the river was white with foam for many miles and disappeared in a chain of terrific snowy mountains. it became necessary, therefore, to find a more northerly route, and on the last day of august, with twenty-nine horses, having bidden a hearty good-bye to the hospitable shoshones, they turned north-westward and soon became entangled in the savage ridges and defiles, already spotted with snow, of the bitter root mountains. they were at this time among some of the upper branches of the second largest tributary of the columbia, named by them clark's fork, though at the present time more commonly known by the more rhythmic title of pend oreille. after several days of the most difficult, and indeed dangerous, journeying of their entire trip, they abandoned the northern route, turned southward, and soon reached the wild and beautiful stream which they called the kooskooskie, commonly known to modern times as the clearwater, one of the finest of all the fine rivers of idaho, the "gem of the mountains." but they were not yet by any means clear of danger. the country still frowned on them with the same forbidding crags, and the same blinding snow storms as before. they were approaching the starvation point. the craggy precipices were marked with almost daily accidents to men and beasts. their only food was the flesh of their precious horses. under these harassing circumstances, it was decided that the wisest thing was for captain clark to take six of his best men and press rapidly forward in search of game and a more favourable country. after a hard journey of twenty miles, he found himself upon the crest of a towering cliff, from which stretched in front a vast open plain. this was the great plain, now covered with wheat-fields and orchards, lying east and north of the present city of lewiston, idaho. having made their way down the declivities of the bitter root mountains to the prairie, where they found a climate that seemed almost tropical after the bitter cold of the high mountains, the advance guard camped and waited for the main party to come up. rejoicing at their release from the distressing conditions of their passage of the bitter root mountains, they passed onward to a beautiful mountain-enclosed valley, which must have been in the near vicinity of what is known as the kamiah valley of the present time. here they found themselves with a large body of indians who became known subsequently as the nez percés. these indians appeared to be the most honest, intelligent, and attractive they had yet met,--eager to assist them, kind and helpful, although shrewd and business-like in their trading. the nez percés imparted to them the joyful news that the great river was not far distant. seeing the clearwater to be a fine, navigable stream, the explorers determined to abandon the weary land journey and once more commit their fortunes to the waters. they left their horses with the nez percés, asking that they should meet them at that point in the following spring when they expected to be on their return trip. the scrupulous fidelity with which the nez percés carried out their trust is some evidence of the oft-made assertion that the treachery characteristic of the indians was learned afterwards from the whites. with five large and well-filled canoes, and with a good supply of eatables and all the other necessaries of life, the explorers now cast themselves upon the clear, swift current of the kooskooskie, and on the 10th of october reached that striking and interesting place where the beautiful modern town of lewiston is located, at the junction of the clearwater and the snake. the turbid, angry, sullen snake, so striking a contrast with the lesser stream, received from the explorers the name of kimooenim, its indian name. subsequently they christened it lewis's fork, but the still less attractive name of snake is the one by which it is universally known. the journey of a hundred and twenty miles from the junction of the clearwater and the snake to the junction of the latter stream with the mighty columbia, seems to have been a calm and uneventful journey, though the explorers record every manner of event, whether important or unimportant. knowledge of their approach seems to have reached the indian world, and when on october 16th they reached the point where the modern city of pasco is located, they were met by a regular procession of two hundred indians. the two great rivers were then at their lowest point in the year, and they found by measurement that the columbia was 960 yards in width and the snake, 575 yards. in the glimmering haze of the pleasant october day they noted how the vast, bare prairie stretched southward until it was broken by the rounded summits of the blue mountains. to their astonishment, they found that the sohulks, who lived at the junction of the rivers, so differed from other indians that the men were content with one wife and that they would actually assist her in the drudgery of the family life. after several days spent in rest and getting fish, which seemed to throng the river in almost countless numbers, they resumed their journey upon the magnificent flood of the columbia. soon after passing what we now call the umatilla highland, they caught their first glimpse, clear-cut against the horizon of the south-west, of the bold cone of mt. hood, glistening with its eternal snows. landing upon the broad prairie near where umatilla is now located, captain clark shot a crane and a duck. he then perceived a group of indians who were almost paralysed with terror and yet able to make their way with considerable expedition to a little group of tepees. having entered one of these, captain clark discovered thirty-two indians, men, women, and children, all of whom seemed to be in the greatest terror, wailing and wringing their hands. endeavouring by kind looks and gestures to soothe their perturbation, captain clark held up a burning glass to catch a stray sunbeam with which to light his pipe. whereupon the consternation of the indians was redoubled, to be soothed only by the arrival of the two indian guides who were accompanying the party. the terrified indians explained to the guides that they knew that captain clark must have some bad medicine about him, for he had dropped out of the sky with a dead crane and a duck, accompanied by a terrible noise. [illustration: mt. hood from lost lake. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] the indians being now convinced that he was a mortal man, and, moreover, having heard the sound of the violin which the negro servant carried with him, became so enamoured with the strangers that they stayed up with them all night, and in the morning collected by hundreds to bid them good-bye. the indians had now given them to understand that in a short time they would reach the place which they knew as "timm." this seems to have been an indian word for falls. it still appears in the name tumwater falls applied to the falls at celilo on the columbia. a weird, savage place this proved to be; crags of basalt, thrust through the soil, like clenched hands, seemed almost to grasp the rushing river. making several portages, the voyagers reached that extraordinary place now called the dalles, or the "big chute," where all the waters of the columbia are squeezed into a crack only a hundred and fifty feet in width. the river, in fact, is "turned on edge." the explorers, finding the shore so rough that it was difficult to carry their boats over, steered boldly through that witch's caldron. though they must have been carried with frightful rapidity through the boiling stream, they reached the end of the cataract without accident. at this point they began to be aware of the fact that they were reaching the sphere of the white traders from the ocean, for they began to see blankets, axes, brass kettles, and other articles of civilised manufacture. the indians, too, were more saucy, suspicious, and treacherous than those of the upper country. being launched upon the calm, deep flood of the river below the dalles, they observed the phenomenon of the submerged forest, which at a low state of water is still conspicuous. they correctly inferred that this indicated a damming up of the river at some recent time. they thought indeed that it could not have been more than twenty years previous. we know, however, that submerged trees or piles, as indicated by remains of old roman wharves in britain, may remain intact for hundreds of years. this place on the columbia is, however, one of the most interesting of its many interesting phenomena. it is evident that within very recent times, geologically speaking, there was a prodigious rock-slide from the mountains which closed the river, producing the cataract of the cascades and raising the river above, some forty feet. here the explorers had their last portage. on the second day of november they reached the foot of the cascades and perceived the movement of the tide, which made it plain to them that the ocean was near at hand. yet, in reality, it was much farther than they thought, for the majestic lower river extends one hundred and sixty miles from the foot of the last cataract to the pacific. it is interesting to notice comments made by the explorers upon the green and fertile islands at the lower end of the cascades, and that spired and turreted volcanic cliff which they called beacon rock, but which we know now as castle rock. the rest of the journey of lewis and clark was a calm floating down the tranquil flood of the lower columbia in the midst of the fog and clouds which at that season of the year generally embrace all objects. on november 7th the mist suddenly broke away before them, the bold mountainous shores vanished in front, and, through the parted headlands, they looked forth into the expanse of the ocean. [illustration: eliot glacier, mt. hood. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] their journey was now ended. they had demonstrated the possibility of crossing the continent and of linking together the waters of the missouri and the columbia. the winter of 1805-06 was spent in log buildings at a point named by the explorers, fort clatsop, situated on the lewis and clark river at the south side of the columbia a few miles from the present site of astoria. the location of this fort has been identified in modern times, as has also the location of the salt cairn, upon what is now known as the seaside beach, commemorated by an inscription. one of the interesting little human touches in the narrative of captain lewis describes the casting of a whale upon clatsop beach and the journey of the party to see the great marine curiosity, as well as to secure some of its fat and blubber. the indian woman, sacajawea, was to be left behind to keep camp while they were all at the beach, but she put up the earnest plea that inasmuch as she had never seen any such curiosity as the "big fish," and as she had journeyed all those weary miles from the country of the mandans, it seemed hard that she should be denied the privilege of satisfying her eyes with a view of the whale. lewis remarks that the request of the poor woman seemed so reasonable that they at once fixed up camp in such manner that it could be left, and took her with them, to her intense satisfaction. after four months spent in the fogs and mists of the coast, and without seeing any of the ships which the indians said were accustomed to come in considerable numbers during the spring and summer, the party turned their faces homeward on the 23d of march, 1806. the commander posted upon the fort a notice which read as follows: the object of this last is that through the medium of some civilised person who may see the same, it may be made known to the world that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed and who were sent out by the government of the united states to explore the interior of the continent of north america, did penetrate the same by way of the missouri and columbia rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the pacific ocean, at which they arrived on the 14th day of november, 1805, and departed on their return to the united states by the same route by which they had come. they also gave to the chiefs of the clatsops and chinooks certificates, to which they attached great importance and which were afterwards exhibited to other explorers, setting forth the just and hospitable treatment which these indians had accorded the party. the return from fort clatsop to the missouri was in the main a pleasant and successful journey without extraordinary event, except the fact that upon their return they discovered the willamette river, which, strange to say, had eluded their observation on their journey down the river in november. the journal contains the somewhat quaint statement that the chief cultivable region which they discovered in oregon was wapatoo island, now known as sauvie's island, at the mouth of the willamette. they express the conviction that that fertile tract of country and the region adjoining might sometime support a population of fifty thousand people. they seem to regard this as an extraordinary prophecy of prosperity. inasmuch as there are already over four times that number of people in the city of portland, it would seem that lewis and clark were hardly "boomers" in the modern sense of the word. one interesting thing in connection with the lewis and clark expedition receives special emphasis from them in the account of their return journey, and that is, the faithfulness, honesty, and devotion of the indians when entrusted with any charge, as the care of horses or canoes. this character of the indians was so marked that one can hardly avoid the conclusion that the subsequent troubles with the indians were due very largely to abuse by the whites. no better summary can be given of the scope of this historic journey than that by captain lewis himself in his journal. he says: the road by which we went out by way of the missouri to its head is three thousand ninety-six miles; thence by land by way of lewis river over to clark's river and down that to the entrance of traveller's rest creek, where all the roads from different routes meet; thence across the rugged part of the rocky mountains to the navigable waters of the columbia, three hundred and ninety-eight miles, thence down the river six hundred and forty miles to the pacific ocean, making a total distance of four thousand one hundred and thirty-four miles. on our return in 1806 we reduced the distance from the mississippi to the pacific ocean to three thousand five hundred and fifty-five miles. the safe return of the explorers to their homes created a sensation throughout the united states and the world. leaders and men were suitably rewarded. though the expedition was not marked by many remarkable adventures or dramatic events, and though the narration given by the explorers is of a plain and simple kind with no attempt at literary ornamentation, yet occurring, as the expedition did, at such a peculiar juncture in our history, and having such an effect to bridge the chasm between the old time and the new, this lewis and clark expedition has continued to receive, and justly, more attention than any other journey in our history. president jefferson, paying a tribute to captain lewis in 1813, expressed himself thus: never did a similar event excite more joy throughout the united states; the humblest of its citizens have taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey and looked with impatience for the information it would furnish. nothing short of the official journals of this extraordinary and interesting journey will exhibit the importance of the service, the courage, devotion, zeal, and perseverance, under circumstances calculated to discourage, which animated this little band of heroes, throughout the long dangerous, and tedious travel. the expedition of lewis and clark may justly be considered as constituting the first steps across the wilderness. the breadth of the american continent was now known. the general relations of its rivers and mountain systems and prairies were understood. something of its prodigality of resources became set forth to the world. a dim consciousness of the connection of this vast pacific domain with the progress of american destiny appeared to our grandfathers. and although the wilderness traversed by this complete expedition did not come into possession of the united states for many years, yet it might well be said that our subsequent acquirement of it was due to the lewis and clark expedition. of the many remarkable explorations which followed, with all of their adventure and tragedy, we cannot here speak. for several years all the expeditions to the far west were the outgrowth of the fur-trade. most remarkable of these early journeys was that of the hunt party which was the land division of the great astor movement to establish the pacific fur company. that company was established by john jacob astor of new york for the purpose of making a bold and far-reaching attempt to control the fur-trade of the pacific coast in the interests of the united states. while the sea division was upon its journey around cape horn, the land division was in process of organisation at st. louis. wilson price hunt, the commander of this division, was the second partner in the astor company. he had been merchandising for some years at st. louis, and had become impressed with the financial profits of the fur-trade as well as with the vast possibilities of american development on the continent. hunt was a fine type of the pioneer promoter of that age. brave, humane, cheerful, and resolute, he appears to us as the very flower of the adventurous argonauts who were searching for the seal and beaver fleeces of the far west. with hunt were associated four other partners of the expedition, crooks, mckenzie, miller, and mccellan. accompanying the party were two english naturalists, bradbury and nuttall, who did the first scientific study of the rocky mountain region. there were forty canadian _voyageurs_ whose duties consisted of rowing, transporting, cooking, and general drudgery. the remaining twelve of the party consisted of a group of american hunters and trappers, the leader of whom was a virginian named john day. the company was in all respects fitted out most bountifully. there were at that time two great classes of trappers. the first and most numerous were the canadian _voyageurs_. these were mainly of french descent, many of them being half-breeds. almost amphibious by nature and training, gay and amiable in disposition, with true french vivacity and ingenuity, gliding over every harsh experience with laugh and song, possessed of quick sympathies and humane instincts which enabled them to readily find the best side of the indians,--these french _voyageurs_ constituted a most interesting as well as indispensable class in the trapper's business. the free trappers were an entirely different class of men. they were usually american by birth, virginia and kentucky being the homes of most of them. patient and indefatigable in their work of trapping, yet, when on their annual trip to the towns, given to wild dissipation and savage revellings, indifferent to sympathy or company, harsh and cruel to the indians, bold and overbearing, with blood always in their eyes, thunder in their voices, and guns in their hands, yet underneath all of their harsh exterior having noble hearts, could they but be reached, these now vanished trappers have gone to a place in history alongside of the old spartans and the followers of pizarro and cortez in spanish conquest. of the many adventures of the hunt party on the journey up the missouri, we cannot speak. for some reason, although taking a more direct route than did lewis and clark, and having, to all appearance, a better equipped party, they did not make so good time. guided by indians, they crossed chain after chain of mountains, supposing each to be the summit, only to find another yet to succeed. at last on the 15th of september, they stood upon a lofty eminence over which they could gaze both eastward and westward. scanning attentively the western horizon, the guide pointed out three shining peaks, whose bases, he told them, were touched by a tributary of the columbia river. these peaks are now known as the three tetons. and now the party set forth upon the long descent of the western slope, passing mountain after mountain and stream after stream, some of the way in boats which the _voyageurs_ made from the green timber of the forests, and much of the way being obliged to carry their effects around cataracts and rapids, and thus losing much time. nevertheless, they found one long stretch of over a hundred miles upon the upper snake which they navigated with comparative ease. but having reached what is now known as the seven devils country in south-western idaho, they found themselves in a chain of rapids and precipitous bluffs where neither boats nor horses, apparently nothing but wings, could be of service. this was in fact the beginning of over a hundred miles of the most ragged and inaccessible region upon the whole course of the snake river, a region which even to this day contains neither road nor steamboat route, and by which the great state of idaho is separated into two divisions, neither directly accessible to the other by any ordinary modes of travel. after a forty-mile tramp up and down the river, hunt decided that the only way to escape the difficulties with which they were surrounded, was to divide the party into four divisions, hoping that one of them might find game and a way out of the forbidding volcanic wastes in which they were beleaguered. two of the parties soon returned. one, being in charge of mckenzie, continued upon its course northward and reached the mouth of the columbia, without ever again seeing the main party. during the weeks that followed, the main party, lost amid the great mountains which lie eastward from the present vicinity of baker city and wallowa lake, suffered all the torments of famine and cold. in places the river ran through volcanic sluiceways, roaring and raging; in some cases, although within hearing, yet entirely inaccessible, so that although within sound of its angry raving, the travellers were often obliged to lie down with tongues parched and swollen for lack of water. the party applied to this long volcanic "chute" the name of the devil's scuttle-hole, and to the river they applied the name _la rivière maudite enragée_, or "accursed mad river." the lives of the party were evidently at stake. in the emergency hunt determined to divide his force into two divisions, one on the north and one on the south side of the river. from the 9th of november until the first part of december they urged on this dismal and heart-sickening march. they passed a few wretched indian camps where they managed to secure dogs for food, and once they got a few horses. the frightened and half-starved indians could give them no clear information as to the location of the great river, but they signified that they supposed it to be yet a long way off. the party was evidently approaching something, for gigantic snowy mountains now loomed dimly through the winter mists. finding it impossible to make headway against blinding snowstorms and up the icy crags, they turned their course down to the river itself and made a cheerless camp. in the morning they were startled by seeing upon the opposite side of the river, a group of men more wretched and desolate than themselves. it soon appeared that this was the other party, which had entirely failed in finding either food or guidance from the indians. finding it necessary that some provision should be made for these dying men, hunt constructed a rude canoe from the limbs of trees and the skin of one of the horses. in this crazy craft one of the daring canadian _voyageurs_ made his way with some of the horse meat, which, poor as it was, was sufficient to save life for the time. with their little remaining strength, they pressed on down the river until they reached another small village of the wretched snake indians. urging these indians to provide for them a guide, and at last securing one by the most bounteous offers of rewards, hunt succeeded in gathering all of his party together, with the exception of six sick men whom they were obliged to leave to the tender mercies of the indians. for another fortnight, the cold and hungry party floundered painfully through the snow across the rugged mountains which lie between what we now know as the powder river valley and the grande ronde. reaching a lofty mountain height on the last day of december, they looked far down into a fair and snowless prairie, bathed in sunshine and appearing to the winter-worn travellers like a gleam of summer. moreover, they soon discerned a group of indian lodges which they judged were well supplied with dogs and horses. thither hastening eagerly, they soon found themselves in a beautiful valley, which from their description must have been the grande ronde valley. beautiful at all times, it must have seemed trebly so to these ragged and famished wanderers. the next morning the new year of 1812 shone in upon them bright and cheerful, as if to make amends for the stern severity of the outgoing year. and now the canadians insisted upon having their new year's holiday. not even death and famine could rob the light-hearted _voyageurs_ of their festivals. so with dance and song and with dog meat, roasted, boiled, fried, and fricasseed, they met the newly-crowned year with their gallic happiness and abandon. the indians assured them that they could reach the great river within three days. but they found it twice that, and their way led across another lofty chain of snowy mountains, before the canopy of clouds which hung above them parted. there, looking far down from their snowy eyre, they beheld the boundless and sunny plains of the great river. swiftly descending the slopes of the mountains, they emerged upon that finest land of all eastern oregon, the plains of the umatilla. here they found the tribe of the tushepaw indians with thirty-four lodges and two hundred horses. more significant than these to hunt were axes, kettles, and other implements of white construction, indicating that these indians had already come into communication with the traders upon the lower river. in answer to his eager questions, the tushepaws informed him that the great river was but two days distant and that a small party of white men had just descended it. being now certain that this was the advance guard which had left him at the devil's scuttle-hole, hunt felt sure that they were safe and was therefore relieved of one great anxiety. after a few days' rest upon the pleasant prairies and in the comparatively genial climate of the umatilla, the party set forth upon horses obtained from the tushepaws, and after a pleasant ride of two days across the rolling prairie, they beheld flowing at their feet, a majestic stream, deep and blue, a mile in width, sweeping toward the sunset, evidently the columbia. at the great falls of the river, known to the indians as the timm or the tumwater, just above what we now call dalles city, hunt exchanged his horses for canoes. this last stage of two hundred and twenty miles by boat down the river, was calm and peaceful and a refreshing rest after the distress and disaster of their winter journey through the mountains. not till the 15th of february, however, did they reach the newly christened town of astoria. rounding the bluffs of tongue point, they beheld with full hearts the stars and stripes floating over the only civilised abode west of st. louis. westward they saw the parted headlands between which the river pours its floods into the ocean. as the boats drew near the shore, the whole population, trappers, sailors, and indians, came down to meet them. foremost in the crowd they saw the members of the party which had gone on ahead through the snake river mountains. having had no hope that hunt and his men could survive the famine and the cold, these members of the advance guard were the more rejoiced to see them. the canadians, with their french vivacity, rushed into each other's arms, sobbing and hugging like so many schoolgirls. even the nonchalant americans and the stiff-jawed scotchmen smiled and gave themselves up to the gladness of the hour. the next two or three days were mainly devoted to eating and telling stories. as we have seen, they had lost several of their number from starvation and drowning along the banks of the snake river. they had also left six sick men with the indians in the heart of the mountains. they had little hope of ever seeing these again, but the next summer the party on their way up the columbia river, saw two wretched looking beings, naked and haggard, wandering on the river bank near the mouth of the umatilla. stopping to investigate, they discovered that these were day and crooks, the leaders of the party which they had left behind. their forlorn plight was relieved with food and clothes, and, having been taken into the boat, they related their dismal tale. it appeared that they had been provided sufficiently by the indians to sustain their lives through the winter. in the spring they had left the canadians among the indians, and had set forth in the hope of reaching the great river. but having reached the dalles, they had been robbed of rifles and ammunition, stripped of their clothing, and driven forth into the wilderness. they were almost at the point of a final surrender to ill-fortune when they beheld the rescuing boat. so, with joyful hearts, they turned their boat's prow to astoria, which they reached in safety. but poor day never regained his health. his mind was shattered by the hardships of his journey, and he soon pined away and died. the barren and rugged shores of the john day river in eastern oregon take on an added interest in view of the sad story of the brave hunter who discovered them, and who wandered in destitution for so many days beside them. strange to say, the four canadians who remained among the indians were afterwards found alive, though utterly destitute of all things. hence it appears that the loss of life in this difficult journey was not great. the journeys here narrated may be considered as covering what we have designated as the first steps across the wilderness. within a few years, many parties of trappers, explorers, and adventurers, with some scientists, and a little later, parties of missionaries, made their way over the great plains, through the defiles of the mountains, and down the barren shores of the snake river to the columbia and the sea. each party had its special experiences, and made its special contribution to geographical or commercial advancement. but to the parties led by lewis and clark and by hunt, we must accord the greatest meed of praise for having broken the first pathways across the continent and for having linked the two oceans by the footsteps of civilised men. chapter v the fur-traders, their bateaux, and their stations importance of the fur-trade as connected with all other parts of the history--fur-hunters compared with gold-hunters--sea-otter--ledyard's exploration--the european inaugurators of the trade--beginnings of the american trade--the great british companies and their struggles with the french--mackenzie's journey across the continent--thompson's descent of the columbia--union of the two great canadian companies--the american fur companies--henry's fort--the winship enterprise on the river--john jacob astor and the pacific fur company--rivalry with the north-westers--arrangements for expeditions by land and sea, and the personnel of these--voyage of the _tonquin_ and her disastrous approach of the river--founding of astoria--appearance of thompson and the north-westers--interior expedition and founding of fort okonogan--mcdougall, the smallpox chief and bridegroom of the indian princess--evil tidings in regard to the _tonquin_--other disasters--war of 1812 and sale of astoria to the north-westers--restoration of astoria to the americans--monopolisation of the river by the hudson's bay company--their expeditions--hard lot of madame dorion and her children--adventures of alexander ross--the forts and general plan of work--fort vancouver and its remarkable advantages--dr. mcloughlin, or the "white eagle"--profits of the fur-trade--the canoes and bateaux and the _voyageurs_--the routes of the brigades--later americans. as the reader will doubtless already have discovered, we are presenting the history of the river topically rather than chronologically. the various great stages of progress, discovery by sea, discovery by land, fur-trade, indian wars, missionary undertakings, international contests, beginnings of steamboat navigation, and settlement, overlap each other, and each topic compels us in a measure to anticipate its successors. this is especially true of the topic treated of in this chapter. the fur-trade was an important factor in the eras of discovery both by land and by sea, in the indian wars and in the era of settlement, while the strife of nations for the possession of the land of oregon is almost a history of the fur companies and their international policies. remembering this synthetic nature of these features of our history, we shall endeavour, with as little repetition as possible, to present a coherent picture of that great era of the fur-traders. without doubt one of the earliest uses to which man has put the lower animals is that of clothing his body in their captured skins. the acquisition of furs has been a special feature of the colder climes. it is obviously also a feature of discovery and conquest, for it is the wilderness only which yields any considerable number of fur-producing animals. thus navigation, commerce, discovery, invention, economics, finally international wars and policies, have been rooted to a large degree in this primal business. the fur-hunters have held the hunters of gold and precious stones and spicery a close race in the rank of world movers. indeed it may well be questioned whether results of greater moment to humanity have not proceeded from the quest for furs than from that for gold. the spaniards expended their energies in the gold and silver hunt in mexico and peru and annihilated the races of those lands in their pitiless rapacity. the other great exploring nations of the sixteenth century, especially the french, while not indifferent to the possibility of encountering the precious metals, found more certain and permanent results in the less feverish and dazzling pursuit of the wild animals of the wilderness. neither the hunters for gold nor those for peltries were the state-builders and home-builders without whom our american union would not exist. but they were the avant-couriers of both. our land of oregon has had the peculiar fortune of being opened by both for both. china furnished the most active and convenient market for furs to those who secured their supplies on the pacific coast of north america. the russians were the first europeans to enter the chinese market, and they began their voyages as early as 1741. the sea-otter seems to have had its chief habitat on the pacific shore from oregon to alaska, and, as the ships of all nations began to crowd upon the location of the fabled strait of anian, the trade with the natives for these precious furs became constantly augmented, until the curious and interesting creatures, so fatally attractive, were added to the long list of "lower creatures" whom the greed of the "higher creatures" has exterminated. a book by coxe published in london in 1787 first made known to the english-speaking people the rich profits of the russians from the transportation of the sea-otter skins to china. he instanced a case of a profit of $50,000 from a single cargo. it had, however, been known in 1785 from the report of the voyage of captain cook that the north-west coast of america contained a new source of wealth from the accumulation of these furs by the indians and their eager desire to trade them for trinkets and implements of civilised manufacture. the first american to comprehend the greatness of the fur-trade on the north-west coast of the pacific, both as a means of profit to himself and as a patriotic impulse to direct his own nation into the channels of westward expansion, was john ledyard. thomas jefferson and john paul jones became deeply interested in ledyard's extravagant hopes of future wealth and glory, but all his efforts came to naught, and in 1788 this brilliant adventurer, just on the eve of setting out to explore the interior of africa, suddenly put an end to his own life at cairo, egypt. ledyard should always be remembered by his countrymen, for, though his glowing visions were unfulfilled, he was an important link in the great chain which bound oregon to our own country. during these same years, several englishmen, already noted in the chapter on discovery, portlock, dixon, hanna, barclay, and meares, were actively engaged in the fur-trade, while the voyages of la pérouse and marchand carried the flag of france on the same quest, and spain's once illustrious emblem of world dominion was borne by quadra, valdes, galiano, fidalgo, quimper, caamano, and several others. while these explorers all were impelled in part by national pride and diplomacy, the hope of sharing the spoils of the sea-otter droves was the chief lure to the tempestuous seas of the north pacific. in bullfinch's _oregon and el dorado_ is a very interesting narration of the inception of the american part in the fur-trade of oregon. in a building known as the coolidge building in boston a company were gathered together in 1787 discussing the reports, then first made public, of cook's voyages. mr. joseph barrell, a rich merchant of boston, was much impressed with cook's account of the chances of barter with the indians for furs and the disposal of them in china for yet more profitable cargoes of teas, silks, and other characteristic commodities of that land. as a result of this conference, a company was formed in boston to prosecute such enterprise, the members of the company, messrs. barrell, brown, bulfinch, darby, hatch, and pintard, being among the foremost of the business men in boston in that good year of the creation of the american constitution. the enterprising yankees rapidly drew to the front, so that during the years from 1790 to 1818, the records show one hundred and eight american vessels regularly engaged in the business, while only twenty-two english, with a few portuguese and french are found. it should, of course be remembered that the tremendous strife of the napoleonic wars was engrossing the attention of european nations during that time. so well known did the boston navigators become in that period that the common name of americans used by the oregon indians was "bostons." robert gray, the discoverer of the columbia river, was fitted out by bulfinch and others of the first boston company. during the period under consideration the profits of the traffic were usually very great, though variable, sometimes actual losses being incurred, while disaster from wreck, storm, scurvy, and murderous indians was frequent. during the two years, 1786 and 1787, if dixon is to be followed, there were sold in canton five thousand eight hundred sea-otter hides for $160,700. swan figures that with the four years ending with 1802, forty-eight thousand five hundred skins were sold. sturgis states that he knew a capital of $50,000 to yield a gross income of $284,000. he relates that he had collected as high as six thousand fine skins in a single voyage and once secured five hundred and sixty of the best quality in one day. the indians, however, learned to become very expert traders, and as they discovered the eagerness with which the whites sought their furs, they raised the price. they became, moreover, very capricious and unreliable, so that the phenomenal profits could no longer be obtained. the stage of the history of the fur-trade of which we have thus far spoken may be called its first era of a free-for-all rush to the new seas, with no vast moneyed interests in any position of leadership. but commercial conditions were already in existence which were bound to reverse the situation. great operators, gigantic companies, foreshadowings of the great trusts of the present, with monopolistic aims, were seeking the ear of the british government, while enterprises, larger, though not so monopolistic, were rapidly forming in the united states. the great monopolies of europe had indeed existed long prior to the period of the oregon fur-traders. as far back as the beginning of the sixteenth century, de monts, pontgrave, champlain, and other great french explorers had secured monopolies on the fur-trade from louis xiii. and his minister, richelieu. later la salle, hennepin, d'iberville, and others had the same advantages. the st. lawrence, the great lakes, and the upper mississippi were the great "preserve" of these great concessionaires. the english and their american colonists set themselves in battle array against the monopolistic bourbon methods of handling the vast domain which the genius and enterprise of de monts and champlain had won for france, with the result that upon the heights of abraham the fleur-de-lis was lowered before the cross of st. george, and north america became english instead of gallic, and one of the world's milestones was set for good. then by one of those beautiful ironies of history which baffle all prescience, victorious britain violated the principles of her own conquest and adopted the methods of bourbon tyranny and monopoly, with the result that another milestone was set on the highway of liberty and the new continent became american instead of european. but out of the struggles of that century, french, english, and american, out of the final distribution of territory, by which england retained canada and with it a large french and indian population, mingled with english and scotch,--out of these curious comminglings, economic, commercial, political, religious, and ethnic, grew the great english fur companies, whose history was largely wrought out on the shores of the columbia, and from whose juxtaposition with the american state-builder the romance and epic grandeur of the history of the river largely comes. many enterprises were started by the french and english in the seventeenth century, but the hudson's bay company became the goliath of them all. the first charter of this gigantic organisation was granted in 1670 by charles ii. to prince rupert and seventeen others, with a capital stock of ten thousand five hundred pounds. from this small beginning, the profits were so great that, notwithstanding the loss of two hundred thousand pounds from the french wars during the latter part of the century, the company declared dividends of from twenty-five to fifty per cent. the field of operations was gradually extended from the south-eastern regions contiguous to hudson's bay until it embraced the vast and dreary expanses of snowy prairie traversed by the saskatchewan, the athabasca, the peace, and finally the mackenzie. many of the greatest expeditions by land under british auspices which resulted in great geographical discoveries were primarily designed for the expansion of the fur-trade. just at the critical moment, both for the great canadian fur company, as well as for discovery and acquisition in the region of the columbia, a most important and remarkable champion entered the lists. this was the north-west fur company of montreal. it was one of the legitimate consequences of the treaty of paris in 1763, ceding canada to great britain. the french in canada became british subjects by that treaty, and many of them had extensive interests as well as experience in the fur business. furthermore a number of scotchmen of great enterprise and intelligence betook themselves to canada, eager to partake of the boundless opportunities offered by the new shuffle of the cards. these scotchmen and frenchmen became natural partners in the foundation of enterprises independent of the hudson's bay monopoly. in 1783 a group of the boldest and most energetic of these active spirits, of whom the leaders were mcgillivray, mctavish, benjamin and joseph frobisher, rechebleve, thain, and frazer, united in the formation of the north-west fur company. bitter rivalry soon arose between the new company and the old monopoly. following the usual history of special privilege, the old company, which had now been in existence one hundred and thirteen years, had learned to depend more on privilege than on enterprise, and had become somewhat degenerate. the north-westers "rustled" for new business in new regions. in 1789 alexander mackenzie, as one of the north-westers, made his way, with incredible hardship, down the river which bears his name to the frozen ocean. a few years later he made the first journey to the shore of the pacific, commemorating his course by painting on a rock on the shore of the cascade inlet, north-east of vancouver island, these words: "alexander mackenzie, from canada, by land, the twenty-second of july, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three." as a result of the new undertakings set on foot by the north-westers and the reawakened hudson's bay company, both companies entered the columbia valley. the struggle for possession of oregon between the english and american fur companies and their government was on. in the summer of 1810 david thompson of the north-west company crossed the continental divide by the athabasca pass in latitude 52° 25'. the north-westers had heard of the astor enterprise in new york and realised that they must be up and doing if they would control the land of the oregon. although the character of soil, climate, and productions of the columbia valley was but imperfectly known, enough had been derived from lewis and clark, and from ocean discoveries to make it plain that the columbia furnished the most convenient access to the interior from the sea, and that its numerous tributaries furnished a network of boatable waters unequalled on the western slope, while there was every reason to suppose that its forests abounded in fur-bearing animals and that its climate would admit of much longer seasons of work than was possible in the biting winters of the athabasca. it became vital to the continental magnitude of the designs of the canadian companies that they control oregon. for greater topical clearness we will anticipate a little at this point and state that after several years of intense rivalry it became plain to the british parliament that it was suicidal to allow a policy of division in the face of a common enemy. hence in 1821, by act of parliament, the two companies were reorganised and united under a charter which was to last twenty-one years (and as a matter of fact was renewed at the end of that time), and under the provisions of which the north-westers were to have equal shares in both stock and offices, though the name of the hudson's bay company, was retained. it will be remembered therefore, that up to the year 1821, the two great canadian companies were distinct, and that during that time the north-west company was much the more active and aggressive in the columbia valley, but that after that date the entire force of the canadian companies was combined under the name of the old monopoly. but however bitter the first enmity of the canadian rivals, they agreed on the general proposition that the americans must be checkmated, and during the score of years prior to their coalition they were seizing the pivotal points of the oregon country. during the next two decades they created a vast network of forts and stations, and reduced the country contiguous to the river and its tributaries to a system so elaborate and interesting as to be worthy of extended study. we can sketch only its more general features. and the more perfectly to understand them, we must arrest here the story of the great canadian monopoly and bring up the movement of the american fur companies. it may be noted, first of all, that by reason of the quicker colonisation and settlement and consequent establishment of agriculture and other arts pertaining to home life, the region of the united states east of the mississippi never became the natural habitat of the trapper and fur-trader to anything like the degree of canada and the western part of our own land. nevertheless extensive fur interests grew up on the mississippi during the french régime, and in 1763-4 august and pierre choteau located a trading post on the present site of st. louis, and the fascinating history of that great capital began. most of the american trading companies confined their operations to the east side of the rocky mountains. but the missouri fur company of st. louis, composed of a miscellaneous group of americans and hispano-gallo-americans, under the presidency of manuel lisa, a bold and enterprising spaniard, took a step over the crest of the mountains and established the first trading post upon the waters of the columbia. this was in 1809. andrew henry, one of the partners of the aforesaid company, crossed the mountains in that year and a year later built a fort on a branch of snake river. this seems to have been on what subsequently became known as henry's river. it was in one of the wildest and grandest regions of all that wild grand section of snake river. henry's river drains the north side of the three tetons, while the south branch, known afterwards as lewis and finally as snake river, drains the south of that group of mountains. _henry must be remembered as the first american and the first white man recorded in history who built any structure upon any tributary of our river, and the year was 1810._ both henry and his company had hopes of accomplishing great things in the way of the fur-trade in that very favourable region. but the next year the indians were so threatening that the fort was forsaken and the party returned to the missouri. when the hunt party in the fall of 1811 sought refuge at this point they found only a group of abandoned huts, with no provisions or equipment of which they could make any use. but though henry's fort was but a transient matter, his american countrymen were beginning to press through the open gateways of both mountain and sea. in the early part of 1809 the winship brothers of boston, together with several other keen-sighted yankees, formed a project for a definite post on the columbia river, proposing to reach their destination by ship. accordingly they fitted out an old vessel known as the _albatross_, with nathan winship as captain, william gale as captain's assistant, and william smith as first mate. captain gale kept a journal of the entire enterprise, and it is one of the most interesting and valuable of the many ship's records of the north-western coast. setting sail with a crew of twenty-two men and an excellent supply of stores and ammunition, and abundance of tools and hardware for erecting needful buildings, the _albatross_ left boston in the summer of 1809. after a slow and tedious, but very healthful and comfortable voyage, stopping at the hawaiian islands on the route, the _albatross_ reached the mouth of the columbia river on may 26, 1810. many american and other ships had entered the mouth of the river prior to that date, but so far as known none had ascended any considerable distance. apparently gray and broughton were the only shipmasters who had ascended above the wide expanse now known as gray's bay, while the lewis and clark expedition contained the only white men who had seen the river above tide-water. the winship enterprise may be regarded with great interest, therefore, as the first real attempt to plant a permanent establishment on the banks of the river. winship and his companions spent some days in careful examination of the river banks and as a result of their search they decided on a strip of valley land formed by a narrowing of the river on the north and an indentation of the mountain on the south. this pleasant strip of fertile land is located on the south bank of the lordly stream, and its lower end is about forty-five miles from the ocean. being partially covered with a beautiful grove of oak trees, the first to be seen on the ascent of the river, the place received the name of oak point. it may be noted that this name was subsequently transferred to a promontory nearly opposite on the north bank, and this circumstance has led many to locate erroneously the site of the first buildings designed for permanent use on the banks of the columbia. and such these were, for the lewis and clark structures at what they called fort clatsop, erected four and a half years earlier, were meant only for a winter's use. but the winship party had glowing visions of a great emporium of the fur-trade, another montreal or st. louis, to inaugurate a new era for their country and themselves. they designed paying the indians for their lands and in every way treating them justly. they seem in short to have had a very high conception of the dignity and worth of their enterprise. they were worthy of the highest success, and the student of to-day cannot but grieve that their high hopes were dashed with disaster. tying the _albatross_ to the bank on june 4th, they entered at once with great energy on the task of felling trees, rearing a large log house, clearing a garden spot, in which they at once began the planting of seeds, and getting ready to trade with the natives. but within four days the river began to rise rapidly, and the busy fort-builders perceived to their dismay that they had located on land subject to inundation. all the work thus far done went for naught, and they pulled their fort to pieces and floated the logs down stream a quarter of a mile to a higher place. there they resumed their buildings with redoubled energy. but within a week a much more dangerous situation again, and this time permanently, arrested their grand project. this time it was the very men toward whom they had entertained such just and benevolent designs, the indians, who thwarted the plans. for, as captain gale narrates in a most entertaining manner, a large body of chinooks and cheheeles, armed with bows and arrows, and some muskets, made their appearance, announcing that they were on their way to war against the culaworth tribe who had killed one of their chiefs a year before. but the next day the indians massing themselves about the whites, gave such plain indications that the previous declaration was a pretence that the party hastily got into a position of defence. their cannon on board the _albatross_ had already been loaded in anticipation of emergencies, and so plain was it that they could make a deadly defence that the threatened attack did not come. a long "pow-wow" ensued instead, and the chinooks insisted that the builders must select a site lower down the river. after due consideration the party decided that any determined opposition by the indians would so impair their enterprise, even though they might be able to defend themselves, that it would be best to seek a new location. accordingly they reloaded their effects, dropped down the river, and finally decided to make a voyage down the california coast and return the next year. return they did, but by that time the next year the pacific fur company had already located at astoria the first permanent american settlement, and the winship enterprise faded away. that the design of the winships was not at all chimerical is apparent from the fact that within twenty years the hudson's bay company had made of vancouver, sixty miles farther up the river, the very kind of a trading entrepôt of which the winships had dreamed. their dream was reasonable, but the time and place were unpropitious. a quotation from captain gale's journal will give a conception of his feelings: june 12th.--the ship dropped further down the river, and it was now determined to abandon all attempts to force a settlement. we have taken off the goats and hogs which were left on shore for the use of the settlement, and thus we have to abandon the business, after having, with great difficulty and labour, got about forty-five miles above cape disappointment; and with great trouble began to clear the land and build a house a second time, after cutting timber enough to finish nearly one-half, and having two of our hands disabled in the work. it is, indeed, cutting to be obliged to knuckle to those whom you have not the least fear of, but whom, from motives of prudence, you are obliged to treat with forbearance. what can be more disagreeable than to sit at the table with a number of these rascally chiefs, who while they supply their greedy mouths with your food with one hand, their bloods boil within them to cut your throat with the other, without the least provocation. on the way out of the river captain winship learned that the chinooks designed capturing his vessel, and would doubtless have done so, had not his vigilance prevented. while the crew of the _albatross_ were engaged in these adventures the largest american fur company yet formed was getting ready to effect a lodgment on the shores of the columbia. this was the pacific fur company. john jacob astor was the founder of this enterprise. though unfortunate in almost every feature of its history and its final outcome, this company had a magnificent conception, a royal grandeur of opportunity, and it possessed also the felicity, shared by no one of its predecessors, of the genius of a great literary star to illuminate its records. to washington irving it owes much of its fame. yet the commercial genius of astor could not prevent errors of judgment by the management any more than the literary genius of irving was able to conceal their errors, or the genius of american liberty able to order events so as to prevent victory for a time by the "britishers." as we view the history in the large it may be that we shall conclude that the british triumph at first was the best introduction to american triumph in the end. john jacob astor may, perhaps, be justly regarded as the first of the great promoters or financial magnates who have made the united states the world's el dorado. coming from germany to this land of opportunity after the close of the revolutionary war, he soon manifested that keen intuition in money matters, as well as intense devotion to accumulation, which has led to the colossal fortunes of his own descendants and of the other multimillionaires of this age. having made quite a fortune by transporting furs to london, mr. astor turned to larger fields. with his broad and keen geographical and commercial insight, he could readily grasp the same fact which the north-westers of montreal were also considering, that the columbia river might well become the key to an international fur-trade, as well as a strategic point for american expansion westward. he made overtures to the north-westers for a partnership, but they declined. then he determined to be the chief manager, and to associate individual americans and canadians with himself. with the promptitude of the skilful general, he proceeded to form his company and make his plan of campaign in time to anticipate the apparent designs of the active canadians. they saw, as well as astor did, the magnitude of the stake and at once made ready to play their part. for, as already noted, david thompson crossed the rockies by the athabasca pass in 1810, spent the winter at lake windermere on the columbia river, and in the summer of 1811 reached astoria, only to find the astor company already established there. it should be especially noted that the thompson party was the first to descend the river from near its source to the ocean, although of course lewis and clark had anticipated them on the portion below the junction of the snake with the main river. mr. astor's plans provided for an expedition by sea and one by land. the first was to convey stores and equipment for founding and defending the proposed capital of the empire of the fur-traders. of the expedition by land under hunt we have already given a full account in the preceding chapter, since its events rather allied it to the era of exploration than that of the traders. the organisation of mr. astor's company provided that there should be a capital stock of a hundred shares, of which he should hold half and his associates half. mr. astor was to furnish the money, though not to exceed four hundred thousand dollars, and was to bear all losses for five years. the term of the association was fixed at twenty years, though with the privilege of dissolving it in five years if it proved unprofitable. the general plan and the details of the expedition had been decided upon by the master mind of the founder with statesmanlike ability. it comes, therefore, as a surprise to the reader that mr. astor should have made a capital mistake at the very beginning of his undertaking. this mistake was in the selection of his associates and the captains of some of his ships. of the partners, five were americans and five were canadians. two only of the americans remained with the company long enough to have any determining influence on its policies. take the fact that the majority of the active partners and almost all the clerks, trappers, and other employees of the company were canadians, and put it beside the other fact that war was imminent with great britain and did actually break out within two years, and the dangerous nature of the situation can be seen. of the ship-captains, the first one, captain jonathan thorn of the _tonquin_, was a man of such overbearing and obstinate nature that disaster seemed to be fairly invited by placing him in such vitally responsible a position. the captain of the second ship, the _beaver_, was cornelius sowles, and he seems to have been as timid and irresolute as captain thorn was bold and implacable. both lacked judgment. it was probably natural that mr. astor, having had his main prior experience as a fur-dealer in connection with the canadians centring at montreal, should have looked in that direction for associates. but inasmuch as war between england and the united states seemed a practical certainty, it was a great error, in founding a vast enterprise in remote regions whose ownership was not yet definitely recognised, to share with citizens of great britain the determination of the important issues of the enterprise. it would have saved mr. astor great loss and chagrin if he had observed the maxim: "put none but americans on guard." as to the captains of the two vessels, that was an error that any one might have made. yet for a man of astor's exceptional ability and shrewdness to err so conspicuously in judging the character of the men appointed to such important places seems indeed strange. [illustration: astoria in 1845. from an old print.] [illustration: astoria. looking up and across the columbia river. photo. by woodfield.] to these facts in regard to the personnel of the partners, the captains, and the force, must be added two others; _i. e._, war and shipwreck. the combination of all these conditions made the history of the astoria enterprise what it was. yet, with all of its adversity, this was one of the best conceived, and, in most of its details, the best equipped and executed of all the great enterprises which have appeared in the commercial history of our country. as an element in the development of the land of the oregon, it must be accorded the first place after the period of discovery. the _tonquin_ left new york on september 6, 1810. she carried a fine equipment of all things needed for founding the proposed emporium. she was manned by a crew of twenty-one and conveyed members of the fur-trading force to the number of thirty-three. stopping at the sandwich islands, an added force of twenty-four natives was taken aboard. at various times on the journey the rigid ideas of naval discipline and the imperious temper of captain thorn came near producing mutiny among the partners and clerks. when the _tonquin_ hove to off the mouth of the columbia on march 22, 1811, the eager voyagers saw little to attract. the wind was blowing in heavy squalls, and the sea ran high. nevertheless the hard-hearted captain issued orders to the first mate, fox, with a boat's crew of four men, to go into the foaming waves and sound the channel. the boat was insufficiently provided, and it seemed scarcely short of murder to despatch a crew under such circumstances. but the tyrannical captain would listen to no remonstrances, and the poor little boat went tossing over the billows on her forlorn hope. such indeed it proved to be, for neither boat nor any one of the crew was ever heard of again. this was a wholly unnecessary sacrifice of life, for the _tonquin_ was in no danger, and time could just as well have been taken for more propitious weather. the next day, the wind and sea having abated, the _tonquin_ drew near the dreaded bar, but, no entrance that satisfied the captain appearing, the ship again stood off to spend the night in deep water. on the next day, the 24th, the wind fell and a serene sky seemed to invite another attempt. the pinnace in command of mr. aikin, with two white men and two kanakas, was sent out to find the channel. following the pinnace the ship moved in so rapidly under a freshening breeze that she passed the pinnace, the unfortunate men on board finding it impossible to effect an entrance and being borne by the refluent current into the mad surge where ocean tide and outflowing river met in foamy strife. so the pinnace disappeared. but meanwhile the crew had all their energies engaged to save the _tonquin_. for the wind failed at the critical moment and the ship struck the sands with violence. night came on. had the men been classically trained (as in fact franchère was) they might have remembered virgil, _ponto nox incubat atra_. but they had no time for classical or other quotations. hastily dropping the anchors they lay to in the midst of the tumult of waters, in that worst of situations, on an unknown coast in the dark and in storm. but as franchère expresses it, providence came to their succour, and the tide flooding and the wind rising, they weighed the anchors, and in spite of the obscurity of the night, they gained a safe harbour in a little cove inside of cape disappointment, apparently just about abreast of the present town of ilwaco. thus the _tonquin_ was saved, and with the light of morning it could be seen that she was fairly within the bar. natives soon made their appearance, desirous of trading beaver-skins. but the crew were in no mood for commerce while any hope existed for finding the lost sailors. taking a course toward the shore by what must have been nearly the present route from ilwaco to long beach, the captain and a party with him, began a search and soon found weeks, one of the crew of the pinnace. he was stark naked and suffering intensely from the cold. as soon as sufficiently revived he narrated the loss of the pinnace in the breakers, the death of three of the crew, and the casting of himself and one of the kanakas upon the beach. the point where they were cast would seem to have been near the present location of the life-saving station. the two survivors of the ill-fated pinnace having been revived, the party returned to the _tonquin_, which was now riding safely at anchor in the bay on the north side of the river, named baker's bay by broughton nineteen years before. joy for their own escape from such imminent perils was mingled with melancholy at the loss of their eight companions of the two boats, and with the melancholy there was a sense of bitterness toward the captain, who was to blame, at least for the loss of the small boat. but now the new land was all before them where to choose, and since captain thorn was in great haste to depart and begin his trading cruise along the coast, the partners on the _tonquin_, messrs. mckay, mcdougal, david stuart, and robert stuart, decided somewhat hurriedly to locate at the point which had received from lieutenant broughton the name of point george. franchère gives a pleasant picture of the beauty of the trees and sky, and the surprise of the party to find that, though it was only the 12th of april when they set to work upon the great trees which covered the site of their chosen capital, yet spring was already far advanced. they did not then understand the effect of the japan current upon the pacific coast climate. an incident of special interest soon after landing was the appearance on june 15th of two strange indians, a man and a woman, bearing a letter addressed to _mr. john stuart, fort estekatadene, new caledonia_. these two indians wore long robes of dressed deerskins with leggings and moccasins more like the indians of the rocky mountains. they could not understand the speech of the astoria indians nor of any of the mixture of dialects which the white men tried on them, until one of the canadian clerks addressed them in the knisteneaux language with which they seemed to be partially familiar. after several days of stay at the fort the two wandering indians succeeded in making it clear to the traders that they had been sent out by a clerk named finnan mcdonald of the north-west fur company from a fort which that company had just established on the spokane river. they said that they had lost their way and in consequence had descended the _tacousah-tessah_ (and this franchère understood to be the indian name for the columbia, though the general impression among the indians is that tacousah-tessah, or tacoutche-tesse, signified frazer river). from the revelation gradually drawn from these two indians (and the surprising discovery was made that they were both women) the very important conclusion was drawn that the north-west fur company was already prepared to contest with the astor company the possession of the river. the peculiar feature of the situation was that the most of the astorians, though american by the existing business tie, were canadian and british by blood and sympathy, and hence were very likely to fraternise with the montreal traders. [illustration: one of the lagoons of the upper columbia river, near golden, b. c. photo. by c. f. yates, golden.] [illustration: saddle mt., or swallalochost, near astoria, famous in indian myth. photo. by woodfield.] however the astorians decided to send an expedition into the interior to verify the story given by the two indian women, but, just as they were ready to go, a large canoe with the british flag floating from her stern appeared, from which, when it had reached the landing, there leaped ashore an active, well-dressed man who introduced himself as david thompson, of the north-west company. this was the same man, the reader will remember, who had crossed the rocky mountains the year before, had wintered near the head of the river, and had then descended it, seeking a location for the columbia river emporium of the canadian company. but he was too late. it was quite strange by what narrow margins on several occasions the british failed to forestall the yankees. on july 23d the delayed expedition of the astorians set forth far to the interior, and as a result of their investigations, david stuart, in charge of the party, began the erection of a trading house at the mouth of the okanogan, five hundred and forty miles above astoria. it was on september 2, 1811, that this post was begun, and hence fort okanogan may be regarded as the first american establishment in the present state of washington. it was antedated a few months by the post of the north-west company at the entrance of the little spokane into the spokane, near the present site of the city of spokane. during the fall of 1811 the indians around astoria became very threatening. direful rumours, too, in regard to the destruction of the _tonquin_ began to disquiet the astorians. in the emergency the wary mcdougall, then acting as the head of the company, bethought himself of a very effective expedient. he had learned that dreadful loss of life among the indians had resulted a few years before from smallpox and that the indians were mortally afraid of it. calling into his room several of the principal chiefs, he asked if they remembered the smallpox. their serious faces were sufficient proof that they did. mcdougall then held up a small vial and continued with awful solemnity: "listen to me. i am the great smallpox chief. in this little bottle i keep the smallpox. if i uncork the bottle and let it out i will kill every man, woman, and child of the indians. now go in peace, but if you make war upon us i will open the bottle, and you will die." the chiefs filed out in terror, and peace was preserved. mcdougall still further cemented the bond of union with the natives by becoming united in wedlock with the daughter of comcomly, the one-eyed chieftain of the chinooks. after numerous and thorough ablutions had somewhat mitigated the oiliness and general fishiness of the chinook princess, she was clad in the most brilliant style of the native beauty, a grand holiday was declared at astoria, and white men and indians joined in the wedding feast and made the welkin ring with their demonstrations. thus did the daughter of comcomly become the first lady of the land, and thus did peace brood over the broad waters of the lower river. during the winter of 1811-12 the two instalments of the hunt party made their appearance, after their distressful journey from st. louis as already narrated in chapter iv. in may, 1812, the company's ship _beaver_ arrived from new york, loaded with stores and trading equipment, and bringing a considerable addition to the force of men. in the following month sixty men were despatched up-river, and by them a trading post was located at spokane and another on the snake river somewhere near the present site of lewiston, while one section of the party went across the mountains and down the missouri to convey dispatches to mr. astor. at this stage of the history of the astoria enterprise, every aspect was encouraging. the trade in furs on the spokane, the okanogan, the snake, the coeur d'alene was excellent, a successful cruise along the coast by the _beaver_ seemed sure, and the indians about the mouth of the river were friendly and well disposed. mr. astor's great undertaking seemed sure to be crowned with success. in the midst of all the signs of hope came tidings of dismay. it became known with certainty that the _tonquin_ had been destroyed. this appalling disaster was related directly to the astoria company by the only survivor. this was an indian of the chehalis tribe whose name is given by irving as lamazee, by ross as lamazu, and by bancroft as lamanse. he had escaped from the indians who had held him after the destruction of the _tonquin_ and had finally found his way to astoria, there to tell his tale, one of the most sanguinary in the long roll of struggles with the indians. the next great disaster was the wrecking of the _lark_, the third of the company's ships from new york. during the same period mr. hunt, the partner next in rank to mr. astor and the one above all who could have acted wisely and patriotically in the forthcoming crisis, had gone in the _beaver_ on a trading cruise among the russians of sitka, and by a most remarkable series of detentions he had been kept away from astoria for over a year. to cap the climax of misfortunes, the war of 1812 burst upon the knowledge of the fur-traders and seemed to force upon such of the partners as were of british nationality the question of their paramount duty. as a result of the crisis, mcdougal and mckenzie, although against the wishes of the other partners present, sold out to the agent of the north-westers, who had repaired at once to astoria upon knowledge of the declaration of war. thus the great astoria enterprise was abandoned, and the stars and stripes went down and the union jack went up. soon after the transfer, the british man-of-war _raccoon_, captain black, arrived at astoria, expecting to have seized the place as a rich prize of war. imagine the disgust of the expectant british mariners to discover that the post had already been sold to british subjects, that their long journey was useless, and that their hopes of prize money had vanished. with the close of the war of 1812 a series of negotiations between the ministers of the two countries took place in regard to the possession of the river, by which it was finally decided that astoria should be restored to the united states. accordingly, on the 6th of october, 1818, the british commissioners, captain f. hickey, of his majesty's ship _blossom_, and j. keith, representing the north-west fur company, signed an act of delivery restoring fort george (astoria) to the united states. mr. j. b. prevost, commissioner for the united states, signed the act of acceptance. astoria was once again american property. [illustration: steamer _beaver_, the first steamer on the pacific, 1836.] [illustration: portland, oregon, in 1851. from an old print.] while the river was now nominally in possession of the united states, it was practically under the control of the british fur companies. the pacific fur company ceased to operate, and the north-westers entered upon active work both by sea and land in exploring the vast and profitable domain which the misfortunes of their american rivals, supplemented in a most timely manner by the treachery of mcdougall and mckenzie, had put within their power. the canny scotchmen, mcdougall, mctavish, mckenzie, mcdonald, and the various other macs who now guided the plans of the north-westers, signalled their entrance into power by despatching companies to the various pivotal points of the great columbia basin, the walla walla, yakima, okanogan, spokane, and snake rivers. two incidents may be related to illustrate the character of people and the conditions of that wilderness period. a party of ninety men in ten canoes left astoria for up-river points on april 4, 1814. while passing the mouth of the yakima, about three hundred and fifty miles up the river, the men were surprised to see three canoes putting out from shore and to hear a child's voice calling out, "_arretez donc! arretez donc!_" stopping to investigate, the party found in one of the boats the indian wife of pierre dorion, with her children. dorion, with five other canadians, had gone the previous summer with a party under command of john reed of the astor company. while trapping and hunting, deep in the mountains of snake river, the party had been massacred by indians. the woman and her two boys had alone escaped the massacre. it was the dead of winter and the snows lay deep on the blue mountains. but the wife of dorion found shelter in a remote fastness of the mountains, putting up a bark hut for a shelter and subsisting on the carcasses of some of her horses. in the spring, the pitiful little company of mother and children descended to walla walla and found there more kindly disposed natives, who cared for them and turned them over to the protection of the whites. a more thrilling story of suffering and heroism than this of madame dorion and her children has never come up from the chronicles of the wild west. equally illustrative of the life of the fur-traders is the account given by alexander ross of one of his many adventures in the columbia country. in 1814 ross went from okanogan to yakima to secure horses. with him were four other whites and three indian women. the yakima valley was then as now a paradise of the indians. there the tribes gathered by the thousands in the spring to dig camas, to race horses, and to gamble, as well as to form alliances and make plans for war. when the little company of traders reached the encampment, they discovered to their astonishment that it was a veritable city. six thousand men, women, and children, with ten thousand horses, and uncounted dogs and many shackled bears and wolves, were strewn across the plain. it was a dangerous situation for the traders, for it became plain to them that the indians were unfriendly. but assuming an air of careless bravado, ross proceeded to display his store of trinkets for the purpose of starting a traffic in horses. assuming a very hilarious manner the indians would seize and drive away the animals as fast as the white men got them. then the indians began to deprive them of clothes and food. finally they made ready to seize their three women as slaves. ross managed to have the women escape temporarily, but then the savages were worse than ever. matters reached a crisis when an obstreperous chief named yaktana snatched a knife from the hands of one of the canadians. a desperate struggle was just at the point of breaking out, which would inevitably have resulted in the death of all the white men, when a sudden intuition flashed through the quick mind of ross, and rushing between the combatants he handed his own knife, a much more elegant one, to yaktana, saying in a friendly tone, "this is a chief's knife. take it and give back the other." there was an instant revulsion. yaktana was so much flattered that he turned at once into a stanch supporter of the shrewd trader. food was brought. the horses were restored. equipment was provided. the three women were regained, and the company made their way without further trouble to okanogan. we have already mentioned the important fact that in 1821 the two great canadian companies, the north-western and the hudson's bay, decided to unite. with the union, the great era of fur-trade in the columbia basin fairly began, to continue about twenty-five years, yielding then to the american immigrant. that twenty-five years of the dominance of the great fur company contained nearly all the poetry and romance as well as the profit and statesmanship of the business. the entire region of the river, as well as that of the puget sound country, was mapped out in a most systematic manner with one chief central fort, vancouver on the columbia. a more magnificent location for the purpose cannot be conceived. it is now the site of a flourishing city and of the united states fort headquarters for the north-west, generally conceded to be the finest fort location in the united states. fort vancouver was established in 1825 upon a superb bench of land gently sloping back from the river for two miles. great trees fringed the site, mt. hood lifted its pinnacled majesty sixty miles to the eastward, the sinuous mazes of the willamette valley stretched out far southward, while the lordly river was in full view a dozen miles up and down. every natural advantage and delight which wild nature could offer was here in fullness. ships could readily ascend the hundred miles from the ocean to unload their merchandise and take on their cargoes of precious furs, the furs collected at the outlay of so much toil and suffering over the area of hundreds of miles. every species of game and fish abounded in the waters and along the banks of the river. deer and elk tossed their antlers between the stately firs of the upland, and pheasant and grouse whirred among the branches. geese, cranes, ducks, and swans, in countless numbers, darkened the lagoons amid the many islands enclosed by the mouths of the willamette and the adjacent waters of the larger stream. fish of many varieties, the royal chinook salmon, king of food fish, being at the head in beauty and edibility, though surpassed in size by the gigantic sturgeon, which sometimes weighed a thousand pounds, abounded in the river. no epicure of the world's capitals could command such viands as nature brought to the doors of the denizens of fort vancouver. the fort itself was laid out on a scale of amplitude suitable to the spaciousness of the site. it was enclosed with a picket wall twenty feet high, with massive buttresses of timber inside. this enclosure was a parallelogram seven hundred and fifty by five hundred feet. inside were about forty buildings, the governor's residence of generous dimensions being in the centre. two chapels provided for the spiritual needs of the company, while schoolhouse, stores, "bachelors' halls," and shops of various kinds attested the variety of the needs. along the bank of the river, outside the enclosure, lay quite a village of cottages for the married employees, together with hospital, boathouses, granaries, warehouses, threshing mills, and dairy buildings. taken altogether fort vancouver was the model fort of the western slope. moreover, the fertile soil and genial, humid climate soon encouraged the factors of the company to experiment with gardens and orchards, and, within a few years after founding, fifteen hundred acres of land were in the finest state of productivity, while three thousand head of cattle, twenty-five hundred sheep, three hundred brood mares, and over a hundred milch cows, added their bounteous contributions to the already plentiful resources of the fort. with this rich larder, with the spacious buildings, with the annual arrivals and departures of ships by sea and fleets of bateaux by river, with hunting trips and indian policies, with the intercoast traffic with the russians on the north and the spaniards on the south,--there was as much to engage and delight the minds of these people as if they had lived in the heart of civilisation. any account of fort vancouver would be incomplete without some reference to dr. john mcloughlin, chief factor of the company in the columbia district from 1824 to the time of his retirement from the company in 1846 and settlement at oregon city, oregon, as an american citizen. rarely has any one in the stormy history of the columbia basin received such unvarying and unqualified praise as has this truly great man. physically, mentally, and morally, dr. mcloughlin was altogether exceptional among the mixed population that gathered about the emporium of the traders. six feet four inches in height, his noble and expressive face crowned with a great cascade of snowy hair, firm yet kindly, prompt and businesslike yet sympathetic and helpful, "old whitehead" or "white eagle," as the indians called him, was a true-born king of men. we have said that fort vancouver was the great central fort. the others commanding the pivotal points upon the river and its tributaries were fort hall and fort boisé on the snake, spokane house on the spokane near the present metropolis of the inland empire, fort colville on the river of the same name near its junction with the columbia, fort okanogan at the junction of the stream of that name with the great river, fort owen in the coeur d'alene region, fort simcoe in the yakima country, fort walla walla, first known as fort nez percé, on the columbia at the mouth of the walla walla, and fort george on the former site of astoria. these forts were all laid out in the same general fashion as fort vancouver, though no one was so large, elaborate, or comfortable. besides the forts there were a number of small trading posts. the chief furs procured in the interior were beaver, and those on the coast were sea-otter. many others, as the mink, sharp-toothed otter, fox, lynx, raccoon, were found in abundance. the profits of the business were immense. alexander ross relates that he secured one morning before breakfast one hundred and ten beaver skins for a single yard of white cloth. ross spent one hundred and eighty-eight days alone in the yakima country. during that time he collected one thousand five hundred and fifty beavers, besides other peltries, worth in the canton market two thousand two hundred and fifty pounds, which cost him in his objects of trade only thirty-five pounds. that was while ross was connected with the astor company. in completing this necessarily hurried chapter on the fascinating era of the fur-traders, we cannot omit a brief reference to the movements of the regular brigades of boats up and down the river, for these comprised a great part of both the business and the romance of the age. the course of these brigades was from the southern shores of hudson bay, through manitoba, to the crest of the rockies at the head of the columbia. water was utilised to the greatest possible extent, while at the portages and across the mountains horse-power and man-power were employed. once afloat upon the columbia, the brigades braved most of the rapids, paying occasional toll of men and goods to the envious deities of the waters, yet with marvellous skill and general fortune making their way down the thousand or more miles from boat encampment to fort vancouver. the descent was easy compared with the ascent. the first journey of the east-bound brigade of the north-westers from astoria to montreal was in 1814, and it required the time from april 4th to may 11th to reach the mouth of canoe river, the point at which they entered upon the mountain climb to the head of the athabasca. the boatmen were french-canadians, a hardy, mercurial, light-hearted race, half french, with the natural grace and politeness of their race, and having the pleasant patois which has made them the theme of much popular present-day literature. they were half indian, either in tastes and manners or in blood, with the atmosphere of forests and streams clinging to every word and gesture. they were perhaps the best boatmen in the world. upon those matchless lakes into which the columbia and its tributaries expand at intervals the fur-laden boats would glide at ease, while the wild songs of the _coureurs des bois_ would echo from shore to shore in lazy sibilations, apparently betokening no thought of serious or earnest business. but once the rapids were reached, the gay and rollicking knight of the paddle became all attention. with keen eyes fixed on every swirl or rock, he guided the light craft with a ready skill which would be inconceivable to one less daring and experienced. the brigades would run almost all the rapids from death rapids to the sea, making portages at kettle falls, tumwater or celilo falls, and the cascades, though at some stages of the water they could run down even them. they always had to carry around those points in ascending the river. in spite of all the skill of the _voyageurs_ the columbia and the snake, the pend oreille and the kootenai have exacted a heavy toll of life from those who have laid their compelling hands upon the white manes of chute and cataract. many, even of the _voyageurs_, are the human skeletons that have whitened the volcanic beds of the great streams. the boats used by the fur brigades were either log canoes obtained of the indians or bateaux. the former were hollowed from the magnificent cedars which grew on the banks of the river, sometimes fifty or sixty feet long, with prow carved in fantastic, even beautiful fashion. they would hold from six to twenty persons with from half a ton to two or three tons of load, yet were so light that two men could carry one of the medium size while four could handle one of any size around a portage. but the _voyageurs_ never took quite so much to the canoes as did the indians, whose skill in handling them in high waves is described by ross and franchère as something astonishing. and even the indians of the present show much the same ability, though the splendid cedar canoes are no longer made, and only here and there can one of the picturesque survivors be seen. the bateaux were boats of peculiar shape, being built very high and broad so that in an unloaded condition they seemed to rest on the water almost like a paper shell. both ends were high and pointed as prows. they were propelled with oars and steered with paddles. one of the usual size was about thirty feet long and five feet wide. being of light-draft, double-enders, capable of holding large loads and yet easily conveyed around portages, more steady and roomy than canoes, these bateaux were the typical columbia river medium of commerce during the era of the fur-traders. they, too, have mainly vanished from the scenes of their former glory. canoes, bateaux, cries and yells of indians, songs of _voyageurs_, have gone into the engulfing limbo of the bygone, along with the keen-eyed scotch factor and the sharp-featured yankee skipper. yet the swans and geese and ducks still darken the more placid expanses of the river and the salmon still start the widening circles in almost undiminished numbers, while the glaciated heights of hood and adams and st. helens (we would rather say wiyeast, klickitat, and loowit) still stand guard over the unchanging waters. this part of our topic has mainly centred upon the british possession of the river. a full history of the fur era on the river would demand a chapter on the later attempts of three remarkable men to reestablish american interests in the disputed territory. these men were jedediah smith, capt. e. l. bonneville, and nathaniel j. wyeth. but though these men belong properly to this era, their efforts in the fur-trade were relatively unimportant in comparison with the influence of their lives in the direction of permanent american occupation. it seemed the appointment of destiny that the american should play second fiddle to his british rival in the fur-trade. but as tenfold, a thousandfold compensation, the american farmers, home-builders, and tradesmen were to acquire final possession of one of the goodliest lands on which the stars and stripes has ever floated. the bateaux and canoes must needs give way to the steamboat and the launch, the _coureur des bois_ to the lumberman and the miner and farmer, and the picturesque emporium of the british fur-trader on the river to the modern american city. we shall, therefore, more fittingly chronicle the later american fur-traders as a part of the march of their countrymen to permanent ownership of oregon. chapter vi the coming of the missionaries to the tribes of the river journey of the nez percé chiefs to find the white man's book of life--interest excited among christian people by this event--methodist church leads in preparing for a missionary party--jason lee and his mission near chemeketa--the reinforcement by the _lausanne_--importance of jason lee as a force in oregon history--the missions of the american board at walla walla, lapwai, and tshimakain--preliminary journey of whitman and parker in 1835--the wedding journey from missouri to the columbia in 1836--dr. whitman and his associates and their traits of character--on the summit of south pass--whitman's waggon--arrival at vancouver and conference with mcloughlin--locations of the missionaries--reinforcement in 1838--friendship of the nez percés--first printing press--whitman's ride in 1842-43--the catholic missions--fathers blanchet, demers, and de smet--influence of the missions. in 1832 a strange thing happened. four indians appeared in st. louis seeking the "white man's book of life." at that time general william clark was superintendent of indian affairs, located at st. louis. he was familiar with the western indians and had greatly sympathised with them. learning of these strange indians and their stranger quest, general clark sought them, and entered into communication with them. it is usually stated that these indians were flatheads from the pend oreille region, but miss kate macbeth, a missionary for many years to the nez percés, became convinced that three were nez percés and the fourth a flathead. how they had learned that the white man had a "book of life" is not known. captain bonneville's journal states that pierre pambrun had given many of the oregon indians instruction in the rudiments of the catholic worship. some have conjectured that jedediah smith, a noted american trapper, and, most remarkable of all, a devout christian, may have imparted religious thoughts to them. miss macbeth believed that the motive of the mission was to find lewis and clark, the explorers, whose visit in 1804-05 had produced a profound impression on the nez percés. the first published account of these four indians appeared in the _new york christian advocate_ for march 1, 1833. this was in the form of a letter from g. p. disoway, in which he enclosed a letter to himself from his agent, william walker, an interpreter for the wyandotte indians. walker was at st. louis at the time, and met these four indians in general clark's office. he was much impressed with their appearance, and learned that general clark had given them as full an account as possible of the nature and history of man, of the advent of the saviour, and of his work for men. walker states that two of the four men died in st. louis, and as to whether the others reached their native land he did not know. in the _illinois patriot_ of october, 1833, the same topic was taken up, together with the statement that walker's report had excited so much interest that a committee of the illinois synod had been appointed to investigate and report on what seemed the duty of the churches in the premises. the committee accordingly went to st. louis and confirmed the account by conference with general clark. they also made it an object to learn all available facts in regard to the general conditions among the indians west of the rocky mountains. one of the most valuable records in respect to these indians is from george catlin, the noted painter and student of indian life. catlin was on the steamer going up the missouri toward fort benton with these two remaining indians on their homeward journey. his account of them in the _smithsonian report_ for 1885 is thus: these two men, when i painted them, were in beautiful sioux dresses which had been presented to them in a talk with the sioux, who treated them very kindly, while passing through the sioux country. these two men were part of a delegation that came across the mountains to st. louis, a few years since, to inquire for the truth of representation which they said some white man had made among them, that our religion was better than theirs, and that they would all be lost if they did not embrace it. two old and venerable men of this party died in st. louis, and i travelled two thousand miles, companion with these two fellows, toward their own country, and became much pleased with their manners and dispositions. when i first heard the objects of their extraordinary mission across the mountains, i could scarcely believe it; but, on conversing with general clark on a future occasion, i was fully convinced of the fact. it appears from still another account of the matter that the two surviving indians were disappointed in that they did not actually get possession of the "book." a speech of one of the chiefs as he left general clark has been published in a number of books, and is well worthy of preservation. it should be stated, however, that this speech has no authentic source, nor does it appear anywhere how it was obtained. it is commonly stated that it was "taken down" at the time by one of the clerks in general clark's office. the historian mowry is authority for the statement that one of the indians gave the substance of the speech to the missionary, spalding, at a later time. it has, also, a somewhat conventionalised sound. yet with whatever discredit may be cast upon it, it possesses so many elements of interest that it may well be given here. this is the reported speech. i come to you over the trail of many moons from the setting sun. you were the friend of my fathers, who have all gone the long way. i came with an eye partly open for my people, who sit in darkness. i go back with both eyes closed. how can i go back blind, to my blind people? i made my way to you with strong arms through many enemies and strange lands that i might carry back much to them. i go back with both arms broken and empty. two fathers came with us. they were the braves of many winters and wars. we leave them asleep here by your great water and wigwams. they were tired in many moons and their moccasins wore out. my people sent me to get the white man's book of heaven. you took me to where you allow your women to dance, as we do not ours, and the book was not there. you took me to where they worship the great spirit with candles, and the book was not there. you showed me images of the good spirits and the pictures of the good land beyond, but the book was not among them to tell us the way. i am going back the long and sad trail to my people in the dark land. you make my feet heavy with gifts and my moccasins will grow old in carrying them, yet the book is not among them. when i tell my poor blind people after one more snow, in the big council, that i did not bring the book, no word will be spoken by our old men or by our young braves. one by one they will rise up and go out in silence. my people will die in darkness, and they will go on a long path to other hunting grounds. no white man will go with them, and no white man's book to make the way plain. i have no more words. taken altogether, it may be said that this event, as preserved in these various ways, constitutes one of the most pleasing and significant, though pathetic, incidents in indian history. it was, moreover, pregnant with results. it might almost be said that it was the key to american possession of oregon. for upon the acquisition of the story by the christian people of the united states, there rose an immediate demand that something be done to carry the gospel to the indians of the oregon country. this story was interpreted as a macedonian cry. the period was one of strong religious feeling, as well as missionary zeal. the warm-hearted followers of the cross felt at once that here was a providential opening to honour that cross and to advance its kingdom upon the western border of civilisation. the methodist church was first to take up the work of sending forth missionaries to the oregon indians. to wilbur fiske of wesleyan university seems due the credit of the first move. he enlisted the interest of jason lee, a former student at wesleyan university, but then engaged in missionary work in the province of quebec. lee was a tall, athletic young man, full of zeal and consecration, not polished or graceful in manner, but powerful in spirit. he grasped at once the great possibilities in the proposition of dr. fiske, and, going to boston, became appointed by the new england conference as superintendent of a mission to oregon. daniel lee, cyrus shepard, and p. l. edwards were named his associates. in 1834, this mission band learned that nathaniel wyeth, famous as a fur-trader, was expecting to cross the continent, sending his goods by the brig _may dacre_ to the columbia river. such an opportunity was too favourable to be lost, and the methodist board at once opened negotiations with captain wyeth, with the result that this first missionary company to oregon went with him and arrived safely at vancouver on the columbia, the headquarters of the hudson's bay company. the _may dacre_ reached her destination soon after, and thus mr. lee and his comrades found themselves at the threshold of their labours. the first intention had been to locate among the nez percés and flatheads, the ones from whom the macedonian cry had gone up. but dr. mcloughlin, the chief factor at vancouver, who had received them with the utmost interest and cordiality, persuaded them that the willamette valley would be a more promising field. its advantages were obvious. it was directly on water navigation to the sea, and within easy distance of it. it was so near the chief entrepôt of the hudson's bay company as to be comparatively safe and accessible to all mails. the valley was of extraordinary scenic charm and salubrious climate. the natives, moreover, seemed more tractable and peaceful than those of the upper valley. accordingly the methodist brethren ascended the willamette to a point near a group of farms which had been located by french employees of the hudson's bay company on what is known now as french prairie. one of these frenchmen was joseph gervais, and from him the subsequent town of gervais was named. the mission was located on the willamette near chemawa, the present site of the united states indian school. it was ten miles north of chemeketa, which was the great indian council ground, or peace ground, from which fact the missionary applied to it the name of salem,--a change of name more commendable for piety than for taste. jason lee set to work at once with zeal, patience, and intelligence, to inaugurate the work to which he had consecrated his life. at times his efforts seemed to be well rewarded. then pestilence would attack the indians, followed by suspicion and excitement, as a result of which all the gains would be lost. the work among the whites and their half-breed families was more encouraging than that with the indians. at the best, indians have been inconstant and unreliable in respect to religious instruction. in 1837 a strong reinforcement arrived, among whom were dr. elijah white, destined to become a man of note as superintendent of indian affairs. in 1838, rev. daniel lee and rev. h. k. w. perkins established a new station at wascopum, now the location of the dalles. in the same year jason lee returned east to secure an addition to the mission. his efforts were crowned with success. five missionaries, one physician, six mechanics, four farmers, one steward, and four female teachers, with a number unclassified,--in all thirty-six adults and seventeen children,--reached the columbia river on the good ship _lausanne_, under charge of captain spalding, on may 21, 1840. this was the most notable company that had yet reached our great river. among them were men and women who contributed in a great degree to the subsequent growth of oregon. of the number were revs. gustavus hines, alvin waller, j. p. richmond, and j. h. frost; dr. ira l. babcock, george abernethy, afterwards governor of the territory, j. l. parrish, and l. h. judson. all the men were accompanied by their wives, and most of them had children. they were, in short, the advance guard of the american home-builders in oregon, and as such they deserve a special place on the roll of honour. with this added force, it was possible to enlarge the work, in both secular and religious lines, both among the whites and the indians. a mission was started at clatsop on the south side of the mouth of the columbia under mr. parrish, one at the falls of the willamette, and another on tualatin plains, under mr. hines, while still another was located by mr. richmond at nisqually on puget sound. as time passed on, it became more and more evident that this work was to become less for indians and more for the incoming whites. the whole aspect of it changed. the methodist board in new england decided that they were not justified in maintaining the missions, and these were discontinued during the decade of the forties. out of the mission at chemeketa grew willamette university, one of the most prominent educational institutions of oregon. jason lee returned to the east and died in canada in 1845. his life, though short, was heroic and influential. he looms large on the background of the history of the columbia. in brief retrospect, it may be said of him that he combined religious zeal with shrewd common sense and capacity to see and adapt himself to the business and political conditions of his time and place. this capacity is illustrated by his shrewd management of a bold and enterprising character named ewing young. this man was about starting a distillery in the willamette valley. knowing the ruinous effects of intoxicants on indians, the missionaries strongly opposed the enterprise. but knowing also that young was a man of force and capacity and much more valuable as a friend than as an enemy, mr. lee accomplished the abandonment of the distillery by indirection, and at the same time gained one of the most important steps in the development of the country. for he induced young to undertake the great work of driving into the willamette valley a large herd of cattle from california. to the settlers beginning to locate on the fat pasture land along the willamette and its tributaries, this was a stage in history of priceless moment. up to that time the only cattle in the country belonged to the hudson's bay company and it was not their policy to encourage american settlers. another fact in connection with jason lee constitutes a landmark in the history of american acquisition of oregon. this was a memorial prepared by him, with the assistance of p. l. edwards and david leslie, and signed by practically all the adult men then accessible in the willamette valley, thirty-six in number, addressed to the united states congress and praying that the government would consider the importance of the columbia river country and the question of acquisition. this memorial was dated march 16, 1838, and was taken by mr. lee to the east and given to senator linn of missouri, in january, 1839. senator linn was so aroused over the boundless possibilities offered to westward expansion that he introduced a bill in the senate calling for the establishment of oregon territory and the occupation of it by the military forces of the united states. though this bill did not become a law, it constituted a rallying cry for the friends of american possession, which had results of utmost importance. in short, to jason lee, more than to any other one, unless we except dr. marcus whitman, of whom we shall speak later, must be attributed the inauguration of that remarkable chain of causes and effects, a long line of sequences, by which oregon and our pacific coast in general became american possessions, and the international destiny of our nation was secured. from the methodist missions of lower columbia we turn to the presbyterian and congregational missions of the upper river and its tributaries. the american board of foreign missions was at that time under the joint control of three religious bodies, presbyterian, congregational, and dutch reformed. at the instance of the last named body, the board in 1835 commissioned rev. samuel parker of ithaca, n. y., and marcus whitman, m.d., of rushville, n. y., to make a reconnaissance of the country of the columbia, with the view of a mission. under the protection of the american fur company, the two spiritual prospectors journeyed as far as green river. there deciding that what they learned of the land beyond the rocky mountains warranted the carrying out of the missionary project, they determined to part company, dr. whitman returning to the "states" for reinforcements, and dr. parker going onward through oregon to the mouth of the columbia, and proceeding thence by ship to honolulu, whence he returned by water to his home. dr. parker was an elderly man, somewhat pedantic and notional in his ways, but withal full of energy and zeal in the cause. he was not so popular with trappers and frontiersmen as his companion. for whitman was a young, athletic man, capable of any degree of fatigue, very ready in proffering his professional or other services to those in need. there was a bonhommie and general disregard of the conventionalities in whitman that caused the rough spirits of the border to "take to" him at once, while they rather looked askance at the more straight-laced ecclesiastic. but parker was a man worthy of all respect for his qualities both of mind and purpose. he was a keen observer, and has left us, as his contribution to history, his _travels beyond the rocky mountains_, one of the most readable and valuable books of travel in our western literature. his journey was, in fact, the first one across the continent, after that of lewis and clark, which produced a book of high standard. dr. whitman made his way at once to his home in new york, accompanied by two nez percé indians. arriving late on saturday night he stopped with his brother, and no one else of the village knew of his arrival, until at the hour of service the next morning, he appeared in the aisle followed by his two indians. his appearance was so like that of an apparition that his usually staid and proper mother lost her head entirely, and leaped to her feet, shouting "why, there is marcus!" the equilibrium of the meeting was for the time almost destroyed. within a few months, dr. whitman was married to narcissa prentiss. he persuaded rev. h. h. spalding and wife, who had hitherto planned to go as missionaries to the osage indians, to join them for oregon. w. h. gray was secured to go with the party as secular manager. and now began the famous "wedding journey" from new york to the banks of the columbia. it included within itself the romance, the pathos, the devotion, the heroism, and at the last, the tragedy of missions. _the history of oregon_, by w. h. gray, is the chief original authority for this journey, though the women of the party kept journals which are of great value. it would seem that all the members of the party were of marked personality. dr. whitman was a tall, spare man, with deep blue eyes, wide mouth, iron-grey hair, of inflexible resolution, and very set when his mind was once made up, though flexible and even variable till that point had been reached. he was of enormous physical strength and endurance, with a constitution, as one who knew him later told the writer, "like a saw-mill." mrs. whitman was a woman of liberal education for those times, large, fair-haired, blue-eyed, dignified, and somewhat reserved (rather "starchy," the mountain men thought her), very ladylike, refined, and attractive. one of the pathetic and interesting things about her is related by mrs. martha j. lamb in the _magazine of american history_, in 1884. this relates the fact that the church of which miss prentiss (mrs. whitman) was a member in plattsburg, n. y., held a farewell service for her, and in the course of it the minister gave out the hymn: yes, my native land, i love thee, all thy scenes, i love them well; friends, connections, happy country, can i bid you all farewell. the entire congregation joined heartily in singing, but before the hymn was ended voice after voice was choked with sobs, and in the last words the clear, sweet soprano voice of miss prentiss was heard alone, unwavering, like a peal of triumph. mr. spalding was a very different man from dr. whitman and has not been so well treated by historians. he is said to have been more nervous and crotchety, though of remarkable industry and intense likes and dislikes, which he never scrupled to express in vigorous fashion. the fact remains, however, that his mission was altogether the most successful of all those founded in oregon. mrs. spalding was tall, dark, rather coarse featured, and of fragile health. it is truly wonderful that with such a handicap she should have been able to accomplish the arduous journey to oregon. she was less fastidious and reserved than mrs. whitman and adopted the policy of taking the habits and manners of the indians in greater degree, whereas her more dignified sister believed in the policy of trying to raise the indians to her own level. the indians therefore understood mrs. spalding better. the indians always desired the privilege of entering mrs. whitman's private room unannounced, and, if possible, of seeing her at her bath or toilette. her natural objection to such intrusion was a chronic grievance which resulted in the suspicion by the indians that she was conspiring against them. w. h. gray, the secular agent, was a young, fine-looking, daring, and athletic man, very skilful in making and handling boats, teams, waggons, and anything else of a practical nature. he was so positive and even violent in his views as to alienate many with whom he came in contact. yet he was one of the manliest men that ever came to oregon, and was intimately connected with nearly every important event in the history of the columbia river, navigation included. his four sons, all born in oregon, became steamboat captains and pilots, and without question, no one family has been so intimately associated with the river as has the gray family. if any one group of people could be said to have filed a claim on the river, it is the family of w. h. gray. gray's history is of high value, yet so intense was his hatred of the hudson's bay company and of the british in general, as well as of roman catholics, that his book has been subjected to unsparing criticism by later writers. the little missionary band of five, accompanied by the two nez percé indians who had gone east with whitman the year before, joined the westbound caravan of the american fur company, and journeyed with them the greater part of the way. one of the most thrilling and suggestive moments in their journey was when they stood on the summit of the rockies at south pass. there they looked down the westward maze of mountains and valleys drained by the snake river and its tributaries as these swept west to join the columbia and thence proceed to the pacific. with that vision before them, they spread the stars and stripes to the breeze and kneeling upon the turf, they took possession of the great unknown to the westward in the name of god and the american union. nobly was the claim maintained, though with it came the crown of martyrdom. whitman desired above all other things to demonstrate the feasibility of a waggon road to the pacific. he therefore insisted on taking his waggon,--"_chick-chick-shaile-kikash_," the indians called it, in attempted onomatopoeia. his demonstration was successful, though the trouble was infinite. he was compelled to leave the waggon at the hudson's bay fort on the boisé, near the present site of boisé city, with the intention of getting it the next year. the hudson's bay people used every effort to discourage whitman in his waggon enterprise, though according to gray, they made much use of the vehicle in their fort. on september 2, 1836, the mission party reached the hudson's bay company's fort at the mouth of the walla walla, a little more than four months and two thousand two hundred miles from the banks of the missouri to those of the columbia. but the journey was not complete, for their definite location must yet be selected. they proceeded now in bateaux down the great river to vancouver, the headquarters of the hudson's bay company's empire. there dr. mcloughlin, the chief factor, met them with his own peculiar cordiality, and yet with the dignity befitting the head of so great an establishment. he was a noble man, and though business considerations and the orders of the directors of the company would have led him to "freeze out" the americans, yet humanity and his own genial nature forbade him to withhold the cordial hand from the mission band. the fort and two ships in the river were arrayed in gala attire in honour of the event. dr. mcloughlin did the honours of his spacious hall to mrs. whitman and mrs. spalding in a style that would have graced a baronial mansion. by dr. mcloughlin's advice, since the methodist mission had been located in the willamette valley, whitman decided to establish himself among the cayuses in the beautiful and fertile valley of the walla walla, at waiilatpu, the "place of the rye-grass." spalding accepted the urgent appeal of the nez percés to go a hundred and twenty-five miles eastward to lapwai on the clearwater, near the modern site of lewiston. both stations were fair to look upon, with every natural advantage. it proved, however, that the cayuses were fierce and intractable, while the nez percés, though warlike and manly, were also docile, ambitious to learn, and predisposed to friendly relations with the americans. in 1838, the american board of foreign missions sent a reinforcement to the field, consisting of revs. elkanah walker, cushing eells, a. b. smith, and their wives. mr. gray, who had returned the previous year in order to organise this reinforcement, had found a wife, and with her was now accompanying this second missionary band to oregon. messrs. walker and eells located at tshimakain, on what is now called walker's prairie, near spokane. mr. smith went to kamiah up the clearwater, about sixty miles from mr. spalding's station at lapwai. time fails to speak of the many interesting events marking each of the missions. they were all located in singularly attractive spots, and every one of the missionaries made great progress in cultivating the ground, building mills, houses, and fences, and interesting the indians in the arts of peace. it is true that when the novelty of the white man's ways had passed, many of the natives lost all interest. yet upon the spokanes and the nez percés, lasting influences were wrought. the nez percés in particular, under the influence of their noble and intelligent chief, hal-hal-tlos-sot, or lawyer, almost decided the fate of american institutions in the upper columbia river region for years. one of the especially interesting events in connection with the nez percé mission was the acquisition by mr. spalding of the first printing-press used west of the rocky mountains. this was donated by the church of rev. h. bingham at honolulu in 1839. the indefatigable spalding, with the assistance of his wife, who had unusual powers as a linguist, began at once reducing the nez percé language to a written form and printing in it translations of hymns and portions of the bible. some of these first books of the columbia river are still in existence. the venerable printing-press is in the museum of the oregon pioneer society at portland. the most dramatic and influential event in connection with the missions of the columbia, one of the most so in all american history, was dr. whitman's mid-winter ride in 1842-43 from waiilatpu to st. louis. dr. whitman, in common with jason lee, soon began to perceive that the columbia valley possessed resources and a location which would inevitably make it the seat of a civilised population. the corollary of this was that the mission must conform to the movements of the whites and in time cease to be simply an indian mission. he perceived another thing. that was the purpose of the hudson's bay company to hold oregon under english possession and keep it a wilderness for the sake of the fur-trade. the corollary of that was that, if american families could be induced to locate in oregon, they would in time topple the scale in favour of american ownership. the value of oregon was then but dimly understood among the americans. webster, benton, and others of the great statesmen are on record in the _congressional globe_ with many disparaging remarks upon "that worthless columbia river country." whitman watched all signs with anxious eye. negotiations between england and the united states indicated a probable surrender to the former. the american board was considering the abandonment of the mission. looking over the broad field of the future of the american nation with a statesman's vision, dr. whitman readily saw that the interests of his country and of christian civilisation demanded the acquisition of oregon. those interests were in jeopardy. he made the great resolution to proceed at once to the "states" with the threefold aim: confer with the officers of the american board on the retention of the mission, confer with president tyler, secretary webster, and such others of the officers of government as he could see at washington, and finally help organise and lead back to oregon an american immigration. his fellow-missionaries strongly opposed his purpose. they felt that it was abandoning the religious aims of the mission to take up political questions. but he declared that he had not expatriated himself by becoming a missionary. go he would. the undertaking seemed chimerical, even desperate. but whitman was bold, athletic, persistent, possessing all the qualities of a hero. with a single white companion, a. l. lovejoy, and one or more indian guides, he left waiilatpu on october 3, 1842. his journey through snow, ice, wind, hunger, peril, and deprivation of every sort, has been ofttimes described. the extent of his influence in securing the adoption by our government of the policy of retaining oregon has become the theme of earnest, even acrimonious discussion. the simple fact remains that oregon was "saved" to the american union. the missionaries lee and whitman bore, each his part, and a great one, in the great final result. it is not too much to say that of the various lines of influence by which the valley of the columbia became american territory, that of missions was one of the strongest. the catholic missions of the columbia valley have found several chroniclers, of whom the most valuable are rev. f. n. blanchet and rev. pierre j. de smet. the former in his book, _the catholic church in oregon_, gives a clear and circumstantial account of the founding and carrying on of the work in the willamette valley. the latter in his _oregon missions_, and _western missions and missionaries_, has given a singularly graphic and interesting report on religious progress, and with it many charming descriptions of the scenery and other natural conditions of the country. father blanchet, in company with rev. modest demers, went from montreal to vancouver, a journey of over four thousand miles, in 1837. at the little dalles of the columbia, near the present northport, a lamentable disaster cost the lives of twelve of the company with whom they were travelling. reaching vancouver on november 24, 1837, they received from dr. mcloughlin, who had himself been brought up a catholic, a most cordial welcome, though apparently not more cordial than the good man had given lee, the methodist, and whitman, the presbyterian. the fact that there were so many french canadians in the country made the way of the catholic fathers easier than that of the other missionaries. for the french, with their gayety, sociability, and usual habit of intermarriage with the indians, were much more popular with them than were the more harsh and reserved british and americans. in fact the catholic fathers found a building all ready for their use at the historic town of champoeg on the willamette, thirty miles above portland. there in 1836, the french settlers had built a log church, the first church building in oregon. it is rather sad to relate that petty dissensions and jealousies marred the relations between the catholics and the methodists. but both alike were zealous and indefatigable in promoting the secular and religious interests of both red men and white men. while fathers blanchet and demers and their associates were busily engaged in the willamette valley, father de smet had come in 1840 into the flathead country, in what is now northern idaho. his first mission was st. mary's, on the flathead river, founded by the planting of the cross on september 24, 1841. other missions were soon established on coeur d'alene lake and pend oreille lake. branching out from them were missions in colville, and ultimately in the walla walla, yakima, wenatchee, and chelan valleys. de smet greatly overestimated the number of indians, reckoning those in oregon at one hundred and ten thousand. he numbered his converts by the thousands. so pressing seemed the needs that in 1843, he went to europe for reinforcements. he was very successful in his quest, returning the following year in the ship _l'indefatigable_, from antwerp, accompanied by four fathers, six sisters, and several lay brothers. he gives a thrilling account of his entrance of the columbia river on july 31, 1844. he vividly portrays the terrors of the bar with the mighty surges dashing across the entrance. the captain did not understand the channel and became diverted from the true course, which was then by the north channel, and got into the south. the latter is now the main channel, but then was dangerous. de smet piously regards their escape from wreck as due to the special interposition of divine providence, and to the favour extended to them because of its being the day sacred to st. ignatius loyola, founder of their order. de smet's brilliant and poetical descriptions of the grandeur of the river and its forests denote a keen appreciation of nature and a facile pen. demers, de smet, and blanchet entered upon their work with such energy that by the time of de smet's report in 1844 there had been established four dioceses in the region tributary to the columbia; viz., oregon city, walla walla, fort hall, and colville. oregon city was the metropolitan see and in charge of rev. f. n. blanchet. walla walla was under the direction of rev. magloire blanchet, who at that date had charge also of forts hall and colville. eleven chapels had been erected at different points; five in the willamette valley, one at vancouver, one on the cowlitz, one on coeur d'alene lake, one on pend oreille lake, one at kettle falls on the columbia near colville, and one near calispell among the flatheads. there were three schools; one being st. mary's among the flatheads, while at st. paul's on the willamette, there were two, a college for boys, still the site of a college, and a girls' academy. twelve clergymen were engaged at that time in the work, and the number was soon increased to twenty-six by another reinforcement from europe. with the reinforcement were also seven female teachers. each of these three chief groups of missions had its special aims, methods, and results. the catholic was more exclusively religious, while the protestants passed over readily from their initial religious aims to the domain of political and educational interest. the net result was tremendous in the history of the country. among the educational institutions growing directly out of the labours of the missionaries we may mention willamette university at salem, the direct successor of the methodist mission at chemeketa; whitman college at walla walla, founded by cushing eells as a memorial to marcus whitman; pacific university at forest grove, oregon, founded by a later set of congregational home missionaries; and the catholic college at st. paul's, the successor of the school founded in 1839 by blanchet. they rest from their labours and their works do follow them. chapter vii the era of the pioneers: their ox-teams and their flatboats events and men who led the way to the pioneer age--kelley, wyeth, and bonneville--ewing young--farnham, shortess, and the "oregon dragoons"--the wilkes expedition--the _star of oregon_, and the cattle enterprise--dr. john mcloughlin and the americans--dr. marcus whitman and his winter ride, and the immigration of 1843--retrospect of j. w. nesmith--features of the journey across the plains--whitman's services--getting the waggons across the plains--reaching the river and building boats--delights and then distress of the descent of the river--battle with the river--condition in which they reached vancouver, and their reception by dr. mcloughlin--subsequent immigrations--the barlow road--the donation land law--quotation from jesse applegate. the pioneer era was ushered in by the coming to oregon of fur-hunters, missionaries, and little bands of adventurers, who together composed the nucleus of that american community which formed the provisional government of 1843. there were certain individuals, too, whose agency in leading the way to the immigration movement was so unique as to deserve mention. one of these was hall j. kelley of boston. he was a native of new hampshire and a harvard graduate. as early as 1815, when seventeen years old, he conceived the idea of the colonisation of americans in oregon. he was a man of high scholarship, philanthropic spirit, and patriotic purpose. he was a dreamer and idealist, planning to form a community on the columbia, as one of the utopias which minds of that stamp, from plato down, have been fond of locating somewhere in the unexplored west. after making a great effort, with partial success, to enlist congress in his schemes, he succeeded in organising a company of several hundred, and by 1828 shaped the definite plan of going to st. louis and following the route of the fur companies across the plains to the river of oregon. but opposition by those same fur companies, and adverse criticism by the press broke up his enterprise for that time. in 1832 he started with a small party for the land of his dreams by the route through mexico and california. in california, he met with ewing young, an american of great natural abilities and some education. young and kelley, brainy and original men, the former from shrewd commercial instinct and the latter from philanthropic dreams, formed a little company, and proceeded overland from california to oregon. this was in the autumn of 1834. when, after some disasters, the company of eleven reached the columbia, young took up a great tract of land in the chehalem valley, where he devoted himself to stock-raising. kelley, having become an invalid, went in distress to fort vancouver, where dr. mcloughlin treated him with kindness, though the exclusive "britishers" would not admit him to "social equality." the other members of the company were scattered in various directions, but some of them remained till american occupancy became an accomplished fact. this company of 1834,--the same year that the methodist missionaries under jason lee arrived--may be considered the advance guard of american immigration. kelley, upon his return to new england by way of the sandwich islands, disseminated much useful information about oregon. to him, without doubt, is to be attributed much of the subsequent wave of interest which swept on toward american immigration. as first a new england college man, educator, and social theoriser, and then a leader of the pioneer movement to oregon, hall j. kelley is worthy of permanent remembrance. ewing young became distinguished for leading the party which in 1837 drove a band of seven hundred cattle from california to oregon. this even marked an epoch in preparing for immigration and subsequent american possession. one of the peculiarly noteworthy facts in connection with young's enterprise, is that dr. mcloughlin, the hudson's bay company's magnate, who had at first discountenanced young on account of a charge of stealing brought against him from california, and who frowned upon the cattle enterprise for fear of american influence, became reconciled to both young and the cattle, and subscribed liberally to the enterprise. nearly contemporary with kelley and young were bonneville and wyeth. bonneville was a well-educated french-american, a west pointer, and holding the commission of captain in the united states army. his ardent and imaginative disposition became fired with the thought of a far western expedition, and in 1832 he organised a fur-traders' company of a hundred and ten men. though not realising his dreams of a fortune in furs, bonneville made many interesting and valuable observations upon the salmon, clearwater, snake, and columbia rivers. he became thoroughly imbued with the romance and scenic grandeur of the far west. upon his return to new york, he had the good fortune to meet washington irving at the home of john jacob astor. irving had already felt the irresistible fascination which the river of oregon has wrought upon all poetical natures, and the result of this meeting was one of irving's most charming volumes, _bonneville's adventures_, a volume which became another potent force in turning toward the pacific slope the thoughts of the eager, restless people of the frontier. still another in the group of men who led the way to immigration was nathaniel wyeth. he was a talented, well-educated, and energetic bostonian. so distinguished a personage as james russell lowell has said of him: "he was a very remarkable person, whose conversation i valued highly. a born leader of men, he was fitly called captain nathaniel wyeth as long as he lived." wyeth conceived the idea of a great trading company on the columbia, whose operations would necessarily create rivalry with the british. his design was to send companies across the continent to the columbia head-waters and to maintain also ship connection by way of cape horn. he believed that a ship load of salmon from the columbia river to the atlantic sea-board would be a paying venture. on so large a scale did he lay out his enterprise that he expected soon to have a business of two hundred thousand dollars a year. but he looked beyond the fur and salmon business to american possession and settlement, at least south of the river to the california line. he therefore embraced in his view the building of enterprises which should lead up to and then profit by american immigration. wyeth spent five years in oregon, having many interesting adventures, and as many business reverses. as was the case with astor, the british fur-traders proved too powerful for the yankee. among other undertakings, he built a fort on sauvie's island at the mouth of the willamette, which he called fort william. he desired to make this the basis of his trade, and he expected the indians to go there to trade. but such was the influence of the hudson's bay people and their employees with the indians that wyeth's fort had no trade. it was during those years that a frightful pestilence swept the natives away like flies, and there was great fear among them that wyeth's fort might harbour the scourge. the period of wyeth's enterprise in oregon extended from the spring of 1832 to the autumn of 1836. though not a business success, it had a great bearing on the creation of an interest in oregon, and on preparing for immigration a few years later. it opened the eyes of many americans to the attractions of oregon and to the tremendous power and profits of the hudson's bay company. the next movement may be called a real immigration to oregon. it consisted of a party of nineteen, commonly known as the "peoria party," since they went from peoria, ill. jason lee, the missionary of chemeketa, delivered a lecture at that place in 1838, and so much interest in oregon was aroused that in the year following, the peoria party, the first regular party from the mississippi valley, set forth for the river of the west. their leader, t. j. farnham, christened his followers the "oregon dragoons" and mrs. farnham gave them a flag with the inscription, "oregon or the grave." farnham declared his purpose to seize oregon for the united states. the peoria party had the good fortune to have two writers in the number, whose accounts possess rare interest. these writers were the leader farnham, and robert shortess. the party went to pieces at bent's fort on the arkansas, but its members reached oregon somewhat in driblets during that year, and the one following. shortess reached the whitman mission at walla walla in the fall of 1839, and there he remained until the following spring, when he went down the river to the dalles. from the dalles, he made his way over the cascade mountains to the willamette valley, and there he lived many years. farnham also finally reached oregon, but his avowed mission was unfulfilled. shortess says of him: "instead of raising the american flag and turning the hudson's bay company out-of-doors, he accepted the gift of a suit of clothes and a passage to the sandwich islands, and took a final leave of oregon." but upon his return to the "states," farnham published a _pictorial history of oregon and california_, a book of many interesting features, and one which played a worthy part in waking the people of the mississippi valley to the attractions of the pacific coast. soon after the close of wyeth's enterprise, there were two notable government expeditions to the columbia river. one was commanded by sir edward belcher of the british navy, and the other by lieutenant charles wilkes of the american navy. the wilkes expedition was one of the most interesting and important ever undertaken by the united states government. the squadron consisted of two sloops-of-war, the _peacock_ and the _vincennes_, the store ship, _relief_, the brig, _porpoise_, and the schooners, _sea gull_ and _flying fish_. this fine squadron took up its principal station on puget sound, from which extensive surveys were made, one across the mountains to fort okanogan; another of the cowlitz valley and the columbia river as far as wallula. one of the most important results of this elaborate wilkes expedition was to establish in the minds of officers of the government the essential unity of all parts of the pacific coast and the boundless opportunities offered to american immigration. wilkes and his intelligent officers readily grasped, and conveyed through an elaborate report to the government, the idea that puget sound was an inherent and integral part of oregon and that the columbia basin was essential to the proper development of american commerce upon the pacific. they may also have forecast the time when california with her girdles of gold and chaplets of freedom would spring, athena-like, from the zeus brain of american enterprise. the control of the river was the key to the control of the entire coast from san diego to the straits of fuca;--and american ownership should have extended to sitka. a memorable calamity occurred to the squadron upon its entrance to the river, and that was the loss of the _peacock_ on the columbia river bar. the oft-depicted terrors of the river were realised at that time, and yet it was not the river's fault for the _peacock_ was out of the channel. the spit is known as "peacock spit" to this day. among the many episodes connecting wilkes with the early immigration was the building of the schooner _star of oregon_ and her voyage to california for cattle. this was in 1842. it will be remembered that ewing young had made a successful trip from california with cattle. but as the population of the columbia had increased, there was a great desire among the settlers to obtain a larger number of cattle to let loose upon the rich pasture lands of the willamette valley. a little group of americans conceived the adventurous project of building a schooner of oregon timber, sailing with her to california, exchanging her there for stock, and driving the band across the country home again. the schooner was built by felix hathaway, joseph gale, and ralph kilbourne. the oak and fir timber of which the vessel was built was cut on sauvie's island, at the mouth of the willamette, and in due time she was launched and taken to willamette falls for fitting. a difficulty arose. dr. mcloughlin refused to sell sails, cordage, and other materials. he had the only supply in oregon. in despair the enterprising ship-builders appealed to lieutenant wilkes. he felt a keen interest in their laudable undertaking and made a visit to mcloughlin to try to change his resolution. by assuring the doctor that he would be responsible both for all the bills, as well as for the good conduct of the party, he induced him to allow the requisition for all materials necessary to complete the gallant craft. gale was the only sailor in the party. having satisfied wilkes that he was qualified to command a ship, and having received from him a present of a flag, an ensign, a compass, kedge-anchor, hawser, log line, and two log glasses, the captain flung the flag to the oregon breeze and turned the prow of the _star of oregon_ toward the river's mouth. she may be remembered as the first sea-going vessel built of oregon timber. crossing the bar in a storm, she sped southward in a spanking breeze, all hands seasick except gale. he held the wheel thirty-six hours continuously, and in five days "dashed through the portals of the golden gate like an arrow, september 17, 1842." as it was too late to get the cattle back to oregon that fall, the party sold their schooner for three hundred and fifty cows, wintered in california, and the next spring drove to the columbia twelve hundred and fifty head of cattle, six hundred head of mules and horses, and three thousand sheep. this was an achievement which made the way for immigration clearer than ever before, and in a most effective manner united the american settlers with the american government. some of the hudson's bay company people could begin to see the handwriting on the wall. dr. mcloughlin saw most quickly and most clearly, and as elsewhere narrated, began to transfer his interests to the american side. this fine old man was big-brained, big-bodied, and big-souled, a natural american, though compelled to work for the british fur monopolists for the time. he admired the independent spirit of the incoming yankee immigrants, even when the joke was on him. he afterwards told with much gusto of an american named woods crossing the columbia to vancouver to try to get goods. he found his credit shaky, and somewhat piqued, he exclaimed: "well, never mind, i have an uncle back east rich enough to buy out the whole of your old hudson's bay company!" "well, well, mr. woods," demanded the autocrat, "who may this very rich uncle of yours be?" "uncle sam," was the unabashed and characteristic american reply. "old whitehead" also appreciated, though he was obliged to manifest a dignified disapproval, when two young men from new york, having reached the fort on the river, were asked about their passports. laying their hands on their rifles they replied, "these are an american's passports." these small miscellaneous immigrations were in continuance from about 1830 to 1842. in the latter year a hundred came. in 1843, as elsewhere related, the provisional government was instituted. at the very same time, the immigration of 1843 was on its way to the river. this immigration of 1843 was in many respects the most remarkable of all. it was the first large one, and it was a type of all. it will be remembered that dr. marcus whitman had made his great winter ride in 1842-43 across the rockies to st. louis, with a double aim. first he wished to see the officers of the american board of missions, and then to enlist the american government and people in the policy of holding oregon against the manifest aims of the british. there was already a tremendous interest felt in oregon among the people of missouri, illinois, and the other great prairie states. whitman's opportune arrival and his announced purpose to guide an immigration to the columbia became widely known, and brought to a focus many vaguely-considered plans. j. w. nesmith, subsequently one of the most prominent pioneers and a member of each house of congress from oregon, has given a humorous account of the manner of starting this immigration of 1843, of which he was a member, which is so characteristic that we quote it here. mr. burnett, or as he was more familiarly styled, "pete," was called upon for a speech. mounting a log the glib-tongued orator delivered a glowing florid address. he commenced by showing his audience that the then western tier of states and territories were crowded with a redundant population, who had not sufficient elbow room for the expansion of their enterprise and genius, and it was a duty they owed to themselves and posterity to strike out in search of a more expanded field and a more genial climate, where the soil yielded the richest return for the slightest amount of cultivation,--where the trees were loaded with perennial fruit,--and where a good substitute for bread, called la camash, grew in the ground; where salmon and other fish crowded the streams; and where the principal labour of the settlers would be confined to keeping their gardens free from the inroads of buffalo, elk, deer, and wild turkeys. he appealed to our patriotism by picturing forth the glorious empire we should establish upon the shores of the pacific,--how with our trusty rifles we should drive out the british usurpers who claimed the soil, and defend the country from the avarice and pretensions of the british lion,--and how posterity would honour us for placing the fairest portion of the land under the stars and stripes.... other speeches were made full of glowing descriptions of the fair land of promise, the far-away oregon, which no one in the assemblage had ever seen, and about which not more than half a dozen had ever read any account. after the election of mr. burnett as captain, and other necessary officers, the meeting, as motley and primitive a one as ever assembled, adjourned with "three cheers" for captain burnett and oregon. peter burnett to whom nesmith here refers, was the same who became the first governor of california. by the walnut hearth-fires in many a home of the prairie states and at the corn-huskings and quilting bees the talk of oregon and the forests of the columbia, and the rich pasture lands of the willamette, and the salmon and game, and genial climate and majestic mountains, went the rounds. interest grew into enthusiasm, enthusiasm waxed hot, and in the early spring the great immigration of 1843 set forth from westport, missouri, for the columbia waters. though the immigration of 1843 was the earliest of any size and the first with any number of women and children, it had perhaps the least trouble and misfortune and the most romance and gayety and enthusiasm of any. the experience of crossing the plains was one which nothing else could duplicate;--the hasty rising in the chill damp of the morning, the preparing the cattle and horses for the long, hard drive, the rounds of the waggons to strengthen bolts and tires and tongues, the loading of the rifles for possible hostile indians or buffalo, the setting forth of the scouts on horseback, the long train strung across the dusty plain, the occasional bands of wild indians emerging like a whirlwind from the broad expanse, and then the approaching cool of night with its hurried rest on the rough prairie sod. sometimes there were nights of storm and stampede and darkness. sometimes savage beasts and savage men startled the train, or one of the stupendous herds of buffalo went thundering across the prairie. then came the first glimpse of snowy heights, then of deep cañons, and then the summit was attained, and far westward stretched the maze of plains and mountains through which the snake river, the greatest of the tributaries of the columbia, took its swift way. during most of the journey, dr. marcus whitman was guide, physician, and friend. while severe controversy has arisen as to the extent of his services in organising the immigration, the testimony is unvarying as to the value of his presence with the train. last to bed at night and first up in the morning, attending both people, cattle, and horses in their sicknesses and accidents, ahead of the train on horseback to find the passes of the hills and the fords of the rivers, the watcher by night and the pilot by day, the missionary doctor was the veritable "mr. greatheart" of the immigration. great was the astonishment of captain grant, commandant of the hudson's bay fort hall on snake river, near the present pocatello, when the long train filed past the enclosure. grant had known whitman before and was aware of his stubborn determination and patriotic purpose. but grant attempted just the same to dissuade the immigrants of 1843 from going farther with their waggons, declaring the blue mountains to be impassable. the doughty doctor simply laughed quietly and told the immigrants to push on, and he would see them through. but just as they were entering the rough defiles of the blue mountains, a band of indians from waiilatpu, headed by sticcus, came to meet the train, searching for whitman, telling him that his medical services were in great demand at lapwai. the much-needed guide turned over the pilotage of the train to sticcus, and he himself hastened on to minister to the sick at lapwai. as he passed through waiilatpu he learned that the threatening conduct of the indians had led mrs. whitman to go to vancouver, and that during his absence the indians had burned his mill and committed other depredations. but it was his lot to labour and suffer. he had become accustomed to it. the event proved that sticcus was a thoroughly capable guide. for, though not speaking a word of english, he made his directions so well understood by pantomime that, as mr. nesmith has said, he led them safely over the roughest mountain road that they ever saw. and so in due time the train emerged from the screen of timber on the blue mountains. stretched wide before them, lay the plains of umatilla and walla walla, while in the far distance the river of the west poured through the arid waste. yet farther the snow summits of the cascades ridged the western sky. after a brief pause at waiilatpu, the train reached the banks of the river. the immediate vicinity of the section of the river first reached is very dry in autumn. aside from the river itself, the immediate scene is desolate and forbidding. but probably those immigrants of '43 gazed upon the blue flood, a mile wide and hastening to the western ocean, with feelings almost akin to those which swelled the hearts of the pilgrims landing from the _mayflower_. this was another epic of state-making, and one generation after another of the americans who have wrought such achievement may well turn back to join hands with those before. doubtless the immigrants, as they stood by the river in the pleasant haze of the october afternoon, felt as though their journey was substantially at an end. being now at fort walla walla on the river of that name, they paused to make ready for the last stage of the journey, little realising what perils and sufferings it would entail. dr. whitman and archibald mckinley, the chief factor at the fort, advised them to leave their cattle and waggons to winter on the walla walla, while they pursued their way down the stream on flatboats. part of the company accepted the advice, but a number determined to keep all their belongings together and to take their road along the bank of the river to the dalles, and there make their flatboats. to those who remained on the walla walla now fell the difficult task of constructing flatboats. huge, uncouth, structures they were, made of timber gathered on the river bank. but when loaded and pushed out into the swift current, steered with immense sweeps in the stern, these flatboats afforded to the footsore and exhausted immigrants a delightful change. out of the dust, off the rocks, away from the sage-brush, with more of laugh and song than they had had for many a day, they swept gaily on. for a hundred miles or more the elements were propitious. with the bright sunshine, the clear, cool water, the majestic snow-peaks in the distance, the easily gliding boats,--this seemed the pleasantest part of the entire journey. but after the dalles had been reached and the two divisions of the company were again united and on their way down the river to the cascades, disaster began to haunt them. at the cascades, a boat with several members of the applegate family, one of the most prominent in the immigration as well as afterwards, was overturned in the rapids, and three of the party drowned in the boiling surge. two were saved in a way that seems almost miraculous. one of these was a young boy, the other a young man. the boy was very active and an excellent swimmer. after the overturning of the boat he was carried two miles in the current, part of the time being entirely sucked under by the whirling under-current. after being tossed with violence betwixt rock and wave till it seemed that he must expire, he was suddenly spewed forth upon a ledge of slippery rock, to which he clung desperately till he had recovered breath. then he drew himself up on a narrow shelf, and at the same instant saw the young man swept by. reaching forth, the brave boy managed to bring the struggling man to the same shelter with himself. but when they had regained sufficient strength to examine their surroundings, they discovered that they were on a rocky niche from which they could find no ascent of the ragged precipitous cliff. they were in a trap. looking across the river, they could see that the bank was smooth and that on that side lay the trail. young applegate saw that a reef extended a considerable part of the way across the river, and desperate as the attempt seemed, he resolved to pick his way along the reef to a point whence he might swim to the other shore. it was his only chance for life. fearful as were the odds, the daring lad accomplished his aim. he emerged on the further end of the reef. looking around, he discovered that his comrade had not possessed the nerve to follow. and then,--most wonderful of all,--back he went to assist his more timid fellow. in this, too, he succeeded, and after a return in which they should have been drowned a dozen times, they both reached the farther end of the reef. there casting themselves again into the inhospitable flood, they buffeted their way to shore. battered, bruised, exhausted, they yet recovered and lived to a good old age to tell the tale of their fight with the columbia river. from the cascades to vancouver, the company suffered more than in all the rest of their journey. the fall rains were at hand, and it poured with an unremitting energy such as no one can realise who has not seen a rain storm on the lower river. food had become almost exhausted. clothing was in rags. tired, hungry, wet, cold, disheartened, the immigrants who had so jauntily descended the river to this "strait of horrors," presented a most woful appearance. it actually seemed that many must perish. but in the crisis, help came. one of the party managed to procure a canoe and hastened down the river to fort vancouver. as soon as dr. mcloughlin learned that nearly nine hundred men, women, and children were beleaguered in the mist and chill, he equipped boats with flour, meat, and tea, and in his choleric excitement, waving his huge cane, bade the boatman hurry to the rescue. it was not business for the good doctor to thus aid and abet american immigrants, and the directors of the hudson's bay company and the cold-blooded sir george simpson, governor-in-chief, disapproved. but it was humanity, and that ever predominated in the mind of "old whitehead." the next night he caused vast bonfires to be alight along the bank, and gathered all the eatables and blankets that the place afforded. when the boat loads of the battered, but rescued americans drew near, the doctor was on the bank to meet them, to hand out the women and children, to administer the balm of cheery words and warmth and food. few were the travellers on the river, none were the immigrants of '43, who would not rise up and call him blessed. after this happy pause at vancouver, the immigration passed on to the willamette falls, then the centre of operations in oregon, and there they were soon joined by the chosen men who had driven their thirteen hundred head of cattle by the trail over the cascade mountains, a task toilsome and even distressing, but one that was accomplished. after an inactive winter in the mild, muggy, misty oregon climate, the immigrants of '43 spread abroad in the opening spring to secure land, each his square mile, as the provisional government provided, and as the american government was contemplating. such was the coming of the immigrants to the river. subsequent immigrations bore a general resemblance to that of 1843. each had its special feature. that of 1845 was conspicuous for its size. it was three thousand strong. it was also illustrious for the laying out of the road across the cascade mountains near the southern flank of mt. hood. this noble and difficult undertaking was carried through by s. k. barlow and william rector. it was a terrific task, and was not completed the first year. cañons, precipitous rocks, morasses, sand-hills, tangled forests, fallen trees, criss-crossed and interlaced with briars and vines and shrubbery of tropical luxuriance, such as no one can appreciate who has not seen an oregon jungle,--these were the obstructions to the barlow road. but they were vanquished and in 1846 and thence onward the immigrants made this the regular route to the willamette valley. so steep was laurel hill on the western slope that waggons had to be let down by ropes from level to level. the marks of the ropes or chains are still seen on the trees of laurel hill. the immigration of 1852 was sadly conspicuous for the devastations of cholera. many a family was broken in sunder and some even were entirely eliminated by the dreadful plague. the immigrations of 1854 and 1855 were notable for the indian outbreaks, and especially for the atrocious butchery of the ward family near boisé in the earlier year, the most pitiless indian outrage in oregon history. from 1850 onward for some years the donation land law of congress was a great lure to immigrants, for by it a man and wife could obtain a section of land. a single man could take up half a section. that situation encouraged early marriages. girls were in great demand. it was not uncommon to see fourteen-year-old brides. some narrators relate having found married women in the woods of the columbia who were playing with their dolls! but though the immigrations varied in special features, they were all alike in their mingling of mirth and melancholy, of toil and rest, of suffering and enjoyment, of heroism, and self-sacrifice. they embodied an epoch of american history that can never come again. to have been an immigrant from the missouri to the columbia was an experience to which nothing else on earth is comparable. it confers a title of american nobility by the side of which the coronets of some european dukes are tawdry and contemptible. perhaps no one ever better phrased the spirit of oregon immigration than jesse applegate of the train of '43, one of the foremost of oregon's builders, long known as the "sage of yoncalla." so fitting do we deem his language that we quote here an extract from one of his addresses. the western pioneer had probably crossed the blue ridge or the cumberland mountains when a boy and was now in his prime. rugged, hardy, and powerful of frame, he was full to overflowing with the love of adventure, and animated by a brave soul that scorned the very idea of fear. all had heard of the perpetually green hills and plains of western oregon, and how the warm breath of the vast pacific tempered the air to the genial degree and drove winter back to the north. many of them contrasted in imagination the open stretch of a mile square of rich, green, and grassy land, where the strawberry plant bloomed through every winter month, with their circumscribed clearings in the missouri bottoms. of long winter evenings neighbours visited each other, and before the big shell-bark hickory fire, the seasoned walnut fire, the dry black-jack fire, or the roaring dead elm fire, they talked these things over; and as a natural consequence, under these favourable circumstances, the spirit of emigration warmed up; and the "oregon fever" became as a household expression. thus originated the vast cavalcade, or emigrant train, stretching its serpentine length for miles, enveloped in vast pillars of dust, patiently wending its toilsome way across the american continent. how familiar these scenes and experiences with the old pioneers! the vast plains, the uncountable herds of buffalo; the swift-footed antelope; the bands of mounted, painted warriors; the rugged snow-capped mountain ranges; the deep, swift, and dangerous rivers; the lonesome howl of the wild wolf; the midnight yell of the assaulting savage; the awful panic and stampede; the solemn and silent funeral at the dead hour of night, and the lonely and hidden grave of departed friends,--what memories are associated with the plains across! chapter viii conflict of nations for possession of the river the six nations at first engaged in the conflict--the three left in it--claims by sea of spain, england, and the united states--claims by land--rivalries of the great fur companies--capture of astoria by the english--its restoration to the united states--appearance of fort george in 1818--joint occupation treaty of 1818--florida treaty of 1819--treaty with russia in 1825--forces on the side of england and those on the side of the united states--american triumph inevitable--policy of the hudson's bay company in contrast with that of the american immigration--indifference of the american government--utterances of some american statesmen--doings of the american people--gathering of the little american colony in the willamette valley--need of government--first meeting at champoeg--advice of commodore wilkes that they delay--the "wolf meetings"--second meeting at champoeg, and establishment of the provisional government--its chief provisions--thornton's account of the "hall" at champoeg--peter h. burnett--dr. mcloughlin's position--triumphs of the american immigrant over the great fur company--mcloughlin and whitman--movements of diplomacy between england and the united states--webster, linn, benton, and calhoun--inconsistent positions of the democratic party--polk and the platform of 54 degrees 40 minutes, or fight--near approach of war--compromise on the line of 49 degrees--momentous nature of the issue--triumph of american home-builders. earlier chapters of this volume have already developed some of the essential elements in the complicated strife of the maritime nations of the world for possession of the land of the oregon. this brief chapter will endeavour to recapitulate and group those steps, and to trace the course of events by which the line finally was drawn on the parallel of 49 degrees. as we have seen, the many-named river, and the fact that it was the key to a vast region and that the shores of the ocean contiguous to it seemed to abound in the finest of furs, was a lure to portuguese, frenchman, russian, spaniard, englishman, and american. the first three became early eliminated from the conflict, and the last three fought the triangular battle to its ending with the final result that uncle sam inserted his broad shoulders between mexico and the 49th parallel, and thus controls the choicest land of the sunset slope of the continent. spain, england, and the united states each had a valid claim to oregon. spain, by the partial discovery of the river by heceta in 1775, by the voyages of bodega and arteaga in the same year and again in 1779, and by the voyage of valdez and galiano around vancouver island in 1792, together with many other voyages of a less definite nature by illustrious navigators, as malaspina, bustamente, elisa, and others, had a strong position. yet she had failed to clinch her discoveries or to take effective possession. great britain could point to the elaborate examinations of cook and vancouver. the latter had made a minute investigation of the noble group of waters whose outlet preserves the name of the old greek pilot of cephalonia, juan de fuca; and his lieutenant broughton had entered the columbia river and proceeded over a hundred miles up the stream. the nomenclature given to both the river and the sound regions by vancouver had been the first in any sense complete. so england, too, had a strong claim. and what were the claims of the united states? first and foremost was the discovery by robert gray of the river and his actual twenty-five-mile ascension of it in may, 1792. he had gone much farther than heceta, who had only looked in, but he had not gone so far as broughton. the latter indeed, claimed, and his government followed him in the claim, that gray had not really been in the river at all, but was only in an estuary of the sea into which the river flowed. but that, to any one who has seen the river, is too much of a forced construction to stand serious examination. moreover, gray antedated broughton by some months. turning from sea claims to land claims, england could point to alexander mackenzie as having crossed the continent in 1792, and as having reached the veritable ocean at cascade inlet. but it again was a very strained construction to extend that claim so far as to include the lower columbia valley. the united states could justly advance as a sufficient offset, the expedition of lewis and clark in 1804. in 1811 david thompson had traversed the entire length of the columbia for the british flag, only to find the astor company already established under the stars and stripes at the mouth of the river. from these essential facts out of many, we can easily draw the conclusion that no one of these three contestants could justly be too arrogant and exclusive. some degree of modesty was befitting each. we have already seen the rivalries of the great fur companies, the hudson's bay and the north-western of the british, and the pacific of the americans, and the effect of the war of 1812 on their fortunes. as a result of that war the pacific fur company sold out to the north-westers, and a few years later the north-westers united with the hudson's bay company under the name of the latter. to all appearance the yankee was worsted, and the briton in possession of the river. but the treaty of ghent in 1815, closing the war of 1812, provided that all territory taken by either party should be restored. the boundary line west of the lake of the woods was left undrawn. john jacob astor now applied to the government to restore his captured property on the columbia, stating that if again in possession, he would resume his former operations. the united states government accordingly notified great britain of its intention to re-occupy the fort at the columbia's mouth. for two years the communication lay unanswered. in september, 1817, the sloop-of-war, _ontario_, captain j. biddle, was despatched to the columbia with mr. j. b. provost as special agent, under instructions to assert the claim of the united states to the territory of the river. this decisive move compelled great britain to come out from under cover. a long and tedious diplomatic warfare ensued. meanwhile the _ontario_ was pursuing her long journey around cape horn. in 1818, an agreement was reached to the effect that astoria should be formally restored to the united states, but that the north-western fur company should be allowed to remain in actual possession. captain biddle of the _ontario_ had left mr. provost in chile and had proceeded to the columbia to take possession. captain sheriff, commandant of the british ships in the pacific, being in valparaiso, in h. m. s. _blossom_, learning of mr. provost's presence there, conceived the happy thought that it would be an international courtesy to invite mr. provost to accompany him to astoria. accordingly on october 1, 1818, the _blossom_ pushed her bow across the bar, and on the 6th the formal ceremony of transfer from the union jack to the stars and stripes took place. captain j. hickey of the _blossom_ represented great britain, mr. j. keith acted for the north-west fur company, while mr. provost stood for the united states. it seems to have been a very good-natured affair throughout. placards were posted at the capes on both sides of the river declaring the change of sovereignty. fort george was quite a powerful structure at that time, consisting of a strong stockade of fir logs twelve feet high, enclosing a parallelogram one hundred and fifty by two hundred and fifty feet, having within it dwellings, shops, store houses, and magazines. on the walls were two eighteen-pound cannon, six six-pounders, four four-pound carronades, two six-pound cohorns, and seven swivels. the day of transfer must have been a very picturesque day among the many such in astoria's history. we can imagine the soft october haze floating over cape hancock, and the long, lazy swell of six thousand miles of sea, thundering across point adams. one interesting feature of mr. provost's presence at astoria was his observation of the bar at the entrance of the river. this had generally been represented to the world as something frightful. it is often so represented at the present time. mr. provost in a letter to secretary of state, john quincy adams, says that there is a spacious bay, by no means so difficult of ingress as has been represented. he states that there is a bar across the mouth of the river, at either extremity of which there are sometimes appalling breakers; but that there is a channel of nearly a league in width with a depth of twenty-one feet at the lowest tides. he thinks, therefore, that with proper buoys the access to vessels of almost any tonnage may be rendered secure. this statement in regard to the bar is of much interest as furnishing a basis for comparison with the present conditions. the depth at low tide now is about twenty-six feet, the increase probably being due to the jetty. the logic of the restoration of astoria to the united states, while at the same time the british fur company was left in practical possession, was realised in the joint occupation treaty of 1818. by this singular arrangement it was agreed that any country on the north-west coast of america that may be claimed by either power shall be open for ten years to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers. in 1819 another very important step was taken; viz.: the florida treaty with spain. by this, spain retired to the line of 42 degrees, ceding to the american republic all her rights above that line. with her own claims joined to those of spain, the republic would seem to be able to snap her fingers at england. but, with characteristic tenacity, the latter power made ready to insist all the more strenuously upon her claims. in 1825 england and the united states agreed with russia upon the line of 54 degrees 40 minutes, as the southern line of russian claims. with spain and russia out of it, oregon was left for england and the united states to fight over. the joint occupation treaty was to last ten years, with the privilege of renewal. meanwhile what were the factors in the struggle for possession? there was on the side of england the briarean monopoly of the hudson's bay company, supported by a disciplined and intelligent government. but the english people were not in it. on the american side the government was strangely indifferent. there were several ambitious attempts to control the situation by american trading and fur companies. but the essential forces were the american immigrant, the american missionary, the declaration of independence, and the ox-team. those were the champions of america. they were the davids against the goliaths of british monopoly. at first thought it seemed that goliath would have a "walk-over." the case seemed hopeless for the americans. but to the deeper observer, american triumph was inevitable. it was the age of democracy. the conception both of popular government and of individual ownership of land, with which went the corollary of "equal opportunities for all men and special privileges for none," was graven deep upon american character. with these things there went, of necessity, the disapproval of slavery and the support of free labour. still further there went, by the same logic, the doctrine of unity and continental expansion. these various influences have constituted the broad foundation on which were reared the towers and battlements of american nationality. in previous chapters we have outlined the operations of the hudson's bay company, the coming of the missionaries, and the immigrations of americans. the policy of the hudson's bay company was to keep the country a wilderness, to maintain amicable relations with the indians, and to depend mainly on the fur-trade for the great profits of their enterprise. the policy of the american immigrants was to build homes, cities, roads, steamboats, mills, develop the country, crowd out the natives, and depend on mining, farming, stock-raising, lumbering, for their profits; not profits of a monopoly located in a distant money centre, but profits of the individual worker on his own land. the difference was world-wide. it represented two different conceptions of government and of life itself. but though the american people had the manifest destiny of expanding to the pacific, the government was strangely supine. we say "strangely," but it was not so strange after all. congress was dominated by the south in the interest of slavery, and by the east in the interest of the tariff. calhoun usually led the south, and he weighed everything in the scales of slavery. webster governed eastern sentiment largely, and he spoke for new england manufacturers. it is true that clay was at all times a power in the councils of the nation, and clay's constant word was nationalisation and expansion. but even clay was so committed to the tariff that he did not always appreciate the possibilities of the "west-most west." the presidents of the period from 1819 to 1846 were from the south or the atlantic seaboard and not usually inclined to regard the far west with special interest. the american people were away ahead of the american government in the struggle for possession of oregon. a few of the utterances of leading statesmen of that period as significant of their conception of oregon, may be given here. benton, who became later the greatest champion of oregon, was so imperfectly informed in 1825 that he spoke thus: "the ridge of the rocky mountains may be named as a convenient, natural, and everlasting boundary. along this ridge the western limit of the republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god terminus should be erected on its highest peak, never to be thrown down." but benton improved, for later referring to the columbia, he said, "that way lies the orient." webster said of oregon: "what do we want of this vast, worthless area, this region of savages and wild beasts, of shifting sands and whirlwinds of dust, of cactus and prairie dogs. to what use could we ever hope to put these great deserts or these great mountain ranges, impenetrable and covered to their base with eternal snow? what can we ever hope to do with the western coast, a coast of three thousand miles, rock-bound, cheerless, and uninviting, and not a harbour on it? what use have we of such a country? mr. president, i will never vote one cent from the public treasury to place the pacific coast one inch nearer boston than it is now." and that was "god-like dan!" dayton expressed himself thus: "god forbid that the time should ever come when a state on the shores of the pacific, with interests and tendencies of trade all looking toward the asiatic nations of the east, shall add its jarring claims to our distracted and already overburdened confederacy." the _national intelligencer_ doubtless expressed a common sentiment in the following: "of all the countries upon the face of the earth, oregon is one of the least favoured by nature. it is almost as barren as sahara and quite as unhealthy as the campagna of italy." such an estimate by american statesmen was all right to the hudson's bay company. they wished such an estimate and had taken pains to foster it. but while the gullible american statesmen were thus accepting just the version which their rivals were disseminating, the hard-handed and hard-headed, though not hard-hearted frontiersmen of missouri and illinois and iowa were packing their ox-teams and starting across the desert for that sahara on the columbia river. also one marcus whitman, a missionary physician of the walla walla, was floundering in the snows of the sierra madre and crossing the arkansas through broken ice, in order to tell the benighted statesmen what the land of the oregon really was like. the american people were busy, and the statesmen looked askance. and so, a few here and a few there, by trail or ship, adventurers, missionaries, sailors, trappers, there was formed a gathering in the willamette of the advance guard of american home-builders. they began to call out of the wilderness to uncle sam. as a result of the coming of the missionaries and of the small immigrations of the thirties and early forties, together with the settlement in the willamette valley of various french-canadian employees of the hudson's bay company, there was enough of a population to demand some sort of organised society. w. h. gray made a summary of population in 1840 to consist of two hundred persons, of whom a hundred and thirty-seven were american and sixty-three canadian. up to 1839 the only law was the rules of the hudson's bay company. in that year the methodist missionaries suggested that two persons be named as magistrates to administer justice according to the ordinary rules of american law. this was the first move looking to american political organisation. in 1839 and 1840 memorials were presented to the senate by senator linn of missouri at the request of american settlers praying for the attention of congress to their needs. but, not content with lifting their voices to the home land, they proceeded to organise for themselves. at that time, champoeg, a few miles above the falls of the willamette and located pleasantly on the west bank of that river, was the chief settlement. there, on the seventh of february, 1841, a gathering of the settlers was held "for the purpose of consulting upon steps necessary to be taken for the formation of laws, and the election of officers to execute them." jason lee, the methodist missionary, was chairman of the meeting, and he outlined what he deemed the needed method of establishing a reign of law and order. the meeting proved rather a conference than an organisation and the people dispersed to meet again at the call of the chairman. a week later an event occurred which brought most forcibly to the minds of the settlers the need of better organisation. this was the death of ewing young, one of the most prominent men of the little community. he left considerable property, with no known heirs and no one to act as administrator. it became clear that some legal status must be established for the settlement. another meeting was held, in which it was determined that a government be instituted, having the officers usual in an american locality. the work of framing a constitution was entrusted to a committee, in which the five different elements, the methodist missionaries, the catholics, the french canadians, the independent american settlers, and the english, had representation. the committee was instructed to confer with commodore wilkes of the american exploring squadron, just at that time in the river, and dr. mcloughlin, the hudson's bay magnate. wilkes advised the settlers to wait for added strength and for the united states government to throw its mantle over them. the committee decided that his advice was sound and indefinitely adjourned. constitution building rested for a time along the shores of the willamette. in 1841 and 1842, two hundred and twenty americans reached oregon, doubling the population. the americans were ill at ease without a government and kept agitating the question of another meeting. but the english and the catholic influences opposed this. some diplomacy was needed. the irrepressible yankees were equal to it. they determined to draw the settlers together under the announcement of a meeting for the purpose of discussing the means of protecting themselves against the ravages of the numerous wild beasts of the valley. w. h. gray was the leading spirit in this enterprise. in a most picturesque and valuable account of it, john minto has developed the thought that the founding of the oregon state bore a striking resemblance to that stage in the roman state, subsequently celebrated in the festival of lupercalia, wherein the first organisation was for defence against the wild beasts. so the willamette witnessed again the gathering of the clans, americans, english, french, half-breeds, catholics, protestants, independents, all coming together to protect themselves against the bears, cougars, and wolves. the meetings were usually known thereafter as the "wolf meetings." james o'neil was made chairman of this historic gathering. with the astuteness characteristic of american politicians, a previous understanding had been made between mr. o'neil and the little coterie of which mr. gray was the manager, that everything should be shaped to the ultimate end of raising the question of a government. as soon, therefore, as the ostensible aim of the meeting had been attained, w. h. gray arose and broached the all-important issue. after declaring that no one could question the wisdom and rightfulness of the measures looking to protecting their herds from wild beasts, he continued: how is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our wives and children? have we any organisation on which we can rely for mutual protection? is there any power in the country sufficient to protect us and all that we hold dear, from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? we have mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect our cattle and domestic animals; now, therefore, fellow-citizens, i submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection for our lives and persons, as well as our cattle and herds: _resolved_ that a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony; _resolved_ that this committee consist of twelve persons. there spoke the true voice of the american state-builder, the voice of the declaration of independence and the constitution. the resolutions were passed and the committee of twelve appointed, mainly americans. the committee met at the falls of the willamette, which by that time was becoming known as oregon city. unable to arrive at a definite decision, the committee issued a call for a general meeting at champoeg on may 2d. pending the meeting, there was a general policy of opposition developed among the french canadians in the interest of the hudson's bay company and england. this opposition threatened the overthrow of the entire plan. it was, however, checkmated in an interesting fashion. george w. le breton was one of the leading settlers and occupied a peculiar position. he was of french origin, from baltimore to oregon, and had been a catholic. his existing affiliations were with the americans. he was keen, facile, and well educated. he discovered that the canadians had been drilled to vote "no" on all questions, irrespective of the bearing which such a vote might have on the leading issue. le breton accordingly proposed that measures be introduced upon which the canadians ought to vote "yes." these tactics were carried out. the canadians were confused thereby. le breton watched developments carefully and, becoming satisfied that he could command a majority, rose and exclaimed, "we can risk it, let us divide and count!" gray shouted, "i second the motion!" jo meek, famous as one of the mountain men, stepped out of the crowd and said, "who is for a divide? all in favour of an organisation, follow me!" the americans speedily gathered behind the tall form of the erstwhile trapper. a count followed. it was a close vote. fifty-two voted for, and fifty against. the americans would have been outvoted had it not been that le breton, with two french canadians, françois matthieu and étienne lucier, voted with them. the defeated canadians withdrew, and the indians, who lined the banks of the river to discover what strange proceedings the white men were engaged in, perceived from the loud shouts of triumph that the "bostons" had won. though the victory was gained by so scanty a margin, it was gained, and it was decisive. it was one of the most interesting events in the history of oregon or the united states, for it illustrates most vividly the inborn capacity of the american for self-government. the new government went at once into effect. the constitution formulated by the committee and adopted by the meeting at champoeg provided that the people of oregon should adopt laws and regulations until the united states extended its jurisdiction over them. freedom of worship, habeas corpus, trial by jury, proportionate representation, and the usual civil rights of americans were guaranteed. education should be encouraged, lands and property should not be taken from indians without their consent. slavery or involuntary servitude should not exist. the officers of government consisted of a legislative body of nine persons, an executive body of three, and a judiciary of a supreme judge and two justices of the peace, with a probate court and its justices, and a recorder and treasurer. every white man of twenty-one years or more could vote. the laws of iowa were designated to be followed in common practice. marriage was allowed to males at sixteen and females at fourteen. one of the most important provisions was the land law. this permitted any individual to claim a mile square, provided it be not on a town site or water-power, and that any mission claims already made be not affected, up to the limit of six miles square. this land law was framed upon the general conception of the proposed linn bill already brought before congress. the land law allowed land to be taken in any form, but since there was no existing survey, each man had to make his own survey. the first elected executive committee consisted of david hill, alanson beers, and joseph gale. within a year an amendment was made to the constitution providing for a governor. george abernethy, a former member of the methodist mission, was chosen to fill the place. outer things were pretty crude in the little colony on the willamette, though brains and energy were there in abundance. j. quinn thornton expressed himself as follows on the "oregon state house," which he says was in several respects different from that in which laws are made at washington city: the oregon state house was built with posts set upright, one end set in the ground, grooved on two sides, and filled in with poles and split timber, such as would be suitable for fence rails, with plates and poles across the top. rafters and horizontal poles, instead of iron ribs, held the cedar bark which was used instead of thick copper for roofing. it was twenty by forty feet and therefore did not cover three acres and a half. at one end some puncheons were put up for a platform for the president; some poles and slabs were placed around for seats; three planks, about a foot wide and twelve feet long, placed upon a sort of stake platform for a table, were all that was believed necessary for the use of the legislative committee and the clerks. there are several facts in connection with the inauguration of this provisional government of oregon which are almost equal to itself in interest. one of these is that peter h. burnett, a lawyer and the most notable member of the emigration of 1843, rendered the opinion that, by the spirit of american institutions, the provisional government might be regarded as possessing valid authority. going in a few years to california, mr. burnett incorporated the same principles into the government of that state and became its first governor. another most significant fact was the attitude of the hudson's bay company. that great organisation was of course opposed to american ownership and to the provisional government. at first, the management under sir james douglas (dr. mcloughlin had been superseded by douglas because of his supposed leaning toward the americans) affected to ignore the government framed at champoeg, declaring loftily that the company could protect itself. dr. mcloughlin, in his very interesting account of this, says that the americans adopted in 1845 a provision in the constitution that no one should be called to do any act contrary to his allegiance. this provision struck him as designed to enable british subjects to join the organisation. dr. mcloughlin was so pleased with the wise and liberal spirit which this evinced that he prevailed on douglas to join the provisional government. the family was now complete. the american farmers and immigrants and missionaries had triumphed over the autocratic government of the great fur company. the american idea--government of the people, by the people, and for the people--was vindicated. the local battle was won for the yankee. before leaving this great epoch of the history of the river, it will interest the reader to know that dr. mcloughlin, so conspicuous in the story thus far, removed to oregon city, and became an avowed american citizen, living on the claim on which he filed at the falls. much trouble subsequently arose between him and the methodist mission people represented by rev. a. f. waller. harder yet, congress was led by delegate thurston of oregon, to exclude him from the benefit of the donation land law. the final result was that the great-hearted ex-king of the columbia lost the most of his claim on the ground that he was an alien at the time of taking it. the hudson's bay company directors chose to disapprove his acts in bestowing provisions upon the weary and hungry and ragged american immigrants, and they charged him personally with the cost. this, in addition to the loss of his claim, rendered him almost penniless and sadly embittered his old age. he said that he supposed he was becoming an american, but found that he was neither american nor british, but was without a country. it is pleasant to be able to record the fact that the oregon legislature restored his land in so far as the state controlled it, but this was only just before his death. of all the brave and big-souled men who bore their part in redeeming oregon and the columbia from the wilderness, john mcloughlin has stood at the head of the column, side by side with marcus whitman, the american physician and missionary. though identified at first with rival interests and conflicting aims, mcloughlin and whitman had many traits in common, and the story of their lives and life-work in oregon should be written in one chapter. no one that ever knew or sympathised with oregon history has failed to give his meed of praise to both whitman and mcloughlin. no one ever stood on the hill at waiilatpu and viewed the mission home of whitman in the fertile vale of the walla walla, the scene of martyrdom and anguish, without joining it in mind with the expanse of the columbia at vancouver and recalling "old whitehead," and his large-minded and humane lordship for twenty years of the land of the oregon. nor can one withhold the thrill of indignation at the cold-blooded commercialism of the hudson's bay company, and at the petty ingratitude of some americans, which together brought darkness to the old hero's last days. but though american democracy was winning a bloodless triumph on the columbia, it seemed by no means certain that american diplomacy would win on the potomac. webster, as secretary of state under harrison and during part of tyler's administration, represented the conservative councils of the new england seaboard, and was inclined to yield to england in respect to the oregon boundary. senator linn of missouri was the most steadfast friend of american occupancy. he was the one to frame land bills to encourage american immigration, and in his hands the memorials of the settlers on the columbia had been placed. but in 1843, he died, with his work undone. benton, his colleague, had meanwhile become fully as pronounced, and he pursued the same policy with uncompromising and volcanic energy. but a curious and anomalistic alignment of interests and parties now arose. the oregon question became entangled with those of texas and slavery. calhoun became tyler's secretary of state upon webster's resignation. while the democrats in general were more inclined to western expansion than the whigs, yet the slaveholders of the south were much more interested in texas than in oregon. the provisional government of oregon had prohibited slavery. calhoun was ready to fight mexico for the possession of texas, but he did not want to fight england for possession of oregon. nevertheless, he did not dare to offend the west by a square back-down on oregon. he therefore adopted a policy of "masterly inactivity." he believed that if war arose with england, we would lose "every inch of oregon," for england could hurry a fleet to the columbia river from china in six weeks, whereas american ships would have to double cape horn, and an american army would have to cross the continent under every disadvantage of transportation. but time, he believed, would win all for the americans. in this conception, von holst thinks calhoun was wise. roosevelt in his _life of benton_, thinks that the war, if there had been war, would have been fought out in canada, and that, while calhoun was not wrong in desiring delay, he should never have abated one jot in demanding all of oregon up to 54 degrees 40 minutes. the democratic platform on which polk was elected president, demanded "54 degrees 40 minutes," and, in popular clamour, the words, "or fight," were added. oregon, texas, and slavery were practically the issues on which polk was elected. his inaugural address declared our title to oregon to be "clear and unquestionable." great excitement ensued, for if congress stood by the president, war was almost inevitable, unless england yielded. to the surprise of the world, however, james buchanan, the yielding, not to say shifty, secretary of state under the new administration, now announced the willingness of our government to compromise on the line of 49 degrees. but here another complication ensued. pakenham, the british envoy, declined, in almost insulting terms, to accept 49 degrees. polk thereupon withdrew the proposition and in his next message stated that "no compromise which the united states ought to accept can be effected." at the same time he advised the cancellation of the joint occupation treaty. it seemed now that the conflict between the nations for the possession of the river would surely eventuate in war. senator cass of michigan fanned the flame by a speech declaring that "war is almost upon us." the committees on foreign relations in both house and senate proposed resolutions to notify england at once of the close of the joint occupation treaty. excitement rose to fierce heat, and the standing of marine risks and commercial ventures at once showed the popular sentiment. "fifty-four, forty, or fight!" was the spirit of congress. but now calhoun found himself betwixt the devil and the deep sea. he did not really wish to get all of oregon, for fear of the effect on slavery. yet he dared not throw cold water on the tremendous spirits of patriotism and ambition in the west demanding oregon. a compromise was the only recourse. powerful men of the "moderates" in both england and the united states brought their influence to bear. calhoun caused lord aberdeen, foreign secretary of england, to understand that the president would again take up the line of 49 degrees. lord aberdeen directed pakenham to revive the negotiations which had been somewhat rudely broken off. the senate reconsidered the situation more calmly and opened the way to a new treaty. this was consummated and signed by president polk on june 15, 1846, and confirmed by the senate on june 19th. the line of 49 degrees was accepted. the great river was divided by that line nearly equally between the two nations, there being about seven hundred and fifty miles in american territory and six hundred and fifty in british. the decision of the ownership of the river was one of the most momentous in american history. if we had not got oregon, we probably would not have got california. and without the pacific coast, the history of the great republic would be essentially different, and the history of the world would be essentially different. the oregon question owed much of its interest to its very complicated nature. it was at first a question between the governments of five different nations, england, france, russia, spain, and the united states. in time it became a question between england and the united states. then it was a question between oregon immigrants and british fur company. then it became a question between slavery and freedom. this was still further complicated by the fact that it was also a question between west, east, and south. different factions of different parties still further complicated it. it was in truth a manifold question, and in its final solution we read some of the most vital of american traits and movements. out of it all the settlers of the river may justly be said to have emerged with highest credit. the american home-builder, the great democracy of the west, the inborn impulse to expand and to nationalise,--these were the essential factors in the triumph. the settlers on the willamette, the constitution-makers of champoeg, the immigrants and the missionaries, had already gained the day before diplomacy took it up. chapter ix the times of tomahawk and fire-brand extent of indian troubles in the region of the columbia--destruction of the _tonquin_--conflicting policies of the british and the americans in regard to the fur-trade--advances in settlement by americans, and indian opposition--the whitman mission and its relations to the indians, and to the hudson's bay company--the pestilence of 1847--the whitman massacre--mr. osborne's reminiscences--saving of the lapwai and tshimakain missions--the cayuse war--great war of 1855-56--kamiakin and peupeumoxmox--governor i. i. stevens of washington territory and his efforts to make treaties--the walla walla council and the division among the indians--pearson and his ride--outburst of hostilities and the destruction that followed--conflict between the regulars and the volunteers--battles of walla walla, cascades, and grande ronde--second walla walla council--an unsatisfactory peace--continued incoming of prospectors and land-seekers--third indian war--disastrous steptoe campaign--garnett's campaign in the yakima--wright's campaign to spokane and overthrow of indian power--peace proclaimed and the country thrown open to settlement--nez percé war of 1877--hallakallakeen, or joseph, the indian warchief--his melancholy fate--the bannock war. columbia river history has had its full share of indian wars. to narrate these in full would transcend the limits of this chapter. even during the era of discovery desperate affrays with the natives were a common experience of explorers. captain gray of the _columbia_ lost a boat's crew of seamen at tillamook. the ship _boston_ was seized in 1803 by the wily old chief maquinna at nootka. in 1812 the _tonquin_, the first vessel of the pacific fur company, in command of captain thorn, was captured at some point to the north of the columbia river, variously known as eyuck whoola on newcetu bay, or newity bay, or newcetee. she was, as a result of the capture, blown up by the explosion of her own powder magazine. gabriel franchère and alexander ross, of the astoria party, are the original authorities for this dramatic story. irving has made the event a leading feature of his charming _astoria_. h. h. bancroft has discussed it at length in his history of the pacific coast. in recent years major h. m. chittenden in his valuable book, _history of the american fur trade_, presents new testimony of much interest. but whatever discrepencies existed in the records, the general truth remains that the ship and all her crew, with the exception of one indian, disappeared, and great was the loss to the traders at astoria as a result. for more than three decades after the destruction of the _tonquin_ there were no serious indian conflicts. the hudson's bay company carried out consistently the general policy of harmony with the natives. most of the employees were of french canadian origin, and, with their general sociability, they were more popular with the indians than the americans usually have been. but with the incoming of american missionaries, trappers, explorers, and immigrants, the situation changed. conflicts of interests, ambitions, and national aims led both americans and british to be somewhat more ready to encourage the hostile and suspicious disposition of the natives. chiefly, however, the cause of the changing attitude of the natives must be attributed to the perception by the more intelligent of the fact that the actual occupation of the country by white farmers, home builders, and land owners, meant their own destruction. though this truth dawned on them only vaguely and gradually, they had begun to be somewhat familiar with it by the decade of the thirties. the founding of american missions during that decade, as narrated earlier, at chemeketa, walla walla, lapwai, and tshimakain, and, during the years following, the obvious intent of the americans to draw immigration to the country, prepared the way for the first and perhaps the most ferocious, though by no means the greatest, of the four principal wars which we plan to consider. this first one was the war connected with the whitman massacre. we have already described the founding of the whitman mission at waiilatpu, six miles from the present site of walla walla, and twenty-six miles from the hudson's bay fort on the columbia, known as fort walla walla. we have also told of whitman's journey across the continent in the mid-winter of 1842-43, of his efforts to secure the attention of congress and of the executive to the importance of the oregon country, and of his return to walla walla in 1843, with the first large immigration of american settlers. after the incoming of this immigration, it became more than ever clear to the more intelligent indians that this movement of settlers portended a change in their whole condition. their wild life could not co-exist with farming, houses, and the fixed and narrowed limits of the white man's life. moreover, since they saw the antagonism between the americans and the hudson's bay company, and since the latter was obviously more favourable to perpetuating the life of the wilderness, the natives were naturally drawn into sympathy with the latter. still further, since the americans were protestants and naturally affiliated with the whitman mission and its associated missions, and since the hudson's bay people were mainly catholics and interested in maintaining the missionary methods adapted to the régime of the fur-traders, there became injected into the situation the dangerous element of religious jealousy. dr. whitman perceived that he was standing on the edge of a powder magazine, and, during the summer of 1847, he arranged to acquire the mission property of the methodists at the dalles, a hundred and sixty miles down the river, intending to remove thither in the spring. but meanwhile, the explosives being all ready, the spark was prepared for igniting them. during the summer of 1847 measles became epidemic among the indians. their method of treating any disease of which fever was a part was to enter a pit into which hot rocks had been thrown, then casting water on the rocks, to create a dense vapour, in which, stripped of clothing, they would remain until thoroughly steamed. thence issuing, stark naked and dripping with perspiration, they would plunge into an icy cold stream. death was the almost inevitable result in case of measles. whitman, who was, it should be remembered, a physician, not a clergyman, was skilful and devoted in his attentions, yet many died. now just at that time a renegade half-breed known as jo lewis seems to have become possessed with the diabolical mania of massacre. he made the indians think that whitman was poisoning them. istickus or sticcus, a umatilla indian and a warm friend of whitman, had formed some impression of the plot and suggested the danger. whitman's intrepid spirit laughed at this, but mrs. whitman, though equally intrepid, seems to have felt some premonition of the swift coming doom, for the mission children found her in tears for the first time since the death of her beloved little girl eight years before. the doctor tried to soothe her by declaring that he would arrange to go down the river at once. but on that very day, november 28, 1847, the picturesque little hill rising a hundred feet above the mission ground, now surmounted by the granite shaft of the whitman monument, was observed to be black with indians. it was evident from various sinister aspects that something was impending. on the next day, november 29th, at about one o'clock, while dr. whitman sat reading, a number of indians entered the room. having gained his attention by the usual request for medicines, one of them, afterwards said by some to have been tamahas, and by others have been tamsaky, rushed suddenly upon the doctor and struck his head with a tomahawk. another wretch named telaukait, to whom the doctor had been the kindest friend, then cut and hacked the noble face of the philanthropist. the work of murder thus inaugurated went on with savage energy. the men about the mission were speedily slain, with the exception of a few who were in remote places and managed by special fortune to elude observation. mrs. whitman, bravely coming forward to succour her dying husband, was shot in the breast and sank to the floor. she did not die at once, and it is said by some of the survivors, then children, that she lingered some time, being heard to murmur most tender prayers for her parents and children. mrs. whitman was the only woman killed. the other women and girls were cruelly outraged and held in captivity for several days. william mcbean was at that time in charge of the fort at walla walla, and with a strange disregard of humane feelings, he shut the door of the fort in the face of one of the escaped americans, and a little later served the osborne family in the same manner. mcbean sent a courier down the river to convey the tidings to vancouver, but this courier did not even stop at the dalles to warn the people, though they were not attacked. james douglas was then chief factor at vancouver, as successor to dr. mcloughlin. as soon as he was apprised of the massacre, he sent peter skeen ogden with a force to rescue the survivors. ogden acted with promptness and efficiency, and by the use of several hundred dollars' worth of commodities ransomed forty-seven women and children. thirteen persons had been murdered. one of the most distressing experiences was that of the osborne family. of this mr. osborne says: as the guns fired and the yells commenced i leaned my head upon the bed and committed myself and family to my maker. my wife removed the loose floor. i dropped under the floor with my sick family in their night clothes, taking only two woollen sheets, a piece of bread, and some cold mush, and pulled the floor over us. in five minutes the room was full of indians, but they did not discover us. the roar of guns, the yells of the savages, and the crash of clubs and knives and the groans of the dying continued till dark. we distinctly heard the dying groans of mrs. whitman, mr. rogers, and francis, till they died away one after the other. we heard the last words of mr. rogers in a slow voice calling "come, lord jesus, come quickly." soon after this i removed the floor and we went out. we saw the white face of francis by the door. it was warm as we laid our hand upon it, but he was dead. i carried my two youngest children, who were sick, and my wife held on to my clothes in her great weakness. we had all been sick with measles. two infants had died. she had not left her bed in six weeks till that day, when she stood up a few minutes. the naked, painted indians were dancing the scalp dance around a large fire at a little distance. there seemed no hope for us and we knew not which way to go, but bent our steps toward fort walla walla. a dense cold fog shut out every star and the darkness was complete. we could see no trail and not even the hand before the face. we had to feel out the trail with our feet. my wife almost fainted but staggered along. mill creek, which we had to wade, was high with late rains and came up to the waist. my wife in her great weakness came nigh washing down, but held to my clothes. i braced myself with a stick, holding a child in one arm. i had to cross five times for the children. the water was icy cold and the air freezing some. staggering along about two miles, mrs. osborne fainted and could go no farther, and we hid ourselves in the brush of the walla walla river, not far below tamsukey's (a chief) lodges, who was very active at the commencement of the butchery. we were thoroughly wet, and the cold fog like snow was about us. the cold mud was partially frozen as we crawled, feeling our way, into the dark brush. we could see nothing, the darkness was so extreme. i spread one wet sheet down on the frozen ground; wife and children crouched upon it. i covered the other over them. i thought they must soon perish as they were shaking and their teeth rattling with cold. i kneeled down and commended us to my maker. the day finally dawned and we could see the indians riding furiously up and down the trail. sometimes they would come close to the brush and our blood would warm and the shaking would stop from fear for a moment. the day seemed a week. expected every moment my wife would breathe her last. tuesday night, felt our way to the trail and staggered along to sutucksnina (dog creek), which we waded as we did the other creek, and kept on about two miles when my wife fainted and could go no farther. crawled into the brush and frozen mud to shake and suffer on from hunger and cold, and without sleep. the children, too, wet and cold, called incessantly for food, but the shock of groans and yells at first so frightened them that they did not speak loud. wednesday night my wife was too weak to stand. i took our second child and started for walla walla; had to wade the touchet; stopped frequently in the brush from weakness; had not recovered from measles. heard a horseman pass and repass as i lay concealed in the willows. have since learned that it was mr. spalding. reached fort walla walla after daylight; begged mr. mcbean for horses to get my family, for food, for blankets, and clothing to take to them, and to take care of my child till i could bring my family in, should i live to find them alive. mr. mcbean told me i could not bring my family to his fort. mr. hall came in on monday night, but he could not have an american in his fort, and he had put him over the columbia river; that he could not let me have horses or anything for my wife and children, and i must go to umatilla. i insisted on bringing my family to the fort, but he refused; said he would not let us in. i next begged the priests to show pity, as my wife and children must perish and the indians undoubtedly would kill me, with no success. i then begged to leave my child who was not safe in the fort, but they refused. there were many priests in the fort. mr. mcbean gave me breakfast, but i saved most of it for my family. providentially mr. stanley, an artist, came in from colville, narrowly escaped the cayuse indians by telling them he was "alain" h. b. he let me have his two horses, some food he had left from rev. eells and walker's mission; also a cap, a pair of socks, a shirt, and handkerchief, and mr. mcbean furnished an indian who proved most faithful, and thursday night we started back, taking my child, but with a sad heart that i could not find mercy at the hands of the priests of god. the indian guided me in the thick darkness to where i supposed i had left my dear wife and children. we could see nothing and dared not call aloud. daylight came and i was exposed to indians, but we continued to search till i was about to give up in despair when the indian discovered one of the twigs i had broken as a guide in coming out to the trail. following these he soon found my wife and children still alive. i distributed what little food and clothing i had, and we started for the umatilla, the guide leading the way to a ford. mr. mcbean came and asked who was there. i replied. he said he could not let us in; we must go to umatilla or he would put us over the river, as he had mr. hall. my wife replied she would die at the gate but she would not leave. he finally opened and took us into a secret room and sent an allowance of food for us every day. next day i asked him for blankets for my sick wife to lie on. he had nothing. next day i urged again. he had nothing to give, but would sell a blanket out of the store. i told him i had lost everything, and had nothing to pay; but if i should live to get to the willamette i would pay. he consented. but the hip-bones of my dear wife wore through the skin on the hard floor. stickus, the chief, came in one day and took the cap from his head and gave it to me, and a handkerchief to my child. the whitman massacre was a prelude to the cayuse war. it should be remembered that, the year before the massacre, the oregon country had, by treaty with great britain, become the property of the united states. no regular government had yet been inaugurated, but the provisional government already instituted by the americans met on december 9th and provided for sending fourteen companies of volunteers to the walla walla. these were immigrants who had come to seek homes and their section of land, and it was a great sacrifice for them to leave their families and start in mid-winter for the upper columbia. but they bravely and cheerfully obeyed the call of duty and set forth, furnishing mainly their own equipment, without a thought of pecuniary gain or even reimbursement. cornelius gilliam, an immigrant of 1845 from missouri, was chosen colonel of the regiment. he was a man of great energy and courage, and though not a professional soldier,--none of them were,--had the frontier american's capacity for warfare. the command pushed rapidly forward, their way being disputed at various points. at sand hollows the indians, led by five crows and war eagle, made an especially tenacious attempt to prevent the crossing of the umatilla river. five crows claimed to have wizard powers by which he could stop all bullets, and war eagle declared that he could swallow all balls fired at him. but at the first onset the wizard was so badly wounded that he had to retire and "swallow ball" was killed. tom mckay had levelled his rifle and said, "let him swallow this." [illustration: grave of marcus whitman and his associate martyrs at waiilatpu. photo. by w. d. chapman.] the way was now clear to waiilatpu, which the command reached on march 4th. the mangled remains of the victims of the massacre had been hastily interred by the ogden party, but coyotes had partially exhumed them. the remains were brought together by the volunteers and reverently, though rudely, buried at a point near the mission, a place where a marble crypt now encloses the commingled bones of the martyrs. a lock of long, fair hair was found near the ruined mission ground which was thought surely to be from the head of mrs. whitman. it was preserved by one of the volunteers and is now one of the precious relics in the historical museum of whitman college. the cayuse war dragged along in a desultory fashion for nearly three years. the refusal of the nez percés and spokanes and the indifference of the yakimas to join the cayuses made their cause hopeless, though there were several fierce fights with them and much severe campaigning. in 1850 a band of friendly umatilla indians undertook to capture the chief band of the cayuses under tamsaky, which had taken a strong position about the head waters of the john day river. after a savage battle tamsaky was killed and most of the warriors captured. of these, five, charged with the leading part in the whitman massacre, were hanged at oregon city on june 3, 1850. it remains a question to this day, however, whether the victims of the gallows were really the guilty ones. the cayuse indians were quite firm in their assertion that tamahas, who, by one version, struck dr. whitman the first blow, was the only one of the five concerned in the murder. thus ended the first principal war in the columbia basin. it was quickly followed by another, which was so extensive that it may be well called universal. this was the war of 1855-56. this was the greatest indian war in the entire history of the columbia river. as we have seen, the american home-builders had outmatched the english fur-traders in the struggle for possession. on the 3d of march, 1853, washington territory, embracing the present states of washington and idaho, with parts of wyoming and montana, was created by act of congress, and isaac i. stevens was appointed governor. this remarkable man entered with tremendous energy upon his task of organising the chaos of his great domain. the indian problem was obviously the most dangerous and pressing one. there were at that time two remarkable chiefs of the mid-columbia region, natural successors of philip, pontiac, black hawk, and tecumseh, possessing those indian traits of mingled nobleness and treachery which have made the best specimens of the race such interesting objects of study. these indians were kamiakin of the yakimas, and peupeumoxmox of the walla wallas. [illustration: cayuse babies 1. (copyright by lee moorehouse, 1898.)] [illustration: cayuse babies 2. (copyright by lee moorehouse, 1898.)] in 1855 the great war broke out almost simultaneously at different points. there were six widely scattered regions especially concerned. four of these, the cascades, the yakima valley, the walla walla, and the grande ronde, were on or adjacent to the river. the others were the rogue river region and puget sound. so wide was the area of this war that intelligent co-operation among the indians proved impracticable. this, in fact, was the thing that saved the whites. for there were probably not less than four thousand indians on the war-path, and if they had co-operated, the smaller settlements, possibly all in the country except those in the willamette valley, might have been annihilated. the first efforts of governor stevens were to secure treaties with the indians. having negotiated several treaties in 1854 with the puget sound indians, the governor passed over the cascade mountains to walla walla in may, 1855. there during the latter part of may and first part of june, he held a great council with representatives of seventeen tribes. lieutenant kip, u. s. a., has preserved a vivid account of this great gathering, one of the most important ever held in the annals of indian history. according to lieutenant kip, there were but about fifty men in the escort of the daring governor, and if he had been a man sensible to fear he might well have been startled when there came an army of twenty-five hundred nez percés under halhaltlossot, known as lawyer by the whites. two days later three hundred cayuses, those worst of the columbia river indians, surly and scowling, led by five crows and young chief, made their appearance. two days later a force of two thousand yakimas, umatillas, and walla wallas came in sight under kamiakin and peupeumoxmox. the council was soon organised. governor stevens and general palmer, the latter the indian agent for oregon, set forth their plan of reservations, all their speeches being translated and retranslated until they had filtered down among the general mass of the indians. then there must be a great "wawa," or discussion by the indians. it soon became apparent that there were two bitterly contesting parties. one was a large faction of nez percés led by lawyer, who favoured the whites. the other faction of the nez percés, with all the remaining tribes, were set against any treaty. with remarkable skill and patience, governor stevens, with the powerful assistance of lawyer, had brought the indians to a point of general agreement to the creation of a system of reservations. but suddenly there was a commotion. into the midst of the council there burst the old chief looking glass (apashwahayikt), second only to lawyer in influence among the nez percés. he had made a desperate ride of three hundred miles in seven days, following a buffalo hunt and a raid against the blackfeet, and as he now burst into the midst, there dangled from his belt the scalps of several slaughtered blackfeet. as quoted in hazard stevens's _life of governor stevens_, he began his harangue thus: "my people, what have you done? while i was gone you sold my country. i have come home and there is not left me a place on which to pitch my lodge. go home to your lodges. i will talk with you." lieutenant kip declares that though he could understand nothing of the speech of looking glass to his own tribe, which followed, the effect was tremendous. all the evidence showed that looking glass was a veritable demosthenes. the work of governor stevens was all undone. but later the governor and lawyer succeeded in rallying their forces and gaining the acquiescence of the indians to the setting aside of three great reservations, one on the umatilla, one on the yakima, and the third on the clearwater and the snake. these reservations still exist, imperial domains in themselves, though now divided into individual allotments. the acquiescence of the indians in this treaty, as the sequel proved, was feigned by a number of them, but for the time it seemed a great triumph for governor stevens. from walla walla the governor departed to the coeur d'alene, the pend oreille, and the missoula regions to continue his arduous task of negotiating treaties. this great walla walla council cannot be dismissed without brief reference to an event, not fully known at the time, but which subsequent investigation made clear, and stamped as one of the most dramatic in the entire history of indian warfare. this event was the conspiracy of the cayuses and yakimas to kill governor stevens and his entire band, and then exterminate the whites throughout the country. while the acceptance of the treaty was still pending, kamiakin and peupeumoxmox were framing the details of this wide-reaching plot, which was indeed but the culmination of their great scheme of years. kamiahkin was the soul of the conspiracy. he was a remarkable indian. he was of superb stature, and proportions, over six feet high, sinewy and active. governor stevens said of him: "he is a peculiar man, reminding me of the panther and the grizzly bear. his countenance has an extraordinary play, one moment in frowns, the next in smiles, flashing with light and black as erebus the same instant. his pantomime is great, and his gesticulation much and characteristic. he talks mostly in his face and with his hands and arms." he was withal a typical indian in treachery and secretiveness. peupeumoxmox was similar in nature, but was older and less capable. exactly opposite to these was halhaltlossot, or lawyer, the solon of the nez percés. lawyer became convinced of the existence of this conspiracy and went by night to the camp of governor stevens and revealed it. he concluded his revelation by saying: "i will come with my family and pitch my lodge in the midst of your camp, that those cayuses may see that you and your party are under the protection of the head chief of the nez percés." when it became clear to the conspiring cayuses and yakimas that lawyer's powerful division of the nez percés was sustaining the little band of whites, they did not execute their design. lawyer and his nez percés saved the day for the whites. and yet the sequel is one of the most lamentable examples of the miscarriage of justice in indian affairs that we have any record of. the friendly nez percés saved the whites. the unfriendly faction of the nez percés, led by joseph and looking glass, finally yielded and accepted the treaty. but they did this with certain expectations in regard to their reservation. this was set forth to the author by william mcbean, a half-breed indian, son of the mcbean who was the commandant of the hudson's bay post at wallula. mcbean the younger was a boy at the time of the council at walla walla. he was familiar with all the indian languages spoken at the council and in appearance was so much of an indian that he could pass unquestioned anywhere. governor stevens asked him to spy out the situation and learn what the nez percés were going to decide. the result of his investigations was to show that the whole decision hinged on the understanding by joseph's faction that, if they acquiesced in the treaty and turned their support to the whites, they might retain perpetual possession of the wallowa country in north-eastern oregon as their special allotment. becoming finally satisfied that this would be granted them, they yielded to the lawyer faction and thus the entire nez percé tribe made common cause with the whites, rendering the execution of the great plot of kamiakin and peupeumoxmox a foredoomed failure. but now for the sequel. though it was thus clear in the minds of joseph and his division of the nez percés that the loved wallowa (one of the fairest regions that ever the sun shone on and a perfect land for indians) was to be their permanent home, yet the stipulation, if indeed it were intended by governor stevens, never became definitely set down in the "great father's" records at washington. the result was that when, twenty years later, the manifold attractions of the wallowa country began to draw white immigration, the indians, now under young joseph, son of the former chief, stood by their supposed rights and the great nez percé war of 1877 ensued. and now, to resume the thread of our discourse, we may note that governor stevens proceeded on his laborious mission to the flatheads in the region of the coeur d'alene and pend oreille lakes in what is now northern idaho. after protracted and at times excited discussion, a treaty was accepted by which an immense tract of a million and a quarter acres was set apart for a reservation. from pend oreille, governor stevens with his little force, now reduced to twenty-two, crossed the rockies to fort benton. but what was happening on the walla walla? no sooner was the governor fairly out of sight across the flower-bespangled plains which extended two hundred miles north-east from walla walla, than the wily kamiakin began to resume his plots. so successful was he, with the valuable assistance of peupeumoxmox, young chief, and five crows, that the treaties, just ratified, were torn to shreds, and the flame of savage warfare burst forth across the entire columbia valley. hazard stevens, in his invaluable history of his father, gives a vivid picture of how the news reached them in their camp thirty-five miles up the missouri from fort benton. summer had now passed into autumn. a favourable treaty had been made with the blackfeet. on october 29th, the little party were gathered around their campfire in the frosty air of fall in that high latitude, when they discerned a solitary rider making his way slowly toward them. as he drew near they soon saw that it was pearson, the express rider. pearson was one of the best examples of those scouts whose lives were spent in conveying messages from forts to parties in the field. he usually travelled alone, and his life was always in his hand. he seemed to be made of steel springs, and it had been thought that he could endure anything. "he could ride anything that wore hair." he rode seventeen hundred and fifty miles in twenty-eight days at one time, one stage of two hundred and sixty miles having been made in three days. but as he slowly drew up to the party in the cold evening light, it was seen that even pearson was "done." his horse staggered and fell, and he himself could not stand or speak for some time. after he had been revived he told his story, and a story of disaster and foreboding it was, sure enough. all the great tribes of the columbia plains west of the nez percés had broken out, the cayuses, yakimas, palouses, walla wallas, umatillas, and klickitats. they had swept the country clean of whites. the ride of pearson from the dalles to the point where he reached governor stevens is one of the most thrilling in the annals of the river. by riding all day and night, he reached a horse ranch on the umatilla belonging to a noted half-breed indian, william mckay, but he found the place deserted. seeing a splendid horse in the bunch near by, he lassoed and saddled him. though the horse was as wild as air, pearson managed to mount and start on. just then there swept into view a force of indians who, instantly divining what pearson was trying to do, gave chase. up and down hill, through vale, and across the rim-rock, they followed, sending frequent bullets after him, and yelling like demons, "whupsiah si-ah-poo, whup-si-ah!" ("kill the white man!") but the wild horse which the intrepid rider bestrode proved his salvation, for he gradually outran all his pursuers. travelling through the walla walla at night pearson reached the camp of friendly nez percé red wolf on the alpowa the next day, having ridden two hundred miles from the dalles without stopping except the brief time changing horses. snow and hunger now impeded his course. part of the way he had to go on snowshoes without a horse. but with unflinching resolution he passed on, and so now here he was with his dismal tidings. the despatches warned governor stevens that kamiakin with a thousand warriors was in the walla walla valley and that it would be impossible for him to get through by that route, and that he must therefore return to the east by the missouri and come back to his territory by the steamer route of panama. that meant six months' delay. with characteristic boldness, governor stevens at once rejected the more cautious course and went right back to spokane by the coeur d'alene pass, deep already with the winter snows, suffering intensely with cold and hunger, but avoiding by that route the indians sent out to intercept him. with extraordinary address, he succeeded in turning the spokane indians to his side. the nez percés, thanks to lawyer's fidelity, were still friendly, and with these two powerful tribes arrayed against the yakimas, there was still hope of holding the columbia valley. after many adventures, governor stevens reached olympia in safety. governor curry of oregon had already called a force of volunteers into the field. the oregon volunteers were divided into two divisions, one under colonel j. w. nesmith, which went into the yakima country, and the other under lieutenant-colonel j. k. kelley, which went to walla walla. the latter force fought the decisive battle of the campaign on the 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th of december, 1855. it was a series of engagements occurring in the heart of the walla walla valley, a "running fight" culminating at what is now called frenchtown, ten miles west of the present city of walla walla. the most important feature of it all was the death of the great walla walla chieftain, peupeumoxmox. but though defeated and losing so important a chief, the indians scattered across the rivers and were still unsubdued. in march, 1856, the sublime section of the columbia lying between the dalles and the cascades became the scene of a series of atrocities the most distressing in the entire war. the klickitats swooped down upon the defenceless settlers and massacred them with revolting cruelty. they vanished like a whirlwind, but men whom the writer has known have related to him how the volunteers, returning to the scenes of desolation, found all houses destroyed and the carcasses of cattle thrown into the springs and wells. they found the naked bodies of the girls and women with stakes driven through, and those of men horribly mutilated. in savage humour, the indians had killed the hogs and left parts of human bodies in their mouths. one interesting fact connected with the campaign at the cascades is that general phil sheridan fought his first battle there. the old block house on the north side of the river, nearly opposite the present cascade locks, existed until a few years ago, and there was sheridan's first battle. meanwhile governor stevens had organised a force of washington volunteers. as the year 1856 progressed, it seemed more plain that the discord which developed between the regulars under command of general john e. wool and the volunteers would result in fatal weakness. nevertheless governor stevens and governor curry kept pressing the movements of their backwoods soldiers with unflagging energy. they were at last rewarded with a measure of success. for colonel b. f. shaw, commanding the washington volunteers, learning that the hostiles were camped in force in the grande ronde valley, made a rapid march from walla walla across the western spur of the blue mountains and struck the collected force of indians a deadly blow, scattering them in all directions and ending the war in that quarter. but the end had not yet come in walla walla. governor stevens determined to hold another great council at the site of the first. leaving the dalles on august 19th, he pressed on to shaw's camp, two miles above the present location of walla walla. on september 5th, colonel e. j. steptoe, with four companies of regulars, arrived at the same place and made camp on the site of the present fort. [illustration: col. b. f. shaw, who won the battle of grande ronde in 1856. by courtesy of major lee moorehouse.] and now came on the second great walla walla council. the tribes were gathered as before, and were aligned as before. the division of nez percés under lawyer stood firmly by stevens and the treaty. the others did not. the most unfortunate feature of the entire matter was that colonel steptoe, acting under general wool's instructions, thus far kept secret, refused to grant stevens adequate support and subjected him to humiliations which galled the fiery governor to the limit. in fact, had it not been for the vigilance of the faithful nez percés of lawyer's band, stevens and his force would surely have met the doom prepared for them at the first council. the debt of gratitude due lawyer is incalculable. spotted eagle ought to be recorded, too, as of similar devotion and watchfulness. governor stevens afterward declared that a speech by him in favour of the whites was equal in feeling, truth, and courage to any speech that he ever heard from any orator whatever. but in spite of oratory, zeal, and argument, nothing could overcome the influence of kamiakin, owhi, quelchen, five crows, and others of the yakimas and cayuses. nothing was gained. they stood just where they were a year before. the fatal results of divided counsels between regulars and volunteers were apparent. the baffled governor now started on his way down the river, but not without another battle. for, as he was marching a short distance south of what is now walla walla city, the indians burst upon his small force with the evident intention of ending all scores then and there. but colonel steptoe came to the rescue, and with united forces the indians were repulsed. that was the last battle on the walla walla. colonel steptoe established a rude stockade fort on mill creek in what is now the heart of the present walla walla city, and went into winter quarters there in 1856-57. governor stevens returned to olympia and launched forth a bitter arraignment against wool. the latter, however, was in a position of vantage and issued a proclamation commanding all whites in the upper country to go down the river and leave the cascade mountains as the eastern limit of the white settlement. thus ended for a time this unsatisfactory and distressing war. to all appearances kamiakin and his adherents had accomplished all they wanted. but this was not the end. gold had been discovered in eastern washington. vast possibilities of cattle raising were evident on those endless bunch-grass hills. although there was as yet little conception of the future developments of the inland empire in agriculture and gardening, yet the keen-eyed immigrants and volunteers had scanned the pleasant vales and abounding streams of the walla walla and the umatilla and the palouse, and had decided in their own minds that, wool or no wool, this land must be opened. in 1857 the government decided on a change of policy and sent general n. s. clarke to take wool's place. general clarke opened the gates, and the impatient army of land hunters and gold hunters began to move in. meanwhile, colonel wright and colonel steptoe, though formerly they had closely followed wool's policy, now began to experience a change of heart. out of these conditions the third indian war, in 1858, quickly succeeded the second, being indeed its inevitable sequence. [illustration: fort sheridan on the grande ronde, built by philip sheridan in 1855. by courtesy of major lee moorehouse.] three campaigns marked this third war. the first was conducted by colonel steptoe against the spokanes and coeur d'alenes, and ended in his humiliating and disastrous defeat. the second was directed by major garnett against the yakimas, resulting in their permanent overthrow. the third was conducted by colonel wright against the spokanes and other northern tribes who had defeated steptoe. this was the waterloo of the indians, and it ushered in the occupation and settlement of the upper columbia country. the steptoe expedition was the most ill-starred event in the whole history of the north-west, unless we except that of the destruction of the _tonquin_. colonel wright was then in command of the new fort walla walla, located in 1857 on the present ground. perceiving his former error in giving the turbulent and treacherous natives undisputed sway, he ordered colonel steptoe to go with two hundred dragoons to the spokane region and subject the restless tribes centring there. steptoe's force was well equipped in every way except one. the pack train was heavily laden, and an inebriated quartermaster conceived the brilliant idea of lessening the burden by _leaving out the larger part of the ammunition_. even aside from this fatal blunder, colonel steptoe seems to have had no adequate conception of the vigour and resources of the indians. as before, the nez percés were the faithful friends of the whites. timothy, a nez percé chief living on snake river at the mouth of the alpowa, put them across the wicked stream, then running high with the may freshet, and went on with them as guide. on may 16, 1858, the force reached a point near four lakes, probably the group of which silver lake and medical lake are the chief ones, a few miles west of spokane. here was gathered a formidable array, spokanes, pend oreilles, coeur d'alenes, okanogans, and colvilles, the hosts of the upper country. steptoe was soldier enough to perceive that it was time for caution, and he halted for a parley. saltese, a brawny chief of the coeur d'alenes, declared to him that the indians were ready to dispute his farther progress, but that if the white men would retire the indians would not molest them. a friendly nez percé, seeing the duplicity of saltese, struck his mouth, exclaiming, "you speak with a double tongue." the force turned back and that night all seemed well. but at nine o'clock the next morning, while the soldiers were descending a cañon to pine creek, near the present site of rosalia, a large force of indians burst upon them like a cyclone. as the battle began to wax hot, the terrible consequences of the error of lack of ammunition began to become manifest. man after man had to cease firing. captain o. h. p. taylor and lieutenant gaston commanded the rear-guard. with extraordinary skill and devotion they held the line intact and foiled the efforts of the savages to burst through. meanwhile the whole force was moving as rapidly as consistent with formation on their way southward. taylor and gaston sent a messenger forward, begging steptoe to halt the line and give them a chance to load. but the commander felt that the safety of the whole force depended on pressing on. soon a fierce rush of indians followed, and, when the surge had passed, the gallant rear-guard was buried under it. one notable figure in the death-grapple was de may, a frenchman, trained in the crimea and algeria, and an expert fencer. for some time he used his gun barrel as a sword and swept the indians down by dozens with his terrific sweeps. but at last he fell before numbers, and one of his surviving comrades relates that he heard him shouting his last words, "o, my god, my god, for a sabre!" but the lost rear-guard saved the rest. for they managed to hold back the swarm of foes until nightfall, when they reached a somewhat defensible position a few miles from the towering cone of what is now known as steptoe butte. there they spent part of a dark, rainy, and dismal night, anticipating a savage attack. but the indians, sure of their prey, waited till morning. surely the first light would have revealed a massacre equal to the custer massacre of later date, had not the unexpected happened. and the unexpected was that old timothy, the nez percé guide, knew a trail through a rough cañon, the only possible exit without discovery. in the darkness of midnight the shattered command mounted and followed at a gallop the faithful timothy on whose keen eyes and mind their salvation rested. the wounded and a few footmen were dropped at intervals along the trail. after an eighty-mile gallop during the day and night following, the yellow flood of snake river suddenly broke before them between its desolate banks. saved! the unwearied timothy threw out his own warriors as a screen against the pursuing foe, and set his women to ferrying the soldiers across the turbulent stream. thus the larger part of the command reached fort walla walla alive. one of the most extraordinary individual experiences connected with the steptoe retreat, was that of snickster and williams. some of the survivors question the correctness of this, and others vouch for its accuracy. it perhaps should not be set down as proven history. snickster and williams were riding one horse, and could not keep up with the main body. the indians, therefore, overtook and seized them before they reached the snake river. in a rage because of having been balked of their prey, the indians determined to have some amusement out of the unfortunate pair, and told them to go into the river with their horse and try to swim across. into the dangerous stream, two thousand feet wide, almost ice-cold, and with a powerful current, they went. as soon as they were out a score of yards, the indians began their fun by making a target of them. the horse was almost immediately killed. williams was struck and sank. snickster's arm was broken by a ball, but diving under the dead horse, and keeping himself on the farther side till somewhat out of range, and then boldly striking across the current, which foamed with indian bullets, he reached the south side of the river and was drawn out, almost dead, by some of timothy's nez percé indians. [illustration: tullux holiquilla, a warm springs indian chief, famous in the modoc war as a scout for u. s. troops. by courtesy of major lee moorehouse.] with the defeat of steptoe, the indians may well have felt that they were invincible. but their exultation was short-lived. as already noted, garnett crushed the yakimas at one blow, and wright a little later repeated steptoe's march to spokane, but did not repeat his retreat. for in the battle of four lakes on september 1st, and that of spokane plains on september 5th, wright broke for ever the power and spirits of the northern indians. the treaties were thus established at last by war. the reservations, embracing the finest parts of the umatilla, yakima, clearwater, and coeur d'alene regions, were set apart, and to them after considerable delay and difficulty the tribes were gathered. with the end of this third great indian war and the public announcement by general clarke that the country might now be considered open to settlement, immigration began to pour in, and on ranch and river, in mine and forest, the well-known labours of the american state-builders and home-builders became displayed. the ever-new west was repeating itself. the valley of the columbia now rested from serious strife for a number of years. but in 1877, an echo of the war of 1855 suddenly startled the country, and provided an event to which lovers of the tragic and romantic in history have ever since turned with deep interest. this was the "joseph war" in the wallowa. our readers will recall that the so-called joseph band of nez percés opposed the walla walla treaty at first, but finally acquiesced, with what they understood was the stipulation that they should possess the wallowa country as their permanent home. the joseph of that time was succeeded by his son, whose indian name was hallakallakeen, "eagle wing." he was the finest specimen of the native red man ever produced in the columbia valley. of magnificent stature and proportions, with a rare dignity and nobility, which wider opportunities would have made remarkable, and with a career of mingled light and shade, pathos and tragedy, hallakallakeen will go down into history with a record of passionate devotion from his followers and unstinted encomiums from most of his opponents. joseph loved the wallowa with a passionate affection, and made at first every effort to maintain amity with his white neighbours. but when the government violated what he had regarded its sacred pledge and permitted entrance upon the lands which he claimed, he refused to abide by the decision and led out his warriors to battle. the nez percés, though few in number, could fight face to face with white men, and could use white men's weapons and white men's tactics. at a desperate battle at white bird cañon they routed the detachment in command of colonel perry. the result was to put arms, ammunition, and provisions in abundance into the hands of the indians and hope into their hearts. general o. o. howard, then commanding the department of the columbia, now assumed command and began so vigorous a campaign against joseph that the indian chief plainly saw that with all his activity he could not avoid being seized in the closing arms of howard's command. the interesting details of the marches, countermarches, desperate encounters, sometimes favourable to white man and sometimes to red, are to be found in general howard's own book. at last, with marvellous skill and good fortune, joseph eluded capture and adopted the desperate resolution of crossing the bitter root mountains by the lolo trail, descending the missouri, and ultimately reaching the canadian line beyond the land of the sioux. encumbered as he was with his women, children, and entire movable possessions, obliged to forage and hunt on the way, and avoiding pursuers in rear as well as forces coming to meet him in front, fighting frequent and some of the time successful battles,--the nez percé chieftain exhibited qualities of leadership and resources of mind and body which offer materials for a historical romance equal to de quincey's _flight of the kalmuck tartars_. [illustration: hallakallakeen (eagle wing) or joseph, the nez percé chief. by t. w. tolman.] howard's tireless pursuit in the rear and the active and intelligent co-operation of gibbon and miles, who ascended the missouri to meet the fleeing nez percés, resulted at last in their capture at bear paw mountain on the milk river in montana. general howard says that the campaign from the beginning of the indian pursuit across the lolo trail until the embarkation on the missouri for the homeward journey, including all stoppages and halts, extended from july 27th to october 10th, during which time his command marched one thousand three hundred and twenty-one miles. he says that joseph, encumbered with women, children, and possessions, traversed even greater distances, "for he had to make many a loop in his skein, many a deviation into a tangled thicket, to avoid or deceive his enemy." howard pays the highest tribute to his indian foe and declares that some of his operations are not often equalled in warfare. joseph's subsequent career was a melancholy one. transported with his band to oklahoma, the wild eagle of the wallowa so pined away on the flat prairie and begged so piteously to be allowed to return to the waters of the columbia, that his request was granted. but so intense was the feeling among the people who had suffered from their dangerous enemy that this poor fragment of the nez percés was placed on the colville reservation in northern washington. there the restless heart of the nez percé bonaparte was eaten out by bitter yearnings for his loved wallowa. he had an occasional proud and interesting hour. at the time of general grant's obsequies at new york, joseph was in washington to see the "great father" about his reservation. general miles, who greatly admired the hero of the lolo trail, asked him to ride with himself at the head of the funeral procession. mounted on a magnificent charger, joseph rode solemnly through the streets of the metropolis by the side of the conqueror of bear paw mountain, and there were not wanting those who said that the indian was the finer horseman and the finer-looking man. but joseph died at his camp on the nespilem without ever seeing wallowa. his last request was that he be buried there. he remained an indian to the last, not ordinarily living in a house or wearing civilised costume or even speaking english, though perfectly able to do so. his life might have been happier had he never been known to fame. [illustration: camp of chief joseph on the nespilem, wash. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] the next year after the joseph war, or in 1878, occurred the bannock war, the scene of which was mainly umatilla county in oregon and other parts adjoining the river. though at first, as has happened so many times, the indians met with successes, the end was their inevitable defeat. with the close of the bannock war it may be said that indian warfare practically ended. the war-whoop ceased to be heard and the tomahawk was brandished no more along the columbia. chapter x when the fire-canoes took the place of the log-canoes variety of craft that have navigated the columbia--the _beaver_, _carolina_, _columbia_, and _lot whitcomb_--beginning of steamboating above the cascades--steamboats above the dalles--rival companies on the river--the oregon steam navigation company--great business developments of the decade of the sixties--specimen shipments in 1862--the steamboat ride from portland to lewiston--some of the steamboat men of the period--story of w. h. gray and his sailboat on the snake river--descending the dalles--captain coe's account of the first steamboat ride on the upper columbia and the snake--navigation above colville and on the lakes--the locks and prospects of future navigation--remarkable trips on the river--some steamboats of the present. we have learned that our river has been navigated by boats of almost every description. at one time it was the hollowed cedar-log canoes of the aborgines. again, the bateaux of the trappers were the chief craft to cut the blue lakes and the white rapids. at yet other times it was the flat-boats of the immigrants. sailing ships of every sort--frigates, galleons, caravels, men-of-war, full-rigged ships, barks, brigs, schooners, and sloops--crowded early to the silver gate of the river. in due process of time the "fire-canoes," as the natives called steamers, let loose their trails of smoke amid the tops of the "continuous woods." the _beaver_, a small steamship belonging to the hudson's bay company and sent from england, entered the river in 1836, the first steamer to ply these waters. the company afterwards sent her to puget sound, and, if we are correctly informed, she is still afloat on the gulf of georgia. in 1850 the first american steamship, the _carolina_, crossed the bar. in the same year a little double-ender, called the _columbia_, began running between portland and astoria. [illustration: tirzah trask, a umatilla indian girl--taken as an ideal of sacajawea. photo. by lee moorehouse, pendleton.] the first river steamer of any size to ply upon the willamette and columbia was the _lot whitcomb_. this steamer was built by whitcomb and jennings. j. c. ainsworth was the first captain, and jacob kamm was the first engineer. both these men became leaders in every species of steamboating enterprise. in 1851 dan bradford and b. b. bishop inaugurated a movement to connect the up-river region with the lower river by getting a small iron propeller called the _jason p. flint_ from the east and putting her together at the cascades, whence she made the run to portland. the _flint_ has been named as first to run above the cascades, but the author has the authority of mr. bishop for stating that the first steamer to run above the cascades was the _eagle_. that steamer was brought in sections by allen mckinley to the upper cascades in 1853, there put together, and set to plying on the part of the river between the cascades and the dalles. in 1854, the _mary_ was built and launched above the cascades, the next year the _wasco_ followed, and in 1856 the _hassalo_ began to toot her jubilant horn at the precipices of the mid-columbia. in 1859 r. r. thompson and lawrence coe built the _colonel wright_, the first steamer on the upper section of the river. in the same year the same men built at the upper cascades a steamer called the _venture_. this craft met with a curious catastrophe. for on her very first trip she swung too far into the channel and was carried over the upper cascades, at the point where the cascade locks are now located. she was subsequently raised, rebuilt, and rechristened the _umatilla_. this part of the period of steamboat building was cotemporary with the indian wars of 1855 and 1856. the steamers, _wasco_, _mary_, and _eagle_ were of much service in rescuing victims of the murderous assault on the cascades by the klickitats. while the enterprising steamboat builders were thus making their way up-river in the very teeth of indian warfare, steamboats were in course of construction on the willamette. the _jennie clark_ in 1854 and the _carrie ladd_ in 1858 were built for the firm of abernethy, clark & company. these both, the latter especially, were really elegant steamers for the time. the close of the indian wars in 1859 saw a quite well-organised steamer service between portland and the dalles, and the great rush into the upper country was just beginning. the _señorita_, the _belle_, and the _multnomah_, under the management of benjamin stark, were on the run from portland to the cascades. a rival steamer, the _mountain buck_, owned by ruckle and olmstead, was on the same route. these steamers connected with boats on the cascades-dalles section by means of portages five miles long around the rapids. there was a portage on each side of the river. that on the north side was operated by bradford & company, and their steamers were the _hassalo_ and the _mary_. ruckle and olmstead owned the portage on the south side of the river, and their steamer was the _wasco_. sharp competition arose between the bradford and stark interests on one side and ruckle and olmstead on the other. the stark company was known as the columbia river navigation company, and the rival was the oregon transportation company. j. c. ainsworth now joined the stark party with the _carrie ladd_. so efficient did this reinforcement prove to be that the transportation company proposed to them a combination. this was effected in april, 1859, and the new organisation became known as the union transportation company. this was soon found to be too loose a consolidation to accomplish the desired ends, and the parties interested set about a new combination to embrace all the steamboat men from celilo to astoria. the result was the formation of the oregon steam navigation company, which came into legal existence on december 20, 1860. its stock in steamboats, sailboats, wharf-boats, and miscellaneous property was stated at $172,500. such was the genesis of the "o. s. n. co." in a valuable article by irene lincoln poppleton in the _oregon historical quarterly_ for september, 1908, to which we here make acknowledgments, it is said that no assessment was ever levied on the stock of this company, but that from the proceeds of the business the management expended in gold nearly three million dollars in developing their property, besides paying to the stockholders in dividends over two million and a half dollars. never perhaps was there such a record of money-making on such a capitalisation. the source of the enormous business of the oregon steam navigation company was the rush into idaho, montana, and eastern oregon and washington by the miners, cowboys, speculators, and adventurers of the early sixties. the up-river country, as described more at length in another chapter, wakened suddenly from the lethargy of centuries, and the wilderness teemed with life. that was the great steamboat age. money flowed in streams. fortunes were made and lost in a day. when first organised in 1860, the oregon steam navigation company had a nondescript lot of steamers, mainly small and weak. the two portages, one of five miles around the cascades and the other of fourteen miles from the dalles to celilo falls, were unequal to their task. the portages at the cascades on both sides of the river were made by very inadequate wooden tramways. that at the dalles was made by teams. such quantities of freight were discharged from the steamers that sometimes the whole portage was lined with freight from end to end. the portages were not acquired by the company with the steamboat property, and as a result the portage owners reaped the larger share of the profits. during high water the portage on the oregon side at the cascades had a monopoly of the business, and it took one-half the freight income from portland to the dalles. this was holding the whip-hand with a vengeance, and the vigorous directors of the steamboat company could not endure it. accordingly, they absorbed the rights of the portage owners, built a railroad from celilo to the dalles on the oregon side, and one around the cascades on the washington side. the company was reorganised under the laws of oregon in october, 1862, with a declared capitalisation of two million dollars. business on the river in 1863 was something enormous. hardly ever did a steamer make a trip with less than two hundred passengers. freight was offered in such quantities at portland that trucks had to stand in line for blocks, waiting to deliver and receive their loads. new boats were built of a much better class. two rival companies, the independent line and the people's transportation line, made a vigorous struggle to secure a share of the business, but they were eventually overpowered. some conception of the amount of business may be gained from the fact that the steamers transported passengers to an amount of fares running from $1000 to $6000 a trip. on april 29, 1862, the _tenino_, leaving celilo for the lewiston trip, had a passenger load amounting to $10,945, and a few trips later reported receipts of $18,000, for freight, passengers, meals, and berths. the steamships sailing from portland to san francisco showed equally remarkable records. on june 25, 1861, the _sierra nevada_ conveyed a treasure shipment of $228,000; july 14th, $110,000; august 24th, $195,558; december 5th, $750,000. the number of passengers carried on the dalles-lewiston route in 1864 was 36,000 and the tons of freight were 21,834. it was a magnificent steamboat ride in those days from portland to lewiston. the fare was sixty dollars; meals and berths, one dollar each. a traveller would leave portland at five a.m. on, perhaps, the _wilson g. hunt_, reach the cascades sixty-five miles distant at eleven a.m., proceed by rail five miles to the upper cascades, there transfer to the _oneonta_ or _idaho_ for the dalles, passing in that run from the humid, low-lying, heavily timbered west-of-the-mountains, to the dry, breezy, hilly east-of-the-mountains. reaching the dalles, fifty miles farther east, he would be conveyed by another portage railroad, fourteen miles more, to celilo. there the _tenino_, _yakima_, _nez percé chief_, or _owyhee_ was waiting. with the earliest light of the morning the steamer would head right into the impetuous current of the river, bound for lewiston, two hundred and eighty miles farther yet, taking two days, sometimes three, though only one to return. those steamers were mainly of the light-draught, stern-wheel structure, which still characterises the columbia river boats. they were swift and roomy and well adapted to the turbulent waters of the upper river. the captains, pilots, and pursers of that period were as fine a set of men as ever turned a wheel. bold, bluff, genial, hearty, and obliging they were, even though given to occasional outbursts of expletives and possessing voluminous repertoires of "cuss-words" such as would startle the effete east. any old oregonian who may chance to cast his eyes upon these pages will recall, as with the pangs of childhood homesickness, the forms and features of steamboat men of that day; the polite yet determined ainsworth, the brusque and rotund reed, the bluff and hearty knaggs, the frolicsome and never disconcerted ingalls, the dark, powerful, and nonchalant coe, the patriarchal beard of stump, the loquacious "commodore" wolf, who used to point out to astonished tourists the "diabolical strata" on the banks of the river, the massive and good-natured strang, the genial and elegant o'neil, the suave and witty snow, the tall and handsome sampson, the rich scotch brogue of mcnulty, and dozens of others, whose combined adventures would fill a volume. one of the most experienced pilots of the upper river was captain "eph" baughman, who has been running on the snake and columbia rivers for fifty years, and is yet active at the date of this publication. w. h. gray, who came to waiilatpu with whitman as secular agent of the mission, became a river man of much skill. he gave four sons, john, william, alfred, and james, to the service of the river, all four of them being skilled captains. a story narrated to the author by captain william gray, now of pasco, washington, well illustrates the character of the old columbia river navigators. w. h. gray was the first man to run a sailboat of much size with regular freight up snake river. that was in 1860 before any steamers were running on that stream. mr. gray built his boat, a fifty-ton sloop, on oosyoos lake on the okanogan river. in it he descended that river to its entrance into the columbia. thence be descended the columbia, running down the entiat, rock island, cabinet, and priest rapids, no mean undertaking of itself. reaching the mouth of the snake, he took on a load of freight and started up the swift stream. at five-mile rapids he found that his sail was insufficient to carry the sloop up. men had said that it was impossible. his crew all prophesied disaster. the stubborn captain merely declared, "there is no such word as fail in my dictionary." he directed his son and another of the crew to take the small boat, load her with a long coil of rope, make their way up the stream until they got above the rapid, there to land on an islet of rock, fasten the rope to that rock, then pay it out till it was swept down the rapid. they were then to descend the rapid in the small boat. "very likely you may be upset," added the skipper encouragingly, "but if you are, you know how to swim." they were upset, sure enough, but they did know how to swim. they righted their boat, picked up the end of the floating rope, and reached the sloop with it. the rope was attached to the capstan, and the sloop was wound up by it above the swiftest part of the rapid to a point where the sail was sufficient to carry, and on they went rejoicing. any account of steamboating on the columbia would be incomplete without reference to captain james troup, who was born on the columbia, and almost from early boyhood ran steamers upon it and its tributaries. he made a specialty of running steamers down the dalles and the cascades, an undertaking sometimes rendered necessary by the fact that more boats were built in proportion to demand on the upper than the lower river. these were taken down the dalles, and sometimes down the cascades. once down, they could not return. the first steamer to run down the tumwater falls was the _okanogan_, on may 22, 1866, piloted by captain t. j. stump. the author enjoyed the great privilege of descending the dalles in the _d. s. baker_ in the year 1888, captain troup being in command. at that strange point in the river, the whole vast volume is compressed into a channel but one hundred and sixty feet wide at low water and much deeper than wide. like a huge mill-race this channel continues nearly straight for two miles, when it is hurled with frightful force against a massive bluff. deflected from the bluff, it turns at a sharp angle to be split in sunder by a low reef of rock. when the _baker_ was drawn into the suck of the current at the head of the "chute" she swept down the channel, which was almost black, with streaks of foam, to the bluff, two miles in four minutes. there feeling the tremendous refluent wave, she went careening over and over toward the sunken reef. the skilled captain had her perfectly in hand, and precisely at the right moment, rang the signal bell, "ahead, full speed," and ahead she went, just barely scratching her side on the rock. thus close was it necessary to calculate distance. if the steamer had struck the tooth-like point of the reef broadside on, she would have been broken in two and carried in fragments on either side. having passed this danger point, she glided into the beautiful calm bay below and the feat was accomplished. captain j. c. ainsworth and captain james troup were the two captains above all others to whom the company entrusted the critical task of running steamers over the rapids. in the _overland monthly_ of june, 1886, there is a valuable account by captain lawrence coe of the maiden journey of the _colonel wright_ from celilo up what they then termed the upper columbia. this first journey on that section of the river was made in april, 1859. the pilot was captain lew white. the highest point reached was wallula, the site of the old hudson's bay fort. the current was a powerful one to withstand, no soundings had ever been made, and no boats except canoes, bateaux, flatboats, and a few small sailboats, had ever made the trip. no one had any conception of the location of a channel adapted to a steamboat. no difficulty was experienced, however, except at the umatilla rapids. this is a most singular obstruction. three separate reefs, at intervals of half a mile, extend right across the river. there are narrow breaks in these reefs, but not in line with each other. through them the water pours with tremendous velocity, and on account of their irregular locations a steamer must zigzag across the river at imminent risk of being borne broadside on to the reef. the passage of the umatilla rapids is not difficult at high water, for then the steamer glides over the rocks in a straight course. in the august _overland_ of the same year, captain coe narrates the first steamboat trip up snake river. this was in june, 1860, just at the time of the beginning of the gold excitement. the _colonel wright_ was loaded with picks, rockers, and other mining implements, as well as provisions and passengers. most of the freight and passengers were put off at wallula, to go thence overland. part continued on to test the experiment of making way against the wicked-looking current of snake river. after three days and a half from the starting point a few miles above celilo, the _colonel wright_ halted at a place which was called slaterville, thirty-seven miles up the clearwater from its junction with the snake. there the remainder of the cargo was discharged, to be hauled in waggons to the oro fino mines. the steamer _okanogan_ followed the _colonel wright_ within a few weeks, and navigation on the snake may be said to have fairly begun. during that same time the city of lewiston, named in honour of meriwether lewis, the explorer, was founded at the junction of the snake and clearwater rivers. while parts of the columbia and it chief tributary, the snake, were thus opened to navigation by 1860, no "fire-canoe" had yet appeared on that magnificent stretch of navigable water from colville into the arrow lakes. from contemporary files of the _daily mountaineer_ of the dalles, we learn that captain lew white launched the _forty-nine_ in november, 1865, at colville. in december the _forty-nine_ ascended the columbia one hundred and sixty miles, nearly to the head of lower arrow lake, whence, meeting floating ice, she returned. from the _mountaineer_ we learn also that in the early months of 1866 a steamer was constructed at the mouth of boisé river for navigation of the far upper snake. at the same time also the steamer _mary moody_ was constructed by z. f. moody, on pend oreille lake, the first steamer on any of the lakes except the arrow lakes of the columbia. with the close of the decade of the sixties, it may be said that the columbia and its tributaries had fairly entered upon the steamboat era. while many steamers were added within the succeeding years, the steamboat business was never so active on the upper river as during that early age. after the building of the railroads along the river and into interior valleys and eastward, it became apparent that the heavy handicap of rehandling freight at two portages would forbid the steamers from competing with the railroads. in 1879 the oregon steam navigation company sold out to the villard interests for $5,000,000, and the oregon railroad and navigation company was the result. since that time there have been few steamboats on that part of the river above the dalles. the section between the dalles and the cascades was joined to the tide-water section by the opening of the government locks at the cascades in 1896, and since that time many of the finest steamers on the river do an immense tourist business between the dalles and portland. it is only a question of a few years till the locks at celilo will be completed, and then the whole vast inland empire, with its enormous production, will be thrown open to the sea. then there will come on a new age of steamboat navigation, and with it the electric railroad. the steamer and the trolley car will set the whole columbia basin next door to tide-water. when improvements now in view by government are completed, our river will be one of the most superb steamer courses in the world. that may truthfully be said already of the two hundred and twenty miles from the dalles to the ocean, as well as of the three hundred miles from kettle falls, washington, to death rapids, b. c. the government engineers in senate document, 344, february, 1890, name the amount of navigable water on the columbia and its tributaries at 1664 miles. this may, perhaps, be an underestimation, since president roosevelt has recently referred to it as twenty-five hundred miles, in which he probably included the lakes. generally speaking, the rivers of the pacific slope descend from high altitudes in comparatively short distances, and are necessarily swift. hence we can expect no such vast extent of navigable water on them as the mississippi and its affluents offer. aside from the columbia itself, the main streams, east of the cascade mountains offering steamboat transportation, are the snake, okanogan, and kootenai, together with lakes pend oreille, chelan, coeur d'alene, flathead, okanogan, kootenai, arrow, christina, and slocan. on the west side are the willamette, cowlitz, and lewis rivers. it would fill a volume to narrate even a tithe of the thrilling tales of daring and tragedy which gather around the subject of boating in all its forms on the columbia. one of the most remarkable steamboat journeys was that elsewhere described in this work, under command of captain f. p. armstrong, of the _north star_, from jennings, montana, on the kootenai to canal flats and thence through the canal to lake columbia. with that should be coupled as equally daring and more difficult, the trip down snake river, from the seven devils to lewiston, in a steamer piloted by captain w. p. gray. undoubtedly the most remarkable journey in any other sort of craft than a steamboat was that undertaken by a party of eighteen miners in 1865. they built a large sailing boat at colville and in her ran up the entire course of the river, never having their boat entirely out of water, though our informant says that they must have had her on skids part of the way. they reached the very head of the columbia, over seven hundred miles above their starting point, hauled their boat across canal flats, launched her again on the kootenai, and so descended that furious stream to fort steele on wild horse creek. the full history of that journey would be deserving of a place in any record of daring exploration. in concluding this chapter, it may be said that there are now upon the lower columbia some of the swiftest and most beautiful "fire-canoes" in the world. these ply on the two great scenic routes, one from portland to astoria, and the other from portland to the dalles. the most noted of these swift steamers at present writing are the _hassalo_ (no. 2), the _t. j. potter_, the _charles d. spencer_, and the _bailey gatzert_. chapter xi era of the miner, the cowboy, the farmer, the boomer, and the railroad builder early gold-hunters--gold in california--effects of that discovery on the columbia river country--growth of towns on the columbia--discovery of gold in the colville country--gold on the clearwater--stampede to the idaho mines--cowboys rush in with the miners--sudden development of industries at walla walla, lewiston, and other towns--profits and fare in the mines in 1861--the hard winter--development of the farming industry--the boomers--the hard times--the railroad age--beginning of railroading in the willamette valley--ben holladay--transcontinental railways--henry villard--his great building and his downfall--the present railroads on the river--dr. d. s. baker and the pioneer railroad on the upper river. the age of gold in the columbia pressed hard upon that of the trappers. but it dawned first far south. the spaniards had sought the precious metals with boundless energy. richly had the treasures of the montezumas and the incas rewarded their reckless cupidity. but as they moved northward they met with nothing but disappointment. the el dorados of their ardent fancy had vanished as they turned toward oregon and california. in 1848 the guns of stockton and fremont thundered the salvos of american occupation over the sierras. just as the sovereignty of uncle sam was acknowledged, the long-sought discovery of gold startled the world. in 1838 a gay, mercurial switzer, captain sutter, had made his way with a band of trappers across the plains to oregon, and thence had gone to california. a dashing adventurer, without money, but with boundless _sang-froid_ and _bonhommie_, sutter had marvellously interested all whom he met and in some inexplicable manner had got money and credit sufficient to build a fort and start an immense ranch on the sacramento, almost on the site of the present capital of the golden state. "sutter's fort" became one of the most notable places in california. in 1844 james w. marshall went to the columbia, but after only a year's stay made his way to california. in 1847 he entered into partnership with sutter in a sawmill enterprise at coloma on the south fork of the american river. there, while at work in the mill-race on the 19th of january, 1848, marshall discovered shining particles. gold! the discovery was made, and soon the secret was out. and then--! there never was anything quite comparable to what followed. the first and greatest of the great stampedes for gold took place. when the tidings reached oregon it was as though a prairie fire were running over the country. men went fairly mad. throngs, hardly stopping to take their ploughs from the furrow, mounted their horses, galloped off up the willamette, through the lonely valleys of the umpqua and the rogue river, over the siskiyou, and down the sacramento, where a fortune could be had for the digging. all the stress and strain of american life and history reached the utmost intensity in the fever strife for gold on the sacramento. the willamette and columbia were almost equally stirred. during the first two years of the gold excitement homes on the columbia were well-nigh deserted. then the oregonians began to drift back again. some came with gold-bricks in their pockets and sacks of gold-dust in their packs. some came broken in health and spirits, sick with disappointment. some did not come at all, and their bones found unmarked graves in the pestilential ditches of the sacramento. but the shrewder oregonians perceived that they had better than a gold mine in the trade with california. grain, fruit, eggs, lumber,--these were in such demand that frequently twenty ships at a time were moored by the dense forests of the lower willamette waiting for cargoes. gold-dust was the universal medium, and it seemed to be cheaper than anything else. four bushels of oregon apples brought five hundred dollars in gold-dust in san francisco. tons of eggs were sold for a dollar apiece in the gold mines. portland, the lonely little village on the willamette, with just enough of a foothold by the edge of the forest to keep from rolling into the river, sprang at a bound into the rank of a city. the huge firs were dug out, and wharves went in. the face of nature, even, as well as that of industry and politics, was transformed by that gold-dust in marshall's mill-race on the sacramento. but, most of all, the disposition of the people was changed. the serene, idyllic, pastoral age passed, and the fierce lust for wealth, the boundless imagination, the fever in the veins, came on. why should there not be gold as well by the columbia as by the sacramento! the men who had come down the columbia in search for homes and grass-land for cattle, now began to retrace their steps and turn again up the river in search of the precious metals. nor was it long before discovery of gold in the region tributary to colville was made known. the first discovery was at the mouth of the pend oreille river. a regular stampede ensued. other discoveries on a greater scale were soon to follow. during the early days of the gold excitement of california, a nez percé indian had wandered on to the sacramento. he made acquaintance with a group of miners, who became impressed with his general force and dignity. among these miners was e. d. pearce, and to him the indian gave a vivid account of his home in the wilds of what is now idaho. he told also a tale of how he with two companions were once in the high mountains, when they beheld in the night a light of dazzling brilliance, with the appearance of a refulgent star. the indians looked at this with awe as the eye of the great spirit. but in the morning they summoned courage sufficient to investigate, and found a glittering ball that looked like glass. it was so embedded in the rock that they could not dislodge it. it was clear to them that this was some great "tomanowas." on hearing this fantastic story, the mind of pearce was kindled with the idea that perhaps the indians had found an immense diamond. he determined to seek it. after several years he made his way up the columbia and reached walla walla. from that point he ranged the mountains of idaho, but for a long time met no success. with a company of seven men, he entered upon an elaborate search, which finally so much aroused the suspicion of the indians that they ordered him from the country. nothing daunted, however, he induced a nez percé woman to guide the party from the palouse to the lolo trail, from which they reached an unfrequented valley on the north fork of the clearwater. there one of the party, w. f. bassett, tried washing a pan of dirt, with the result that he got a "colour." this was the first discovery of gold in idaho, and the spot was where oro fino afterwards stood. fall was coming on, and after digging out a small amount of dust, the party deemed it wise to return to the settlements for a more thorough outfitting. accordingly, they went to walla walla and located with j. c. smith, to whom they imparted their secret. so impressed was mr. smith with the tidings that he organised a party of fifteen, with whom he returned just at the opening of the winter of that same year, 1860. soon shut in by deep snows in inaccessible mountains, the little company built five rude huts, and in the intervals of the storms they dug for gold along the streams, meeting with such success that in march mr. smith made his way to walla walla with $800 in gold-dust. the dust was sent to portland. now ensued another gold excitement and stampede almost equal to that of '49 in california. as the miners rushed into idaho, every other species of industry rushed up the river with them. the cowboy came side by side with the miner. in fact, already following close on the heels of the indian war, had come an inrush of cattle, horses, and sheep. during the last years of the decade of the fifties, stockmen had driven from the willamette valley thousands of head of stock to the rich pasture lands of the walla walla, umatilla, and yakima. when the gold discoveries of 1860 and 1861 became known, the activities of the cowboys were multiplied, added bands of stock were driven in, all the wild and extravagant features of a combined cowboy and mining age, vendors of "chain-lightning and forty-rod," gamblers, prostitutes, murderers,--and with them missionaries and teachers,--became reproduced again on the shores of the columbia, snake, clearwater, salmon, walla walla, and other rivers of the inland empire. it was another of those wild eras in which the worst and the best that are in human nature jostled each other at every turn. transportation problems followed close upon the cowboy and the miner. the oregon steam navigation company, organised in 1860, began within a year to run steamboats from portland to lewiston, with portage railroads around the cascades and the dalles. stage lines were started from umatilla, walla walla, and lewiston, within a year or two after the gold discoveries of oro fino. prairie-schooners, huge waggons, sometimes three in tandem fashion, drawn by a team of twenty mules, with jingling bells, driven with a "single line," formed the approved system of hauling freight over the mountain roads. in addition to the stages and prairie-schooners, however, thousands of mules and horses were driven with pack-saddles over the trails and roads. then was the time when "throwing the diamond hitch" became a fine art. then was the time, too, when it behooved stage-drivers and packers to be handy with a "gun," for "road-agents" were plentiful and vigilant. many a man with a pack-saddle loaded with gold-dust, or sometimes with whiskey or even "canned goods," "passed in his checks" under some over-shadowing tree or behind some sheltering rock. both the distresses and the successes of that epoch are well illustrated by extracts from some of the newspapers of the time. from issues of the _washington statesman_ of walla walla, we learn that flour was at one time a dollar a pound; beef, thirty to fifty cents a pound; bacon, sixty; beans, thirty; rice, fifty; tea a dollar and a half; tobacco, a dollar and a half; sugar, fifty cents; candles, a dollar. some of these staples could not be had at all. physicians, when they got into the mines, would charge twenty dollars a visit. board was from five to ten dollars a day, frequently more. but as an offset to the expense and frequent positive suffering, we gather the following item from an issue of the _statesman_ in december, 1861: s. f. ledyard arrived last evening from the salmon river mines, and from him it is learned that some six hundred miners would winter there; that some two hundred had gone to the south side of the river, where two streams head that empty into the salmon, some thirty miles south-east of the present mining camp. coarse gold is found, and as high as one hundred dollars per day to the man has been taken out. the big mining claim of the old locality belongs to mr. weiser of oregon, from which two thousand six hundred and eighty dollars were taken out on the 20th, with two rockers. on the 21st, three thousand three hundred and sixty dollars were taken out with the same machines. the _statesman_ for december 13, 1861, contains the following: during the week past not less than two hundred and twenty-five pack animals, heavily laden with provisions, have left this city for the mines. a report in relation to a rich strike by mr. bridges of oregon city seems to come well authenticated. the first day he worked on his claim (near baboon gulch) he took out fifty-seven ounces; the second day he took out one hundred and fifty-seven ounces; the third day, two hundred and fourteen ounces; and the fourth day, two hundred ounces in two hours. as an ounce of gold was worth sixteen dollars, it will be seen that mr. bridges of oregon city had truly "struck it rich." within a year, a million and a half dollars in gold-dust had been taken from those mines. anticipated demands led cattlemen to rush still larger numbers of stock into the upper columbia basin, and traders brought in yet larger supplies of goods into walla walla and lewiston, as well as the mining camps themselves. a considerable part of these goods, we regret to narrate, consisted of material for spirituous refreshments. that the said refreshments were of a stalwart character may be inferred from a reminiscence of a traveller to walla walla, who relates that upon going into one of the numerous saloons, he found the floor covered with sawdust, and upon asking for whiskey, he received with it a whisk-broom. feeling puzzled as to the intent of the latter, and not wishing to reveal his ignorance, he waited till another man came in. waiting for developments, he found that the object of the broom was to sweep off a place on the floor to have a fit on, for the whiskey was sure to produce one. after having got through his fit, the happy (?) purchaser would return the broom and go on his way. [illustration: an oregon pioneer in his cabin. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] just as miners, cowboys, and traders were plunging eagerly into every form of enterprise, the famous "hard winter" of '61 descended upon the country. it was almost a minnesota winter. there was snow on the ground from december 1st to march 22d, something never known before or since in the columbia basin. cattle could find no food and perished by the thousands. miners were found frozen into the stiff crust. in the rude cabins, with wide cracks into which the snow drifted, the few women and children in the inland empire fought a distressing and frequently losing fight. even in the willamette valley where houses were more comfortable, supplies more plentiful, and the weather less severe, the conditions were hard enough. at portland the price of hay was eighty dollars a ton. in eastern oregon it could not be obtained for any price, and the maintenance of life by cattle depended entirely on their endurance. but with the coming on of tardy spring, the rush up the river was resumed, and the game went on. seven millions in gold was reported in 1862, besides almost as much, as was estimated, taken out in ways of which no record was reported. at florence in february, 1862, flour was a dollar a pound; butter, three dollars; sugar, a dollar and a quarter; coffee, two dollars; boots, thirty dollars a pair. the enormous profits, as well as enormous expense, of developing those mines hastened the coming of the farmer. among the throng that passed madly into the mountains for gold, and among the throng that drove the wide-horned cattle over the bunch-grass hills, there were a few keen-eyed observers who asked themselves if wheat and corn and potatoes and barley and fruit-trees might not grow on those broad prairies, and especially along the numerous watercourses descending from the blue mountains. a farm here and there at some favourable point beside some favouring stream, followed in two or three years by a flour-mill, then a few apples whose bright red cheeks and fragrant smell showed that the upper columbia lands could match those of the willamette, then an experimental wheat-field or barley-field on the high bunch-grass prairies,--and, almost before people realised it, the farmer was standing up beside the miner and the stockman, as tall and broad and important as either. the plough and the hoe and the mowing-machine took their places beside the pick and gold-pan and quirt and schapps and spurs as symbols of columbia river nobility. the "boomer" was the logical result of the development of mine and range and farm and garden and orchard. if people were going to eat and travel and raise wheat and cattle, they must inevitably buy and sell. and if they were going to buy and sell, they must needs "boom." the decade of the eighties was the great age of the boom in real estate along the columbia and its tributaries. then, as also upon puget sound, cities were founded with most extravagant size and expectations--on paper. farm lands changed hands rapidly. if a man could raise nothing else on his land, he could at least raise the price. that was the time when the boomer boomed, the promoter promoted, and the sucker sucked. it was a great age, but alas, it was followed by an awakening, similar to that which follows a night of carousal, when the next day brings a dark-brown taste in the mouth and a very heavy head. the decade of the nineties was dolorous along the river and in the mines and forests and farms and town-lots and additions and suburbs adjoining. [illustration: old portage railroad at cascades in 1860.] [illustration: a log-boom down the river for san francisco. photo. by woodfield.] interlocked with the days of miner, cowboy, rancher, and boomer, was another age of equal importance and one that was both result and cause of the others. this was the age of the railroad builder. transportation by the river was a great feature of traffic in the fifties and sixties. but, during the second of those decades, the people of portland began to realise that the time had arrived for rails as well as sails. the first great transcontinental railroad, the union pacific and central pacific, was in active process of building between california and omaha. a fever of railroad building spread to the columbia river people. railroads were projected from portland on both sides of the willamette, up the valley, with the view of ultimate connection with california. surveys were made by s. g. elliott from marysville, california, to portland in 1863. it was october, 1870, when the first train reached salem, the capital of the state. the road was known as the oregon central railroad, and its manager and ultimately its chief owner was ben holladay, the most famous railroad man of that period in oregon. in 1871 and 1872, railroad building was extended on the west side of the willamette. the lines on both sides were reorganised under mr. holladay's control as the oregon and california railroad. meanwhile the air was full of discussion of a transcontinental line to the pacific northwest. the conception of a northern pacific railroad was nothing new. away back in 1853, governor i. i. stevens and captain george b. mcclellan had made a reconnaissance across the rocky and cascade mountains and over the great plains of the columbia, for the purpose of ascertaining a route for a northern line. they pronounced the route feasible, but the time had not yet come for such an undertaking. in a letter to mcclellan of april 5, 1853, governor stevens states the route to be from st. paul to puget sound by the great bend of the missouri river. it is interesting to note that this is nearly the course afterwards followed. work on the northern pacific was begun in the vicinity of kalama on the columbia in 1870. the financial panic of 1873 resulted in the failure of jay cooke & company, the backers of the enterprise, and for several years railroad work was at a standstill. in 1879 there came to oregon the greatest railroad builder of that era, henry villard. he was a true financial genius, daring, far-seeing, persistent, and self-reliant. with the quick grasp of a statesman, mr. villard perceived that the columbia river was the key to a boundless opportunity. he saw that a central line up the columbia with branches north, east, and south-east, might be thrust like a wedge between the northern pacific and the union pacific and control both. in pursuance of this conception he made three rapid moves. the first was the incorporation of the oregon railway and navigation company. the second was the formation of the "blind pool" and the oregon and transcontinental company. the third was the acquisition of a controlling interest in the northern pacific railroad. the three years up to and including 1883 were years of almost feverish activity along the river. the line of the oregon railroad and navigation company between wallula and portland was pushed on with tireless energy. rock bluffs were split off by enormous charges of dynamite, or were tunnelled through. the road was indeed built so hastily and the curves were in some cases so extreme that much work had to be done over at later times. [illustration: lumber mill and steamboat landing at golden, b. c. photo. by c. f. yates.] a part of villard's plan in pushing the work so hastily was to divert the northern pacific system to the river, and make portland rather than puget sound the western terminus. the undertaking seemed to be crowned with success. the connection was made. a gorgeous celebration, the greatest ever held in the columbia river country, commemorated, in october, 1883, the completion of the transcontinental railroad to tide-water on the columbia river. but in the very hour of victory, the sceptre fell from villard's hands. his downfall was as sudden and dramatic as his rise. by clever jobbing of the market, the wright interests regained possession of the majority of the northern pacific stock, the transcontinental pool broke, and at the very time that mr. villard was being worshipped at portland as the financial god of the north-west, he learned that his gigantic enterprise had fallen into the hands of the enemy. but in spite of defeat the work of villard was assured, and his name and fame as the champion railroad builder of the columbia river was established. after the wright interests had regained possession of the northern pacific, that great system was pushed to puget sound. the oregon short line was carried to a connection with the union pacific system. thus two independent transcontinental lines reached the river. yet later the southern pacific system acquired control of the oregon and california railroad, and, by joining the sections, connected the columbia river with the golden gate. through connecting lines the canadian pacific railroad gained access to the columbia river. there are, therefore, four distinct transcontinental railroad systems into the valley of our river. two more are rapidly approaching completion. as a logical result, too, many local and connecting lines have been built. the astoria and columbia river railroad, on the oregon side of the river, joins portland to astoria and seaside and the other resorts of the ocean beach. the oregon railway and navigation company has continuous connection on the south side of the columbia and snake rivers to riparia on the latter stream, and thence by a road on the north side, owned jointly with the northern pacific, to lewiston, idaho. the most remarkable of all these connecting and joint roads is the portland, seattle, and spokane railroad, commonly called the "north bank road." this is supposed to be the joint property of the northern pacific and great northern railroads. it is one of the many monuments in the west to the financial genius and tireless energy of james j. hill. it was completed in 1908, between pasco and portland, and at the first of the year following, from pasco to spokane. it is said to be the most expensively and scientifically built road in the united states, having curves and grades reduced to a minimum, being, in fact, a continuous descent from near spokane to tide-water. its builders evidently expect stupendous traffic, and every feature of the line is adjusted to such expectation. [illustration: a typical lumber camp. photo. by trueman.] any account of the great railroads joining the inland empire to the river and thence to the seaboard would be incomplete without reference to the pioneer of them all, the "strap-iron" narrow-gauge from walla walla to wallula. this line was forced by the exigencies of the times, but it commemorates the rare commercial foresight and ability of a man, who, in native business genius, ranks with the foremost in the history of the columbia valley. this man was dr. d. s. baker, a native of illinois, an immigrant to the columbia in 1848, and a settler in walla walla in 1860. perceiving the vast latent resources of the inland empire, he invested in land, founded a bank, became a partner in a store, and during much of the time was also actively engaged in his profession of medicine. in 1863, the oregon steam navigation company was running boats from portland to lewiston, over four hundred miles, having short railroad portages at the cascades and the dalles. that was the most active era of the mines in idaho. rates from portland to up-river points were as follows: freight from portland to wallula, $50.00 per ton; to lewiston, $90.00; fare from portland to wallula, $18.00; to lewiston, $28.00. (the rates had been much higher a year or two earlier.) from wallula to walla walla, freight was hauled by prairie-schooners at from $10.00 to $12.00 a ton, thirty miles. needless to say, the company piled up a fortune. dr. baker saw the possibilities of the region and, almost unaided, with every difficulty and discouragement, constructed a narrow gauge, with wooden rails, on which strap-iron was fastened. an astonishing amount of business was soon developed, steel rails were substituted, and the business made a fortune for its builder. it was absorbed by the oregon steam navigation company. but dr. baker's strap-iron road may be considered the true progenitor of the railroads of the upper columbia. during these first years of the twentieth century, the shores of the river have echoed with the sound of whistles on many a new road, but the distinguishing mark has been the construction of electric roads. the lower willamette valley, centring at portland, has become fairly swarming with electric roads. spokane has become almost an equal centre of electric lines, while walla walla is following close behind her larger sisters in the procession. when lines already constructed from spokane southward are joined to a system projected from walla walla northward and westward, there will be a complete system of independent electric lines from all parts of eastern washington and north-eastern oregon to steamboat connections on the river, and thence to tide-water. the significance of this as a commercial fact cannot be realised as yet. [illustration: a logging railroad, near astoria. photo. by woodfield.] chapter xii the present age of expansion and world commerce population and productions of the region on the river and its tributaries--extent of its navigability--improvements needed--kinds of traffic--local traffic--transcontinental traffic--world traffic--advantages of the river route for these kinds of traffic--the bar--the competition of puget sound--the combination of river route and sound route. we have traced the successive eras which have brought the land of the oregon from a wilderness to a group of powerful young american states, abounding in resources and filled to the brim with hope and enthusiasm. we have followed the river through its eras of canoe, bateau, flatboat, sail-ship, and steamboat, and we have seen railroads built along its banks. it remains only to cast a brief final glance at the river in its present age, and to forecast something of what seems its sure future. it may be said that the population of those parts of oregon, washington, idaho, wyoming, and montana, which are embraced in the watershed of the columbia, is probably nearly a million and a quarter. the population of the area in british columbia is scanty, but rapidly increasing. the productive capacity is very great. a rough estimate of production in the valley of the columbia for the year 1908 would probably give a grain production of seventy million bushels, a lumber output of three billion feet, a mineral output worth sixty million dollars, and a combined output of pastoral, horticultural, fishing, and miscellaneous industries of fifty millions of dollars. such figures indicate that the columbia river is already a factor in world commerce. yet its development is but begun. what is to be its part in the world commerce of the future? inspection of a map will show that the columbia possesses the only water-level route from the vast productive regions of the inland empire to the seaboard. as has been shown in the course of this volume, the river is navigable throughout the larger part of its course from revelstoke in british columbia to the ocean. in that distance there is one canal, with locks. that is at the cascades, sixty-five miles from portland. before the river can be continuously navigable it will be necessary that a canal be constructed to overcome the obstructions at the dalles, a few miles above the city of that name, another at priest rapids, seventy miles above pasco, and still another at kettle falls. the government is already engaged in the first of these works. the second seems comparatively near of accomplishment by reason of work done and projected by a powerful irrigation company. nothing has yet been done at kettle falls, but it would be comparatively a light task to provide canal and locks at that point. besides these larger obstructions there are several rapids at points between kettle falls and the dalles which impede navigation at certain stages of water. the government has made surveys of these sections of the river, and has announced that with comparatively small outlay the rocks and reefs may be removed, the channels deepened and straightened, and the river made navigable. one thing may be emphasised in this connection, and this is that the columbia river has mainly a rocky bed, and hence work on the channels is permanent. it will not cut and fill, nor pile up islands and bars as does the missouri. in view of the capability of the river to carry great water traffic, and in view of the fact that railroad traffic is seeking and will still more seek the down-hill grade to the sea, it becomes a question of great interest what the future commerce of the river will be. it is evident that there will be three kinds of traffic: local, transcontinental, world-wide. each is bound to be vast beyond the calculations or even the imagination of the present. the local traffic is sure to be immense, for it is estimated that there is a million acres of land immediately contiguous to the river, irrigable and adapted to intensive farming. present experience shows that five or ten acres of such land are sufficient to support a family. many cities and towns are sure to grow upon the banks of the river. its banks will sometime become populated like those of ancient nile. besides the immediate region of the river, there are millions upon millions of acres of land more remote, the great wheat fields and stock ranges and valley lands of tributary streams, and these broad areas will seek the river route. much of this immense local traffic of the future will be conveyed by steamboats and barges. the second class of traffic will be the transcontinental. all the railroads across the continent, except those down the columbia, are obliged to climb the cascade mountains, four thousand feet or more in height. with difficulty two powerful locomotives pull a freight train of forty cars up the grades, and at some points even a third is needed. but a single locomotive will pull eighty cars on the level grades of the river roads. in the even keener competition bound to come, this advantage of grades and curves will be a factor of immense importance. the third class of future commerce is the world-wide. no western american can contemplate the future of the world without being persuaded that the pacific ocean and its shores will be the scene of the greatest problems of the twentieth century. if this prove true, that world commerce of the pacific will seek that point of the american continent which most swiftly and cheaply communicates with the eastern side of the continent and with europe. granting that a large part of world commerce will pass through the panama canal, there will still be, without question, an immense trade between the orient and such points in our own country as are so far from the atlantic seaboard that a transcontinental route is a necessity. moreover, even for our atlantic seaboard and for europe, there will be large amounts of products, for the transit of which time will be a great object. hence we may be sure that there will be extensive world commerce across the american continent. if so, where will it cross? inspection of a globe demonstrates that the columbia river route is shortest, and, for reasons already given, it is cheapest of all. puget sound is its only present competitor. but the water-grade through the cascade mountains, along the banks of the columbia, constitutes an advantage beyond the reach of permanent competition. here, however, the critic comes in and claims that the bar at the mouth of the river forbids entrance of the largest ships. this in a measure is true, though the difficulties of the columbia bar have been grossly exaggerated. there are over twenty-five feet of water on the bar at the lowest tide. the flood-tide adds from six to twelve feet. in any ordinary weather, forty feet of water is safe enough for any vessel. but if marine architecture is going to keep pace with growing commerce, we may soon have ships drawing forty or fifty feet of water. if so, the bar may indeed seriously block the heaviest commerce. some observers have, therefore, believed that the big freights of the future will enter the straits of fuca, go to some one of the puget sound ports, thence pass by rail across the low tract of country between the sound and the columbia river, and proceed thence by the river route to the interior and eastward. this would combine the advantages of the two great routes of the pacific north-west, abundant depth of water, low altitudes, and easy grades. this would, in truth, come nearest to realising the dream of the old navigators, the strait of anian. in any event, the future world will look to our river as the goal of markets as well as of vision, and as a highway of nations both for freights and for tourists. part ii a journey down the river chapter i in the heart of the canadian rockies extent of navigation on the river--attractions of a canoe journey--the canadian pacific railroad--banff and lake louise--summit of the rockies--the continental divide and its western descent--field and the wapta river--golden and the upper columbia--peculiar interlocking of the columbia and the kootenai, and professor dawson's explanation of this--views of the selkirks and the rockies--some steamboat men and their tales--captain armstrong's adventures on the kootenai--the picture rocks--lake windermere--the location of the old thompson fort--baptiste morigeau and his stories of pioneer days--the war between the shuswaps and the okanogans--down the river from golden--rapids and navigation--by the canadian pacific through the selkirks--glacier and the illecillewaet--revelstoke and the river again--wise management of the canadian government and the railroad. a journey upon the river may best begin with its source and end with the ocean. it is about fourteen hundred miles by the windings of the stream from its origin in the upper columbia lake to the pacific. it descends twenty-five hundred feet in that distance. it is therefore swift in many places. yet it would be possible to descend almost the entire length of the river in a small boat. nor can one imagine a more fascinating journey, especially if he could conjure back the shades of the great _voyageurs_ of seventy years ago, as monique and charlefoux, famous in dr. mcloughlin's time, and listen to their gay song, mingling with the plash of oars: rouli, roulant, ma boule roulant, en roulant, ma boule roulant. the way of approach for the eastern tourist to a journey down the columbia is by the canadian pacific railway, a magnificent road in a gallery of masterpieces. wonders begin before he reaches the western watershed. he will see banff, with its hot springs, its immense hotel, its bow river and falls and valley. he will see the gem of the canadian rockies, one of the gems of the earth, lake louise. imagine a glistening wall of purest white, mts. lefroy and victoria, with a vast glacier descending from them, great bastions of variously tinted rock closing on either side as a frame of the snowy picture, and in front a lake, small indeed, but of perfect form, a mirror in which the snowy wall, the glacier, the rocky ramparts, find a duplication as distinct as themselves. a few miles farther west, and the traveller will find himself at one of the most significant of all places, the continental divide. eastward the water flows into the bow, thence into the saskatchewan, and ultimately into the atlantic. westward the springs find their way to the branches of the wapta, thence to the columbia and the pacific. the long westward ascent which we have followed all the way from winnipeg ends at last. the track becomes level. we are at the summit. looking southward we can see descending the steep slope, a clear mountain stream, which is parted into two branches by a little wall of stone. one branch goes east to the atlantic, the other west to the pacific. it must have been of some such place, though farther north, that holmes was imagining when he wrote: yon stream, whose sources run turned by a pebble's edge, is athabasca, rolling toward the sun, through the cleft mountain-ledge. the slender rill had strayed but for the slanting stone, to evening's ocean, with the tangled braid of foam-flecked oregon. at the parting of the streams, a pretty rustic framework has been erected, bearing the words, "the continental divide." we are now on the columbia's waters. we are also in the heart of the canadian rockies, and in the midst of a perfect sea of mountains. it has been said that british columbia is "fifty or sixty switzerlands rolled into one." here are five distinct ridges, up and down, and through and around which, the columbia and its affluents chase each other in a dizzy dance. the descent of the west side of the divide is appallingly steep. from stephen to field is a drop of one thousand two hundred and fifty-seven feet in ten miles. in that distance are several places which reach two hundred and thirty-six feet to the mile. most explicit directions are given to engineers in respect to handling trains on this grade. a speed of only six miles an hour is allowed, and frequent stops and tests of air-brakes and signals are required. by reason of the exceeding care, no serious accident has ever occurred. in ascending three locomotives are required for an ordinary train. there are several splendid resorts on the line of the canadian railroad. banff and lake louise are the resorts on the east side of the divide. the first one west of that point is field. there, as at all the other resorts, the hotels are managed by the canadian pacific railroad company. they are conducted with great skill and elegance, and may well be regarded as a tribute to the business ability and artistic taste of the managers. as we descend the steep grade from stephen to field, we catch glimpses of peak after peak, range after range, valley after valley, glacier after glacier, purple, saffron, red, dazzling white, glistening greens and blues. mt. stephen lifts its great wall over a mile of almost perpendicular height, and nearly opposite is the spire of mt. burgess. mountain wonders and attractions of every sort lie in all directions from field. perhaps the finest is yoho valley. there are the takkakaw falls, twelve hundred feet high. there is the wapta glacier, itself a part of a prodigious ice-field, known as wahputekh, lying between the towering heights of mts. gordon, balfour, and tralltinderne. leaving field, the road runs between two chains of mountains, the ottertail on the north and the van horne on the south. the former is bold and spire-like in outline, with the snow-fields and ice pinnacles of mt. goodwin closing the vista. the latter is less bold in contour, but has a colouring of yellow rock-slopes in beautiful contrast with the rich purple of the lower forests. passing between those sublime mountain chains, we soon plunge into the wapta cañon, with its perpendicular walls of rock rising hundreds of feet on either side. the wapta is more commonly known as the kicking horse. it received that name in this wise. the palliser exploring expedition of 1858 had been seeking unsuccessfully a feasible route through the rockies. in the progress of the search, sir james hector, then in charge of the party, pitched camp on the wapta. while there a vicious horse kicked him with such effect that he was left on the ground apparently dead. the three indians with him had, in fact, dug his grave. but while they were conveying him to it, he suddenly came to himself. having recovered, he became curious to follow the stream where he had met with the disaster. as a result he discovered the cañon and a short route through the main chain. upon the pass he bestowed the name of "kicking horse," and this has latterly been bestowed upon the river itself. the river is one of the most remarkable of the tributaries of the upper columbia. it drains a cordon of glaciated peaks, from which it bears a vast volume of water, foaming and frothing with frequent cataracts down the steep descent, from fifty to a hundred feet to the mile. [illustration: natural bridge kicking horse or wapta river, and mt. stephen, b. c. photo. by c. f. yates.] [illustration: sunrise on columbia river, near washougal. (copyright, 1902, by kiser photograph co.)] forty-five miles west of the divide we reach golden on the columbia. it is indeed a thrilling moment to the traveller when he first sets eyes upon these head-waters of the river of the west. golden is a pleasant little town, a hundred and fifty miles below the upper columbia lake and twelve hundred and fifty by the windings of the river from its destination in the pacific. at golden we must pause and make ready for our first journey on the river. the greater part of the tourist travel passes by golden, not realising that between that pretty town and the lakes lie some of the most charming scenes in all the vast play-ground of british columbia. we find at golden several steamboats in command of captains who are very princes of good fellows, as captain armstrong of the _ptarmigan_ and captain blakeney of the _isabel_, with whom we may journey from golden to lake windermere. over the hundred miles between these two points the columbia is a slack-water stream, having a descent of but fifty feet in the distance from the extreme head waters to golden. over considerable part of this distance the river runs in bayous. these bayous or channels wind their serpentine courses through low flats, flooded at high water, and exposing fair expanses of vivid green at the subsidence of the waters. professor dawson, the eminent canadian geologist, made a study of this section of the river some years before his death, and as a result expressed the opinion that the section of the columbia above the mouth of blue river, some thirty miles below golden, formerly united with the kootenai. but owing to some convulsion of nature, the surface was tilted just sufficiently to turn the section of the stream from columbia lake toward the north instead of the south, with the result that we have this slack-water system of lagoons and lakes constituting this marvellously picturesque division of the river. now in confirmation of this theory of professor dawson we have in the relations of the columbia and kootenai the singular geographical phenomenon already referred to in an earlier chapter. the kootenai runs through "canal flats," in which the upper columbia lake is situated, and comes within a mile of that lake. it is nine feet higher than the lake, but there is no high land there, and at one time a canal joined the kootenai with the lake. this canal was wrecked in the great flood of 1894, but steamboats had run through it from the kootenai to the columbia, and it would be entirely feasible to reconstruct it. after having thus passed within a mile of each other and evidently having once been actually connected, the two rivers part company. the columbia flows north and the kootenai south. each makes a vast bend. again they reverse directions, the columbia flowing south and the kootenai north, and then come together many miles from their point of separation. aside from the unique beauty of the lagoons and the grassy shores, the eye of the traveller is delighted with the two mountain chains which confront each other across those glassy channels throughout the entire stretch from golden to windermere. on the east side is the main chain of the rockies, and on the west are the selkirks. as we proceed on the deep, still stream, gliding from channel to channel, we may find ourselves mightily entertained by the conversation of such a navigator as captain armstrong or captain blakeney. for each can command a fund of historical and descriptive matter of rare interest. captain armstrong was one of the earliest pilots on the kootenai. in 1894 he built the _north star_ at jennings, montana, ran her up the wild stream to canal flats, thence through the canal to the columbia lakes, and into the river itself. a more exquisite stretch of river navigation than that through columbia lake, lake adela, and lake windermere, and from them into the lagoons of the river, can scarcely be found or even imagined, and it was the lot of the _north star_ to ply upon that route until her unhappy destruction by fire in 1900. there is little danger of accident on the placid water of the uppermost columbia, but it is far different on the kootenai. we heard many a tale of steamboating adventure from these pilots. one of these so well illustrates those old-time conditions that we repeat here its chief points. captain armstrong owned two steamers, the _ruth_ and the _gwendoline_. both were engaged in transporting freight by way of jennings to fort steele and the various mining camps in that district. the business was enormously profitable, for the boats received two and one half cents a pound. at that particular time there were twenty-six cars on the great northern railway awaiting shipments. from his two steamers captain armstrong sometimes made two thousand dollars a day in gross receipts. but though profitable, the business was also correspondingly risky. the jennings cañon, above bonner's ferry, is, perhaps, the worst piece of water that has ever been navigated on the columbia or its tributaries. a strip of water, foaming-white, down-hill almost as on a steep roof, hardly wider than the steamboat, savage-looking rocks waiting to catch hold of any unwary craft that might venture through,--so forbidding in fact was that route that captain armstrong found no insurance agent that felt disposed to insure his boats and cargo. at last he induced a san francisco agent to make the trip with him and to offer a rate. after sitting in silence on the deck while the steamer whirled down the jennings cañon, the agent stated that his rate would be twenty-five per cent. of the cargo. the daring captain decided to take the risk himself. he had made a number of trips with entire success and immense profit. but just at the height of the season, when the twenty-six cars were on the track and a sack full of gold was waiting for him, the captain got into too much of a hurry. he was running the _gwendoline_; one of his best pilots, the _ruth_. the _ruth_ was ahead. both were making their best possible time down the cañon to get a cargo. captain armstrong, at the wheel of the _gwendoline_, was whizzing down the cañon at a rate which made stopping impossible, when to his dismay he saw the _ruth_ right ahead of him in a narrow turn, lying across the channel, wedged in the rocks. to stop was impossible. to select any comfortable landing-place was equally so. the _gwendoline_ piled right on top of the _ruth_. both were total wrecks, without a dollar of insurance. a two-thousand-dollar cargo gone in five minutes, to say nothing of boats and business that could not be replaced and a fortune within grasp that would never be so near again. [illustration: lake windermere, upper columbia, where david thompson's fort was built in 1810. photo. by w. d. lyman.] but such were the risks of steamboating on the kootenai. there are two historical notes of special interest to be made in connection with the journey to windermere. one of these is a prehistoric drawing in some kind of red pigment on the smooth surface of a rock on the upper columbia lake. it seems to represent a battle scene, and, though rude, denotes some conception of picture art. the indians think that it was made prior to indian times. apparently it belongs to the same order of pictures as the drawings on the rocks of lake chelan and other places in the north-west, furnishing a worthy theme for the antiquarian. the other object of historical interest is the remains of the temporary fort built by david thompson of the north-west fur company in 1810. thompson crossed the rockies in that year in order to descend the columbia and gain possession of its territory for his fur company. he was a brave, intelligent, and enterprising man with considerable knowledge of astronomy. but he waited one season too long. for, finding it late in the year 1810 when he had reached the sources of the columbia, he decided to winter there and descend the river in the spring. he selected a beautiful spot capable of defence on all sides on lake windermere and there built a rude fort, the trench and mound of which still remain. in the spring of 1811 he went down the river (and this was the first party to traverse the entire course of the columbia) full of hope that he might take possession for great britain and the north-westers, only to find that the astor party of americans had preceded them by three months in effecting what might be called permanent occupation. this was one of the important links in the history of the control of the north-west. doubt has been raised as to the authenticity of this windermere location, but there are certainly the remains of mound and trench, and the tradition has it that here was the place of the thompson party of 1810, the first place located by white men on the upper columbia. [illustration: mt. burgess and emerald lake, one of the sources of the wapta river. b. c. photo. by c. f. yates.] an interesting character lives on the shore of lake windermere in the person of baptiste morigeau. he is a man of sixty-six, the son of a french father and indian mother. the father, francis morigeau, was born at quebec in 1797, and came to the upper columbia region as a free trapper in 1820. he trapped up and down the columbia for many years, selling his catches to the hudson's bay company, usually at fort colville. baptiste was born at windermere in 1842. three years after that the father with his numerous family went to colville. he had a number of horses and cattle, a large supply of valuable furs, ammunition, and traps. he located at colville at just the right time. for, having taken up a large body of the rich land in that valley, he began raising hay and grain. his stock increased. he was surrounded with every species of rude plenty, and just at the most profitable time for him the gold discoveries began in 1854, followed the next year by the great indian war. the fat cattle, the horses, the grain, hay, and vegetables of the morigeaus were in great and immediate demand. money came in to them by the handful. baptiste states that they took in one hundred and fifty thousand dollars during the five years of indian wars and settlement. their lives were often in peril, but with good fortune, aided by their own connection with the natives, they escaped any serious harm. on one occasion indians were about to plunder them of their valuables and take possession of the barn where several of the family were thrashing grain with flails, when the oldest son, aleck, suddenly turned his flail upon the marauders. so vigorously did he lay about him and so astonished were the indians at the novel assault that they gave way and retreated. morigeau told us the interesting fact that there were practically no indians living in the windermere district until about a century ago. at that time some branches of the shuswaps and of the kootenais came in. their relations were usually very amicable, but between the shuswaps and the okanogans was deadly and long-continued enmity. this was ended in a curious and interesting manner by the following event. the shuswaps had captured the only daughter of the okanogan chief. she was led with other captives into the shuswap camp. the boasting warriors were gloating over the poor victim, and the squaws were discussing the greatest possible indignities and tortures for her, when an aged, white-haired chief got the attention of the crowd. he declared that his heart had been opened, and that he now saw that torture and death ought to end. he proposed that instead of shame and torture they should confer honour on the chieftain's child. he said: "i can hear the old chief and his squaw weeping all the night for their lost daughter." he then proposed that they adorn the captive with flowers, put her in a procession, with all the chiefs loaded with presents, and restore her to her father. the girl meanwhile, who did not understand a word of the language, was awaiting torture or death. what was her astonishment to find herself decorated with honour, and sent with the gift-laden chiefs toward her father's camp. on the next day the mourning chief of the okanogans and his wife, looking from their desolate lodge, saw a large procession approaching, and they said: "they are coming to demand a ransom." [illustration: bonnington falls in kootenai river, near nelson. photo by allan lean.] as the procession drew nearer, one of their men said that it looked like a woman adorned with flowers in the midst of the men with presents of robes and necklaces. then they cried out: "it is our child, and she is restored to us." so they met the procession with rejoicing and heard the speech of the old shuswap chief. and after that there was peace between the shuswaps and the okanogans. having returned from lake windermere to golden by small boat,--one of the most charming of all water trips,--we are prepared to make a new start down the river. the river from golden holds a general north-westerly course to its highest northern point in latitude 52 degrees. there having received its northmost tributary, canoe river, a furious mountain stream, it makes a grand wheel southward, forming what is known as the big bend. this section of the river was navigated by the bateaux of the trappers and the canoes of the indians. there are, however, several bad rapids, of which surprise rapids, kimbasket rapids, and death rapids, are the worst. these cannot be passed by steamboats. the _voyageurs_ seem to have run them sometimes, though they ordinarily made portages. a golden steamboat captain assures us that none but fools ever ran death rapids,--and they were mostly drowned. the canadian pacific railroad follows the columbia from golden to beavermouth, then turns up the beaver to cross the selkirk mountains. the beaver is a magnificent mountain stream, and from the railroad, high on the mountain side, the traveller can at many points look down hundreds of feet upon the river. though the selkirks are not quite so high as the main chain of the rockies, they are even grander. the snowfall is materially greater in the selkirks, and the glaciers are vast in extent. it is said that the snowfall at glacier averages thirty-five feet during the winter, and that it lies from four to eight feet deep from october to april. there are thirty immense snowsheds on this section of the railroad. glacier is the great resort in the selkirks. this splendid resort has attractions in some respects superior to those of banff, lake louise, or field. it is in the very heart of the selkirks. the great glacier is only a mile and a half distant, a glacier which is said to cover an area of two hundred square miles; more than all the glaciers of switzerland combined. from the watch tower at glacier, this mass of ice, twisted and contorted, with all the colours of the rainbow playing upon it, is one of those visions of elemental force which only great mountains reveal. like all the glaciers of the northern hemisphere, this is receding at a rapid rate. a record on the rock indicates the point to which the ice attained in july, 1887, and the ice is now over seven hundred feet distant from that point. the asulkan glacier is a more beautiful sight, as viewed from abbott rampart, than the great glacier. every traveller should climb the trail to abbott in order to get that sight. and with it he will view the twin peaks of castor and pollux yet farther south, while to the north the splendid peaks of cheops, hermit, and cougar dominate the majestic wilderness. [illustration: bridge creek, a tributary of lake chelan, wash. photo. by f. n. kneeland, northampton, mass.] but the most striking single sight is the granite monolith of sir donald. this is almost a counterpart of the matterhorn of switzerland, though not so high. it rises in one huge block to a height of 10,808 feet. it has been climbed, though this is one of the most daring and difficult of climbs. from the dizzy spire there is visible a perfect map of peaks, rivers, valleys, and lakes. it is said that a hundred and twenty glaciers can be seen. from sir donald and the great glacier issues the illecillewaet river, well-named, for this means the "swift flowing." from its source in the great glacier to its entrance of the columbia it descends thirty-five hundred feet in forty-five miles. it is swift. one of the most interesting places on this section of the road is the "loops," a place where the track has to descend five hundred and twenty-two feet in seven miles. to accomplish this, it has been carried in a "double s" around the bases of mts. ross and bonney. so close are the tracks that the two parts of the loop a mile in length are not more than eighty feet apart, one being almost perpendicularly above the other. some miles farther down is the albert cañon on the illecillewaet. on this point the distinction has been conferred of a complete pause of the train, while from it the passengers hasten to a platform to gaze down the perpendicular walls three hundred feet to the white torrent tearing its way through the rock. soon revelstoke is reached, and we are again on the navigable waters of the columbia. every traveller, as he leaves the line of the canadian pacific railroad, must pay his tribute of respect to the skill, energy, and intelligence with which this superb road is conducted. it has been said that english money supplied this road, scotch energy built it, and irish keenness and adaptability run it. sir thomas shaughnessey, the manager, is certainly entitled to the respect and gratitude of thousands of tourists. with the railroad, all tourists will associate the canadian park managers. the canadian government is a singularly intelligent one. it has grasped the possibilities in these vast and varied scenic charms, and has used exceedingly good judgment in rendering them accessible to the travelling public. this entire mountain area bordering the railroad, to an extent of five thousand seven hundred and thirty-two square miles, has been set apart as a park, in charge of the department of the interior. superb roads are constructed in available places, and improvements are continually in progress about the springs and falls and lakes and other points of interest. the government, in fact, exercises entire control, but grants concessions to the railroad company in the matter of hotels and other conveniences. as we bid good-bye to the canadian rockies, we may say that perhaps the world offers nowhere else such a sea of mountains, such knots and clusters and cordons of elevations, as in this strange and sublime region where the columbia and its tributaries, the kootenai, the illecillewaet, the wapta, the beaver, the canoe, seem to be playing hide-and-seek with the thompson and the fraser. there are not less than five distinct snowy ridges between the head waters of the saskatchewan and the pacific ocean. the existence of this immense watershed of snowy mountains accounts for the vast volume of the columbia. although not half as long as the mississippi, the columbia equals it in volume. [illustration: kootenai lake, from proctor, b. c. photo. by allan lean.] well joined, in truth, are the sublime river and the sublime mountains. one cannot fully understand the river unless he has seen its cradle and the cradle of its affluents beneath the shadows of the great peaks of british columbia. chapter ii the lakes from the arrow lakes to chelan the lake plateau--the glacial origin of the lakes--down the arrow lakes from revelstoke--the fine steamers--characteristics of the scenery--by rail from robson to nelson--agricultural, mineral, and lumbering resources around nelson--kootenai lake and its charms--on the river from robson to kettle falls--historic features around kettle falls--on lakes coeur d'alene, pend oreille, and kaniksu in northern idaho--from kettle falls to chelan--appearance of chelan river--first view of the lake--delights of a boat ride up the lake--comparison of chelan with other great scenes--storm on the lake--goat mountain--views from railroad creek--the red drawings--rainbow falls and stehekin cañon--the wrecked cabin and its story--railroad creek and north star park--cloudy pass and glacier peak. in the progress of our journey down the river on the route of the old-time fur brigades, we have passed over what may be considered the first two stages of the stream. the first is the lagoon-like expanse of the section from canal flats to golden, one hundred and fifty miles. the second is the more swift and turbulent part from golden to revelstoke, two hundred and fifty miles. at the latter place we enter upon a third stage of the river, the lake stage. the region of the lakes constitutes one of the most unique and delightful of all parts of the river. let the reader consult the map and he will find an area of probably one hundred thousand square miles in british columbia, washington, idaho, and montana filled with lakes. this lake region constitutes a plateau, crossed indeed by mountains and somewhat rough in surface, but of a uniform general elevation. it constitutes a sort of debatable region between the two great slopes, one from the rocky summits to the lakes and the other from the lakes to tide-water. on those slopes the white waters of cataract and rapid are found; on the plateau, the deep, still lakes. a glance at the map reveals the fact that the larger of these lakes are long and narrow, and lie on north and south lines. a journey on them reveals the fact that they are deep and clear and cold. join these facts with the additional one that they are surrounded by snowy mountains, and you have no difficulty in deciding their origin. they are glacial. at some time in the glacial ages, stupendous ploughshares of ice descending from rockies, selkirks, gold range, cascades, and bitter roots, gouged out profound cañons in the rents already wrought by earthquakes, and these became the lake beds. [illustration: lower arrow lake, b. c. photo. by allan lean, nelson.] each one of the branches of the river in this plateau region has one or more of these expansions. on the columbia itself are the arrow lakes. kootenai lake is an enlargement of the river of the same name. okanogan lake is likewise an expansion of its river. christina lake is the source of kettle river. the slocan river derives its icy torrents from slocan lake. flathead, kaniksu, and pend oreille lakes feed clark's fork, now more commonly known in its lower section as pend oreille river. coeur d'alene lake supplies the spokane river. chelan pours its cold flood into the columbia through a river of the same sweet sounding name. wenatchee lake gives life to the wenatchee river. we find at revelstoke that the chief current of tourist travel follows the main line of the canadian pacific railroad. nevertheless, there is a rapidly increasing movement of travellers on the branch by steamboat over the arrow lakes and the kootenai to what is known as the crow's nest line from spokane to calgary, winnipeg, and other points east. the canadian pacific line has excellent steamers, the _rossland_, the _kootenai_, the _kaslo_, the _kuskanook_, and others of similar grade. the journey on the _rossland_ or _kootenai_ down the arrow lakes from arrowhead to robson is one to dream of, one to recall in waking hours, and even, we almost suspect, in another life. the two lakes together constitute one hundred and thirty miles of steamboating, and every mile has its special charm. it was the peculiar joy of the _voyageurs_, after having toiled over the snowy and wind-swept athabasca pass and buffeted the foamy descent of death rapids, to reach the arrow lakes and lazily paddle down their tranquil deeps. in fact, pleasant as is our journey on the _rossland_, we would rather reconstruct the bateaux of 1840 and in them make the whole long journey to the sea, a thousand miles away. the traveller learns from the captain, if he can persuade that busy personage to indulge in conversation, that the arrow lakes derived their name from the fact that in early times great bundles of arrows could be seen stuck in the clay banks or in the crevices of the rocks at the head of the upper lake. the upper arrow lake has mountain banks rising thousands of feet to the zone of eternal snow. the shores are usually precipitous, though it is not uncommon to see smooth slopes furnishing timbered margins to enchanting little bays. at various places along the shores we see the beginnings of fruit and dairy ranches. it is only within four or five years that anything has been done here in the way of cultivation. the results thus far attained prove the wonderful adaptability of soil and climate to choice fruits. and the flowers,--heaven bless them!--the sweetest and biggest and brightest of roses, pinks, sweet peas, larkspurs,--every kind that grows, are seen in profusion at almost every point where there has been any cultivation. by a little conversation with people at the landings we learn that the new-fledged ranches are very profitable. one tells us that he has made a net profit of two dollars and twenty-five cents per crate on his strawberries, or five hundred dollars an acre. [illustration: bridal veil falls on columbia river. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] perhaps the most attractive place on the arrow lakes is the point where the upper lake narrows into the stretch of fifteen miles of river joining the two lakes. the mountains on either hand, in great billows of forest green and blue, rise ever upward till they break against the eternal frost. the shores are clothed in dense forests, and on either hand bold promontories enclose sheltered bays, the very beau ideals of camping places. we find the lower arrow lake of a gentler type of scenery than the upper. the mountains no longer bear snow-peaks and glaciers on their crests, and there are no longer to be seen the stupendous rocky walls which in places enclose the upper lake. but as a compensation for the loss of this pre-eminent grandeur, the lower lake possesses a charm of colouring, both of water and shore, a richness of mountain outline and tints, and a certain serenity which may well make it an equal of its grander companion. at the lower end of the arrow lakes the steamer stops and transfers her freight and passengers to the trains running from robson to nelson. this is necessitated by the fact that the kootenai river, which enters the columbia just below robson, has a descent from nelson of over two hundred feet. the railroad follows the kootenai, which almost rivals the columbia in magnitude. we pass the bonnington falls, the noblest waterfall on the entire system of columbia's tributaries, with the exception of the great shoshone of the snake. reaching nelson, the metropolis of this entire lake country, we find a bustling, active, well-built little city of seven thousand people. the leading industries centring at nelson are mining and lumbering. it has been discovered very recently, however, that the soil and air and climate are peculiarly adapted to choice berries and fruits. the shores of the river and lake at this point are rugged and rocky, at first thought ill adapted to horticulture. but it is well known that rough locations produce choicer fruit. between the boulders or nestling against the hillsides, the peach and apple take on an added blush, absorb a more delicate nectar, exhale a more exquisite perfume. we are told that during the season of 1908 there were twenty thousand crates of berries, mainly strawberries, shipped from nelson, at a price of two to three dollars per crate. in every direction from nelson is mineral wealth of untold quantity. almost every mineral known, gold, silver, copper, zinc, lead, to say nothing of every kind of fine building stone, including marble, besides coal and iron, is found east, west, north, and south of nelson. the town itself was founded by reason of the silver king mine, which can be seen high up on the mountain side south of the place. the output of these mines has been immense. in spite of the comparatively hard times, the output of the three districts of the kootenai, rossland, and boundary, was estimated at $21,025,500 in 1907. one interesting fact connected with the mining industry in the lake country is that at nelson is located an electric zinc smelter, the only one of the kind in the world. zinc is found in association with gold, silver, and copper, and, though valuable, is quite an impediment to the mining of the gold and silver. this unique smelter works by what is called the snyder process, an electrical system, which, if it accomplishes all that is hoped for, will open every mine on the kootenai. [illustration: shoshone falls, in snake river, 212 feet high. photo. by w. d. lyman.] from nelson we find the way open by fine steamers to all parts of the kootenai. this largest of all the lakes of the columbia system, containing 141,120 acres of surface, bears a general resemblance to the arrow lakes, clear, deep, cold, with lofty mountains on either side and vast stretches of purple forests crowding to the very margin of the water. this lake consists of three arms, northern, southern, and western. the kootenai river enters by the southern and leaves by the western. the northern part of the kootenai region, especially around kaslo, possesses vast mineral wealth. a railroad proceeds from kaslo to sandon in the heart of the mountains, and to slocan lake and thence to nakusp on the upper arrow lake. the scenery of slocan lake is even more wild and rugged than that of the kootenai. both abound in fine trout. we saw a lake trout at nelson of a weight of twenty-two pounds. ducks and geese and swan are common on the water, limitless grouse and pheasants are found in the woods, while deer, elk, and bear are common in the wild maze of mountains and cañons;--a sportsman's paradise. tourists taking the route eastward go from nelson on the elegant steamer _kuskanook_ to kootenai landing and there take up again the railway route by the crow's nest. such as desire to go to spokane can leave the line at curzon and go southward to a connection with the spokane international. there is also a rail connection more directly between nelson and spokane by the spokane and northern. this pursues more nearly the course of the columbia river, of which the traveller obtains delightful glimpses at intervals. but for ourselves, we would rather go by rowboat from robson down the river over the historical route of the old _voyageurs_. no rail route compares with the water. the river is a superb water-way from robson, british columbia, to kettle falls, washington, about ninety miles. in fact, the section of the river from death rapids above revelstoke to kettle falls, including the arrow lakes, is the longest unbroken stretch of deep, still water on the entire river, being about three hundred miles. kettle falls, too, is a historic spot. for here was fort colville of the americans and also the old hudson's bay post. here was the greatest centring of the fur-trade on the upper river. here were the strongest of all the catholic missions, and here were the most fertile fields and the earliest cultivated of any on the upper river. here is the colville indian reservation, and here for many years the wily and untamable old savage moses herded his bands of "cuitans," watched the incoming whites with jealous eye, and, as opportunity offered, made way with such wandering prospectors or stockmen as he could find off their guard in rocky glen or forest depth. (and none ever knew what became of them.) here hallakallakeen (eagle wing) the great nez percé chief, commonly known as joseph, who waged the wallowa war of 1877 to its bitter conclusion, carried on the sad remnant of his days, and not far distant on the wild nespilem, he held his summer camp. in all directions around colville and kettle falls, up the sans poil and kettle rivers, are opening mines and farms, one of the most promising sections of all the promising state of washington. [illustration: lake pend oreille, idaho. photo by t. w. tolman.] [illustration: lake coeur d'alene, idaho. photo. by t. w. tolman.] time forbids us to visit all the lakes in this wonderful lake section. but we must see the most important. while at spokane, we should not fail to go, by trolley or train or auto or horseback, to the greatest of all spokane resorts, coeur d'alene lake. of its beauties and delights, and of the "shadowy st. joe river," and of the canoeing and fishing and hunting which may be found there galore, some of our pictures speak. and of them any one who has ever been there will also speak in no uncertain tone. it seems no whit short of the unpardonable sin to give no longer space to that wonderland of lakes, coeur d'alene, pend oreille, and kaniksu, in northern idaho, each the centre of every conceivable scenic attraction. in their near vicinity, too, lie the great mines of the coeur d'alene district, the greatest silver lead mines in the world, whose fabulous wealth (forty million dollars a year) has built many a stone mansion at spokane, or sent the prospectors of yesterday to the ends of the earth for the pleasure or display of to-day. but the limits of this chapter forbid description of these masterpieces. though each lake has its individual character, there is a general similarity. all have the characteristics of their common glacial origin and mountainous surroundings. we may therefore make one visit and give descriptions of the one great inclusive scene or group of scenes which may be said to express the beauty, the sublimity, the wonder of the lakes of the columbia river. and this one typical lake, the all-inclusive, is chelan, "beautiful water." true to our purpose of following the river from source to sea, we turn back now from spokane in order to go from kettle falls to chelan by boat. there are no regular steamboats running from kettle falls to brewster at the mouth of the okanogan, but from the last named point to wenatchee the steamboat is the regular and indeed only means of public travel. throughout the entire course of two hundred miles from kettle falls to wenatchee the river is wild and swift. yet steamers have traversed the entire distance, and government engineers are now engaged in surveys looking to improvements such as will make steamboat traffic easy and profitable. we pass numberless points of interest, but "chelan, chelan," "beautiful water, beautiful water," is our goal. [illustration: the "shadowy st. joe," idaho. photo. by t. w. tolman.] we had thought that the columbia was clear, but we did not then know what clear water really was. when we reach the mouth of chelan river we know. we see a streak of blue cutting right across the impetuous downflow of the river. as we push our way into it we discover that it is so clear as to make little more obstruction to the view of rocks and fish below than does the air itself. this transparent torrent is the outlet of the lake. it is only four miles long and descends three hundred and eighty feet in that distance. it furnishes one hundred and twenty-five thousand horse-power at low water. the cañon, riven and tortured, through which it descends, is a fitting approach to the lake, unique chelan. for having traversed the four miles, we find the lake outstretched before us. at this first view the lake has that look of a serene obliviousness to the flight of passing centuries, that impressure of eternity, that belongs to all great works of god or man. but majestic as is the view at the lower end of the lake, we are not content to remain there. "_neskika klatawa sahale_," cry we with a single voice, which being interpreted is, "let us go up higher," the motto, by the way, of our mazama (mountain-climbers') club of the pacific north-west. in skiffs, well-laden with provisions and ammunition, we set forth on our sixty-mile pull toward "where the spectral glaciers shone." delightful, delightful, almost ecstatic in truth, this rocking on the glassy swell; this bed of romantic spruce and pine boughs on the beach; this star-lit sky which is our only roof; this murmur of cascades falling from the bluffs; this trolling for five-pound trout; this disembarking on some rocky point and climbing a granite pinnacle from which a perfect maze of mountains, streams, and forests, lies extended below; this experience of the deadly attack of "buck-ague" which paralyses our arms as some goat or deer dashes by; and then the inexpressible delight with which we, "stepping down by zigzag paths and juts of pointed rock, came on the shining levels of the lake." we do not wish to hurry our oars. we must take time to look into the heavenly blue of the waters through the foam-streaks left by our advancing prows. we must suspend the oar-dip entirely at times while we gaze dizzied, with strained necks, up, up, thousands of feet, toward "death and morning on the silverhorns." we must study shore and water as we pass slowly by, finding therein ample confirmation of the theory of glacial origin. this is one of the deepest cañons on earth. not such another furrow has time wrought on the face of the western hemisphere, at least. at some points the granite walls rise almost vertically six thousand feet from the water's edge. here, too, soundings of seventeen hundred feet have been necessary to touch bottom. over a mile and a half of verticality! this surpasses in depth yosemite, yellowstone, columbia, or even colorado cañon. as compared with those more familiar wonders, chelan lacks the incomparable symmetry and completeness of yosemite; it has not such a multitude of waterfalls and groups of "castled crags" as are seen within the basaltic gates of the columbia; it does not display that variety of colouring, especially of the lighter and warmer hues, which astonishes the beholder of the colorado or the yellowstone, and it has no especially curious feature like the geysers of the last; but for immensity, for a certain chaotic sublimity, for the rich and sombre grandeur of the purple and garnet, dusky, and indigo-tinted shore views, chelan surpasses any of the others, while in its water views,--such colourings and such blendings, light-green, ultramarine, lapis lazuli, violet, indigo, almost black,--such light and shade, "sea of glass mingled with fire," where every cloud in the changing sky and all the untold majesty of the hills find their perfect mirror, all hues and forms, a kaleidoscope of earth and heaven, beyond imagination to conceive or pen to describe or brush to portray,--in all this, chelan is without a rival. [illustration: on the coeur d' alene river, idaho. photo. by t. w. tolman.] as we round a shaggy promontory, there the snow-peaks stand in battle array, azure, purple, amethystine, with lines and masses of glistening white, flushed on their topmost pinnacles with rosy light from the westering sun, solemn, solitary, very oracles of mountain revelation, so grand, so beautiful, so true, looking as though they had been there forever waiting for an interpreter,--before that scene we bow the head and make involuntary obeisance, the homage of the true in man to the true in nature, that is, the recognition of a common brotherhood in one divine origin. not of every scene on this lake of wonders can we speak. yet every mile brought its special revelation. sometimes we found the lake in storms. as we rowed in what seemed a summer calm, winter from his throne eight thousand feet above sent forth his cloud-legions, which, like the "thunder birds" of indian story, spread their wings and came down. the thunder clash went echoing in long reverberations "from peak to peak, the rattling crags among." "if a squall ever strikes you, put for the first crack in the bank that you see," had been the parting injunction of the lake sailors when we started on our cruise. we observed the warning and made the best possible time to a cranny in the ill-omened "windy cape." and there we lay till morning, when the tumult fell as suddenly as it rose, and lake and sky smiled as serenely at each other as ever. the chief point on the lake, for photographing, hunting, fishing, and climbing, is railroad creek, fifty miles up the lake. railroad creek comes from the "roof of the world," having its source in the very heart of a great group of glaciers. it descends probably six thousand feet in twenty-five miles. it is swift! the fury with which it hurls logs and even boulders down its cataract bed is fairly appalling. the very earth quivers beneath its flail-like strokes. nowhere, perhaps, can one see more work done by rivers than here. the entire course of one of these rivers can be traced from the lake. rising in a snow bank six thousand feet above, its route marked by a streak of foam, sometimes falling in spray hundreds of feet, then hiding behind a cliff, to burst forth in snow-white "chute," augmented by similar streams from lateral cañons, it plunges into the lake with a perfect delirium of motion. so great is the erosion that were not the lake of enormous depth, it would soon be filled with the jetsam and flotsam of the hills. the sunset effects looking up the lake from railroad creek are marvellous, though, alas, the cool black and white of the photograph cannot preserve the wealth of colouring, "the illumination of all gems," which for a few transcendent moments fills the mighty cañon "bank-full" with such radiance that one might think it the grand gathering place of all the rainbows of earth. the light greens and blues of the shallower water shade into deepest indigo toward the centre, reflecting the ever-changing hues of the cañon walls, a deep, rich, and sombre purple on the shaded side, while on the sun-lit side are poured forth upon the shaggy mountain slopes perfect inundations of orange, carmine, and saffron. from these floods of glory there falls into the lake a seeming rain of pearls and rubies, barred with stripes of gold and crimson. but the sun drops lower and the splendour fades, the conflagration of the sky is quenched, and it seems as though ten thousand ships, "all decked with funeral scarfs from stem to stern," were putting out from the glooming western shores, strewing darkness as they move,--and night is at hand. [illustration: gorge of chelan river, the outlet of lake chelan. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] like all travellers to lake chelan, we must make a journey to the head of the lake, to the stehekin river, and to rainbow falls. the view up the cañon of the stehekin is the crowning glory of this panorama of sublimities. a forest of almost tropical luxuriance covers the morass through which the impetuous river makes its way. on either side tower the cañon walls, capped with snow. the background consists of glittering pinnacles of some of the glacier range. majesty, might, elemental force, eternity,--such are the only words to express the emotions excited by this scene. one curious thing to be seen at the mouth of the stehekin, and at several other places on the lake is a series of rude drawings on the smooth, white surface of the granite bluff, the work of some prehistoric artist, unknown to the indians, and of so ancient date that the lake is now twenty feet below their level. the drawings are of men, goats, tents, and trees, and are in strong red colours, of some very enduring nature. one is ashamed to record that alleged human beings in the form of white tourists have used these curious relics of bygone days as targets to shoot at from their boats, and have ruined some of the finest. also that some vandal has desecrated the place by painting a glaring advertisement of his ferry underneath. although it may well seem to the tourist who has attained the head of lake chelan that nature has reached her acme of grandeur, and that it would tax his powers of belief to be informed that there is grander yet, we shall run the risk of saying just that, and bid him join us on side journeys up the mighty cañons of the stehekin river and railroad creek. lake chelan being, as already indicated, in the very heart of the cascade mountains, and these mountains here attaining an average elevation of seven or eight thousand feet, with dozens of peaks of ten thousand or more, and the countless impetuous streams from those snowy heights having cut their way deep down toward the lake level, it follows as a matter of course that the entire chelan region, for an area of probably ten thousand square miles, is perfectly gridironed with cañons. many of them have never been explored or even entered. in them are myriads of lakes, waterfalls, parks, glaciers, and, in fact, every species of mountain attraction. there is no question that within this vast cordon of mountains there are more glaciers than in all the rest of the united states combined, and, with the exception of the sierras and the canadian rockies, there is certainly no other region on this continent that can for a moment enter into competition with it. travellers have assured the author that the alps in no respect except historical association, surpass, and some say, do not equal this crowning glory of our great north-west state. [illustration: head of lake chelan--looking up stehekin cañon. photo. by w. d. lyman.] amid the bewildering profusion of great cañons radiating from the lake, the two most accessible are those of the stehekin river and railroad creek. the former enters the head of the lake, after a course of probably fifty miles from skagit pass. to ascend this cañon we must commit our lives and fortunes to cayuse ponies and a mountain trail, which, though good enough to the initiated, is a terror to the "tenderfoot." four miles up the stehekin we reach rainbow falls, heralded by distant gusts and eddies of mist, which at first seem to be from woods on fire. but a dull roar, a harsh rumble, then a lighter splash,--and we see that what at first had seemed smoke eddying out of the cañon wall is the mist driven before the gusts created by the falling torrents. with a few more hurried steps we find ourselves before a fall three hundred and fifty feet high. its clouds of spray swirl like a thunder-shower, drenching the rocks and trees far around. picking our way amid the pelting mist to the top of a slippery hillock from which we can look right down into the very heart of the fall, we see, swinging against the mist, a perfect rainbow, a complete double circle, a blaze of lustre. the thrilling roar deepens as we hang over the slippery verge, and sounds like voices, trampling of armies, clatter of innumerable hoofs, rattling of artillery, all the grandeur and frenzy of conflict, seem to rise from that wild gorge. now the mist eddies forth and blurs the vision, and then falls back, and that dazzling bow hangs there unmarred. the bridge of iris or heimdall, we say,--but no; it is no more a bridge, it is a perfect circle, the symbol of eternity. the symbol also of peace, for eternity is peace. that mist-hung bow becomes to us an emblem of the harmony of all jarring sounds and discordant forces. and so with that bow of peace swaying behind us, and the deep thunder fading in musical diminuendo, we pass on to the next wonder; and this is not far, for every mile brings its special revelation. time forbids that we pause for more than one added scene on the stehekin, and this is the horseshoe basin, thirty miles up the river. this is in the upper cañon. imagine yourself perched upon a granite pinnacle, looking possibly a little anxiously for bear in the thick copses at its bases, for this is said to be the greatest bear region in the country, but soon lifting your eyes to the heights on either side. six thousand feet deep is that stupendous gorge. on the south side you see the "castled crags," glacier-crested, while on the north, horseshoe basin stands revealed. a long line of dark-red minarets, at whose foot stretches two miles of glistening and twisted ice, then below that a great terrace, vivid green with spring foliage, and over it falling a perfect symposium of waterfalls, if we may be allowed such an expression. twenty-one falls and cataracts all in one view. they vary in descent from two hundred to two thousand feet. joining at the foot of the terrace in one foaming torrent the waters of the basin plunge in one fall of two hundred feet, thence pass under a snow tunnel and down a rocky chute swept clean by the flood to augment the already raging waters of the stehekin. the horseshoe basin, though not grander, not so sublimely terrible, in fact, as some other scenes in the cañon, has that indescribable look of perfectness which belongs to the immortal works of nature and art. it has a symmetry of form and colour beyond any other in the entire region. the dark-red minarets which form the outer escarpment, ten thousand feet above sea-level, form a marvellous contrast and yet harmony with the green and blue and white of the glacier and the snow-field, and this in turn is margined with the deep-green and olive hues of the lower terrace, while joining and unifying all is the flashing and opalescent splendour of the cataracts. [illustration: cascade pass at head of stehekin river, wash. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] at the mouth of the horseshoe creek, lodged on a little rocky island, is a shattered cabin. we camp near this, and while we are engaged in preparing an appetising meal of fish and venison, a grizzled prospector appears coming down the trail. after the manner of the mountains, he makes himself at home and camps with us for the night. in the course of his conversation he narrates many stories of this wild region and of the prospecting and hunting adventures that have happened in it. finally he tells us the story of the lost cabin, a story that certainly contains all the elements of a romance. it appears that some years ago two young fellows from the east, cousins, had come to the stehekin to prospect. the old man who told us the story was then the only prospector in the cañon, and he soon made friends with the two adventurers. from broken pieces of conversation and finally some confidences on the part of one of the boys, he learned something of their story. they had been bosom friends all their lives, but had fallen in love with the same girl. the poor girl, not knowing which she did like best, told them that the only thing was for both to leave her for two years, and at the end of the time she would decide in favour of the one that had showed himself the braver and more successful man. each kept his destination a perfect secret, but to their astonishment, within a month after, they found each other in spokane. they concluded that it was the appointment of fate, and so went together to the wild country of chelan, to seek a fortune. after they had been there a short time they found a mutual distrust springing up, and finally, by the advice of the old man, they agreed to separate. george was to stay below. he was the more sullen and selfish of the two, and it was due to him that they had fallen out. harry was of a frank and generous nature, and when it became evident that they must part he insisted that he should help build a cabin for george. and the cabin that they built was the very one that we now saw lodged against the rocks. harry went up the cañon toward the skagit pass, and there in the lonely grandeur of the glaciers he plied his pick and shovel. a few months later there came a mighty chinook, the warm wind of the cascades, which strips the peaks of snow within a day, transforms the creeks into raging torrents, and sends floods down every dry gulch. the night after the wind began to blow the old miner came to george's cabin, and in the intense darkness of the cloudy night they listened to the hurtling of the storm and the roar of the rapidly growing river. about midnight there came suddenly a succession of rifle shots near at hand, and in a few minutes a thunder and roar of water beyond anything that they had heard. rushing out they saw that the water was already surrounding the cabin and they had to run in the darkness for their lives. stumbling among the rocks they reached at last land high enough for safety, while the floods went tearing by. with the first light they looked out to see that the cabin had gone adrift, but sadder to tell, they soon found harry, mangled, tortured, at the point of death, just strong enough to tell them that from his situation he had seen that a fearful flood was coming and he was trying to save george. but he had fallen in the darkness and crashed upon the rocks, and even in his suffering he had fired his rifle as a warning, hoping that it might be heard and save, and so it did. and the faithful fellow died content. "we tell the tale as it was told us." but the poor old wreck of a cabin took on something of a new significance as it leaned up against the rocks, while the restless river sobbed and frothed about it. [illustration: doubtful lake, cascade range, washington, near lake chelan. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] there is great strife among the chelan people as to which is the grander section, the stehekin or railroad creek. as a matter of fact, both are so superlatively magnificent that whichever place one is in, that he thinks the finer. but there is one feature of the case, and this is that the grandest part of railroad creek is seldom visited. few have ever been to glacier lake, north star park, and cloudy pass, at the extreme head of the creek, and these are the central features of the scenery. they are about twenty-five miles from lake chelan, and the road and trail are mainly good, so that the journey to the head of the creek and return can be made very comfortably in four days. neither words nor pictures are adequate to convey any true conception of glacier lake and its surroundings. imagine a park of four or five thousand acres, set with grass and flowers, filled with ice-cold streams of water clear as crystal, and dotted here and there with trees of the most exquisite beauty. on every side except the one down which the creek descends, stupendous, glacier-crowned, and pinnacled peaks penetrate the blue-black sky at an elevation of ten or eleven thousand feet. at the south side of the park lies glacier lake, a mile long and half as wide, margined with vivid grass, brilliant flowers, and trees of the alpine type, clear as crystal, unless darkened by some sudden scud from the heights. at the southern end of the lake is a bold bluff of five hundred feet, over which fall the waters of railroad creek, a white band across the darkness of the bluff. above may be seen the source of this stream. it issues from a smaller lake, which lies in the very end of a vast glacier, a mass of ice two miles wide and about four miles long. passing west of glacier lake through the enchanted north star park, a veritable land of beulah (at least when the sun is shining), we climb a thousand or twelve hundred feet higher, and find ourselves at one of those thrilling points in the mountains, a "divide." we are on the crest of the cascade mountains. to the east the water flows to lake chelan, thence to the columbia, and thence to the pacific by a journey of six hundred miles. to the west the water descends through the sauk and the skagit to puget sound, only a hundred and fifty miles away. this pass is almost always wrapped in clouds, and it is fittingly known as cloudy pass. the masses of warm vapour rising from the pacific are hurled against the icy crowns of glacier peak, mt. nixon, mt. le conte, north star peak, bonanza peak, and the rest of the wintry brotherhood, most not yet even named, and make of them a genuine "_patriam nimborum_," in virgil's phrase. [illustration: horseshoe basin through a rock gap, stehekin cañon. photo. by t. w. tolman.] this is the breeding place of tempests. we had just reached the pass on one occasion, with a smiling sky below, and were just getting our cameras ready to catch the westward maze of peaks, when almost instantly there began to wheel and whirl above us great cloud-masses, seemingly from nowhere, formed right there, in fact, and before we had time to think, we were wrapped in a furious blizzard. with difficulty, benumbed, drenched, and exhausted, we managed to pick our way to camp, four miles below. this was in the early part of august. to be caught in a chelan snowstorm is a serious matter at any time, and later in the year, may be all a man's life is worth. but the greatest sight, the crowning feature, of all this panorama of sublimities is glacier peak seen from cloudy pass. this is pre-eminently the storm-king, the "cloud-compeller" (_nephelegereta_, in the sounding word of homer), and rarely can one catch an unobstructed view of its glistening cone. after much watching and waiting we caught the base and part of the double crown of the mighty mass. glacier peak is the "great unknown" among our washington peaks. every one has heard of rainier, most people know of adams, st. helens, baker, and stewart, but glacier peak, alone in its solitary grandeur, not visible from the cities or routes of travel, is little known even to the people of the state. as its name denotes, it is the centre of a vast glacial system. to any tourist with a taste for adventure, glacier peak affords the finest field, while it offers an almost untouched mark for the scientist. [illustration: lake chelan. photo. by w. d. lyman.] chapter iii in the land of wheat-field, orchard, and garden increasing population and cultivation as we go south--chelan and wenatchee orchards--the wheat-plains east of wenatchee to spokane--spokane, the metropolis of the inland empire--the falls and their power--interesting points in and around spokane--the palouse farming country--snake river and its orchards--vast irrigating enterprises of the upper snake--shoshone falls--walla walla--waiilatpu and whitman monument--whitman college--pendleton and its wheat-fields and historical characters--wallowa lake--from wenatchee to priest rapids--origin of name of priest rapids--irrigating enterprises below priest rapids--by steamboat from priest rapids to pasco--the yakima valley, its fruits and towns--pasco and kennewick and the meeting of the waters--prospects of the future for the irrigable country--from pasco to celilo--the umatilla palisades--umatilla rapids--tumwater falls--the canal and locks at celilo--what will be accomplished by them for the inland empire--the dalles--its historic interest--its wool business, its horticultural and agricultural resources, its scenery. our journey on the river thus far has been mainly in those sections where scenery is the greatest product, and where the country, scantily inhabited, has almost as primitive an appearance as when the gay songs of the _voyageurs_ raised the echoes against the rock-walls of the lakes, while paddles and bateau-prows started correspondent ripples on the clear surface. but as we proceed southward into the state of washington, we find more and more evidences of cultivation and inhabitancy. at the mouths of the streams and on the frequent "benches" and islands, orchards and gardens attest the enterprise and patience of the settlers. around the lower end of lake chelan the big red apple, luscious peaches, plethoric pears, huge bunches of grapes, like the grapes of eschol, make a picture of fruitfulness and delight. when we reach wenatchee on the columbia,--a river, a lake, and a town of the same name, meaning in the native tongue the "butterfly,"--we find ourselves in the uppermost of those belts of fruit land which have made the river so famous. as we stroll through these model orchards and vines and berry patches and gardens, and see the wonders wrought on the arid soil by the life-giving waters of the wenatchee, we are almost ready to join the throng that are continually accepting the invitation to "be independent on ten acres of land and find health, wealth, and happiness in wenatchee." in truth, these irrigated lands are marvels of productiveness. the valley of the wenatchee is small, and not over twelve thousand acres are yet in productive bearing; but in 1907 not less than five hundred carloads of fruit and vegetables were shipped. like all the irrigated regions, wenatchee is a place of pleasant homes, good schools and social advantages, and all the accompaniments of the finest type of genuine, whole-souled, ambitious americanism. at wenatchee we are on the main line of the great northern railroad, and by it we can go west through the cascade mountains to puget sound, or east to spokane. we must return again to wenatchee in order to resume our journey down the river, but we will first turn eastward and make a tour of the great "inland empire" of washington, idaho, and oregon. [illustration: a harvest outfit, dayton, wash. _sunset magazine._] [illustration: a combined harvester, near walla walla. photo. by w. d. chapman.] one must necessarily visit spokane on a journey through the great wheat country. spokane, the metropolis and the pride of eastern washington, is a wonder to the eastern tourist. such a city, over one hundred thousand people, with costly brick and stone buildings, four, six, ten stories high, impressive public buildings, schools, churches, hotels, hundred-foot avenues well-paved, private dwellings of architectural excellence,--and hardly a soul there thirty years ago! a grand spectacle the falls offered the eye in old spokane, but now, alas, so cribbed and cabined is the noble stream by the march of industrial and electrical power that its wild energy is well-nigh gone except at the highest water. the total fall in the spokane river is one hundred and forty-six feet, and the horse-power capacity at low water is forty thousand, at high water over half a million. many points of interest must be hastily passed. the author feels great reluctance to omit a visit to the state college of washington at pullman, and the university of idaho at moscow. there are also historic spots, as one at rosalia where a monument has recently been erected in commemoration of the steptoe defeat in 1858, and the site of the first church in eastern washington on walker's prairie, where eells and walker started a mission for the spokane indians in 1838. there is also at the junction of the spokane and little spokane, the site of spokane house, a post of the hudson's bay company, started in 1811. one might also well desire to visit the location of the old spokane bridge, where colonel wright crushed forever the pride and power of the spokanes by killing eight hundred of their choicest horses. on whatever side viewed, either past or present, or in the forecast of the future, spokane is worthy of careful study. its extensive railroad system and its network of electric lines reaching the many lakes, garden and fruit tracts, and rapidly developing suburbs, are concentrating the interests of a vast and wealthy region. but there are other cities to see and other boomers to hear and other bright futures to forecast, and so we turn our faces southward on the line of the o. r. & n. railway, passing through vale after vale between the swelling prairies, with wheat, wheat, wheat, oats, oats, oats, hay, hay, hay, cattle, horses, hogs, apple trees, and sugar beets, elegant farmhouses on the knolls and spacious barns in the hollows,--the great palouse farming country, one of the most productive in the world. whitman county has produced eight million bushels of wheat in a season, besides vast quantities of other products. a hundred and forty miles from spokane the great wheat plateau is broken by the profound abyss of snake river. dark, turbid, sullen, not so beautiful as the northern branches flowing out of the lakes, this largest of all the tributaries of the river goes on its swift and treacherous course to the union with the columbia. snake river is famous for its orchards. almota, penewawa, alpowa, kelly's bar, clarkston, asotin, are the most prominent among many points where the cherries, peaches, nectarines, apricots, berries, grapes, go out by the carload and steamerload, earlier than anywhere else except on the banks of the columbia itself, to all parts of the west and even at times to chicago and new york. the region of these enormously productive fruit ranches is a narrow ribbon of fertile land at the bottom of a cañon fifteen hundred feet deep. hot? yes, hot! they say the mercury sometimes boils out of the top of the thermometer. but heat and water and good soil make the rich juice and bright cheeks of the peach and nectarine. hundreds of miles up snake river in the wide expanses of southern idaho the waters are being diverted for some of the largest irrigation enterprises on earth. there the twin falls canal, one hundred feet wide and deep enough for a steamboat, conveys the water to two hundred and eighty thousand acres of land. the minidoka canal covers almost as much. that part of the snake river valley, three hundred miles long by fifty miles wide, will ere long count its inhabitants by the million. [illustration: inland empire system's power plant, near spokane, 20,000 horse-power. photo. by t. w. tolman.] [illustration: lower spokane falls. photo. by t. w. tolman.] no one could consider that he had really seen snake river unless he had visited the great shoshone falls, or "pahchulaka." this sublime manifestation of nature's power is about forty miles from the town of shoshone on the oregon short line. the total descent is nearly three hundred feet, of which eighty consists of cataracts and chutes broken by rocky islands, while the entire stream unites in the one final plunge of two hundred and twelve feet. it is ten hundred and fifty feet wide, and the walls of basaltic rock rise perpendicularly a thousand feet. niagara is the only waterfall on the american continent that can be compared with shoshone. niagara is much wider but not so high. its banks are tame, while those of shoshone are wildly sublime. the spectres of history rise up at every stage of a journey along snake river. but we cannot pause. we pass on from the crossing of snake river and soon find ourselves approaching walla walla. this is the most historic city of the inland empire and the oldest of the entire state of washington, with the exception of vancouver. the pleasant-sounding name signifies in the native tongue "many waters," though more literally, as the author has been told by an old cayuse indian, "place where four creeks meet." the city of walla walla is thirty-two miles from the columbia river in the midst of a broad and fertile valley, through which dozens of clear rivulets issuing from springs make their way through the birches and cottonwoods. the warm climate, rich soil, and abundant water, with multitudes of trees, give the "garden city" an appearance of almost tropical luxuriance. on all sides for many miles stretch the wheat-fields, orchards, gardens, and alfalfa-fields. it is a land of plenty. it is commonly said that walla walla has more automobiles, more bicycles, more pianos, more flowers, and more pretty girls in proportion to population, than any other town in the north-west. the special historic interest of walla walla is found in the fact that it was the location of the whitman mission and that the whitman massacre took place at the mission station, waiilatpu, six miles from the city. that spot is now marked with a marble crypt in which the bones of the martyrs rest, and a plain but imposing granite shaft stands upon the crest of the hill just above. [illustration: cañon of the stehekin, near lake chelan. photo. by t. w. tolman.] a more living monument to the missionary is found in whitman college. this institution, planned on the model of amherst, yale, and williams, though co-educational, was founded by rev. cushing eells in 1859 as an academy. it was not till 1883 that college work was undertaken. during that period the self-denying missionary and his family supported the infant institution by selling the products of their farm and devoting to it all except what was absolutely necessary for their own support. during years of slow, patient growth under very discouraging conditions, whitman college has made friends east and west, and within the last few years it has become equipped with buildings and general facilities of high grade. an effort is now in progress, apparently sure of fulfilment, to raise two million dollars for buildings and general endowment. walla walla is becoming peculiarly known as the educational centre and the home city of the inland empire. from walla walla we take a flying trip through the continued wheat belt on the umatilla and its branches in northern oregon, a region similar to that around walla walla, rich and fruitful. of this part of oregon, pendleton on the umatilla is the metropolis. the umatilla indian reservation, one of the most important in the history of this country, adjoins it. one of the most interesting persons in north-west history, now deceased, lived at pendleton many years, dr. william c. mckay, the son of thomas mckay, and grandson of alexander mckay, the last named being that one of the astor company who lost his life on the _tonquin_. dr. william mckay was a three-quarter-blood indian, but he was well educated and one of the most interesting men in our history. another noted man, still living in the prime of life, is major lee moorehouse, famous in earlier times as an indian fighter and agent, and more recently as one of the most successful students and photographers of indian life. some of his pictures have gained national fame, and the publishers of this volume are indebted to his courtesy for their appearance here. another interesting fact in connection with pendleton is that here the pendleton indian robes and blankets are manufactured, and these have borne the name of their home place to all parts of the united states and even the world. while in this part of oregon we must take advantage of the opportunity to visit lake wallowa, with its tragic and pathetic memories of indian war and early settlement and with its glorious scenery, almost equal to that of chelan. right over the lake, deep-set in precipitous mountain walls, towers the battlemented crest of eagle cap, which the people of wallowa now declare to be the highest mountain in oregon, 12,000 feet in elevation. wallowa lake is the veritable jewel of the blue mountains, a chain which, while not in general equal to the cascades for height, grandeur, and variety, possesses in the wallowa basin a group of attractions not surpassed in any part of the north-west. [illustration: memorial building, whitman college, walla walla, wash. photo. by w. d. chapman.] and now we must retrace our course after this long detour through the productive land bordering the tributaries of the river or we can in imagination fly on the wings of the south wind, which almost always blows across the inland empire, and find ourselves again at wenatchee in order to resume our interrupted journey down the river. from wenatchee to the foot of priest rapids, about sixty miles, there is no regular steamboat communication. we can, however, use the same means of transportation that we have hitherto used so liberally, imagination, and upon that airy and convenient ship we can descend the swift and tortuous stream. the fur brigades used to trust themselves to the skill of their paddles and boldly descend the rapids, seldom meeting with disaster. there are three principal rapids in this section of the river, rock island, cabinet, and priest. in the first the river is very narrow and split in sunder by ragged pinnacles of basaltic rock. at first observation it looks a reckless thing to push a boat out into the white water whirling through these fantastic points of rock. yet a bateau or canoe skilfully handled will plunge like a race-horse down the foaming stretch, and emerge below bow down with little water aboard and inmates intact. steamboats have both descended and ascended this rapid, though it is considered a somewhat dangerous performance. cabinet rapids are less picturesque and interesting than rock island, but they offer even more serious obstacles to navigation, the channel being narrow and the water shallow. the river has cut this part of its course through the great plateau, and its banks on either side are rocky walls a thousand feet high, with occasional sandy stretches, sad, barren, and monotonous. there is, in fact, not so much to catch the eye or enlist the interest of the tourist (if he were here) in this dismal expanse of rock and sand as there is either above or below. it is practically uninhabited. but as we proceed upon our way the banks fall away, wider expanses of land appear, and we discover an occasional band of cattle or a settler's hut on the generally bare, brown prairie. we are now approaching the longest rapid and the most serious impediment to navigation in the whole course of the river from kettle falls to tumwater falls. this is priest rapids. it is ten miles in length and represents a descent in the river of seventy feet. it would certainly be impossible of navigation by steamboats, were it not that the descent is distributed quite uniformly over the ten miles and the river in general is quite straight and with a fair depth of water throughout. the old _voyageurs_ had little difficulty in racing down, and they seem to have usually ascended by _cordelling_ their bateaux beside the rocks, and at some especially difficult places by lightening the load and carrying around. steamers have both ascended and descended, but it is so slow and tedious (on one occasion requiring a steamer three days to ascend the ten miles) that it cannot be considered commercially navigable. it will doubtless become necessary to construct a canal and locks at this point to render the river continuously and profitably navigable. alexander ross, in his _adventures on the columbia_, tells us how priest rapids came to be named. the first expedition of the pacific fur company, of which ross was a member, was making its way from astoria up the river in 1811, and had reached the lower end of this fall. while reconnoitring and making preparations for proceeding, a large body of indians gathered, watching operations with great interest. among them was a fantastically dressed individual, with many feathers on his head, who was going through some kind of a performance which the explorers conceived to have a religious significance. considering him a priest, they named the rapids thus. [illustration: starting the ploughs in the wheat land, walla walla, wash. photo. by w. d. chapman, walla walla.] the country around priest rapids is barren and unpromising in its natural state, but just below the foot of the rapids is one of the most interesting irrigation projects in the state. along the west side of the river for twenty-five miles extends a belt of the most fertile land. an immense pumping plant run by electricity, which in turn is generated by the current, has been put in at the foot of the rapids. by this the water is conducted over the twenty thousand or more acres of land available, and it is the expectation that within a few years a dense population will line the river bank and repeat on a larger and finer scale the miracle of redemption by water already performed at various points on the river and its tributaries. several town sites, of which the chief is hanford, named from the president of the company, have already been laid out, and investments both in town property and orchard land are being rapidly made. the same process of irrigating is becoming inaugurated at many points from hanford for a hundred and fifty miles down the river. it is plain to the observer that it is but a question of time when the shores of the river in this arid section will bloom and blossom like the rose, and repeat the history of old nile in massing of population and creation of cities and towns. it has been estimated that there are about a million acres of irrigable land contiguous to the river between chelan and the dalles. since from five to twenty acres of irrigated land are ample to maintain a family, and since cities and villages are bound to grow on such tracts commensurate with their productive capacity, it seems probable that a million people will sometime live on this long belt of fertile soil redeemed by the river. the beauty of irrigation on the columbia is that it can be made to pump itself. for by taking advantage of such a fall as that of priest rapids (a half million horse-power at ordinary water), electric power can be generated by which limitless water can be raised sufficiently to cover any desired amount of land. some have expressed the opinion that this process would exhaust the river, but this is hardly possible. for the great demands are in june and july when the river is at its flood. it has been estimated that at low water the columbia at celilo discharges 125,000 cubic feet per second, and at extreme high water, 1,600,000 cubic feet per second. such a prodigious volume of water would be scarcely at all affected by any possible withdrawals. the river from the foot of priest rapids is regularly navigated by several steamers connecting the new lands and towns with pasco, the railroad centre seventy miles below. this section of the river is deep and tranquil, a superb watercourse. below hanford the river receives the yakima river, which is the important agent in the irrigation of the great yakima valley. no one could say that he knew the columbia river or the state of washington without a visit to that valley, the largest in the state and the scene of the most extensive development in irrigated lands anywhere in the north-west. three thousand carloads of fruit and vegetables were shipped from the yakima in 1907. buyers of yakima fruits come from all parts of the east, from england, and even from france. fortunes have been made in that fair land,--a fair land when supplied with water, but an arid waste without it. the united states government has acquired control of most of the water system of the yakima, and by means of storage basins in the mountain lakes where the yakima and its branches rise, will be able to supply water for over a million acres of land. [illustration: on the historic walla walla river. photo. by w. d. chapman.] the productive capacity of these fat lands when softened with an irrigating ditch and tickled with a hoe or cultivator is almost beyond belief. in 1907 an orchardist in what is known as parker bottom in the yakima valley raised on fifty-eight pear trees a crop of pears which was sold for over three thousand dollars. this statement is well attested, extraordinary as it sounds. it should be understood that such production does not represent an average yield. the trees were of large size and of the choicest variety, while conditions of production, price, and sale were of the best. yet similar records may be found in wenatchee, hood river, walla walla, and others of the fine fruit-producing regions of the columbia valley. a man in the touchet valley near dayton, who had been for twenty years a teacher at an average salary of a thousand a year, became discontented with his narrow conditions, and by making credit arrangements for a rich body of land has devoted himself for some years to the development of an apple orchard. he has a hundred acres of trees, young and of choice varieties, from which in the year 1907 he sold thirty-four thousand boxes of fruit for approximately fifty thousand dollars. but while we have been flying in imagination over the spacious valley of the yakima, our steamer has been speeding down the broad river, and we are now within sight of a vast prairie stretching east and south, bounded on the southern horizon by the azure wall, ridged with white, of the blue mountains. to the east, this great plain melts into the sky. in fact it extends to the bitter root mountains, a distance of over two hundred miles. on the west bank of the river we see a narrower plain bounded by a steep treeless ridge. on either bank we see taking shape before us houses and trees, while extended over the river, like threads of gossamer in the distance, a bridge is outlined against the sky. we soon discover that we are near pasco on the east bank and kennewick on the west bank of the river. the bridge is that of the northern pacific and spokane, portland, and seattle railroads. a mile below the bridge the snake river joins its greater brother. this point is the very hub of the inland empire. here the two great rivers unite. here steamboating on a vast scale will take place in the near future. as soon as the locks are placed in the river at celilo, a hundred and thirty miles below, steamers can move freely to the ocean. here three transcontinental railroads pass, two down the river and one to puget sound. another is in process of construction to puget sound. here a body of the richest soil, on both sides of both rivers, embracing at least a hundred and fifty thousand acres, waits only for water to bloom and yield as wenatchee and yakima have already done. here the long, hot summer insures the earliest production of any part of the north-west, and in early production the profit is found. [illustration: blalock fruit ranch of a thousand acres at walla walla, wash. photo. by w. d. chapman.] it is, in fact, obvious at a glance that here at the junction of the columbia and snake rivers, at the crossings of the great railroads, and at the point of the greatest area of irrigable land in one body, with every advantage of soil, climate, and transportation, there is bound to be in the near future a large city. already on the west side of the columbia the beautiful little town of kennewick, of three thousand inhabitants, where six years ago the jack-rabbits, coyotes, and sage-hens held sway, shows what can be done with water. for at that point the first irrigating canal was put through the waste, and the traveller can now see the results. other irrigating enterprises are now in progress, and by the time the readers of this volume come to descend the river in the splendid steamboats which will sometime run through canals and locks the whole length from revelstoke to the ocean, there will be one of the most splendid cities in the north-west at this meeting of the waters. pasco is likely to be the location of the big city. from pasco there are steamers running to celilo, conveying wheat. the traveller who desires to know the river from its surface should take passage on such a steamer. we see the same characteristic features of the inauguration of irrigating enterprises from point to point, but mainly the shores are still uninhabited and barren, and the river, mainly untouched by sail or steamer, sweeps on its swift course, as lonely as when lewis and clark first turned their canoe prows westward. as we pass the desolate sand heaps near the disconsolate little old town of wallula, we can recall the old hudson's bay fort, the indian wars, the struggle for possession, the missions, the incoming immigrants, all the tragedy and striving which marked the century just closed. below wallula the umatilla highlands throw a barrier eight hundred feet high athwart the course of the stream, and the bold escarpments of rock, palisades grander than those of the hudson, attest the energy with which the river fulfilled his mission of cleaving the intercepting barrier in two. below these palisades, a vast plain extends many miles on the south to where the purple line of the blue mountains cuts the horizon. on the margin of this plain the little town of irrigon (where is published a paper with the alliterative title of the _irrigon irrigationist of irrigon, oregon_), green and flowery in the wide aridity, shows us again what part water plays in reclamation of land. of similar interest is blalock island, commemorating the name of dr. n. g. blalock of walla walla, whom the north-west honours as the father of great enterprises. we pass several rapids on this section of the river, the chief of which are the umatilla, john day, and hell-gate. these are somewhat serious impediments to navigation at low water. the umatilla rapid presents the curious feature of a reef extending almost directly across the river with the channel running parallel to it and at right angles to the course of the stream. hence when the water is so low that the reef cannot be passed directly over, the steamer pilot must follow a channel running right across the current, a current which tends to throw him broadside onto the reef. the government is at present engaged in blasting a channel directly through this reef. the country becomes more rugged as we descend, and at various points, if the sky be clear, we can see the great peaks of the cascades to the west. passing through the wild water of hell-gate, where the steamer quivers as though great hands were reaching up from below and shaking her, we soon find ourselves at celilo. [illustration: witch's head, near old wishram village. the indian superstition is that these eyes will follow any unfaithful woman. by courtesy of major lee moorehouse.] this is the beginning of the greatest series of obstructions on the river and the point where the government is now constructing a canal, by means of which the entire upper course of the river will be brought into connection with the lower. in the distance of twelve miles the river falls eighty-one feet at low water and sixty feet at high water. the tumwater falls at the head of this series of obstructions has a descent of twenty feet at low water, but at high water the volume of the river is so great that it passes directly over the fall and a boat can shoot over the steep slope. here was one of the most famous places in early history. on the north side was the wishram village, noted in irving's _astoria_. this, too, was the greatest place for fishing on the upper river. even now the indians gather in autumn in great numbers and can be seen spearing the salmon. several immense fish-wheels also can be seen upon the verge of the falls. the most remarkable of all these obstructions is five-mile rapids. this is the place to which in the first place the french _voyageurs_ applied the name _dalles_, meaning a trough through the flat plates of rock. it is sometimes called the "big chute." it is planned by the government to overcome these obstructions by a canal and locks. the expense is estimated at four and a half million dollars. the resulting advantages will be vast. the greater part of the inland empire will be thrown open to steamer competition with the railroads. the freight tariff at the present time is heavier than in any other part of the united states. if the productive capacity of the region were not extraordinary, it could not have developed as it has with such a handicap. it is estimated that by the reduction of freight which will follow steamboat navigation, the inland empire will save not less than two million dollars annually. in the tremendous movement now sweeping over our country to improve waterways, the columbia will bear its part and receive its improvement. it will be a great day for the storied and scenic river of the west when some magnificent excursion steamer descends the thousand miles from revelstoke to the outer headlands. and with canals at celilo, priest rapids, and kettle falls, with some improvements at minor points, at no immoderate expense, the thing can be done. and now we reach the city of the dalles. the traveller will find this a place hardly surpassed in historic interest by any other on the river. the old trading posts, the united states fort, the missions, the indian wars, the early immigrations, the steamboat enterprises, all unite to give rare value to this picturesque "capital of the sheep country." for, aside from historic interest, the dalles surpasses any other point in the united states as a wool shipping station. it is now becoming also the centre of a farming and orchard country. for it is now understood that the rolling hill land for many miles is adapted to wheat raising and to fruit of the finest quality. if our visitors to the river should happen to be in the dalles in autumn they would find at the wasco county horticultural fair one of the most attractive and appetising displays of fruit that the whole country affords. [illustration: cabbage rock, four miles north of the dalles. photo. by lee moorehouse, pendleton.] the scenery about the dalles, with the majestic river, the great white cones of hood and adams, and wide sweeps of rolling prairie and hollowed hills, is noble and inspiring. it may be considered the gateway of the open prairie to the east and the passage of the cascade mountains by the river to the west. chapter iv where river and mountain meet, and the traces of the bridge of the gods the most unique point yet on the river--river, mountains, and tide--the only place where the cascade range is cleft--distant view of mt. hood and gradual appearance of lesser heights--limits of region where river and mountain meet--geological character of this region--forces of upheaval and erosion and volcano--we may journey by rail, by steamboat, horseback, waggon, or afoot, but we prefer a rowboat--paha cliffs--on the track of speelyei--memaloose island--hood river and white salmon valleys and their fruit--beginnings of the great heights--the sunken forest--the bridge of the gods--loowit, wiyeast, and klickitat--difference in climate between the east-of-the-mountains and the west--sheridan's old blockhouse--passing the locks--petrified trees--fish-wheels--castle rock--ascent of castle rock--story of wehatpolitan--st. peter's dome--oneonta gorge--multnomah falls--cape horn--getting out of the mountains--cape eternity and rooster rock--this section of the journey ended--comparison of the river with other great scenes. in the long journey down our river we have had a panoramic view of towering mountains and broad plains, foaming cataracts and tranquil lakes, fruitful valleys and volcanic desolations, growing cities and lonely wastes. all illustrate that infinite variety of the river which imparts its unrivalled charm. but now we are approaching a point which is unique even in the midst of the unique, varied in never-ending variety, sublime even in almost continuous sublimity, singular even upon our most singular river. this place is where the mountains and the river meet. by mountains we mean the great chain of the cascades, which under various names parallels the pacific coast all the way from alaska to southern california. but not only do mountains and river meet here, but the ocean sends his greetings, for at the lower end of the rapids which here mark the gateway of the mountains, the first pulse-beat of the pacific, the first throb of the tide, is discernible, though it is a hundred and sixty miles farther to where the river is lost in that greatest of the oceans. river, mountains, ocean,--a very symposium of sublimities. [illustration: eagle rock, just above shoshone falls in snake river. photo. by w. d. lyman.] there is, too, another especially interesting feature of this spot, and that is, it is the only place for twelve hundred miles where the cascade-sierra range is cleft asunder. in fact it is the only place in the entire extent of the range where it is cut squarely across. this fact imparts not only scenic interest, but commercial value. it is the only water-level route from the seacoast to the inland empire. the place where river and mountains meet had been heralded to us long before we reached it. for as we passed the plains of the umatilla we got an intimation of the mountain majesty which we were approaching. clear-limned against the south-western horizon, a glistening cone, cold-white in the earliest morning, rosy-red with the rising dawn, and warm with the yellow halo of noon, fixes our eyes and bids us realise that from the far vision of a hundred miles we can see and worship at the shrine of oregon's noblest and most historic peak, mt. hood. as we speed on down the current we begin to see long lines of lesser peaks rising to the westward. the prairies of the umatilla have been succeeded by picturesque bare hills, and these by ragged palisades of columnar basalt, with higher hills yet, crowned with gnarled oak-trees. of the wheat-fields and orchards and sheep ranges centring at the dalles, we have already spoken, and we have paused at celilo and gazed on the historic "timm," or the tumwater falls, and the "big chute," observing especially the government canal and locks now started, from whose completion such vast commercial possibilities are plainly foreshadowed. our present quest is therefore yet farther on, to the gateway of the mountains. this is found at the "cascade locks," fifty miles below dalles city. the section of river which we have styled "where river and mountain meet" may be considered as extending from the mouth of the klickitat river, a few miles west of dalles city, to rooster rock, about thirty miles east of vancouver. the distance between these points is about fifty miles, and through this space we may see all the evidences of a titanic struggle between the master forces of fire and water and upheaval. as we descend the majestic stream with the majestic banks on either hand and mark the apparent ancient water-marks hundreds of feet above our heads, we recall the indian myth of wishpoosh in an earlier chapter. the opinion of geologists in regard to this extraordinary passageway of the river is that it represents ages of gradual elevation of the mountain chain and a cotemporary erosion by the river, so that as the heights became higher, the river bed became deeper. the one-time shore slowly mounted skyward, and as the new upheavals rose from the ocean deeps the lines of erosion were in turn wrought on them, and river shore succeeded river shore through long ages. with these fundamental forces of upheaval and erosion there were eras of local seismic and volcanic activity, more cataclysmic in nature, from which there came the magnificent pillars of columnar basalt and the first trenching of the profound chasms which subsequent lateral streams carved through the rising base of the great range. [illustration: stehekin cañon, 5000 feet deep. photo. by w. d. lyman.] to view this great picture gallery of history and physiography, we may have the choice of nearly every method of travel, horseback, afoot, by team (though the waggon roads are not continuous), or by train, on either bank. the river himself offers his broad back for any kind of craft. several swift and elegant steamers make daily trips between portland and the dalles, passing through the government canal and lock at the cascades. launches, scows, sailing craft of almost every kind, are in constant movement, loaded with every sort of commodity. of all the means of transit, however, we will, if you please, float down the stately stream in our well-tried skiff. independent as the coyote god speelyei when he used to pass up and down the river, transforming presumptuous beasts or mortals into rock at will, we will drift with the current, partaking of the very life of the rich and multifarious nature about us. we can pause as we wish on jutting crag or fir-crowned promontory or at the foot of spouting cataract. we can camp for the night beneath some wide-spreading pine, and breathe the balsamic fragrance of the "continuous woods." we can trace the historic stages of bateaux or canoes or immigrant flatboats, and open and shut the camera at will amid the open volumes of our heroic age of discovery and settlement, or the yet vaster and grander epoch of nature's creative day. no palace car or even floating palace of steamer for us when we can have two or three days of such unalloyed bliss in an open skiff moving at our own sweet will. we shall find here a marked change in the movement of the river as compared with its prevailing character in the five hundred miles from the british line to the dalles. the impetuous might above has become transformed into a slow and stately majesty. with the exception of the five miles at the cascades round which the canal passes, the river below the dalles is deep and calm, seldom less than a mile in width. of the almost numberless objects at which we level eye and camera, we can here describe but few. a fitting introduction to this stage of our journey is found in paha cliffs at the mouth of the klickitat, a perpendicular bastion of lava rock, not remarkable for height, but of such regularity and symmetry as to seem the work of men's hands. a short distance below the paha cliffs, also on the washington side of the river, is a most singular semicircular wall of gigantic area, surrounding on the west what seems to be an immense sunken enclosure. the indians have a story to the effect that once speelyei, being on his way up the river before this wall existed, paused here to perform some unworthy deed (for speelyei was a curious mixture of the noble and the base). having done the deed, he began to fear that it would become known. so he hurriedly built a wall to keep in the report. but while he was engaged in building on the west, the report got out on the east. the wall that we now see is the remains of his building. of a similar order of indian fancy is the "baby-on-the-board" and the "coyote head" farther down the river, also on the north side. the coyote head is near white salmon. it commemorates the transformation of a presumptuous klickitat chief who wished to proclaim himself equal to speelyei, so he crowned himself with a coyote skin and took his station on the great rock wall above the mouth of the white salmon. and there he remains still, for speelyei with a wave of the hand transformed the offending chieftain into rock. [illustration: steamer _dalles city_ descending the cascades of the columbia.] a few miles below the mouth of the klickitat, there stands in mid-channel one of the most curious and interesting objects on the river, "memaloose island." this desolate islet of basalt was one of the most noted of the frequent "death" or burial places of the indians. they were accustomed to build platforms and place the dead upon them. apparently this island was used for its gruesome purpose for centuries. a large white marble monument facing the south attracts the attention of all travellers, and as we pass we see that it is sacred to the memory of vic trevett. he was a prominent pioneer of the dalles, and in the course of his various experiences became a special friend of the indians, who looked upon him with such love and reverence that when his end approached he gave directions that his permanent burial-place and monument should be on the place sacred to his aboriginal friends. we have spoken of the region between the mouth of the klickitat and rooster rock as the mountain section of the river. but as we move on down the stream we discover that there are numerous nooks and glens adjoining it which are the choicest locations for fruit and garden ranches. at a point just about midway from the dalles to the cascades there is a remarkable break in the otherwise unbroken and constantly rising mountain walls. this break constitutes one of the most charming residence regions on the columbia shores, and at the same time the avenue of approach to the most magnificent of mountains. there are here two great valleys. one of these is that of hood river, better called by its musical indian name waukoma, "the place of cottonwoods." it proceeds directly from the foot of mt. hood, twenty-five miles distant to the south. the valley on the north bears a similar relation to mt. adams, forty miles distant, and is drained by the white salmon river. from favourable points on the river, or from the heights which border it, we obtain views of the two peaks which create an unappeasable longing to tread their crags and snow-fields. though truly mountain valleys, these two valleys are of spacious extent. they are moreover so richly provided with sun and water and all the ingredients of soil necessary to produce the choicest fruit that they have become the very paradise of the orchardist. the hood river apples grace the tables of royalty in the old world and delight the palates of epicures in both hemispheres, while to the eyes and the nostrils of any one of delicate sensibilities their colour and fragrance impart a still more æsthetic charm. as we pass on down the river from those two vales of beauty and plenty, we begin to see the first of those lofty crags on either hand, the basaltic pinnacles, turretted, spired, castellated, which make the distinguishing feature of columbia river scenery for these fifty miles. mitchell's point, shell mountain, wind mountain, bald mountain, and mt. defiance are the first group. the lowest of the group attains an elevation of nearly two thousand feet, almost perpendicular, while at the summit of the crags rise a thousand feet higher yet long grassy slopes alternating with splendid forests. [illustration: memaloose island, columbia river. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] as we near the cascades we note another curious phenomenon. this is the sunken forest on either side. at low water these old tree trunks become very observable, and their general appearance suggests at once that they are the remains of a former forest submerged by a permanent rise in the river. this explanation is confirmed by the fact that from the dalles to the cascades the river is very deep and sluggish. when we reach the cascades a third fact is revealed and that is that at the chief cataract the river bank is continually sliding into the river. trees are thrown down by this slow sliding process, railroad tracks require frequent adjustment, and on clear, still nights there is sometimes heard a grinding sound, while a tremor from the subterranean regions seems to indicate that the upper stratum is sliding over the lower toward the river. in fact, the mighty force of the stream is all the time eating into the bank and gradually drawing it down. from those and other indications the conclusion has been drawn that some prodigious avalanche of rock at a not long distant time dammed the river at this point, creating the present cascades and raising the water above so as to submerge the forest, whose remains now attract the attention of the observer at the low stage of water. to confirm this theory we have the indian story of the "tomanowas bridge," the quaintest and most interesting of the long list of native myths. the region around the old site of the "bridge of the gods" may be considered as the dividing line between the inland empire and the coast region. above, it is dry, sunny, breezy, and electrical, the land of wheat-field and sheep ranges, cow-boys and horses and mining camps. below, it is cool, cloudy, still, and soft, the region of the clover and the dairy, the salmon cannery, the logging camp, and boats of every sort. above, the rocks look dry and hard, and glitter in the sun. below, the rocks are draped in moss, and from every cañon and ledge there seems to issue a foaming torrent. it is, in truth, the meeting place of mountain and river. on all sides around the cascades there are objects of natural and historic interest. stupendous crags, often streaked with snow, lose themselves in the scud of the ocean which is almost constantly flying eastward to be absorbed in the more fervid sunshine of up-river. perhaps the most impressive of these vast heights is table mountain, on the north side of the river, near the locks, said to have been one of the supports of the "bridge of the gods." its colours of saffron and crimson add to the splendour and grandeur of its appearance. just below the locks on the north side stood the old blockhouse built by a young lieutenant in 1856 as a defence against the klickitat indians. the blockhouse is now in ruins, but the name of its builder has been fairly well preserved, for it is--phil sheridan. the total extent of the cataract at the cascades is five miles and the descent is about forty-five feet, of which half is at the upper end at the point passed by the locks. we enter the locks in the wake of one of the steamers, and in a few minutes find our craft emerging from the lower end of the massive structure into the white water which bears us swiftly down the remaining part of the cascades. it looks dangerous to commit an open boat to that sweeping current, but as a matter of fact the course of the river is straight and deep, though swift, and it is entirely feasible for any one of reasonable skill to manage a small boat in the passageway to the tranquil expanses below. [illustration: horseshoe basin, near lake chelan, wash. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] as we speed swiftly down the river, we note the little station of bonneville, named for the historic fur-trader whom the fascinating pages of irving have brought down to this era. a short distance below bonneville our eyes catch sight of a white sign-board bearing the words, "petrified tree." sure enough, there is the tree, and a marvellously fine specimen of silicification it is, too. when the railroad was built along the river bank at this point, the graders ran into a perfect forest of petrified wood. the logs and limbs were piled up by the cord near bonneville, but the larger part has been taken in various directions for cabinets and ornaments. but a short time is needed to fly down the cascades, and at their lower end we reach what may be called the lower river. for here a slight rise and fall of tide betokens the presence of the ocean. no more rapids on the river, but a tranquil, majestic flood, broadening like a sea toward its final destination, a hundred and sixty miles away. if we were to describe in detail all the marvels of beauty and grandeur and physical interest which engage our attention at every stage of the journey, our volume would end with this chapter, for there would be no room for anything more. one class of objects of curious interest to almost all travellers, though of no special charm to scientist or nature lover, is the fish-wheels at the cascades. these are very ingenious contrivances set in the midst of a swift place in the stream and made to revolve by the current. as they revolve, the huge vans dipping the water scoop up almost incredible numbers of the salmon which have made the columbia famous the world over. a weir is built to turn the fish from the outside course into the channel of the wheel, with the result that numbers are taken almost beyond belief, sometimes as high as eight tons a day by a single wheel. another picturesque sight, both at the celilo falls and the cascades, is the indian fishermen perched upon the rocks and with spear and dip-net seeking to fill their larder with the noble salmon. but now to contemplate the works of god and nature rather than those of man. we must, as already seen, by the necessities of space, ask our readers to share with us only the masterpieces of this gallery of wonders. probably all visitors to the river would agree that the following scenes most nearly express the spirit and character of the sublime whole: castle rock, st. peter's dome, oneonta gorge, multnomah falls, cape horn, and rooster rock. to these individual scenes we should add, as the very crown of all, the view at the lower cascades both up and down the great gorge. with the majestic heights, scarred with the tempests and the earthquakes of the ages, swathed in drifting clouds and oftentimes tipped with snow, and the shimmering of the river, and the answering grandeur of sky and forest,--this grouping of the whole is more inspiring than any one scene. [illustration: castle rock, columbia river. (copyright by kiser photograph co., 1902.)] the first special object to fix our attention below the cascades is castle rock. it is an isolated cliff of basalt, nine hundred feet high, covering about seventeen acres, its summit thinly clothed with stunted trees. it stands right on the verge of the river, nearly perpendicular on all sides, marvellous for symmetry from every point of view. at first sight one gets no conception of its magnitude, for it is dwarfed by the stupendous pinnacles, three thousand feet high, which compose the walls of the cañon. it is said that some eastern lady, seeing it from a steamer's deck, exclaimed, "see that fine rock! i wish i had it in my back yard at home." being informed that she would have to find a pretty spacious back yard to accommodate an ornament covering seventeen acres, she was too much astonished to believe it. but to any one viewing it deliberately and from every point of view, and especially landing, as we in our happy method of travel can do, and going about its base, it becomes evident that castle rock might be called a mountain in almost any other place. it was for a long time regarded as an impossible thing to reach the summit. for some years there was a standing offer of one thousand dollars for any one who would place the stars and stripes on the summit. but no one took the dare. at last in 1901, when the rivalry between two steamboat lines was keen, frank smith of the regulator line, with george purser and charles church, accomplished the seemingly impossible, and, by ropes and staples and fingers and teeth and toenails, scaled the almost perpendicular walls, and unfurled the regulator banner to the breeze where no flag ever flew before, nor human foot ever trod. it was probably the most risky climb ever taken in the north-west. a little later, by the aid of the experience of this party, several others attained the summit. among these were george maxwell, who set the oregon railway and navigation flag as high as that of the regulator had gone, and two photographers, w. c. staatz and george m. weister. with them went a young lady, lilian white, who, though she did not reach the summit, went higher than any of her sex have gone. later mr. whitney, manager of the great mcgowan cannery, went up and placed the stars and stripes upon the top. [illustration: the lyman glacier and glacier lake in north star park near lake chelan. photo. by w. d. lyman.] we said that no earlier human steps had trodden that beetling height and that miss white had gone higher than any of her sex. but if we accept the romantic indian tale of wehatpolitan, our statement needs correction. for this story is to the following effect. wehatpolitan was the beautiful child of the principal chieftain in these parts. she loved and was loved by a young chief of a neighbouring tribe. but when she was sought by her lover in marriage, the stern father denied the request and killed the messenger. but the lovers were secretly married and met clandestinely at various times. in course of time the father, thinking the infatuation of the forbidden lovers to be at an end, gave wehatpolitan to a chief whom he had favoured. the latter kept constant watch of the girl, and one night he saw her stealing steathily away, and tracking her he found the secret of her midnight wanderings. as soon as the new lover had imparted to the father these tidings, the latter with deep duplicity sent word to the other chieftain that if he would come to the lodge, all would be forgiven and he and wehatpolitan would be duly wed. rejoicing at the happy outcome to all their troubles, the faithful lover hastened to his own, but no sooner had he arrived than he was seized upon and slain by the revengeful parent. not long after this the heartbroken girl gave birth to a child, but her father at once decreed that the child must share its father's fate. hearing this pitiless word, wehatpolitan caught up her child and disappeared. all that day they searched in vain, and on the next day, the indians heard wailings from the top of castle rock, from which they soon discovered that the poor girl with her child had gone to that apparently inaccessible height. the old chief, repenting of his harsh course, called aloud to his daughter to come down and he would forgive her. but fearing new treachery she paid no heed, and the wailings continued. overcome with grief the remorseful chief offered all kinds of rewards for any one who would climb the rock and save wehatpolitan and her child. but though many tried, none could succeed. on the third day the wailings ceased. then the half-crazed father himself essayed to climb. he seemed to succeed, for at least he disappeared among the crevices of the rock high up toward the summit. but he never returned. the indians thought that he reached the top and that finding the lifeless bodies of his daughter and her child he had probably given up all hope of getting down and had lain down and died with them. but even yet heart-breaking wailings come down from time to time, especially when the chinook blows soft and damp up the river, and these wailings have been thought by indians to be the voice of the spirit of the unhappy wehatpolitan, because it could never descend to the happy hunting grounds of the tribe. another native idea is to the effect that castle rock (which ought to be called wehatpolitan's gravestone) is hollow and is filled with the bodies of former generations now turned to stone. as a matter of fact, the party of 1901 found evidence of a great cave, but so far there has been found no practical ingress. so the interior is still an unexplored mystery. immense quantities of spear-heads and arrow-heads are found along the river at this point, and these are apparently of an earlier age than most of those found in this country. loosing from the enchanted shore of wehatpolitan's monument, we see for several miles on the oregon side a cordon of perpendicular cliffs, red and purple in hue, streaked with spray, and touched here and there with the deep green of firs which have rooted themselves with claw-like roots into the crevices. most symmetrical and beautiful, though not the highest of this line of elevations, is st. peter's dome. its summit is over two thousand feet above the river. while in height it is surpassed by certain crags of chelan or yosemite, as well as its brothers on the river, it has no rival in beauty there, or elsewhere, so far as the author has seen, among the wonders of the american continent. every hour of the day, every change of sky or season, reveals some new and unexpected beauty or sublimity in this superb cliff. [illustration: hunters on lake chelan, with their spoils. photo. by w. d. lyman.] [illustration: a morning's catch on the touchet, near dayton, wash. _sunset magazine._] we are almost sated with sublimities by the time we pass on down below st. peter's dome, but one of the most unique scenes of all is close at hand. this is oneonta gorge. a swift stream issuing from the cliffs on the south side of the river attracts our attention, and we moor our boat to the roots of a tall cottonwood and make our way inward. the wall is cleft asunder, its sides almost meeting above. at places the smooth sides of the gorge leave no space except for the passage of the pellucid stream, and we have to wade hip deep to make our way. showers of spray descend from the towering roof above, and in places we are well-nigh in darkness. then there is a widening and through the broken wall the lances of sunshine pierce the gloom with rainbow tints. marvellous oneonta with the sweet-sounding name! it, too, has its wealth of native myth, of which our narrowing limits forbid us to speak. and now leaving oneonta, we can see that we have passed the maximum of the mountains, and are already looking into a broadening valley, with the yet more lordly volume of the river widening toward the sunset. while our eyes are thus drawn toward the river, the diminishing walls of the cañon, and the fair entrance to what may be called the genuine west-of-the-mountains, we perceive on the oregon shore a series of waterfalls, higher and grander than has even been the wont, and in the midst of them, far-famed multnomah. a spacious sweep of circling mountains, a perpendicular wall, indented with a deep recess, and crowned upon its topmost bastions with a row of frightened looking trees, and partially visible through intercepting cottonwoods at the river's margin a moving whiteness,--such is the first vision of this matchless waterfall. a short space farther carries us past the screen of cottonwoods, and the whole majestic scene lies before us. like st. peter's dome or castle rock or niagara or yosemite or chelan or mt. "takhoma," this scene of multnomah falls with its surroundings wears that aspect of eternity, that look of final perfectness, which marks the great works of nature and of art. the cliff almost overhangs, so that except when deflected by the wind against a projecting ledge the water leaps sheer through the air its eight hundred feet of fall. it is mainly spray when it reaches the deep pool within the recess of the mountain, and from that recess the regathered waters pour in a final plunge, from which the stream takes its way through the cottonwoods to the river. we disembark and climb to the pool which receives the great fall. we find it sunless and almost black in hue from the intensity of the shadows. the maidenhair fern which grows at the edge of the pool is nearly white in its cool dark abode. the water falls into the pool with a weird, uncanny "chug," rather than a splash, so great is the sheer fall and so largely does the water consist of spray alternating with "chunks"--if we may so express it--of water. the pool is large enough to hold a steamboat and of considerable depth. a pretty rustic bridge spans the gorge through which the stream passes on its way from the pool, and below the bridge is the final fall of seventy-five feet. on account of its proximity to portland and the frequent steamboat excursions, multnomah has become quite a resort. while the creek is only of moderate size in summer, and the fall is notable rather for beauty than energy, yet when swollen by the rains and melting snows of winter and spring it takes on the dimensions of a river. then the fall hurling its great volume over the eight hundred feet of open space assumes an appalling sublimity. [illustration: oneonta gorge--looking in. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] and now with the sounds of the fall ringing in our ears and our eyes turned back for a final reluctant gaze, we make our way across the river and a short distance down to the next wonder on the washington side. this is cape horn. it is a long palisade of basalt, not high compared to most of the river walls, being only about two hundred feet high, but it is the most complete example of continuous basaltic formation on the river. the beauty and symmetry of the formation, the deeps of the river reflecting the escarpment of rock, the wide-opening vista of hazy islands and extending plains down-stream;--all these together compose a scene unique in itself and, though so different, placing cape horn in the same gallery of royal pictures which we have been gathering. a few miles below cape horn it becomes apparent that we are about to issue from the mountain pass. the heights have fallen away. deep valleys appear and many habitations attest the cultivable character of the region. but as if to show that she has not exhausted her resources, wonder-working nature has set one more masterpiece in the long line, and this is rooster rock, with a mighty rampart of rock adjoining and closing the southern horizon. together they mark the western limit of the mountains. that rampart, which was once well named cape eternity, though the name does not seem to have been preserved, is a sheer massive precipice of a thousand feet. though not nearly so high as some of the cliffs above, it is not surpassed by any for the appearance of solid and massive power. rooster rock is distinguished by a singular and exquisite beauty, rather than magnitude or grandeur. it is only three hundred and fifty feet high, but in form and colour and alternation of rock and trees it is the most beautiful object on the river. with a farewell to cape eternity and rooster rock we are out of the mountains, and this stage of our long journey is at an end. if we were to compare the section of the river which we have described in this chapter with other great scenes in our country, we would say that this section of the columbia from paha cliffs to rooster rock possesses a greater variety than any other. chelan has loftier cliffs, clearer and deeper water, and a certain chaotic and elemental energy beyond comparison. the yellowstone has a greater richness of colouring and larger waterfalls, together with the unique features of the geysers. yosemite has loftier waterfalls and has cliffs that in some respects are even more imposing. puget sound has finer distant scenes, with lagoons and channels and archipelagoes. each of these grand exhibitions of nature's works is equal or even superior to the columbia gorge in some special feature. but the river has every feature. it has cliffs and mountains and waterfalls and cataracts, valleys and forests, broad marine views near and distant, colour and form, shore and sky, earth and air and water, a commingling of all elements of beauty, grandeur, and physical interest. add to this, that, up or down, the broad waters of the river are accessible to every form of floating craft, and that portland, one of the most beautiful and progressive cities of the west, destined to become one of the great cities of the world, sits at the very gates of admission to this symposium of grandeurs and wonders, and we have such an aggregation of charms that we may well suppose that all the other great scenic regions would bow before our great river and acknowledge him as the king of all. [illustration: cape horn, columbia river--looking up. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] chapter v a side trip to some of the great snow-peaks attractions of our mountain peaks--relations to the rivers--locations of the greatest and their positions with regard to the cities and the routes of travel--the mountain clubs--the peaks, especially belonging to the river: hood, adams, and st. helens--a journey to hood--beauty of the approach through hood river valley--lost lake--cloud-cap inn and elliot glacier--extreme steepness of the ascent--magnificence of the view--mt. adams--the hunting and fishing--the glaciers--the vegetation about the snow-line--the night storm--morning and the ascent--views around, up, down--ascent by the mazama club in 1902 and the transformation scene--general similarity of ascent of our peaks--zones of a snow-peak. "_nesika klatawa sahale_" most countries have rivers of beauty and grandeur; many have lakes of scenic charm; many have hills and mountain chains; but there is only one country in the united states that has all of these features, and, in addition, a number of isolated giant peaks, clad in permanent ice and snow. that country is the pacific north-west. throughout oregon and washington and extending partly through california is a series of volcanic peaks which gather within themselves every feature of natural beauty, sublimity, and wonder. the fifteen most conspicuous of these peaks, beginning with baker or kulshan on the north, and ending with pitt on the south, are spaced at nearly regular intervals of from thirty to fifty miles, except for the one group of the three sisters, which, though distinct peaks, are separated only by narrow valleys. most of these great peaks are somewhat remote from the cities or the great routes of public travel, and hence are not easily accessible to ordinary tourists. none of them, except hood and rainier or tacoma, possesses hotel accommodations. the natives are more accustomed to "roughing it," and braving the wilderness than most eastern people are, and hence many parties go annually from the chief cities of oregon and washington to the great peaks. some of them, as glacier peak and shuksan, are so environed with mountain ramparts and almost impassable cañons as to be practically unknown. the most approachable and the most visited are hood, rainier, and adams. [illustration: looking up the columbia river from the cliff above multnomah falls, ore. (copyright, kiser photograph co., 1902.)] the greatest influence in organising visits to these mountains, and in cultivating an appreciation of them among the people of the region, as well as in informing the world regarding them, has existed in the mountain clubs. the chief of these are the mazama (wild goat) club of portland and the mountaineers of seattle. membership is not confined to those two cities, though mainly located there. the mazama club may be called the historic mountain climber's club, and it has done incalculable good in fostering a love of mountains and in arranging expeditions to them. the three peaks which may be considered as especially belonging to the columbia river are hood, adams, and st. helens. as the traveller on the river views the unsullied spires and domes of these great temples of nature, he longs to worship in their more immediate presence. as a logical consequence of this sentiment, after having floated down the columbia from the dalles to rooster rock, we feel that life would be at least partly in vain if we should fail to plant feet on the topmost snows of at least two of these great heights. we will first visit hood. though not the highest, this is the boldest and most picturesque of all. moreover by reason of its location, seen conspicuously as it is from portland and the willamette valley, and because of its nearness to the old immigrant road into oregon, hood was the first noticed, and the most often described, painted, and berhymed of any of the wintry brotherhood. as the puget sound region became settled, and great cities began to grow up there, mt. rainier ("takhoma") began to be a rival in popular estimation. when measurements showed that rainier was three thousand feet higher, and adams over one thousand feet higher than the idolised hood, a wail of grief arose from the oregonians, and for a time they could hardly be reconciled. but as they became adjusted to the situation, they planted themselves upon the proposition that, though hood was not the highest, it was the most beautiful, and that its surroundings were superior to those of any other. for this proposition there is much to be said, though, in truth, we must accept the dictum of dogberry that "comparisons are odorous" the usual approach to mt. hood by the hood river route is indeed of striking attractiveness. this picturesque orchard valley is like an avenue of flowers leading to a marble temple. one of the finest points in the vicinity of hood river, seldom visited because it is off the road and buried in forests, is lost lake. perhaps the grandest view of mt. hood is from this lake. the bold pinnacle, rising out of the broad fields of snow, they in turn most wondrously encircled in forests of rich hue, is mirrored in the clear water with a perfectness that scarcely can be matched among the many lakes of its kind in all the land. in these days of swift transit, hood river keeps up with the procession, for there is a regular automobile line from the town to cloud-cap inn at the snow-line of the great peak, twenty-four miles distant. the distance, though it represents a rise of seven thousand feet, is traversed all too quickly to fully enjoy the valley, filled with its orchards, and rising in regular gradation from the heat of the lower end to the bracing cold of the upper air. in cloud-cap inn the traveller may find the daintiest, most unique specimen of a mountain resort in our mountains. the inn is owned by a wealthy portland man, and is maintained rather as an attraction to visitors than with the expectation of making money. [illustration: spokane falls and city, 1886. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] [illustration: spokane falls and city, 1908. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] from the inn one can climb in a few minutes to photographer's point, from which he can look right down on the elliot glacier, not a large, but an exceedingly fine specimen of that most interesting of all features of a great peak. hood, though so steep, can be ascended from several points. it was for a long time supposed to be unscalable from the north side. but william langille, one of the most daring and successful mountain climbers of oregon, soon found his way up the sharp ascent, and, once marked out, that route has been followed by the great majority of climbers. though very steep, there has never been an accident on this route except in one case, when a stranger undertook the climb alone and never returned. he probably lost his footing and fell into a crevasse. with the usual precautions of ropes and ice hatchets and caulks, a party can make their way over the steep slope, and its very steepness makes the ascent quicker and less exhaustive than to overcome the longer and more gradual ascents of adams or "takhoma." while it takes but about four or five hours for an average party to go from snow-line to summit of hood, either of the other mountains named demands from seven to ten hours. and having reached the summit, what a view! if the day be entirely clear--a rare occurrence--you will behold a domain for an empire. on the south, the long line of the cascades, with the occasional great heights, jefferson, three sisters, thielson, diamond, scott, and, if it be very clear, even pitt. to the north, the giant bulk of adams, the airy symmetry of st. helens, and the lordly majesty of rainier, rule sky and earth, while in mazy undulations the great range, alternately purple and white, stretches on and on until it blends into the clouds. seemingly almost at the feet of the observer, a dark green sinuosity amid the timbered hills, now strangely flattened, as we stand so high above them, marks the course of the river on its march oceanward. if the day be very clear, a whitish blur far westward shows where the "rose city" on the willamette reigns over her fair domains, while a dim stretch of varied hues denotes the willamette valley. some climbers have even asserted that late in the afternoon of extremely clear days the glint of the western sun can be seen upon the pacific, a hundred and fifty miles distant. toward the east lie the vast plains of the inland empire, marked at their farther limit by the soft curves and lazy swells of the range of the blue mountains. while it is an ungracious and even a fruitless undertaking to compare such objects as the great mountains or the views from the respective summits, it may be said that hood has one conspicuous feature of the view, and that is that it is nearest the centre of the great mountain peaks, as well as systems, and also best commands the outlook over the great valley systems and river systems of this part of the columbia basin. and therefore, though the view is not equal in breadth to that from the summit of adams or rainier, it is unsurpassed for variety and interest. it may be said to cover more history than the view from any other peak. across the southern flank lies the old barlow road, over which came the greater part of the immigration in the days of the ox-team conquest of oregon in the forties and fifties. thirty miles east is the dalles with its old fur-trader's station, its old united states fort, its mission station, its indian wars, its early settlement, the most historic place in eastern oregon. from the old town, during all the years from the opening of the century, there descended the river the trappers, missionaries, immigrants, miners, soldiers, hunters, home-seekers, of a later day, adventurers and promoters of every species, to say nothing of the generations of indians who lived and died along the banks. to the west of our icy eyrie, portland and vancouver, with the rich valleys around them, represent the earliest explorations and developments of the fur-traders, as well as the earliest days of the era of permanent settlement. there in the westward haze is the little town of champoeg where the provisional government of oregon was established. in fact, in whatsoever direction we may look, we see illustrations of the heroic age of old oregon, the drama of native races, rival powers of europe and america, the march of empire, a section of humanity and the world in the making. when our visit to hood is ended we must cross the river and traverse another paradise, the white salmon valley, leading to mt. adams, the old indian klickitat. adams is in such a position that its true elevation and magnitude cannot be understood from portland or the dalles or most of the routes of travel. therefore until comparatively recent times it was generally supposed that adams was an insignificant mountain in comparison with hood, which looms up with such imposing grandeur from every point along the chief highways of commerce. it was discovered by the mazama club in 1896 that adams carried his regal crown at a height of twelve thousand four hundred and seventy feet above the level of the sea, while the previously established height of hood was only eleven thousand two hundred and twenty-five. since then adams has been held in much greater respect by mountain lovers, and many journeys have been made to and on it. around mt. adams is a region of caves. as one rides through the open glades he may often hear the ground rumble beneath his horse's hoofs. mouths of avernus yawn on every side. some caverns have sunken in, leaving serpentine ravines. one cave has been traced three miles without finding the end. some of these caves are partially filled with ice. there is one in particular, fifteen miles south-west of the mountain, which is known as ice cave. this is very small, not over four hundred feet long, but it is a marvel of unique beauty. its external appearance is that of a huge well, at whose edge are bunches of nodding flowers, and from whose dark depths issue sudden chilly gusts. descending by means of a knotty young tree which previous visitors have let down, we find ourselves on a floor of ice. the glare of pitch-pine torches reveals a weird and beautiful scene. a perfect forest of icicles of both the stalactite and stalagmite forms fills the cave. they are from ten to fifteen feet in length and from one to three in diameter. from some points of view they look like silvered organ-pipes. these caves have been formed in some cases by chambers of steam or bubbles in the yet pasty rock which hardened enough to maintain their form upon the condensation of the vapour. others were doubtless produced by a tongue of lava as it collected slag and hardened rock upon its moving edge, rising up and curling over like a breaker on the sand. only the "cave of flint" instead of turning into a "retreating cloud" had enough solid matter to sustain the arch and so became permanent. others were no doubt formed by pyroducts. a tongue of flowing lava hardens on the surface. the interior remains fluid. it may continue running until the tongue is all emptied, leaving a cavern. such a cavern, whose upper end reaches the cold air of the mountains, might be like a chimney, down which freezing air would descend, turning into ice the water that trickled into the cave, even at the lower end. for sport, the region about mt. adams is unsurpassed. the elk, three kinds of deer, the magnificent mule deer, the black-tail, and the graceful little white-tail, two species of bear, the cinnamon and black, the daring and ubiquitous mountain goat, quail, grouse, pheasants, ducks, and cranes, are among the attractions to the hunter. of late years great bands of sheep have driven the game somewhat from the south and east sides. in the grassy glades that encircle the snowy pile of adams no vexatious undergrowth impedes the gallop of our fleet cayuse pony or obscures our vision. on the background of fragrant greenery the "dun deer's hide" is thrown with statuesque distinctness, and among the low trees the whirring grouse is easily discerned. nor is the disciple of nimrod alone considered. after our hunt we may move to trout lake, and here the very ghost of the lamented walton might come as to a paradise. trout lake is a shallow pool half a mile in length, encircled with pleasant groves and grassy glades, marred now, however, by the encroachment of ranches. into it there come at intervals from the ice-cold mountain inlet perfect shoals of the most gamey and delicious trout. on rafts, or the two or three rude skiffs that have been placed there, one may find all piscatorial joys and may abundantly supply his larder free of cost. a few ranches here and there furnish accommodations for those who are too delicate to rest on the bosom of mother earth. but no extended trip can be taken without committing oneself to the wilderness delights of sleeping with star-dials for roof and flickering camp-fire for hearth. and what healthy human being would exchange those for the feverish, pampered life of the modern house? let us have the barbarism, and with it the bounding pulses and exuberant life of the wilderness. [illustration: in the heart of the cascade mountains, above lake chelan, wash. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] but now, with stomachs and knapsacks filled, and with that pervasive sense of contentment which characterises the successful hunter and angler, we must get up our cayuse ponies from their pastures on the rich grass of the open woods, saddle up, and then off for the mountain, whose giant form now overtops the very clouds. about two miles from trout lake the trail crosses the white salmon, and we find ourselves at the foot of the mountain. for eight miles we follow a trail through open woods, park-like, with huge pines at irregular intervals, and vivid grass and flowers between, a fair scene, the native home of every kind of game. as we journey on delightedly through these glades, rising, terrace after terrace, we can read the history of the mountain in the rock beneath our feet and the expanding plains and hills below. all within the ancient amphitheatre is volcanic. there are four main summits, a central dome, vast, symmetrical, majestic, pure-white against the blue-black sky of its unsullied height. the three other peaks are broken crags of basalt, leaning as for support against the mighty mass at the centre. around the snow-line of the mountain many minor cones have been blown up. these have the most gaudy and brilliant colouring, mainly yellow and vermilion. one on the south-east is especially noticeable. from a deep cañon it rises two thousand feet as steep as broken scoriæ can lie. the main part is bright red, surmounted by a circular cliff of black rock. probably the old funnel of the crater became filled with black rock, which, cooling, formed a solid core. the older material around it having crumbled away, it remains a solid shaft. but fire has not wrought all the wonders of the mighty peak. ice has been most active. the mountain was once completely girdled with glaciers. rocks are scratched and grooved five miles below the present snow-line. the ridges are strewn with planed rocks and glacial shavings and coarse sand. some of the monticules on the flanks of the mountain have been partially cut away. many have been entirely obliterated. but the ice has now greatly receded. instead of a complete enswathement of ice there are some six or seven distinct glaciers, separated by sharp ridges, while the region formerly the chief home of the ice is now a series of alpine meadows. like most of the snow peaks, mt. adams is rudely terraced, and the terraces are separated into compartments by ridges, forming scores and hundreds of glades and meads. in some of these are circular ponds, from a few square rods to several acres in area. these lakes are found by the hundred around the mountain and in the region north of it. they are one of the charms and wonders of the country. about most of them tall grass crowds to the very edge of the water. scattered trees diversify the scene. throughout these glades flow innumerable streams, descending from level to level in picturesque cascades, and composed of water so cold and sparkling that the very memory of it cools the after thirst. sometimes the tough turf grows clear over, making a verdant tunnel through which "the tinkling waters slip." here and there streams spout full-grown from frowning precipices. [illustration: birch-tree channel; upper columbia, near golden, b. c. photo. by c. f. yates, golden.] but we are not content to stand below and gaze "upward to that height." we must needs ascend. in climbing a snow peak a great deal depends on making camp at a good height and getting a very early start. by a little searching one may find good camping places at an elevation of seven thousand or even eight thousand feet altitude. this leaves only four thousand or five thousand feet to climb on the great day, and by starting at about four o'clock a party may have sixteen hours of daylight. this is enough, if there be no accidents, to enable any sound man of average muscle,--or woman either, if she be properly dressed for it,--to gain the mighty dome of adams. at the time of our last ascent we camped high on a great ridge on the south side of the mountain, having for shelter a thick copse of dwarf firs. so fiercely had the winds of centuries swept this exposed point that the trees did not stand erect, but lay horizontal from west to east. with pulses bounding from the exhilarating air, and our whole systems glowing with the exercise and the wild game of the preceding week, we stretch ourselves out for sleep, while the stars blaze from infinite heights, and our uneasy camp-fire strives fitfully with the icy air which at nightfall always slides down the mountain side. sweet sleep till midnight, and then we found ourselves awake all at once with a unanimity which at first we scarcely understood, but which a moment's observation made clear enough. a regular mountain gale had suddenly broken upon us. it had waked us up by nearly blowing us out of bed. our camp-fire was aroused to newness of life by the gale, and the huge fire-brands flew down the mountain side, igniting pitchy thickets, until a fitful glare illuminated the lonely and savage grandeur of the scene. the whole sky seemed in motion. then a cloud struck us. night, glittering as she was a moment before with her tiaras of stars, was suddenly transformed into a dull, whitish blur. the vapour formed at once into thick drops on the trees and was precipitated in turn on us. occasional sleet and snowflakes struck us with almost the sting of flying sand when we ventured to peep out. covering ourselves up, heads and all, we crowded against each other and grimly went to sleep. we woke again, chattering with cold, to find it perfectly calm. the morning star was blazing over the spot where day was about to break. the sky was absolutely clear, not a mote on its whole concavity. the wind had swept and burnished it. the mountain towered above us cold and sharp as a crystal. there was a still, solemn majesty about it in the keen air and early light which struck us with a thrill of fear. the light just before daybreak is far more exact than the scarlet splendour of morning or the blinding blaze of noon. the world below us was a level sea of clouds. we seemed to be on an island of snow and rock, or on a small planetoid winging its own way in space. yet beyond the puncturing top of a few of the simcoe peaks a wavering line that just touched the glowing eastern sky, told of clear weather a hundred leagues up the basin of the columbia. out of the ocean of cloud, the great peaks of hood and st. helens rose, cold and white, like icebergs on an arctic sea. [illustration: a typical mountain meadow, stehekin valley, wash. photo. by t. w. tolman, spokane.] coffee, ham, and hardtack, and then out on the ice and snow, just as the first warm flush of morning is gilding the mighty mass above us. the snow, hardened by the freezing morning, affords excellent footing, and in the sharp, bracing air we feel capable of any effort. we gain the summit of a bright red knob, one of the secondary volcanoes that girdle the mountain. at its peak are purple stones piled up like an altar, as indeed it is, though the incense from it is not of human kindling. the sun is not fairly up, but from below the horizon it splits the hemisphere of the sky into a hundred segments by its auroral flashes. and now we begin to climb a volcanic ridge, rising like a huge stairway, with blocks of stone as large as a piano. this is a tongue of lava, very recent, insomuch that it shows no glacial markings, and yet enough soil has accumulated upon it to support vegetation. it can be seen, a dull red river, three hundred yards wide, extending far down the mountain side. how well the old greek poet described the process that must have taken place here: "ætna, pillar of heaven, nurse of snow, with fountains of fire; a river of fire, bearing down rocks with a crashing sound to the deep sea." the ridge becomes very steep, at an angle of probably thirty-five or forty degrees, and we climb on all fours from one rock to another. at last we draw ourselves up a huge wedge of phonolite and find ourselves at the summit of the first peak. six hundred yards beyond, muffled in white silence, rises the great dome. it is probably five hundred feet higher than the first peak. to reach it we climb a bare, steep ridge of shaly, frost-shattered rock, in which we sink ankle deep, a difficult and even painful task with the laboured breathing of twelve thousand feet altitude. but patience conquers, and at about noon, seven hours and a half from the time of starting, we stand on the very tip of the mountain. ten minutes panting in the cold wind and then we are ready to look around. within the circle of our vision is an area for an empire. northward is a wilderness of mountains. high above all, mt. rainier lifts his white crown unbroken to the only majesty above him, the sky. the western horizon, more hazy than the eastern, is punctuated by the smooth dome and steely glitter of mt. st. helens. far southward, across a wilderness of broken heights, rises the sharp pinnacle of mt. hood, and far beyond that, its younger brother, jefferson. still beyond, are the alpine peaks of the three sisters, nearly two hundred miles distant. our vision sweeps a circle whose diameter is probably five hundred miles. far westward the white haze betokens the presence of the sea. a deep blue line north-eastward, far beyond the smooth dome of st. helens, stands for puget sound. numerous lakes gleam in woody solitudes. having looked around, let us now look down. on the eastern side the mountain breaks off in a monstrous chasm of probably four thousand feet, most of it perpendicular. we crawl as we draw near it. lying down in turn, secured by ropes held behind, fearful as much of the mystic attraction of the abyss as of the slippery snow, we peep over the awful verge. take your turn, gentle reader, if you would know what it seems to gaze down almost a mile of nearly perpendicular distance. points of rock jut out from the pile and eye us darkly. that icy floor nearly a mile below us is the klickitat glacier. from beneath it a milk-white stream issues and crawls off amid the rocky desolation. at the very edge of the great precipice stands a cone of ice a hundred feet high. green, blue, yellow, red, and golden, the colours play with the circling sunbeams on its slippery surface, until one is ready to believe that here is where rainbows are made. we roll some rocks from a wind-swept point, and then shudder to see them go. they are lost to the eye as their noise to the ear, long before they cease to roll. silence reigns. there is no echo. the thin air makes the voice sound weak. our loudest shouts are brief bubbles of noise in the infinite space. a pistol shot is only a puff of powder. even the rocks we set off are swallowed up and we get no response but the first reluctant clank as they grind the lip of the precipice. nor do we care much for boisterous sounds. we are impelled rather to silence and worship. [illustration: high school, walla walla, wash. photo. by w. d. chapman, walla walla.] but now once more to earth and camp! for pure exhilaration, commend me to descending a snow peak. for a good part of mt. adams one may descend in huge jumps through the loose scoriæ and volcanic ashes. some of the way one may slide on the crusty snow, a perfect whiz of descent. how the thin wind cuts past us, and how our frames glow with the dizzy speed! such a manner of descent is not altogether safe. as we are going in one place with flying jumps on the softening snow, a chasm suddenly appears before us. it looks ten feet wide, and how deep, no one could guess. to stop is out of the question. we make a wild bound and clear it, catching a momentary glance into the bluish-green crack as we fly across. we make the descent in an incredibly short time, only a little more than an hour, whereas it took us over seven hours to ascend. and then the rest and mighty feasts of camp, and the abundant and mountainous yarns, and the roaring camp-fire, whose shadows flicker on the solemn snow-fields, until the stars claim the heavens, and, while the wailing cry of the cougars rises from a jungle far below us, we sleep and perform again in dreams the day's exploits. of all scenes in connection with mt. adams, the most remarkable in all the experience of those who witnessed it, and one of those rare combinations which the sublimest aspects of nature afford, was at the time of the outing of the mazama club in 1902. the party had reached the summit in a dense fog, cold, bitter, forbidding, and nothing whatever to be seen. all was a dull, whitish blur. in the bitter chill the enthusiasm of some of the climbers evaporated and they turned away down the snowy waste. others remained in the hope of a vanishing of the cloud-cap. and suddenly their hopes were realised. a marvellous transformation scene was unveiled like the lifting of a vast curtain. the cloud-cap was split asunder. the great red and black pinnacles of the summit sprung forth from the mist like the first lines in a developing photographic plate. then the glistening tiaras and thrones of ice and snow caught the gleams of the unveiled sun, and lo, there we stood in mid-heaven, seemingly upon an island in space, with no earth about us, just the sun and the sky above and a great swaying ocean of fog below. but now suddenly that ocean of fog was rent and split. the ardent sun burned and banished it away. mountain peak after peak caught the glory. range after range seemed to rise and stand in battle array. the transformation was complete. a moment before we were swathed in the densest cloud-cap, blinded with the fog. now we were standing on a mount of transfiguration, with a new world below us. every vestige of smoke or fog was gone. we could see the shimmer of the ocean to the west, the glistening bands of puget sound and the columbia. far eastward the plains of the inland empire lay palpitating in the july sun. the whole long line of the great snow-peaks of the cascades were there revealed, the farthest a mere speck, yet distinctly discernible, two hundred miles distant. one unaccustomed to the mountains would not believe it possible that such an area could be caught within the vision from a single point. [illustration: lake chelan. photo. by f. n. kneeland.] it may be understood that the description of one of our great snow-peaks is, in general terms, a description of all. with every one there are the same azure skies, the same snow-caps, the same crevassed and glistening rivers of ice, the same long ridges with their intervening grassy and flowery meads, purling streams, and reflecting lakes. with the name of each there rises before mazama or mountaineer the remembrance of the camp of clouds or stars upon the edge of snow-bank, the sound of the bugle at two o'clock in the morning of the great climb, the hastily swallowed breakfast of coffee and ham, while climbers stand shivering around the flickering morning fire, the approaching day with its banners of crimson behind the heights, the daubing of faces with grease-paint and the putting on of goggles, amid shouts of laughter from each at the grotesque and picturesque ugliness of all the others, then the hastily grasped alpenstocks, the forming in line, and at about four o'clock, while the first rays of the sun are gilding the summit, the word of command and the beginning of the march. each great peak has its zones, so significant that each seems a world in itself. there is first the zone of summer with its fir and cedar forests at the base of the peak, from a thousand feet to twenty-five hundred above sea-level. in the case of most of our great peaks this zone consists of long gentle slopes and dense forests, with much undergrowth, though on the eastern sides there are frequently wide-open spaces of grassy prairie. then comes the zone of pine forest and summer strawberry, with its fragrant air and long glades of grass and open aisles of columned trees, "god's first temples," pellucid streams babbling over pebbles and white sands, and occasionally falling in cascades over ledges of volcanic rock. this zone rises in terraces which attest the ancient lava flow, at an increasing grade over the first, though at most points one might still drive a carriage through the open pine forests. then comes the third zone, a zone of parks. the large pine trees now give way to the belts of subalpine fir and mountain pine and larch, exquisite for beauty, enclosing the parks and grouped here and there in clumps like those in some old baronial estate of feudal times. this is the zone of rhododendron, shushula, phlox, and painted brush. through the open glades the ptarmigan and deer wander, formerly unafraid of man, but now, alas, under the ban of civilisation. the upward slope has now increased to twenty or twenty-five degrees, and to a party of climbers a frequent rest and the quaffing of the ice-cold stream that dashes through the woods afford a happy feature of the ascent. at the upper edge of this zone, at an elevation of probably seven thousand feet, beside some dashing stream or some clear pool, fed from the snows above, is the place for the camp. and such a camp! oh, the beauty of such an unspoiled spot! [illustration: on the banks of the columbia river, near hood river. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] it is from such a camp at the upper edge of the paradise zone that a party sets forth at the four o'clock hour to attain the highest. so the march on the great day of a final climb carries us at once into a fourth zone. this is the zone of avalanche and glacier, the zone of elemental fury and warfare, a zone of ever-steepening ascent, thirty degrees, a zone of almost winter cold at night, but with such a dazzling brightness and fervour in the day as turns the snow-banks to slush and sends the fountains tearing and cutting across the glaciers and triturating the moraines. vegetation has now almost ceased, though the heather still drapes the ledges on the eastern or southern exposures, and occasionally one of the tenacious mountain pines upholds the banner of spring in some sheltered nook. this wind-swept and storm-lashed zone is also the zone of the wild goats and mountain sheep. on the precipitous ridges and along the narrow ledges at the margin of glaciers they can be seen bounding away at the approach of the party, sure-footed and swift at points where the nerve of the best human climber might fail. this zone carries the climbers to ten or eleven thousand feet of elevation on the highest peaks. and here is the place for the mountaineers and mazamas to take the half-hour rest on their arduous march. a sweet rest it is. we pick out some sheltered place on the eastern slope, and stretch ourselves at full length on the warm rocks, while the icy wind from the summit goes hurtling above us. and how good the chocolate and the malted milk and the prunes and raisins of the scanty lunch taste, while we rest and feel the might of elemental nature again fill our veins and lungs and hearts. but then comes a fifth zone, the last, the zone of the arctic. this is the zone of the snow-cap. the glaciers are now below. all life has ceased. the grade has ever steepened, till now it is forty degrees or more. the snow is hummocked and granulated. here is where part of the climbers begin to stop. legs and lungs fail. camp looks exceedingly good down there at the verge of the forests. they feel as though they had lost nothing on the summit worth going up for. a nausea, mountain sickness, attacks some. nosebleed attacks others. things look serious. icy mists sometimes begin to swirl around the presumptous climbers. frost gathers on hair and mustache and eyebrows. the unaccustomed or the less ambitious or weaker lose heart and bid the rest go on, for they will turn toward a more summer-like clime. generally about half an ordinary party drop out at this beginning of the arctic zone. but the rest shout "excelsior," take a firmer grasp of alpenstock, stamp feet more vehemently into the snow, and with dogged perseverance move step by step up the final height. inch by inch, usually in the teeth of a biting gale, leaning forward, and panting heavily, they force the upward way. and victory at last! there comes a time when we are on the topmost pinnacle, and there is nothing above us but the storms and sun. and then what elation! nothing seems quite to equal the pure delight of such a triumph of lungs and legs and heart and will. [illustration: rooster rock, columbia river--looking up. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] chapter vi the lower river and the ocean tides remarkable change in climate and topography--farms and villages--first view of mt. hood on west side--vancouver and its historic interest--the north bank railroad--view at the mouth of the willamette--sauvie's or wapatoo island--beauty of the willamette and its tributaries--simpson's poem--approach to portland--site of portland--transportation facilities--portland's commerce--homes and public buildings--art in portland--the historical society museum--the _oregonian_ and its editor--once more on the river--the fishing and lumbering villages--scenery of the lower river--astoria and the outlook to the ocean--industries of astoria--the fisheries--the fleet of fishing boats on the bar--the ocean beaches and the tourist travel--through the outer headlands to the pacific. having returned from our side trip to the mountain peaks of hood and adams and having resumed our station on the bank of the river just below rooster rock, we see that we are now in a new world. we are at sea-level. dense forests clothe the shores, except for the places where the axe of the settler or the saws of the lumberman have made inroads. moss drapes the rocks. ferns and vines take possession wherever the trees have been removed. even in summer a feeling of humidity usually pervades the air. a certain softness and roundness seems to characterise both the vegetable and animal world. the smell of the sea is in the atmosphere, even though the sea is yet distant. no longer do our eyes wander over boundless expanses of rolling prairie, crowned to the highest knolls with wheat-fields, as on the other side of the mountains. the mountains fall away, and low bottoms, sometimes oozy with the inflowing river or the creeks from the forests, stretch away in the lazy, hazy distance. the river no longer flows tumultuously and with that militant energy which is so characteristic of the long stretches from kettle falls to the dalles. it has a calm and stately majesty, the repose of accomplished warfare and victory. it has hewn its way down to the level of the ocean and no longer needs to fret and storm. it has conquered a peace. [illustration: band of elk on w. p. reser's ranch, walla walla, wash. photo. by w. d. chapman.] below rooster rock, the shores are flats with low hills in the background, and the river expands to a width of from one to two miles. if we still imagine ourselves in a small boat, we find the most delightful of sensations in gliding past the grassy islands and shores thick with fir or cottonwood. or if we choose to take our way to one of the elegant steamers, _spencer_ or _bailey gatzert_, we shall still partake of the same life and feel the same sense of repose and contentment which belong by natural right to this portion of the river. soon after leaving rooster rock, we begin to pass frequent pleasant farms on either bank. on the washington side we see two pretty villages, washougal and la camas. the first has the historical distinction of being at or nearly at the highest spot reached by the english explorer broughton in 1792, and named by him point vancouver. la camas is the location of the most extensive paper mills in the north-west. if, while we are in this section of the river and our eyes are bent eagerly forward to catch the ever-changing shore and river lines, we happen to glance backward, our gaze is fastened as with a magnet, and for a moment utterance fails. for what do we see? glistening white, ethereal, mt. hood rises before us, a vision which, of the many mountain visions that we have seen, seems the most beautiful. mt. hood indeed is the background of many a noble scene upon the river, but there is none quite equal in amplitude, in variety, to this,--river, forest, shore, foreground of timbered hills, cascade gorge, distant white and purple chain of cascade mountains, and the volcanic cone overtopping and overawing all. this view of mt. hood from the vicinity of la camas has perhaps been oftener the subject of painting than any other. a few miles below la camas we reach the most historic and perhaps the most beautiful spot upon the columbia, vancouver. as the capital for twenty years of the hudson's bay company's fur empire, associated with the name of dr. john mcloughlin, the centre of almost every event of importance in the early history, connected with both american and british occupation, and later as the location of the united states military post and preserving the names of grant, sheridan, mcclellan, hooker, and others of our famous generals, vancouver has indeed a rich historic setting. but aside from such associations with the past, every tourist must note the location of vancouver as one of rare beauty. in fact, the spot is almost ideal for a great city. the splendid river, a mile and a half in width, offers limitless facilities for shipping, while, beginning at the water's edge, a gradually rising slope of land extends in a superb swell several miles to the north. every feature of scenery that could delight the eye--mt. hood with the cascades to the east, the willamette valley to the south, the portland and scappoose hills to the west, the river blending all--seems to have been lavished on vancouver. it has been a surprise to many that the great city had not grown here rather than at portland, which, though on an equally fine location, is on the tributary and much smaller willamette. the chief reasons of this were the nearer proximity of portland to the rich farming country of the tualatin and the presence in the columbia a mile below vancouver of a sand-bar which embarrassed shipping. this is now removed. [illustration: oregon city in 1845. from an old print.] [illustration: fort vancouver in 1845.] at vancouver the newly-built "north bank" railroad (spokane, portland, and seattle) has constructed across the columbia a bridge a mile and three quarters in length, said to be the largest and costliest of its kind in the world. this same railroad has also bridged the willamette a few miles west of vancouver, thus effecting an entrance to portland. this railroad is one of the most interesting and remarkable undertakings of the age. it is said that its cost from spokane to portland exceeded forty million dollars. vancouver expects much from this road, even anticipating that much of the shipping hitherto centring in portland will be diverted to the larger river. however that may prove, it is plain that vancouver has the promise as well as the memory of great things. six miles west of vancouver is one of those imposing scenes in which our river so abounds. this is the junction of the willamette with the columbia. this spot was noted by broughton in 1792 as one of exceptional beauty, and to it he attached the name belle vue point. it is indeed a combination of both historical and scenic interest. the willamette steals shyly and coquettishly through green islands to fall into the strong arms of the stately columbia. the western arm of the willamette, commonly called the "slough," joins the columbia eighteen miles below at the picturesque little town of st. helens. between the columbia and the slough lies sauvie's island, named from a hudson's bay man, and famous throughout hudson's bay times as well as indian times. the island was the seat of power of the multnomah tribe. the scene of the book known as the _bridge of the gods_ by frederick balch is mainly upon this island, and in that book will be found some glowing descriptions of this beauty spot. to the indians it was known as wapatoo island. in the ponds grew the plant called the wapatoo, an onion-like root, very nutritious and palatable, and, with salmon, constituting the chief food of the natives. not only so, but the multnomah indians used the wapatoo as a commercial stock, carrying on regular trade with both the coast and the up-river tribes. according to the early explorers there were great annual fairs on wapatoo island, when indians from ocean beach, from valley, from mountains, and from river, both up and down, would gather to exchange products, to gamble, race horses and boats, and have a general period of hilarity and good fellowship. the gathering of the wapatoos developed upon the patient "klootchmen" (women) of the tribe. they would go out in canoes to the shallow water where the roots grew and then, stripping naked, would hang over the side of the boat and dislodge the wapatoos with their toes from the soft mud. soon the surface would be covered with the floating roots. the squaws would gather these into the canoes. then they would move to another place for another load. sometimes they would spend almost the whole day in the water. the wapatoo still grows in the ponds and lagoons of the island. these ponds formerly abounded in ducks and geese and cranes and swans. even yet there is fine hunting. during the damp soft days of the oregon winter, the nimrods of portland betake themselves thither in great numbers. [illustration: lone rock, columbia river, about fifty miles east of portland. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] from the steamer, as we enter the mouth of the willamette, or from the greater elevation of the lighthouse, one may command one of the lordliest views that even this land of lordly views affords. five snow-peaks, hood, rainier-tacoma, st. helens, adams, and jefferson, rise snow white from the purple forests of the cascade range. up the columbia the great gorge through which we have passed stands open to view, while down-river the sinuous and hazy lines of low-lying shore betoken the nearer proximity of the ocean. up the willamette, enchanting islands, with low watery shores, occupy the foreground, while a short distance back from the western bank, a chain of picturesque hills, heavily timbered, encloses the vista. on the east side a low bench with bluffy promontories, crowned with the beautiful smooth-barked madrona tree, rises from the green meadows. if we could, from so fair an entrance, ascend the willamette to its source in the cascade mountains two hundred miles away, and if we could turn into the tualatin, the yamhill, the clackamas, the molalla, the la creole, the santiam, the calapooia, affluents worthy of union with the willamette, and if we could tarry among the vales and meadows and oak-crowned hills and distant coast and cascade ranges of mountains, all across that superb valley, fifty miles wide by a hundred and fifty long, as beautiful as greece or italy,--we would then all agree that the willamette deserves a volume by itself and that it is almost a crime to introduce it so briefly here. every old oregonian, in thinking of the willamette, at once associates it with the apostrophe to it by s. l. simpson, the gifted and unfortunate poet of oregon, whose genius deserved a wider recognition than it ever received. the first stanza of his poem is this: from the cascades' frozen gorges, leaping like a child at play, winding, widening through the valley, bright willamette glides away. onward ever, lovely river, softly calling to the sea, time that scars us, maims and mars us, leaves no track or trench on thee. and now that we have fairly entered the willamette, it becomes speedily evident that we are in the near vicinity of a large and prosperous city. steamboats, an occasional steamship, sailing ships, sometimes huge four-masted steel ships towed by coughing tugs, long booms of logs in tow of some spluttering stern-wheeler, scows of every description, gasoline launches, rowboats,--a motley fleet, they seem to be making they way with all possible haste upon the stream. [illustration: willamette falls, oregon city, ore. photo. by e. h. moorehouse.] we are indeed approaching portland, the metropolis of the columbia, the "rose city," in many respects the most interesting and attractive of western cities. the approach to portland is one hard to match for stately beauty. the city occupies both sides of the willamette, the main business part on the west side, but the larger residence part on the east. the first settler on the original site of portland was a man named overton. lownsdale, chapman, and lovejoy bought him out. then captain john h. couch in 1845 located a donation land claim on what is now the northern part of the west side city. at that time the site was somewhat cut up with gulches and clothed in the densest of dense forests, with perfect jungles of every species of undergrowth. but duller eyes than those of the gallant mariners, couch, flanders, ainsworth, pettygrove, and lovejoy, could have seen beneath the tangled thickets the making of a city, though it may well be questioned whether even they, in their wildest flights of fancy, ever pictured the scene of to-day, where the city of these sixty years' building now sits, a queen upon her circling throne of hills. the location of portland is almost ideal. the hills to the west rise to a height of about eight hundred feet, but many fine homes are located there, and car lines cross the hills in many directions. above the fogs and smoke these high-line homes have every possible charm. on the east side of the willamette the land is a level bench with limitless room for expansion. there are a few picturesque elevations on the east side, as mt. tabor and mt. scott, and these have been used for homes with the taste which characterises the entire city. portland is the centre of every species of transportation facility. it has one of the most extensive and well-equipped electric railway systems in the united states. in addition to the urban lines, there are interurban lines in every direction, to vancouver, troutdale, oregon city, milwaukee, hillsboro, and salem, the last named the capital of the state and fifty miles distant. we find also that four transcontinental railroads have a terminus in portland, the southern pacific, the northern pacific, the union pacific, and the great northern. steamship lines run to alaska, puget sound, san francisco and other california ports, to all the coastwise ports of oregon, to the hawaiian islands and the orient, and to mexico and south america. sailing ships convey the products of the north-west to all the ports of the world. as a result of these facilities for commerce we find such figures as the following: during the year 1907 there entered and cleared at portland twelve hundred and twenty ocean-going vessels, registering more than 1,700,000 tons, net, and with a carrying capacity of 3,500,000 tons. in the cargoes of this total, were 175,000,000 feet of lumber and 18,000,000 bushels of wheat, flour included. portland has in fact reached the front rank as a wheat and flour shipping port, being in the class with galveston and new york, some of the time having led both of them. in december, 1907, portland's record of wheat shipments, exclusive of flour, was 3,000,000 bushels. the bureau of statistics of the department of commerce and labor gave the value of all breadstuffs shipped from portland for the eleven months ending november 30, 1907, at $10,536,234. during the same period the shipments of the same commodities from san francisco totalled $4,143,592, while from the three puget sound ports of seattle, tacoma, and everett, the aggregate was $13,989,178. during november, 1908, there were shipped 903,000 bushels of wheat, 180,145 barrels of flour, 209,246 bushels of barley, and 9,752,552 feet of lumber. during the year 1908 the value of wheat and flour reached a total of $18,340,405, while the lumber exports aggregated 162,089,998 feet. [illustration: among the big spruce trees, near astoria, oregon. photo. by woodfield, astoria.] perhaps the most gratifying feature of the shipping trade to portland people has been the increase in the size of ships entering the river. in 1872 the average wheat cargo exported was 33,615 bushels, while now it is four times as much. the record cargo was that of the british bark _andorinha_, in the fall of 1908, 189,282 bushels. the channel from portland to the columbia bar and that across the bar have so much improved that no lightering was necessary during the year 1908, and ships of twenty-five and twenty-six feet draft have gone from portland to the ocean without difficulty. in connection with this fact we are told that in june, 1907, the international sailing-ship owners' union abolished the differential of thirty cents per ton which had stood for some years against portland. these conditions, together with the completion of the north bank railroad, by which a greatly added traffic from the inland empire will be turned to portland, seem to indicate that portland is on the direct road to a greater commercial leadership than she has yet known. the lumber industry centring in portland is as remarkable as that of grain. oregon's available forests, according to government estimates, reach a total of three hundred billion feet, board measure. it is estimated that during the years 1906-8 the lumber cut in oregon reached about two billion feet each year, of which about one fifth was sawed in portland. it is asserted, in fact, that portland is the largest lumber producing city in the world. lumbermen believe that it is only a question of a few years when portland will cut a billion feet of lumber a year. while grain and lumber are the great articles of export from portland, there are vast totals of fruit, hay, live-stock, dairy and poultry products, fish, and manufactured articles of many kinds. but to the thoughtful traveller it is of more interest to see the use made of wealth than the wealth itself. portland now contains about two hundred thousand people, said to have more per capita wealth than any other city, with two exceptions, in the united states. what are these people doing with their accumulations? for answer the traveller visits the schools, the public buildings, the churches, the stores, the places of amusement, the homes, and he finds every evidence of taste, good judgment, refinement, and artistic skill. the portland hotel, the _oregonian_ building, the marquam grand theatre, the marquam building, the chamber of commerce building, the corbett block, the wells-fargo building, the first congregational, presbyterian, catholic, and baptist churches and jewish synagogue, the union depot, the city hall, the city library,--these and many other structures challenge the admiration of travellers from even the best-built cities of the east. during the year 1907, building permits were issued to an amount exceeding nine million dollars, of which nearly half was expended for dwelling houses. portland is indeed a city of homes, and workingmen own their own houses to an unusual degree. [illustration: portland in 1908. mt. st. helens, sixty-five miles distant.] as the visitor traverses portland's streets, he sees amply demonstrated the propriety of the cognomen, the "rose city." almost every yard boasts its roses, and on almost every porch the scarlet rambler or some other climber casts its rich colouring. soil and climate are said to produce an ideal combination for the finest grades of roses, as well as of many other species of flowers. the portland fair of 1905 was the means of beautifying a section of the city near macley park. while most of the structures were of a temporary nature, the unique and interesting forestry building has been left, and this is a rare attraction to the eastern visitor. the two tasteful and significant groups of statuary, _the coming of the white men_ and _sacajawea_, still grace the spot where they were dedicated. portland contains many other attractive works of art at available points. among these is the skidmore fountain, on one of the most crowded thoroughfares of the city, a real gem of art. no visitor to portland should fail to visit the city hall and the valuable and interesting historical collection of the oregon historical society. mr. george h. himes, the secretary of the society, has devoted years to the gathering of this museum of pioneer relics. some of them are priceless. here is the first printing press in oregon, used for some years by rev. h. m. spalding at the nez percé mission. here is mrs. whitman's writing desk. here is captain robert gray's sea-chest. the ages of discovery, of the fur-traders, of the missionaries, of the pioneers, are all lived over again in the inspection of these relics. probably most people who have followed the course of public thought and action in the west, if asked what agency and what man would first come into their minds at the mention of the name of portland, would answer at once,--"the _oregonian_ and its editor, harvey scott." this great journal and its great editor, associated together most of the time for over forty years, have indeed constituted one of the most potent forces in framing the thoughts and the institutions of the columbia river people. it is frequently said that harvey scott and henry watterson are the only great american editors yet remaining of the old type, the type of a personal intellectual force and a public teacher. the present type of editor is rather an advertising manager than a political and social leader, a business man rather than a generator of ideas. there are many additional features of interest in and around portland. whether viewed artistically, commercially, financially, socially, or historically, this fair metropolis of the columbia river empire is in a class by herself. only by personal acquaintance can the student of the west satisfy himself as to portland. but once more we must address ourselves to the river. one may go to astoria by rail down the southern bank, or he may, if he prefer, as we certainly do, go by water. he can go by almost every species of boat known to man, from an ocean steamship to one of the lateen-sailed fishing boats which abound on the lower river. when we have retraced our course to the mouth of the willamette and have again committed ourselves to the oceanward flow of the columbia, we find a continuance of the same low, oozy, and verdant banks, the same timbered hills on either side in the middle distance, and the same dominant snow-peaks and unbroken cascade range in the farthest background. we pass many little towns, whose leading occupations are manifestly lumbering and fishing. we try to live over again the sensations which we think must have been felt by lewis and clark or broughton, as they, first of civilised men, lifted the veil from this solitude. [illustration: portland harbour, oregon. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] in this section of the river there are no stupendous pinnacles as in the gorge of the cascades. yet the scenery is infinitely varied, and although less bold, it is, in its way, equally attractive with the loftier scene. one unique spot attracts the eye, and almost recalls the beauty of rooster rock. this is mt. coffin, on the washington side, near the mouth of the cowlitz river. this was one of the "memaloose" or sepulture places of the indians. there in early times their dead, in great numbers, were deposited upon platforms after the usual indian fashion. after passing the ingress of the cowlitz, we find the river widening to yet grander proportions. islands become numerous. among these islands not a few desperate affrays and even tragedies have occurred among warring fishermen, union against non-union. lurking among these islands, too, are numerous unlicensed vendors of spirits. in the uncertainty as to which of the states may have jurisdiction at places, these illicit traffickers move from island to island and cove to cove and one overhanging forest to another, evading officers of both states and of federal government alike. sometime a novelist will be inspired with the poetry and humour and tragedy and pathos of this fisher life on the lower river, with its mingling of the life of law-breaker and desperado, and this section of our river will blossom into literature and find a place with the moonshiners of the south and the cowboys of the rockies. all the material is ready. the river waits only for its owen wister or hamlin garland or jack london to introduce it to the world of readers. but the river moves and we must move with it. many signs indicate to us that we are approaching the ocean. if we are moving in a small boat, we may pause to camp under some one of the thick-topped spruce trees whose stiff spicules pierce our unwary hands like pins. if we should spend a night we would find the water heaving and falling two, four, or five feet, with the ocean tides. broader and broader grows the river. numerous salmon canneries and seining stations appear. passing a fishing village on the north bank called brookfield, we notice a very curious rock, pillar rock, in the river a quarter of a mile from shore. it rises forty feet directly out of the water. we are told by one versed in indian lore that this is the transformed body of a chief who tried to imitate the god speelyei by wading across the river. for his presumption he was turned into a rock. soon after passing pillar rock we see the curious spectacle of a house on piles apparently right in the middle of the river. more curious still, we see horses seemingly engaged in drawing a load through the very water itself. the mystery is soon solved. the house is built on a sand-bar. it is a seining station. the horses are pulling a seine from its moorings at the point of the sand-bar to the point where its load may be discharged. lumber, salmon, and water,--this is the world in which we now live and move and have our being. [illustration: fish river road, in upper columbia region, b. c. photo. by trueman, victoria.] we next enter a broad expanse of the river, nine miles wide, on the north side of which is a deep cove. there is the historic spot in which robert gray on may 3, 1792, paused at his highest point to fill his water casks and to float the stars and stripes over oregon, claimed for the united states of america. as we look westward, the headlands seem to part in front of us, and between them sky and water join. the greatest ocean is before us, though still twenty miles away. the river has reached the end of his fourteen-hundred-mile journey. soon we pass, on the oregon side, the bold promontory of tongue point, and astoria, the second largest city on the navigable waters of the columbia, is before us. to the history of this oldest american town west of the rocky mountains we have already referred many times. interesting in so many features of the past, astoria is full of problems and suggestions, commercial and otherwise, for the present and the future. the city has grown slowly, always wondering why portland should have so outstripped her. she certainly has such a location that it seems a crime not to utilise it for a great city. the river is here five miles wide. upon its ample flood all the navies of the world might ride at anchor, sheltered from the sea by the long low sand-ridge of point adams. the site of the city, though somewhat rugged and broken, is entirely capable of reduction to a convenient grade, and is singularly noble and commanding. from the plateau three hundred feet high upon which the splendid waterworks are located, is a view of imposing grandeur;--river in front, dense forest to rear, with the blue saddle and pinnacled horn of saddle mountain,--swallalochost in indian speech, with its thunder-bird of native myth,--and the ocean to the west. we find astoria to be a well-built city of about fifteen thousand permanent inhabitants, with perhaps five or six thousand more during the height of the fishing season. almost every resource of industry offers itself in this favoured region about the mouth of the river. though the country is densely timbered in its native state, the soil is such that when cleared it is of the finest for dairy and vegetable purposes. the mildness of the climate keeps the clover and grass green and the flowers in bloom the long year through. as might be expected the chief industries as yet developed are lumbering and fishing. there are magnificent forests of fir, spruce, cedar, and hemlock, in all directions, while in and around astoria there are six immense establishments for transforming the timber into merchantable lumber. this lumber aggregates something like a hundred and twenty million feet annually, and it goes to all the ports of the world. there is occasionally floated to the bar and thence to san francisco, a log-boom chained in substantial fashion and containing several million feet of logs. such a great boom is one of the most curious sights of the river-mouth. but transcending all else in importance at astoria is the business of canning and drying salmon. what silver is to the coeur d'alene, what wheat is to walla walla, what apples are to hood river, that salmon are to astoria. the people think, act, and reason in terms of salmon. and well they may. he who has not seen chinook salmon from the columbia river has not seen fish. nay, he cannot even be said to have really lived in the larger sense of the term. take a genuine chinook salmon of fifty or sixty pounds, caught in june, fat, rich, glistening,--but words are a mockery. nothing but the actual experience will convey the impression. the salmon output on the river has for some years run from two hundred and fifty thousand to five hundred thousand cases per year, twenty-four cans to the case. the amount dried and smoked represents something like an equal amount. this is for the river from astoria to the dalles. the great bulk of this, however, is put up at astoria or in its immediate vicinity. it is estimated that from thirty million to forty million salmon are caught yearly on the oregon side of the lower river. this represents a value of four or five million dollars, about half of this going to the fishermen and half to the cannerymen. some ten thousand men are engaged in fishing about the mouth of the river. these men are largely finns, russians, norsemen, italians, sicilians, and greeks. they have various co-operative associations and are independent of the cannerymen, to whom they furnish the fish at some stipulated price, usually five cents a pound. [illustration: multnomah falls, 840 feet high, on south side of columbia river about sixty miles above portland. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] there are many tragedies at the mouth of the river. the best fishing is just off the bar and the best time to draw the nets is at the turn of the tide. in a fishing boat in the chill of the early morning, the fishermen will frequently become benumbed and drowsy, and will neglect the critical moment. when the tide fairly turns on the bar it runs out like a mill race, and woe to the boat that waits too long. it goes out to sea, reappearing perhaps, bottom-up, in the course of the day, with owners and cargo gone. some experienced men have asserted that not less than a hundred fishermen are lost every summer. many boats are now fitted with gasoline power, and loss of life is lessened thereby. to the visitor at the river's mouth the fairest sight of all in connection with the fishing industry is the incoming fleet of boats in the early morning, or the outgoing fleet of evening. on a june night it scarcely grows really dark at all, and as the faint glow of the north turns at two or three o'clock into the morning flush, the lateen sails can be seen like a flock of gulls on the rim of the ocean. when the full radiance of the dawn, with its bars of carmine and saffron, has "turned to yellow gold the salt-green streams," the fleet is within the outer headlands. hundreds, sometimes thousands of them, a regular cloud of them, converge from all parts of the offing to the wharves of lower astoria. with all its benefits the fishing industry brings almost infinite trouble. the two states of oregon and washington never agree on laws governing the periods of lawful fishing. sometimes federal authorities bear a part in the imbroglio. gill-net men, seiners, fish-trap men, union men, non-union men, local, state, and federal officials, all combine in one great general mix-up. in the midst of the confusion the countless salmon pursue their course up the river and its tributaries in summer, back to the ocean again in autumn. the federal government maintains fish hatcheries on a number of streams, and from them young salmon to the number of millions are turned out each year to replenish the diminishing supply. [illustration: chinook salmon, weight 80 pounds. photo. by woodfield, astoria.] a great and constantly growing tide of tourists from all parts of the willamette valley and the upper columbia region go to astoria during the summer. the fine steamers, _t. j. potter_, _hassalo_, _charles d. spencer_, and others of less size, convey these thousands of tourists to astoria, while the railroad from portland brings yet other thousands. from astoria, the north beach is reached by steamer to ilwaco, and thence by rail to all points of the fishhook of land which extends from the northern headland of the river to the mouth of willapa harbour. during the season this beach is almost a continuous city from cape hancock to leadbetter point, twenty miles distant. clatsop beach on the south side of the river is reached by rail from astoria. every charm that an ocean resort can possess has been lavished on these two beaches on either side of the river. the bathing, boating, climbing, fishing, hunting, clamming, crabbing,--they are all there. to the population of that part of the river country east of the cascades, the transition from the dust and heat of the summer to the cool and rest and freshness of the beach, with its breath from six thousand miles of unbroken sea, is almost like a change of scenes in a play. both these beaches, especially clatsop beach, are the location of a rich store of indian legend and romance. "cheatcos" and "skookums" haunt the forests, and the spirits of tallapus and nekahni and quootshoi have been enthroned on every peak and cape. * * * * * all rivers must reach the sea, and all journeys must end. and so both our river and our journey find their end in the ocean. from astoria we can see the outer headlands and the ocean space between. as we survey this merging of the great river with the greater deep, our eyes turn in fancy to that clear, bright lake, fourteen hundred miles away in the snowy peaks of british columbia, from which the river flows. and in imagination we view again the vistas of lagoons and islands, cliffs and glaciers, lakes and cañons, plains and forests, through which the columbia takes its course, while once more the changing scenes of the historical drama associated with that splendid waterway are enacted before our eyes. [illustration: lake adela, near head of columbia river, b. c. photo. by c. f. yates.] but now all these scenes and vistas must be left behind, and we must pass between the capes. the long sandspit of point adams lies on the south, and the bold rock-promontory of cape hancock on the north, seven miles apart, each crowned with a lighthouse. between them we secure a view of the great jetty in course of construction by the federal government. this is one of the most important improvements in connection with the river. when this work, together with the canal and locks at celilo, is completed, the river may be regarded as really navigable on a large scale. the work on the jetty was inaugurated soon after the jetty-building by captain eads at the mouth of the mississippi river had drawn the favourable attention of people and government to this method of deepening river mouths. the jetty consists of a double line of piling, filled with rock and mattresses of woven willows. this constitutes a solid core against which the current of the river on one side piles the silt, while on the other the ocean waves pound the sand into a permanent barrier-reef. the philosophy of it is so to narrow the entrance that the accelerated current of the river will scour out the channel to an increased depth. piles have been set in place by an ingenious system of pneumatic pipes by which compressed air bores a hole in the sand. into this hole the pile is dropped, and the sea-waves in a moment fill in and tamp the sand around it. thus the ocean is made to fence itself out. upon the jetty a railroad has been built, and a train, loaded with rock and willows, runs out on this every eleven minutes for dumping material into the space between the piles. very gratifying results have already been secured. there is now a depth of twenty-six feet on the bar at low water. the crest of the bar has been cut much deeper at several narrow points, and this indicates the progress that may be expected. it is hoped that the completed jetty will maintain a permanent channel of forty feet at low water. in stormy weather the work on the jetty is difficult and dangerous. the impact of the pacific waves when lashed by a sixty-mile "sou'-wester" is something terrific. large sections of piling have been torn out, and much loss has resulted. but patience and money triumph over all obstacles, and the work goes steadily on. some conception of the magnitude of the commerce to be accommodated by this great work may be formed from the fact that in the year 1907 the freight handled on the lower river by both river and ocean vessels amounted to 4,251,681 tons, valued at $76,583,804. this is but a fraction of what will come with the full development of the columbia valley and with the needed improvements to navigation. the federal government maintains life-saving stations on both sides of the river. many a tale of daring could these heroes of the beach tell, should we stop to question them. we are at the point of the jetty. the buoys rise and fall behind us. the horrible blare of the fog-horn sounds across the thunder of the surf, as we cross the imaginary line from headland to headland. sea-captains tell us that ten miles from the river's mouth--so powerfully does the mighty current cleave the sea--they can dip up fresh water. but now, to west and north and south, the deep blue, though crossed by the pale green of the river water, assures us that we are fairly upon the bar. the river of the west is all behind us. if it be very clear, we can just discern upon the horizon's verge, cameo-like and glistening white, mt. hood, monarch of the oregon cascades, for ever standing guard over the disappearing river. [illustration: bridal veil bluff, columbia river, ore. photo. by e. h. moorehouse, portland.] as the shore line grows vague, it would not be difficult for the imagination to conjure up the navigators of the old world who sailed these seas, then unknown seas of mystery and romance. looming up through the ocean mists we may see strange ships and stranger crews emerge,--junks with oriental castaways swept hither by storms and ocean currents; caravels with the dauntless sailors of the sixteenth century; buccaneers and pirates, a motley flotilla. then the stout crafts of drake, behring, heceta, cook, malaspina, valdez, bodega, vancouver, la pérouse; ships of discovery, of trade, of war, of adventure, of science; flags of spain, of russia, of portugal, of france, of england;--on they throng from the hazy pacific rim toward the oregon shore. and soon we seem to see, circling around them, canoes with their red-skinned paddlers from the river's mouth. but ships and flags, explorers and natives, fade like a dissolving view. in their place appears a gallant bark, with banner streaming free. what ship? what banner? the _columbia rediviva_, and the stars and stripes--the flag that still waves over the land of the oregon. * * * * * and now our vessel rises and falls upon the long swell of the pacific. our journey on the columbia river is ended, and we are upon the open sea. [illustration: band of kootenai indians, b. c. photo. by allan lean, nelson.] index a abernethy, clark & co., builders of steamers on columbia, 236 abernethy, george, first provisional governor, 194 adams, mount, origin of, in indian myth, 22-24; elevation of, 358; caves of, 359; sport in vicinity, 360; structure of, 361-362; storm on, 364; ascent of, 365-366; views from, 366-368 aguilar, martin, spanish explorer, 44-45 ainsworth, j. c., first captain of steamer _lot whitcomb_, 235; joins new company, 237; skill in running rapids, 243 _albatross_, ship connected with winship enterprise, 109-11 american board of foreign missions undertakes work for oregon indians, 145 applegate, jesse, disasters of family on columbia river, 174; extract from pioneer address, 178 armstrong, capt. f. p., trip on kootenai river, 280-281 arrow lakes, steamboat journey on, 292; scenery of, 293 _et seq._ arteaga, voyage on the alaskan coast, 55 astor, john jacob, founder of pacific fur co., 89; establishes company at astoria, 113; his plans and mistakes, 115-116 astoria, founding of, 120; restored to united states, 125, 182; amplitude of harbour, 389; scenery of surroundings, 390; industries of, 390-391; fishing fleets, 392; resorts adjoining, 393 astoria and columbia river railroad, 362 b baker, dr. d. s., railroad builder, 363-364 _baker, d. s._, the steamer, running the dalles, 243 _bailey gatzert_, steamer on columbia river, 248 balch, frederick, his story, _the bridge of the gods_, 22 bancroft, h. h., discussion of loss of _tonquin_, 203 banff, attraction as a resort, 274 bannock indian war, 233 barlow, s. k., building road across cascade mountains, 176 barrell, joseph, originator of fur company at boston, 102 bassett, w. f., first gold discovery in idaho, 253 bateaux, description of, 134 baughman, capt., pilot on columbia and snake rivers, 241 _beaver_, vessel of the pacific fur company, 123-124 _beaver_, first steamship on columbia river, 235 beers, alanson, members of executive committee of provisional government, 194 "beeswax ship," story of, 41-42 behring, vitus, explorations on pacific coast, 50-51 belcher, sir edward, expedition to columbia river, 164 _belle_, steamer on columbia river, 236 benton, thomas h., expressions in regard to oregon, 187; special advocate for oregon, 197 bishop, b. b., steamboat builder on columbia river, 235 blakeney, capt., in charge of steamer _isabel_ on upper columbia, 278 blalock, dr. n. g., connection with large enterprises, 328 blanchet, rev. f. n., book on catholic missions, 154; journey to oregon, 155; locates in willamette valley, 155 blanchet, rev. magloire, catholic mission at walla walla, 157 boas, dr. franz, investigator of indian legends, 35 bodega, first voyage, 51; later voyage, 55 bonneville, capt. e. l. e., organises trading company, 161; makes explorations on columbia river, 162; meets washington irving, 162 bradford, daniel, steamboat building on columbia river, 235 bradford & co., steamboat line on columbia river, 236 broughton, lieut. w. r., in command of the _chatham_, 62; entrance of columbia river and exploration, 66-67; erroneous statements, 67-68 buchanan, james, course in regard to boundary of oregon, 199 bullfinch, account of american fur-trade, 101 burnett, peter, speech to immigrants, 169; governor of california, 170; opinion in regard to provisional government, 195 c cabinet rapids, 321 cabrillo, navigator on coast of california, 43 calhoun, john c., attitude on oregon question, 186; peculiar situation of, 198-199 cameahwait, chief of shoshone indians, meeting with lewis and clark party, 77; finding sacajawea, 78 canadian boatmen, their skill and gayety, 132-133 canadian pacific railroad, route of, over rocky mts., 274; over selkirks, 285-286; excellence of management, 288; steamboats on lakes, 292 canadian rockies, character of, and steepness of descent, 275 canoes, 133 cape horn, 349 _carolina_, steamer crossing columbia bar, 235 cascades, a dividing line, 340; historic and physical interest of, 340; locks, 341; first notice of tide, 341; fish-wheels and spearmen, 342 cascade mountains, general description, 12-13; the great peaks, 13-14; valleys on east side, 14; valleys on west side, 15-16; cleft by columbia river, 333 cass, senator, speech in regard to oregon, 199 castle rock, unique appearance, 343; ascents of, 344; cave and arrowheads, 346 catlin, george, account of indians who sought "book of life," 138 cayuse war, beginning, 210; ending, 212 celiast, indian woman, 34 champoeg, meetings for provisional government, 192-193 chelan lake, type of columbian lakes, 298; first appearance, 299; glacial origin, 300; depth of cañon, 300; comparison with other scenes, 300-301; storms on, 301-302; sunset on, 303 chemeketa, the indian council ground, 142 chinook wind, legend of, 24-27 chittenden, major h. m., book on american fur-trade, 203 choteau, pierre and auguste, founding of st. louis, 108 _christian advocate_, account of indians looking for "book of life," 137 clark, william, lieutenant of exploring party, 73; indians think him "medicine man," 82; indians looking for "book of life," 136-137 clarke, gen. n. s., in command of columbia, 224 clatsop plains, favourite resort of indians, 34 clay, henry, attitude on oregon question, 186 coe, capt. lawrence, building steamer _colonel wright_, 235; account of first trip on upper columbia and snake rivers, 243-244 coeur d'alene, lake, as a resort, 297; its mines, 298 colleges founded as result of missions, 157 _colonel wright_, the steamer, on upper columbia, 235; makes first trip on upper rivers, 243-244 columbia basin, forces that wrought it, 6-7; general description, 10-15; climate, 17-18 columbia river, many names, 3; early attracts attention, 4; connection with kootenai river, 11; tomanowas bridge, 21; damming at cascades, 21-22; discovery by heceta, 55; discovered and named by robert gray, 64; results of discovery, 65; first navigation by lewis and clark party, 82; falls passed by party, 83; submerged forests, 84; descent by lewis and clark, 84-85; first sight by hunt's party, 95; _tonquin_ on bar, 117; forts on, 129-131; crossing of bar by the ship, _l'indefatigable_, 156; descent by immigrants of 1843, 172-174; description of bar by provost, 184; massacres upon, by indians, 221; steamboat business, 239 _et seq._; first steamboats on lower part, 235; on upper part, 243; railroads along, 261-262; navigability of, 266; prospective traffic of, 267-269; character above golden, 278 _et seq._; character below golden, 285; lakes of, 291 _et seq._; from robson to kettle falls, 296; from kettle falls to wenatchee, 298; rapids and shores from wenatchee to pasco, 321; irrigating enterprises, 323-324; between pasco and the dalles, 328-329; canal, 330; section beginning at the dalles, 234-236; peculiar character at cascades, 239; tomanowas bridge, 340; compared with other scenes, 350; appearance below rooster rock, 374; between portland and the ocean, 387-389; farewell to, 396 columbia river navigation co., 237 _columbia_, the steamer, on river, 235 condon, professor thomas, geological theories, 5 cook, capt. james, journey on oregon coast, 55; death, 56 cortereal, gaspar, straits of anian, 43 coxe, account of fur-trade, 100 coyote god, fight with kamiah monster, 19-21 coyote head, 337 crooks, ramsay, partner of pacific fur co., 89; hard experience with indians, 96 culliby lake, 42 cultee, charley, indian story teller, 35 curry, governor, calling for volunteers, 221 d dalles, the, historical interest of, 330; varied resources of, 330-331; scenery, 331 day, john, treatment by indians and death, 96-97 dayton, congressman, expressions about oregon, 187 dawson, professor, explanation of sources of columbia, 278 de haro at nootka, 55 de may in battle of pine creek, 227 demers, rev. modest, missionary to indians, 155 de smet, rev. pierre j., books on catholic missions, 154; in northern idaho, 155; in europe for reinforcements, 156; crossing bar, 156 disoway, g. p., account of indians who sought "book of life," 137 dixson, figures on profits of fur-trade, 102 donation land law attracts immigration, 177 dorion, madame, desperate situation in blue mountains, 126 drake, francis, explorations, 44 e _eagle_, steamer above cascades, 235; rescuing victims of indian war, 236 edwards, rev. p. l., associate missionary, 141 eells, rev. cushing, missionary to oregon indians, 151; locating at tshimakain, 152 elliott, s. g., first railroad surveys, 259 england, difficulty with spain over nootka sound, 62 f farnham, t. j., in command of peoria party, 164; history of oregon and california, 164 ferrelo, explorations on the coast, 43 field, mountain resort, 276 fiske, wilbur, leading missionary movements, 140 florida treaty with spain, 184 fonte, extravagant stories, 46 fort clatsop built by lewis and clark, 85 france, assistance to american colonies, 50 franchère, gabriel, history of pacific fur co., 118; founding of astoria, 120; account of destruction of _tonquin_, 203 fuca, juan de, 44 fur-trade, beginnings, 56-57; on oregon coast, 60-61; connection with discoveries, 89; historical importance, 99; financial profits of, 103 g gale, joseph, building of _star of oregon_, 166; sails to california, 167; on executive committee of provisional government, 194 gale, william, on ship _albatross_, 109; extract from journal, 113 galiano, voyage around vancouver island, 55 garnett, major, in yakima war, 225 gaston, lieutenant, in battle of pine creek, 226 gervais, joseph, location in oregon, 142 ghent, treaty of, 182 gilliam, cornelius, in cayuse war, 201 glacier, canadian resort, 286-287 glacier lake, 310 glacier peak, 311 golden on columbia river, 277 grande ronde valley, first view by hunt party, 94 grant, captain, attempting to keep back american immigration, 171 gray, capt. robert, in command of _lady washington_, 60; as a fur-trader, 61; discovers columbia river, 64 gray, w. h., history of oregon, 147; characteristics, 149; four sons, 149; estimate of population, 188; in provisional government, 190-191; steamboat enterprises, 241; adventure on snake river 241 gray, capt. wm. p., story of ascent of snake river, 241; trip down snake river, 247 great britain, claims to oregon, 180-181 h halhaltlossot, or lawyer, 151 hallakallakeen (joseph), summer camp, 297 hard winter of 1861, 257 _hassalo_, the steamer, 235-237 _hassalo, no. 2_, 248 hathaway, felix, building schooner, _star of oregon_, 166 heceta, first voyage, 51; discovery of columbia river, 52-54 henry, andrew, trading post on snake river, 108-109 hickey, capt. f., at restoration of astoria, 125 hill, david, on executive committee of provisional government, 194 hill, j. j., railroad builder, 262 holladay, ben, president of oregon central railroad, 259 holmes, oliver w., quotation, 275 hood, mount, origin of, in indian myth, 22-24; first appearance of, 333; elevation, 354; approach to, 354; cloud cap inn, 355; view from, 356; historic character of view, 357; appearance from la camas, 376 hood river and valley, appearance and productions of, 238 howard, general o. o., in nez percé war of 1877, 230; description of joseph, 231 hudson's bay company, organisation of, 104; joined with north-western fur co., 107; forts, 128 _et seq._; boats and boatmen, 131-134; policy toward americans, 150-153; attitude toward provisional government, 192, 195; treatment of dr. mcloughlin, 196 hunt, wilson p., forms land division of pacific fur co., 89; leader in journey, 92 _et seq._ i idaho, name of, 32; reached by lewis and clark, 79-81; first steamboat, 235; gold discoveries, 252 _et seq._; university, 315; irrigation systems, 317 illecillewaet river, 287 immigration of 1843, beginnings, 168; at fort hall, 171; constructing flatboats on columbia, 173; disasters on river, 174-175; succoured by dr. mcloughlin, 176; settlement in willamette valley, 176 indians, sad history, 18; myths, 19 _et seq._; names, 31-32; traders in furs, 103 indians', the three nez percé, quest for the "book of life," 139 indian war of 1855, beginning, 219; battle at walla walla, 221; unsatisfactory end, 224 indian war of 1858, 225 _et seq._ inland empire, origin, 6; general description, 14 _intelligencer, national_, expressions in regard to oregon, 187 irving, washington, author of _astoria_, 113 j _jason p. flint_, steamer on columbia, 235 jefferson, thomas, connection with pacific coast, 69-70; organisation of lewis and clark expedition, 72-73; instructions to party, 74 _jenny clark_, steamer on willamette, 236 jetty, at mouth of river, construction, 395; prospective results, 396 joint occupation treaty, 134 joseph, indian chief, in walla walla council, 217-218 joseph (hallakallakeen), in great war of 1877, 229; captured, 231; later life and character, 232 joseph war of 1877, 229 _et seq._ k kamiah monster, myth of, 19-21 kamiakin, yakima chief, 213; at walla walla council, 214; conspiracy to kill governor stevens, 216; description of by stevens, 216; breaking up of treaties, 218; new force of warriors, 220; apparent success, 224 kamm, jacob, engineer on steamer _lot whitcomb_, 235 keith, j., at restoration of astoria, 125 kelley, hall j., home and character, 159; expedition to california and oregon, 160; return to new england, 161 kelley, col. j. k., in battle of the walla walla, 221 kendrick, capt. john, in command of the _columbia rediviva_, 60; in fur-trade, 61 kettle falls, historic interest, 296 kennewick, 227 kicking horse river (wapta), origin of name, 277 kilbourne, ralph, builder of _star of oregon_, 166 kimooenim river, or snake river, first view by lewis and clark party, 81 kip, lieutenant, account of walla walla council, 214-215 klickitat indians, legends, 28-30; atrocities of, at cascades, 221 kobaiway, indian chief, 35 konapee, story of, 37-39 kooskooskie river, discovered by the lewis and clark party, 79; navigation on, by lewis and clark party, 81 kootenai river, character of navigation, 280-281; bonnington falls of, 294 kootenai lake, description of, 295-296; sporting on, 296 l la camas, paper mill, 375 _ladd, carrie_, steamer on willamette, 236 lamazee, or lamazu, brings news of destruction of _tonquin_, 123 _lark_, wreck of, 124 _lausanne_, methodist mission ship, 142 lawyer, indian chief favourable to whites, 214-216 le breton, g. w., part in founding provisional government, 192 ledyard, john, connection with jefferson, 70; comprehension of fur-trade, 101 lee, rev. daniel, missionary to indians, 141; mission at the dalles, 142 lee, rev. jason, missionary to indians, 140; locating mission at chemawa, 142; in the east for reinforcements, 142; death, 143; connection with ewing young, 144; memorial to congress, 144; influence, 145; lecture at peoria, 163; chairman of meeting of settlers, 189 lewis and clark expedition, its inception by jefferson, 71; summary by captain lewis, 87; mention of, by jefferson, 88 lewis, jo, part in whitman massacre, 206 lewis, meriwether, selection by jefferson for leader of party, 72; description of crossing divide, 75 lewiston, founding of, 245 linn senator, presenting memorials to congress, 189; his death, 197 lisa, manuel, organises the missouri fur company, 108 looking glass, famous speech, 215 _lot whitcomb_, the steamer, on columbia river, 235 louise, lake, beauties of, 274 louisiana purchase, significance, 71 m macbeth, miss kate, opinion about indians who looked for "book of life," 136-137 mackenzie, alexander, expedition to pacific coast, 71; journey to the arctic ocean, 106; reaches pacific ocean, 106 mcbean, wm., account of walla walla council, 217 mccellan, robert, partner of pacific fur company, 89 mcclellan, geo. b., assists stevens in reconnaissance for pacific railroad, 260 mcdougall, duncan, smallpox bottle, 122; marries daughter of comcomly, 122; sells out company, 124 mckay, dr. w. c., physician at pendleton, 319 mckenzie, donald, partner of pacific fur company, 89; leads division of party, 92; sells out company, 124 mckinley, allen, building of steamer on columbia, 235 mcloughlin, dr. john, as factor of hudson's bay company, 130; reception of methodist missionaries, 141; meets the whitman party of missionaries, 150; connection with building _star of oregon_, 166; sees approaching success of americans, 167; stories connecting him with americans, 168; account of provisional government, 195; becomes an american citizen, 196; land troubles, 196; sadness of old age, 196; summary of character, 197 maldonado, extravagant stories, 46; map, 48 maquinna, indian chief, 202 martinez, voyage on coast of oregon, 55 _mary_, steamer on upper columbia, 235; rescues victims of indian war, 236; on her regular route, 237 mazama club, influence of, 353 meares, capt. john, english explorer, 44; voyages to oregon coast, 58; at mouth of columbia, 59-60 meek, jo, part in founding provisional government, 192 memaloose island, 337 miller, joseph, partner of pacific fur company, 89 minto, john, account of founding of provisional government, 190 montcachabe, indian who first crossed the continent, 70 _moody, mary_, steamer, first steamer on pend oreille lake, 245 moody, z. f., builds steamer, 245 moorehouse, major lee, indian photographer, 320 morigeau, baptiste, pioneer on lake windermere, 283 moscow, site of university of idaho, 315 moses, indian chief, 297 _mountain buck_, steamer on columbia, 236 mountaineers' club, purpose and location, 353 mowry, wm., report of speech by nez percé indian, 139 _multnomah_, steamer on columbia, 236 multnomah falls, 348 n nekahni, mt., location of, 33; beauty of, 39; the "treasure ship," 40-41 nelson, metropolis of the kootenai, 294; fruit industries of, 294; mines of, 295; transportation of, 295 nesmith, j. w., extract on immigration of 1843, 169; account of indian guide, sticcus, 172; in indian war of 1855, 221 nez percé indians, origin of, 21; first meeting with lewis and clark party, 80; looking for "book of life," 137 nootka sound, discovery of, 51; important centre, 55; as a cause of dispute between england and spain, 62 north bank railroad, 262; cost of, 377; bridge, 377 north-west fur company, organisation, 105; unites with hudson's bay company, 107, 128; in possession of columbia basin, 125 o oak point founded by winship brothers, 110 ogden, peter skeen, ransoms survivors of whitman massacre, 207 _okanogan_, the steamer, first to run tumwater falls, 242 okanogan indians, story of, 284-285 oneonta gorge, 347 oregon, name of, 31 oregon question, its complicated and momentous character, 200 oregon railroad and navigation co. organised, 246 oregon short line railroad, 262 oregon steam navigation co. organised, 237; development of business, 238; its portages, 238; sells out, 246 oregon transportation co. organised, 237 _oregonian_, newspaper, influence of, 386 osborne, mr., escape from whitman massacre, 207 p pacific fur co., organisation of, 89; its dissolution, 125 paha cliffs, 336 pakenham, british envoy, and his course in regard to oregon, 199-200 pambrun, pierre, instructed indians in catholic faith, 137 parker, rev. samuel, in oregon to investigate condition of indians, 145; his traits, 146; book, 146 pasco, lands around, 326; prospects of, 327 _patriot, illinois_, report of the indians looking for "book of life," 137 _peacock_, ship of wilkes expedition lost on columbia bar, 165 pearce, e. d., connection with discovery of gold in idaho, 252 pearson, express rider, rides to notify stevens of great yakima war, 219-220 pendleton, its industries and some of its citizens, 319-320 peoria party of immigrants, 163 perez, voyage of, 51 perkins, rev. h. k. w., mission at the dalles, 142 peupeumoxmox, indian chief in war of 1855, 213; leads force to walla walla, 214; killed, 221 polk, president, management of oregon question, 199-200 poppleton, irene lincoln, article in _oregon historical quarterly_, 237 portland developed by discovery of gold in california, 251; location, 381; transportation facilities, 382; commerce, 382-383; buildings, 384; artistic character of, 385; historical society, 385-386 _potter, t. j._, steamer on columbia, 248 priest rapids, character of, 322; origin of name, 322; power for pumping, 324 provisional government, origin of, 190-192; organisation of, 193; officers of, 194; state house for, 194 provost, j. b., at restoration of astoria, 125; agent of united states for receiving astoria from great britain, 182; describes columbia bar, 182-183 pullman, site of state college, 315 r _raccoon_, british man-of-war at astoria, 124 railroad creek, scenery about, 309-310 rainier, mt., origin of name, 32 rector, wm., road across cascade mountains, 176 revelstoke, character as a junction, 292 rock island rapids, 321 roosevelt, theodore, view of calhoun's policy in regard to oregon, 198; reference to columbia river, 246 rooster rock, appearance of, 349-350; river below, 375 rosalia, monument of steptoe, 315 ross, alexander, adventure in yakima country, 126-127; narration of profits in fur-trade, 131; on blowing up of _tonquin_, 203 ruckle and olmstead put steamer on columbia, 236 russia, entrance upon american exploration, 50-51 s sacajawea, with lewis and clark party, 75; sees the whale, 85; finds her brother, cameahwait, 78 st. helens, mt., origin of, in indian myth, 22-24 st. joe river, its beauties, 297 st. peter's dome, 346 salmon river, lewis and clark party at the head of, 79 saltese, coeur d'alene chief, 226 _san josé_, ship connected with indian story, 42 scott, harvey, character and influence as an editor, 386 sea-otter, importance in the fur-trade, 100 _señorita_, steamer on columbia, 236 shakspere, his location of caliban and ariel in the far west, 47 shaw, col. b. f., battle of grande ronde, 222 shepard, rev. cyrus, missionary to indians, 141 sheridan, battle at cascades, 22 shoshone indians, meeting with lewis and clark party, 76-78 shuswap indians, story of, 284-285 _sierra nevada_, the steamship, its cargo of treasure, 239 simpson, s. l., extract from poem of, 380 smith, rev. a. b., minister to oregon indians, 151; at kamiah, 152 smith, j. c., connection with gold mines in idaho, 253 smith, jedediah, american trapper thought to have taught religion to indians, 137 smith, william, mate on _albatross_, 109 snake river, orchards of, 316; heat, 317; irrigation systems of, 317; shoshone falls of, 317 snow-peaks, general group of, 353; zones of, 370-372 snickster, adventure in steptoe expedition, 228 sowles, capt. cornelius, character of, 116 spain, connection with oregon exploration, 48; downfall, 48-49; settlement of california, 49; favouring conditions for exploration, 50; conflict with england over nootka, 62; character of claims to oregon, 180 spalding, rev. h. h., in oregon as missionary, 147; his traits of character, 148; among nez percés, 151; first printing press west of rocky mountains, 152 spalding, mrs. h. h., characteristics, 148 speelyei, indian god, struggle with wishpoosh, 8-9; creates indian tribes, 9 _spencer chas. d._, steamer on columbia, 248 spokane, remarkable character as a city, 315; water power of falls, 315; grandeur as spectacle, 315; railway system, 316 spokane house, location of, 315 spotted eagle, remarkable speech, 223 _star of oregon_, schooner built on willamette river, 166; trip to san francisco, 167 stark, benjamin, in steamboat business, 236 _statesman, washington_, extracts in regard to idaho mines, 255-256 stehekin river, cañon of, 303; rainbow falls of, 305; horseshoe basin of, 306 steptoe, col. e. j., dissension with stevens, 223; fort at walla walla, 224; disastrous expedition to spokane, 225 _et seq._ stevens, hazard, account of walla walla council, 215 stevens, i. i., appointed governor of washington, 213; makes treatise, 213; council at walla walla, 214; goes to northern country to make treaties, 215; describes kamiakin, 216; makes treaty with flatheads, 218; returns to olympia, 221; organises volunteers, 222; second council at walla walla, 222; trouble with steptoe, 223; trouble with wool, 224; battle at walla walla, 224; reconnaissance for railroad in 1853, 260 sticcus, indian guide of immigrants, 172; tries to save the whitman mission, 206 stuart, david, founding of fort okanogan, 121 stump, capt. t. j., on first steamer down tumwater falls, 242 sturgis, profits of fur-trade, 103 sutter, captain, connection with discovery of gold, 250 swan, data on income of furs, 103 swift, jonathan, placing of gulliver near the coast of oregon, 47 t "takhoma, mt.," origin of name, 32 tallapus, indian deity, 33 tamahas, part in whitman massacre, 206, 212 tamsaky, in whitman massacre, 206; killed, 212 taylor, captain, part in battle of pine creek, 226 telaukait, part in whitman massacre, 206 _tenino_, the steamer, value of its business, 239 tetons, three, first seen by hunt party, 81 thompson, david, crossing the continent, 106; at astoria, 121; remains of his fort on lake windermere, 282 thompson, r. r., builds steamer _colonel wright_, 235 thorn, jonathan, disposition as captain of _tonquin_, 116; tyrannical course in entering columbia river, 117-118 thornton, j. quinn, description of oregon state house, 194 timothy, nez percé indian guide to steptoe's command, save command, 226-227 _tonquin_, fitting out for astoria, 117; entrance of columbia river, 118-119; destroyed by indians, 124; account of capture, 203 touchet valley, adaptability to orchards, 325 trappers, two general classes of, 90 treaty with england in regard to oregon, 200 trevett, vic, tomb of, 337 troup, capt. james, skill in running rapids, 242; on _d. s. baker_ over the dalles, 243 u umatilla plains first seen by the hunt expedition, 94 umatilla rapids, singular character of, 328 union transportation co. organised, 237 united states, character of claims to oregon, 181; notifies great britain to regain astoria, 182 v valdez, circumnavigation of vancouver island, 55 vancouver, capt. george, as english commissioner, 62; equipment for exploration, 62; at mouth of columbia river, 63; meets gray, 63; at columbia bar, 66 vancouver island, location of important explorations, 56-57 vancouver, fort, its condition as a hudson's bay post, 128-129 vancouver, city of historic interest, 376; scenery, 377 _venture_, the steamer, carried over cascades, 236 verendrye, first european to enter rocky mountains, 70 villard, henry, first arrival in oregon, 260; railroad on columbia river, 261; financial disasters, 261 vizcaino, commander of spanish fleet of exploration, 44 von holst, opinion in regard to calhoun's management of the oregon matter, 198 w walker, rev. elkanah, missionary to oregon indians, 151; at tshimakain, 151 walker's prairie, location of first church, 315 walker, wm., account of indians who sought the "book of life," 137 walla walla, fort, arrival at, by immigrants of 1843, 173 walla walla city, historic nature of, 318; appearance and surroundings, 318; whitman mission, 318 walla walla council of stevens with indians, 213 _et seq._ wallowa lake, beauty and historic interest of, 320 wallula, 328 wapatoo island, first seen by lewis and clark party, 86; description of, 378 wapta river, 277 _wasco_, steamer built on columbia, 235; rescues victims of indian war, 236; under new management, 237 washington, state, evidences of development, 314 _et seq._; views of, from mt. adams, 366 _et seq._ washington territory, created by congress, 212; volunteers for indian war, 222 washougal, historic interest of, 375 webster, daniel, attitude on oregon question, 186-187; inclined to yield to england, 197 wehatpolitan, story of, 345 wenatchee, interest as an irrigated region, 314 whitcomb, lot, builds steamer of same name, 235 white, dr. elijah, in oregon in 1837 as indian agent, 142 white, capt. lew, commands steamer _colonel wright_ on trip up columbia, 243-244; launches steamer _forty-nine_ on columbia, 245 whitman, dr. marcus, entrance upon work for oregon indians, 145; popularity with trappers, 146; return to new york, 146; marriage and return to oregon, 147; his appearance and character, 147; getting waggon across continent, 150; among cayuses, 151; conception of value of oregon, 153; journey in midwinter to st. louis, 154; helps organise immigration of 1843, 168; guides immigrants, 171; doctors indians for measles, 205; assassinated, 206; connection with dr. mcloughlin, 196 whitman, mrs. narcissa, appearance and qualities, 147; her death, 207 whitman massacre, 206-208 whitman college, 319 whitman county, agricultural resources of, 316 white salmon river and valley, 338 wilkes, lieut. chas., commands expedition to columbia river, 165; establishes idea of unity of pacific coast, 165; assists in equipping schooner _star of oregon_, 160; advice to settlers about a government, 190 willamette river, scenery around mouth, 378; tributaries and valley, 380; apostrophe to, by s. l. simpson, 380 willamette valley, general view, 15 willamette university grows out of mission to indians, 143 williams in the steptoe retreat, 228 windermere lake, 280 winship brothers, project for trading company on columbia river, 109-113 wishpoosh, the beaver, indian legend, 8 wool, gen. j. e., discord with stevens, 222, 224 wright, colonel, campaign against spokane indians, 225, 229 wyeth, nathaniel, takes methodist missionary party across continent in 1834, 141; commendation by lowell, 162; plans great enterprise on columbia, 162; builds fort at mouth of willamette, 163; attracts attention to oregon, 163 y yakima valley, productive capacity of, 325 yaktana, indian chief in adventure with ross, 127 young, ewing, in california, 160; drives cattle to oregon, 161; death of, 189 z zaltieri, map of america, 47 [illustration: columbia river entrance] [illustration: the columbia river and surrounding country] _american waterways_ the romance of the colorado river the story of its discovery in 1540, with an account of the later explorations, and with special reference to the voyages of powell through the line of the great canyons. by frederick s. dellenbaugh member of the united states colorado river expedition of 1871 and 1872 _435 pages, with 200 illustrations, and frontispiece in color. $3.50 net_ "his scientific training, his long experience in this region, and his eye for natural scenery enable him to make this account of the colorado river most graphic and interesting. no other book equally good can be written for many years to come--not until our knowledge of the river is greatly enlarged."--_the boston herald._ "mr. dellenbaugh writes with enthusiasm and balance about his chief, and of the canyon with a fascination that make him disinclined to leave it, and brings him thirty years later to its description with undiminished interest."--_new york tribune._ the ohio river a course of empire by archer b. hulbert associate professor of american history, marietta college, author of "historic highways of america," etc. _390 pages, with 100 illustrations and a map. $3.50 net_ an interesting description from a fresh point of view of the international struggle which ended with the english conquest of the ohio basin, and includes many interesting details of the pioneer movement on the ohio. the most widely read students of the ohio valley will find a unique and unexpected interest in mr. hulbert's chapters dealing with the ohio river in the revolution, the rise of the cities of pittsburg, cincinnati, and louisville, the fighting virginians, the old-time methods of navigation, etc. "a wonderfully comprehensive and entirely fascinating book."--_chicago inter-ocean._ narragansett bay _its historic and romantic associations and picturesque setting_ by edgar mayhew bacon author of "the hudson river," "chronicles of tarrytown," etc. _340 pages, with 50 drawings by the author, and with numerous photographs and a map. $3.50 net_ impressed by the important and singular part played by the settlers of narragansett in the development of american ideas and ideals, and strongly attracted by the romantic tales that are inwoven with the warp of history, as well as by the incomparable setting the great bay affords for such a subject, the author offers this result of his labor as a contribution to the story of great american waterways, with the hope that his readers may be imbued with somewhat of his own enthusiasm. "an attractive description of the picturesque part of rhode island. mr. bacon dwells on the natural beauties, the legendary and historical associations, rather than the present appearance of the shores."--_n. y. sun._ the great lakes _vessels that plough them, their owners, their sailors, and their cargoes; together with a brief history of our inland seas_ by james oliver curwood _with about 80 full-page illustrations, $3.50 net_ this profusely illustrated book, as entertaining as it is informing, has the twofold advantage of being written by a man who knows the lakes and their shores as well as what has been written about them. the general reader will enjoy the romance attaching to the past history of the lakes and not less the romance of the present--the story of the great commercial fleets that plough our inland seas, created to transport the fruits of the earth and the metals that are dug from the bowels of the earth. to the business man who has interests in or about the lakes, or to the prospective investor in great lakes enterprises, the book will be found suggestive. comparatively little has been written of these fresh-water seas, and many of his readers will be amazed at the wonderful story which this volume tells. the st. lawrence river _historical--legendary--picturesque_ by george waldo browne author of "japan--the place and the people," "paradise of the pacific," etc. _385 pages, with 100 illustrations and a map. $3.50 net_ while the st. lawrence river has been the scene of many important events connected with the discovery and development of a large portion of north america, no attempt has heretofore been made to collect and embody in one volume a complete and comprehensive narrative of this great waterway. this is not denying that considerable has been written relating to it, but the various offerings have been scattered through many volumes, and most of these have become inaccessible to the general reader. this work presents in a consecutive narrative the most important historic incidents connected with the river, combined with descriptions of some of its most picturesque scenery and delightful excursions into to its legendary lore. in selecting the hundred illustrations care has been taken to give as wide a scope as possible to the views belonging to the river. the niagara river by archer butler hulbert professor of american history, marietta college; author of "the ohio river," "historic highways of america," etc. _350 pages, with 70 illustrations and maps. $3,50 net_ professor hulbert tells all that is best worth recording of the history of the river which gives the book its title, and of its commercial present and its great commercial future. an immense amount of carefully ordered information is here brought together into a most entertaining and informing book. no mention of this volume can be quite adequate that fails to take into account the extraordinary chapter which is given to chronicling the mad achievements of that company of dare-devil bipeds of both sexes who for decades have been sweeping over the falls in barrels and other receptacles, or who have gone dancing their dizzy way on ropes or wires stretched from shore to shore above the boiling, leaping water beneath. the hudson river from ocean to source _historical--legendary--picturesque_ by edgar mayhew bacon author of "chronicles of tarrytown," "narragansett bay," etc. _600 pages, with 100 illustrations, including a sectional map of the hudson river. $3.50 net_ "the value of this handsome quarto does not depend solely on the attractiveness with which mr. bacon has invested the whole subject, it is a kind of footnote to the more conventional histories, because it throws light upon the life and habits of the earliest settlers. it is a study of dutch civilization in the new world, severe enough in intentions to be accurate, but easy enough in temper to make a great deal of humor, and to comment upon those characteristic customs and habits which, while they escape the attention of the formal historian, are full of significance."--_outlook._ the connecticut river and the valley of the connecticut three hundred and fifty miles from mountain to sea _historical and descriptive_ by edwin munroe bacon author of "walks and rides in the country round about boston," etc. _500 pages, with 100 illustrations and a map. $3.50 net_ from ocean to source every mile of the connecticut is crowded with reminders of the early explorers, of the indian wars, of the struggle of the colonies, and of the quaint, peaceful village existence of the early days of the republic. beginning with the dutch discovery, mr. bacon traces the interesting movements and events which are associated with this chief river of new england. the columbia river _its history--its myths--its scenery--its commerce_ by william denison lyman professor of history in whitman college, walla walla, washington _fully illustrated_ this is the first effort to present a book distinctively on the columbia river. it is the intention of the author to give some special prominence to nelson and the magnificent lake district by which it is surrounded. as the joint possession of the united states and british columbia, and as the grandest scenic river of the continent, the columbia is worthy of special attention. _in preparation:_ _each will be fully illustrated and will probably be published at $3.50 net_ 1.--inland waterways by herbert quick 2.--the mississippi river by julius chambers 3.--the story of the chesapeake by ruthella mory bibbins 4.--lake george and lake champlain by w. max reid author of "the mohawk valley," "the story of old fort johnson," etc. ------------------------------------------------------- | * transcriber's note: every effort has been made | | to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, | | including obsolete and variant spellings and other | | inconsistencies. where the text has been changed | | to correct an obvious error by the publisher, the | | word has been marked with an asterisk. | -------------------------------------------------------[illustration: a map of lewis and clark's track, across the western portion of north america, from the mississippi to the pacific ocean; by order of the executive of the united states, in 1804, 5&6. copied by samuel lewis from the original drawing by wm. clark.] history of the expedition under the command of _captains lewis and clark,_ to the sources of the missouri, thence across the rocky mountains and down the river columbia to the pacific ocean. performed during the years 1804-5-6. by order of the government of the united states. prepared for the press by paul allen, esquire. in two volumes. vol. i. _philadelphia_ published by bradford and inskeep; and abm. h. inskeep, new york. j. maxwell, printer 1814. district of pennsylvania, to wit: be it remembered, that on the twenty-second day of january, in the thirty-eighth year of the independence of the united states of america, a.d. 1814, bradford and inskeep, of the said district, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit: "history of the expedition under the command of captains lewis and clark, to the sources of the missouri, thence across the rocky mountains, and down the river columbia to the pacific ocean. performed during the years 1804-5-6, by order of the government of the united states. prepared for the press by paul allen, esquire." in conformity to the act of congress of the united states, entitled "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned." and also to the act, entitled, "an act supplementary to an act, entitled, "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints." david caldwell, clerk of the district of pennsylvania. preface. in presenting these volumes to the public, the editor owes equally to himself and to others, to state the circumstances which have preceded the publication, and to explain his own share in compiling them. it was the original design of captain lewis to have been himself the editor of his own travels, and he was on his way towards philadelphia for that purpose when his sudden death frustrated these intentions. after a considerable and unavoidable delay, the papers connected with the expedition were deposited with another gentleman, who, in order to render the lapse of time as little injurious as possible, proceeded immediately to collect and investigate all the materials within his reach. of the incidents of each day during the expedition, a minute journal was kept by captain lewis or captain clark, and sometimes by both, which was afterwards revised and enlarged at the different periods of leisure which occurred on the route. these were carefully perused in conjunction with captain clark himself, who was able from his own recollection of the journey, as well as from a constant residence in louisiana since his return, to supply a great mass of explanations, and much additional information with regard to part of the route which has been more recently explored. besides these, recourse was had to the manuscript journals kept by two of the serjeants, one of which, the least minute and valuable, has already been published. that nothing might be wanting to the accuracy of these details, a very intelligent and active member of the party, mr. george shannon, was sent to contribute whatever his memory might add to this accumulated fund of information. from these copious materials the narrative was sketched nearly in its present form, when other pursuits diverted the attention of the writer, and compelled him to transfer his manuscript, in its unfinished state, with all the documents connected with it, to the present editor, to prepare them for the press and superintend the publication. that he may not seem to arrogate any thing from the exertions of others, he should therefore state that, although the whole work was thus submitted to his entire discretion, he found but little to change, and that his labour has been principally confined to revising the manuscript, comparing it with the original papers, and inserting such additional matter as appears to have been intentionally deferred by the writer till the period of a more mature revisal. these circumstances, which would otherwise be indifferent to the public, are mentioned merely to account for imperfections, which are in some degree inseparable from any book of travels not written by the traveller. in a work of pure description indeed, like the present, where the incidents themselves are the sole objects of attraction, the part of an editor is necessarily subordinate, nor can his humble pretensions aspire beyond the merit of rigid adherence to facts as they are stated to him. this has been very diligently attempted, and for this, in its full extent, the editor deems himself responsible. the present volumes, it will be perceived, comprise only the narrative of the journey. those parts of the work which relate to the various objects of natural history, observed or collected during the journey, as well as the alphabets of the indian languages, are in the hands of professor bartou, and will, it is understood, shortly appear. to give still further interest to the work, the editor addressed a letter to mr. jefferson, requesting some authentic memoirs of captain lewis. for the very curious and valuable information contained in his answer, the public, as well as the editor himself, owe great obligations to the politeness and knowledge of that distinguished gentleman. paul allen. philadelphia, january 1, 1814. life of captain lewis. _monticello, august 18, 1813._ sir, in compliance with the request conveyed in your letter of may 25, i have endeavoured to obtain, from the relations and friends of the late governor lewis, information of such incidents of his life as might be not unacceptable to those who may read the narrative of his western discoveries. the ordinary occurrences of a private life, and those also while acting in a subordinate sphere in the army, in a time of peace, are not deemed sufficiently interesting to occupy the public attention; but a general account of his parentage, with such smaller incidents as marked his early character are briefly noted; and to these are added, as being peculiarly within my own knowledge, whatever related to the public mission, of which an account is now to be published. the result of my inquiries and recollections shall now be offered, to be enlarged or abridged as you may think best; or otherwise to be used with the materials you may have collected from other sources. meriwether lewis, late governor of louisiana, was born on the eighteenth of august, 1774, near the town of charlottesville, in the county of albemarle, in virginia, of one of the distinguished families of that state. john lewis, one of his father's uncles was a member of the king's council, before the revolution. another of them, fielding lewis, married a sister of general washington. his father, william lewis, was the youngest of five sons of colonel robert lewis, of albemarle, the fourth of whom, charles, was one of the early patriots who stepped forward in the commencement of the revolution and commanded one of the regiments first raised in virginia, and placed on continental establishment. happily situated at home, with a wife and young family, and a fortune placing him at ease, he left all to aid in the liberation of his country from foreign usurpations, then first unmasking their ultimate end and aim. his good sense, integrity, bravery, enterprise, and remarkable bodily powers, marked him as an officer of great promise; but he unfortunately died early in the revolution. nicholas lewis, the second of his father's brothers, commanded a regiment of militia in the successful expedition of 1776, against the cherokee indians; who, seduced by the agents of the british government to take up the hatchet against us, had committed great havoc on our southern frontier, by murdering and scalping helpless women and children, according to their cruel and cowardly principles of warfare. the chastisement they then received closed the history of their wars, and prepared them for receiving the elements of civilization, which, zealously inculcated by the present government of the united states, have rendered them an industrious, peaceable, and happy people. this member of the family of lewises, whose bravery was so usefully proved on this occasion, was endeared to all who knew him by his inflexible probity, courteous disposition, benevolent heart, and engaging modesty and manners. he was the umpire of all the private differences of his county--selected always by both parties. he was also the guardian of meriwether lewis, of whom we are now to speak, and who had lost his father at an early age. he continued some years under the fostering care of a tender mother, of the respectable family of meriwethers, of the same county; and was remarkable even in infancy for enterprise, boldness, and discretion. when only eight years of age he habitually went out, in the dead of night, alone with his dogs, into the forest to hunt the raccoon and opossum, which, seeking their food in the night, can then only be taken. in this exercise, no season or circumstance could obstruct his purpose--plunging through the winter's snows and frozen streams in pursuit of his object. at thirteen he was put to the latin school, and continued at that until eighteen, when he returned to his mother, and entered on the cares of his farm; having, as well as a younger brother, been left by his father with a competency for all the correct and comfortable purposes of temperate life. his talent for observation, which had led him to an accurate knowledge of the plants and animals of his own country, would have distinguished him as a farmer; but at the age of twenty, yielding to the ardour of youth, and a passion for more dazzling pursuits, he engaged as a volunteer in the body of militia which were called out by general washington, on occasion of the discontents produced by the excise taxes in the western parts of the united states; and from that situation he was removed to the regular service as a lieutenant in the line. at twenty-three he was promoted to a captaincy; and, always attracting the first attention where punctuality and fidelity were requisite, he was appointed paymaster to his regiment. about this time a circumstance occurred which, leading to the transaction which is the subject of this book, will justify a recurrence to its original idea. while i resided in paris, john ledyard, of connecticut, arrived there, well known in the united states for energy of body and mind. he had accompanied captain cook on his voyage to the pacific ocean; and distinguished himself on that voyage by his intrepidity. being of a roaming disposition, he was now panting for some new enterprise. his immediate object at paris was to engage a mercantile company in the fur-trade of the western coast of america, in which, however, he failed. i then proposed to him to go by land to kamschatka, cross in some of the russian vessels to nootka sound, fall down into the latitude of the missouri, and penetrate to, and through, that to the united states. he eagerly seized the idea, and only asked to be assured of the permission of the russian government. i interested, in obtaining that, m. de simoulin, minister plenipotentiary of the empress at paris, but more especially the baron de grimm, minister plenipotentiary of saxe-gotha, her more special agent and correspondent there in matters not immediately diplomatic. her permission was obtained, and an assurance of protection while the course of the voyage should be through her territories. ledyard set out from paris, and arrived at st. petersburgh after the empress had left that place to pass the winter, i think, at moscow. his finances not permitting him to make unnecessary stay at st. petersburgh, he left it with a passport from one of the ministers; and at two hundred miles from kamschatka, was obliged to take up his winter quarters. he was preparing, in the spring, to resume his journey, when he was arrested by an officer of the empress, who by this time had changed her mind, and forbidden his proceeding. he was put into a close carriage, and conveyed day and night, without ever stopping, till they reached poland; where he was set down and left to himself. the fatigue of this journey broke down his constitution; and when he returned to paris his bodily strength was much impaired. his mind, however, remained firm, and he after this undertook the journey to egypt. i received a letter from him, full of sanguine hopes, dated at cairo, the fifteenth of november, 1788, the day before he was to set out for the head of the nile; on which day, however, he ended his career and life: and thus failed the first attempt to explore the western part of our northern continent. in 1792, i proposed to the american philosophical society that we should set on foot a subscription to engage some competent person to explore that region in the opposite direction; that is, by ascending the missouri, crossing the stony mountains, and descending the nearest river to the pacific. captain lewis being then stationed at charlottesville, on the recruiting service, warmly solicited me to obtain for him the execution of that object. i told him it was proposed that the person engaged should be attended by a single companion only, to avoid exciting alarm among the indians. this did not deter him; but mr. andre michaux, a professed botanist, author of the flora boreali-americana, and of the histoire des chesnes d'amerique, offering his services, they were accepted. he received his instructions, and when he had reached kentucky in the prosecution of his journey, he was overtaken by an order from the minister of france, then at philadelphia, to relinquish the expedition, and to pursue elsewhere the botanical inquiries on which he was employed by that government: and thus failed the second attempt for exploring that region. in 1803, the act for establishing trading houses with the indian tribes being about to expire, some modifications of it were recommended to congress by a confidential message of january 18th, and an extension of its views to the indians on the missouri. in order to prepare the way, the message proposed the sending an exploring party to trace the missouri to its source, to cross the highlands, and follow the best water-communication which offered itself from thence to the pacific ocean. congress approved the proposition, and voted a sum of money for carrying it into execution. captain lewis, who had then been near two years with me as private secretary, immediately renewed his solicitations to have the direction of the party. i had now had opportunities of knowing him intimately. of courage undaunted; possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities could divert from its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline; intimate with the indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded, by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own country, against losing time in the description of objects already possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal, of sound understanding, and a fidelity to truth so scrupulous, that whatever he should report would be as certain as if seen by ourselves; with all these qualifications, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body for this express purpose, i could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him. to fill up the measure desired, he wanted nothing but a greater familiarity with the technical language of the natural sciences, and readiness in the astronomical observations necessary for the geography of his route. to acquire these he repaired immediately to philadelphia, and placed himself under the tutorage of the distinguished professors of that place, who with a zeal and emulation, enkindled by an ardent devotion to science, communicated to him freely the information requisite for the purposes of the journey. while attending too, at lancaster, the fabrication of the arms with which he chose that his men should be provided, he had the benefit of daily communication with mr. andrew ellicot, whose experience in astronomical observation, and practice of it in the woods, enabled him to apprise captain lewis of the wants and difficulties he would encounter, and of the substitutes and resources offered by a woodland and uninhabited country. deeming it necessary he should have some person with him of known competence to the direction of the enterprise, in the event of accident to himself, he proposed william clarke, brother of general george rogers clarke, who was approved, and, with that view, received a commission of captain. in april, 1803, a draught of his instructions was sent to captain lewis, and on the twentieth of june they were signed in the following form: "to meriwether lewis, esquire, captain of the first regiment of infantry of the united states of america: "your situation as secretary of the president of the united states, has made you acquainted with the objects of my confidential message of january 18, 1803, to the legislature; you have seen the act they passed, which, though expressed in general terms, was meant to sanction those objects, and you are appointed to carry them into execution. "instruments for ascertaining, by celestial observations, the geography of the country through which you will pass, have been already provided. light articles for barter and presents among the indians, arms for your attendants, say for from ten to twelve men, boats, tents, and other travelling apparatus, with ammunition, medicine, surgical instruments, and provisions, you will have prepared, with such aids as the secretary at war can yield in his department; and from him also you will receive authority to engage among our troops, by voluntary agreement, the number of attendants abovementioned; over whom you, as their commanding officer, are invested with all the powers the laws give in such a case. "as your movements, while within the limits of the united states, will be better directed by occasional communications, adapted to circumstances as they arise, they will not be noticed here. what follows will respect your proceedings after your departure from the united states. "your mission has been communicated to the ministers here from france, spain, and great britain, and through them to their governments; and such assurances given them as to its objects, as we trust will satisfy them. the country of louisiana having been ceded by spain to france, the passport you have from the minister of france, the representative of the present sovereign of the country, will be a protection with all its subjects; and that from the minister of england will entitle you to the friendly aid of any traders of that allegiance with whom you may happen to meet. "the object of your mission is to explore the missouri river, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and communication with the waters of the pacific ocean, whether the columbia, oregan, colorado, or any other river, may offer the most direct and practicable water-communication across the continent, for the purposes of commerce. "beginning at the mouth of the missouri, you will take observations of latitude and longitude, at all remarkable points on the river, and especially at the mouths of rivers, at rapids, at islands, and other places and objects distinguished by such natural marks and characters, of a durable kind, as that they may with certainty be recognised hereafter. the courses of the river between these points of observation may be supplied by the compass, the log-line, and by time, corrected by the observations themselves. the variations of the needle, too, in different places, should be noticed. "the interesting points of the portage between the heads of the missouri, and of the water offering the best communication with the pacific ocean, should also be fixed by observation; and the course of that water to the ocean, in the same manner as that of the missouri. "your observations are to be taken with great pains and accuracy; to be entered distinctly and intelligibly for others as well as yourself; to comprehend all the elements necessary, with the aid of the usual tables, to fix the latitude and longitude of the places at which they were taken; and are to be rendered to the war-office, for the purpose of having the calculations made concurrently by proper persons within the united states. several copies of these, as well as of your other notes, should be made at leisure times, and put into the care of the most trust-worthy of your attendants to guard, by multiplying them against the accidental losses to which they will be exposed. a further guard would be, that one of these copies be on the cuticular membranes of the paper-birch, as less liable to injury from damp than common paper. "the commerce which may be carried on with the people inhabiting the line you will pursue, renders a knowledge of those people important. you will therefore endeavour to make yourself acquainted, as far as a diligent pursuit of your journey shall admit, with the names of the nations and their numbers; "the extent and limits of their possessions; "their relations with other tribes or nations; "their language, traditions, monuments; "their ordinary occupations in agriculture, fishing, hunting, war, arts, and the implements for these; "their food, clothing, and domestic accommodations; "the diseases prevalent among them, and the remedies they use; "moral and physical circumstances which distinguish them from the tribes we know; "peculiarities in their laws, customs, and dispositions; "and articles of commerce they may need or furnish, and to what extent. "and, considering the interest which every nation has in extending and strengthening the authority of reason and justice among the people around them, it will be useful to acquire what knowledge you can of the state of morality, religion, and information among them; as it may better enable those who may endeavour to civilize and instruct them, to adapt their measures to the existing notions and practices of those on whom they are to operate. "other objects worthy of notice will be- "the soil and face of the country, its growth and vegetable productions, especially those not of the united states; "the animals of the country generally, and especially those not known in the united states; "the remains and accounts of any which may be deemed rare or extinct; "the mineral productions of every kind, but more particularly metals, lime-stone, pit-coal, and saltpetre; salines and mineral waters, noting the temperature of the last, and such circumstances as may indicate their character; "volcanic appearances; "climate, as characterized by the thermometer, by the proportion of rainy, cloudy, and clear days; by lightning, hail, snow, ice; by the access and recess of frost; by the winds prevailing at different seasons; the dates at which particular plants put forth, or lose their flower or leaf; times of appearance of particular birds, reptiles or insects. "although your route will be along the channel of the missouri, yet you will endeavour to inform yourself, by inquiry, of the character and extent of the country watered by its branches, and especially on its southern side. the north river, or rio bravo, which runs into the gulf of mexico, and the north river, or rio colorado, which runs into the gulf of california, are understood to be the principal streams heading opposite to the waters of the missouri, and running southwardly. whether the dividing grounds between the missouri and them are mountains or flat lands, what are their distance from the missouri, the character of the intermediate country, and the people inhabiting it, are worthy of particular inquiry. the northern waters of the missouri are less to be inquired after, because they have been ascertained to a considerable degree, and are still in a course of ascertainment by english traders and travellers; but if you can learn any thing certain of the most northern source of the missisipi, and of its position relatively to the lake of the woods, it will be interesting to us. some account too of the path of the canadian traders from the missisipi, at the mouth of the onisconsing to where it strikes the missouri, and of the soil and rivers in its course, is desirable. "in all your intercourse with the natives, treat them in the most friendly and conciliatory manner which their own conduct will admit; allay all jealousies as to the object of your journey; satisfy them of its innocence; make them acquainted with the position, extent, character, peaceable and commercial dispositions of the united states; of our wish to be neighbourly, friendly, and useful to them, and of our dispositions to a commercial intercourse with them; confer with them on the points most convenient as mutual emporiums, and the articles of most desirable interchange for them and us. if a few of their influential chiefs, within practicable distance, wish to visit us, arrange such a visit with them, and furnish them with authority to call on our officers on their entering the united states, to have them conveyed to this place at the public expense. if any of them should wish to have some of their young people brought up with us, and taught such arts as may be useful to them, we will receive, instruct, and take care of them. such a mission, whether of influential chiefs, or of young people, would give some security to your own party. carry with you some matter of the kine-pox; inform those of them with whom you may be of its efficacy as a preservative from the small-pox, and instruct and encourage them in the use of it. this may be especially done wherever you winter. "as it is impossible for us to foresee in what manner you will be received by those people, whether with hospitality or hostility, so is it impossible to prescribe the exact degree of perseverance with which you are to pursue your journey. we value too much the lives of citizens to offer them to probable destruction. your numbers will be sufficient to secure you against the unauthorized opposition of individuals, or of small parties; but if a superior force, authorized, or not authorized, by a nation, should be arrayed against your further passage, and inflexibly determined to arrest it, you must decline its further pursuit and return. in the loss of yourselves we should lose also the information you will have acquired. by returning safely with that, you may enable us to renew the essay with better calculated means. to your own discretion, therefore, must be left the degree of danger you may risk, and the point at which you should decline, only saying, we wish you to err on the side of your safety, and to bring back your party safe, even if it be with less information. "as far up the missouri as the white settlements extend, an intercourse will probably be found to exist between them and the spanish posts of st. louis opposite cahokia, or st. genevieve opposite kaskaskia. from still further up the river the traders may furnish a conveyance for letters. beyond that you may perhaps be able to engage indians to bring letters for the government to cahokia, or kaskaskia, on promising that they shall there receive such special compensation as you shall have stipulated with them. avail yourself of these means to communicate to us, at seasonable intervals, a copy of your journal, notes and observations of every kind, putting into cypher whatever might do injury if betrayed. "should you reach the pacific ocean, inform yourself of the circumstances which may decide whether the furs of those parts may not be collected as advantageously at the head of the missouri (convenient as is supposed to the waters of the colorado and oregan or columbia) as at nootka sound, or any other point of that coast; and that trade be consequently conducted through the missouri and united states more beneficially than by the circumnavigation now practised. "on your arrival on that coast, endeavour to learn if there be any port within your reach frequented by the sea vessels of any nation, and to send two of your trusty people back by sea, in such way as shall appear practicable, with a copy of your notes; and should you be of opinion that the return of your party by the way they went will be imminently dangerous, then ship the whole, and return by sea, by the way either of cape horn, or the cape of good hope, as you shall be able. as you will be without money, clothes, or provisions, you must endeavour to use the credit of the united states to obtain them; for which purpose open letters of credit shall be furnished you, authorizing you to draw on the executive of the united states, or any of its officers, in any part of the world, on which draughts can be disposed of, and to apply with our recommendations to the consuls, agents, merchants, or citizens of any nation with which we have intercourse, assuring them, in our name, that any aids they may furnish you shall be honourably repaid, and on demand. our consuls, thomas hewes, at batavia, in java, william buchanan, in the isles of france and bourbon, and john elmslie, at the cape of good hope, will be able to supply your necessities, by draughts on us. "should you find it safe to return by the way you go, after sending two of your party round by sea, or with your whole party, if no conveyance by sea can be found, do so; making such observations on your return as may serve to supply, correct, or confirm those made on your outward journey. "on reentering the united states and reaching a place of safety, discharge any of your attendants who may desire and deserve it, procuring for them immediate payment of all arrears of pay and clothing which may have incurred since their departure, and assure them that they shall be recommended to the liberality of the legislature for the grant of a soldier's portion of land each, as proposed in my message to congress, and repair yourself, with your papers, to the seat of government. "to provide, on the accident of your death, against anarchy, dispersion, and the consequent danger to your party, and total failure of the enterprise, you are hereby authorized, by any instrument signed and written in your own hand, to name the person among them who shall succeed to the command on your decease, and by like instruments to change the nomination, from time to time, as further experience of the characters accompanying you shall point out superior fitness; and all the powers and authorities given to yourself are, in the event of your death, transferred to, and vested in the successor so named, with further power to him and his successors, in like manner to name each his successor, who, on the death of his predecessor, shall be invested with all the powers and authorities given to yourself. given under my hand at the city of washington, this twentieth day of june, 1803. "thomas jefferson, "_president of the united states of america_." while these things were going on here, the country of louisiana, lately ceded by spain to france, had been the subject of negotiation at paris between us and this last power; and had actually been transferred to us by treaties executed at paris on the thirtieth of april. this information, received about the first day of july, increased infinitely the interest we felt in the expedition, and lessened the apprehensions of interruption from other powers. every thing in this quarter being now prepared, captain lewis left washington on the fifth of july, 1803, and proceeded to pittsburg, where other articles had been ordered to be provided for him. the men too were to be selected from the military stations on the ohio. delays of preparation, difficulties of navigation down the ohio, and other untoward obstructions, retarded his arrival at cahokia until the season was so far advanced as to render it prudent to suspend his entering the missouri before the ice should break up in the succeeding spring. from this time his journal, now published, will give the history of his journey to and from the pacific ocean, until his return to st. louis on the twenty-third of september, 1806. never did a similar event excite more joy through the united states. the humblest of its citizens had taken a lively interest in the issue of this journey, and looked forward with impatience for the information it would furnish. their anxieties too for the safety of the corps had been kept in a state of excitement by lugubrious rumours, circulated from time to time on uncertain authorities, and uncontradicted by letters, or other direct information, from the time they had left the mandan towns, on their ascent up the river in april of the preceding year, 1805, until their actual return to st. louis. it was the middle of february, 1807, before captain lewis, with his companion captain clarke, reached the city of washington, where congress was then in session. that body granted to the two chiefs and their followers the donation of lands which they had been encouraged to expect in reward of their toil and dangers. captain lewis was soon after appointed governor of louisiana, and captain clarke a general of its militia, and agent of the united states for indian affairs in that department. a considerable time intervened before the governor's arrival at st. louis. he found the territory distracted by feuds and contentions among the officers of the government, and the people themselves divided by these into factions and parties. he determined at once to take no side with either; but to use every endeavour to conciliate and harmonize them. the even-handed justice he administered to all soon established a respect for his person and authority; and perseverance and time wore down animosities, and reunited the citizens again into one family. governor lewis had, from early life, been subject to hypochondriac affections. it was a constitutional disposition in all the nearer branches of the family of his name, and was more immediately inherited by him from his father. they had not, however, been so strong as to give uneasiness to his family. while he lived with me in washington i observed at times sensible depressions of mind: but knowing their constitutional source, i estimated their course by what i had seen in the family. during his western expedition, the constant exertion which that required of all the faculties of body and mind, suspended these distressing affections; but after his establishment at st. louis in sedentary occupations, they returned upon him with redoubled vigour, and began seriously to alarm his friends. he was in a paroxysm of one of these, when his affairs rendered it necessary for him to go to washington. he proceeded to the chickasaw bluffs, where he arrived on the sixteenth of september, 1809, with a view of continuing his journey thence by water. mr. neely, agent of the united states with the chickasaw indians, arriving there two days after, found him extremely indisposed, and betraying at times some symptoms of a derangement of mind. the rumours of a war with england, and apprehensions that he might lose the papers he was bringing on, among which were the vouchers of his public accounts, and the journals and papers of his western expedition, induced him here to change his mind, and to take his course by land through the chickasaw country. although he appeared somewhat relieved, mr. neely kindly determined to accompany and watch over him. unfortunately, at their encampment, after having passed the tennessee one day's journey, they lost two horses, which obliging mr. neely to halt for their recovery, the governor proceeded, under a promise to wait for him at the house of the first white inhabitant on his road. he stopped at the house of a mr. grinder, who not being at home, his wife, alarmed at the symptoms of derangement she discovered, gave him up the house and retired to rest herself in an out-house, the governor's and neely's servants lodging in another. about three o'clock in the night he did the deed which plunged his friends into affliction, and deprived his country of one of her most valued citizens, whose valour and intelligence would have been now employed in avenging the wrongs of his country, and in emulating by land the splendid deeds which have honoured her arms on the ocean. it lost too to the nation the benefit of receiving from his own hand the narrative now offered them of his sufferings and successes, in endeavouring to extend for them the boundaries of science, and to present to their knowledge that vast and fertile country, which their sons are destined to fill with arts, with science, with freedom and happiness. to this melancholy close of the life of one, whom posterity will declare not to have lived in vain, i have only to add, that all the facts i have stated are either known to myself, or communicated by his family or others, for whose truth i have no hesitation to make myself responsible; and i conclude with tendering you the assurances of my respect and consideration. th. jefferson. mr. paul allen, philadelphia. contents. vol. i. chapter i. the party set out on the expedition and pass wood river. description of the town of st. charles. osage woman river. gasconade and osage rivers described. character of the osage indians; curious traditionary account of their origin. the party proceed and pass the mine river. the two charitons. the kanzas, nodawa, newahaw, neeshuabatona, little nemahar, each of which are particularly described. they encamp at the mouth of the river platte. a particular description of the surrounding country. the various creeks, bays, islands, prairies, &c. given in the course of the route. 1 chapter ii. some account of the pawnee indians. council held with the otto and missouri indians. council held with another party of the ottoes. death of sergeant floyd. the party encamp near the mouth of whitestone river. the character of the missouri, with the rivers that enter it. the surrounding country. the various islands, bays, creeks, &c. given in the course of the expedition. 32 chapter iii. whimsical instance of superstition of the sioux indians. council held with the sioux. character of that tribe, their manners, &c. a ridiculous instance of their heroism. ancient fortifications. quieurre river described. vast herds of buffaloe. account of the petit chien or little dog. narrow escape of george shannon. description of white river. surprising fleetness of the antelope. pass the river of the sioux. description of the grand le tour, or great bend. encamp on the teton river. 52 chapter iv. council held with the tetons. their manners, dances, &c. cheyenne river described. council held with the ricara indians. their manners and habits. strange instance of ricara idolatry. another instance. cannonball river. arrival among the mandans. character of the surrounding country, and of the creeks, islands, &c. 82 chapter v. council held with the mandans. a prairie on fire, and a singular instance of preservation. peace established between the mandans and ricaras. the party encamp for the winter. indian mode of catching goats. beautiful appearance of northern lights. friendly character of the indians. some account of the mandans. the anahaways and the minnetarees. the party acquire the confidence of the mandans by taking part in their controversy with the sioux. religion of the mandans, and their singular conception of the term medicine. their tradition. the sufferings of the party from the severity of the season. indian game of billiards described. character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. 118 chapter vi. the party increase in the favour of the mandans. description of a buffaloe dance. medicine dance. the fortitude with which the indians bear the severity of the season. distress of the party for want of provisions. the great importance of the blacksmith in procuring it. depredations of the sioux. the homage paid to the medicine stone. summary act of justice among the minnetarees. the process by which the mandans and ricaras make beads. character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. 148 chapter vii. indian method of attacking the buffaloe on the ice. an enumeration of the presents sent to the president of the united states. the party are visited by a ricara chief. they leave their encampment, and proceed on their journey. description of the little missouri. some account of the assiniboins. their mode of burying the dead. whiteearth river described. great quantity of salt discovered on its banks. yellowstone river described. a particular account of the country at the confluence of the yellowstone and missouri. description of the missouri, the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. 174 chapter viii. unusual appearance of salt. the formidable character of the white bear. porcupine river described. beautiful appearance of the surrounding country. immense quantities of game. milk river described. extraordinary character of bigdry river. an instance of uncommon tenacity of life in a white bear. narrow escape of one of the party from that animal. a still more remarkable instance. muscleshell river described. 199 chapter ix. the party continue their route. description of judith river. indian mode of taking the buffaloe. slaughter river described. phenomena of nature. of walls on the banks of the missouri. the party encamp on the banks of the river to ascertain which of the streams constitute the missouri. captain lewis leaves the party to explore the northern fork, and captain clarke explores the southern. the surrounding country described in the route of captain lewis. narrow escape of one of his party. 225 chapter x. return of captain lewis. account of captain clarke's researches with his exploring party. perilous situation of one of his party. tansy river described. the party still believing the southern fork the missouri, captain lewis is resolves to ascend it. mode of making a place to deposit provisions, called cache. captain lewis explores the southern fork. falls of the missouri discovered, which ascertains the question. romantic scenery of the surrounding country. narrow escape of captain lewis. the main body under captain clarke approach within five miles of the falls, and prepare for making a portage over the rapids. 251 chapter xi. description and romantic appearance of the missouri at the junction of the medicine river. the difficulty of transporting the baggage at the falls. the party employed in the construction of a boat of skins. the embarrassments they had to encounter for the want of proper materials. during the work the party much troubled by white bears. violent hail-storm, and providential escape of captain clarke and his party. description of a remarkable fountain. singular explosion heard from the black mountains. the boat found to be insufficient, and the serious disappointment of the party. captain clarke undertakes to repair the damage by building canoes, and accomplishes the task. 275 chapter xii. the party embark on board the canoes. description of smith's river. character of the country, &c. dearborne's river described. captain clarke precedes the party for the purpose of discovering the indians of the rocky mountains. magnificent rocky appearances on the borders of the river denominated the gates of the rocky mountains. captain clarke arrives at the three forks of the missouri without overtaking the indians. the party arrive at the three forks, of which a peculiar and interesting description is given. 301 chapter xiii. the name of the missouri changed, as the river now divides itself into three forks, one of which is called after jefferson, the other madison, and the other after gallatin. their general character. the party ascend the jefferson branch. description of the river philosophy which enters into the jefferson. captain lewis and a small party go in advance in search of the shoshonees. description of the country, &c. bordering on the river. captain lewis still preceding the main party in quest of the shoshonees. a singular accident which prevented captain clarke from following captain lewis's advice, and ascending the middle fork of the river. description of philanthropy river, another stream running into the jefferson. captain lewis and a small party having been unsuccessful in their first attempt, set off a second time in quest of the shoshonees. 328 chapter xiv. captain lewis proceeds before the main body in search of the shoshonees; his ill success on the first interview. the party with captain lewis at length discover the source of the missouri. captain clarke with the main body still employed in ascending the missouri or jefferson river. captain lewis's second interview with the shoshonees attended with success. the interesting ceremonies of his first introduction to the natives, detailed at large. their hospitality. their mode of hunting the antelope. the difficulties encountered by captain clarke and the main body in ascending the river. the suspicions entertained of captain lewis by the shoshonees, and his mode of allaying them. the ravenous appetites of the savages illustrated by singular adventure. the indians still jealous, and the great pains taken by captain lewis to preserve their confidence. captain clarke arrives with the main body exhausted by the difficulties they underwent. 354 chapter xv. affecting interview between the wife of chaboneau and the chief of the shoshonees. council held with that nation, and favourable result. the extreme navigable point of the missouri mentioned. general character of the river and of the country through which it passes. captain clarke in exploring the source of the columbia falls in company with another party of shoshonees. the geographical information acquired from one of that party. their manner of catching fish. the party reach lewis river. the difficulties which captain clarke had to encounter in his route. friendship and hospitality of the shoshonees. the party with captain lewis employed in making saddles, and preparing for the journey. 381 chapter xvi. contest between drewyer and a shoshonee. the fidelity and honour of that tribe. the party set out on their journey. the conduct of cameahwait reproved, and himself reconciled. the easy parturition of the shoshonee women. history of this nation. their terror of the pawkees. their government and family economy in their treatment of their women. their complaints of spanish treachery. description of their weapons of warfare. their curious mode of making a shield. the caparison of their horses. the dress of the men and of the women particularly described. their mode of acquiring new names. 407 chapter xvii. the party, after procuring horses from the shoshonees, proceed on their journey through the mountains. the difficulties and dangers of the route. a council held with another band of the shoshonees, of whom some account is given. they are reduced to the necessity of killing their horses for food. captain clarke with a small party precedes the main body in quest of food, and is hospitably received by the pierced-nose indians. arrival of the main body amongst this tribe, with whom a council is held. they resolve to perform the remainder of their journey in canoes. sickness of the party. they descend the kooskooskee to its junction with lewis river, after passing several dangerous rapids. short description of the manners and dress of the pierced-nose indians. 435 lewis and clarke's expedition up the missouri. chap. i. the party set out on the expedition and pass wood river--description of the town of st. charles--osage woman river--gasconade and osage rivers described--character of the osage indians--curious traditionary account of their origin--the party proceed and pass the mine river--the two charitons--the kanzas, nodawa, newahaw, neeshnabatona, little nemahar, each of which are particularly described--they encamp at the mouth of the river platte--a particular description of the surrounding country--the various creeks, bays, islands, prairies, &c., given in the course of the route. on the acquisition of louisiana, in the year 1803, the attention of the government of the united states, was early directed towards exploring and improving the new territory. accordingly in the summer of the same year, an expedition was planned by the president for the purpose of discovering the courses and sources of the missouri, and the most convenient water communication thence to the pacific ocean. his private secretary captain meriwether lewis, and captain william clarke, both officers of the army of the united states, were associated in the command of this enterprize. after receiving the requisite instructions, captain lewis left the seat of government, and being joined by captain clarke at louisville, in kentucky, proceeded to st. louis, where they arrived in the month of december. their original* intention was to pass the winter at la charrette, the highest settlement on the missouri. but the spanish commandant of the province, not having received an official account of its transfer to the united states, was obliged by the general policy of his government, to prevent strangers from passing through the spanish territory. they therefore encamped at the mouth of wood river, on the eastern side of the mississippi, out of his jurisdiction, where they passed the winter in disciplining the men, and making the necessary preparations for setting out early in the spring, before which the cession was officially announced. the party consisted of nine young men from kentucky, fourteen soldiers of the united states army who volunteered their services, two french watermen--an interpreter and hunter--and a black servant belonging to captain clarke--all these, except the last, were enlisted to serve as privates during the expedition, and three sergeants appointed from amongst them by the captains. in addition to these were engaged a corporal and six soldiers, and nine watermen to accompany the expedition as far as the mandan nation, in order to assist in carrying the stores, or repelling an attack which was most to be apprehended between wood river and that tribe. the necessary stores were subdivided into seven bales, and one box, containing a small portion of each article in case of accident. they consisted of a great variety of clothing, working utensils, locks, flints, powder, ball, and articles of the greatest use. to these were added fourteen bales and one box of indian presents, distributed in the same manner, and composed of richly laced coats and other articles of dress, medals, flags, knives, and tomahawks for the chiefs--ornaments of different kinds, particularly beads, lookingglasses, handkerchiefs, paints, and generally such articles as were deemed best calculated for the taste of the indians. the party was to embark on board of three boats: the first was a keel boat fifty-five feet long, drawing three feet water, carrying one large squaresail and twenty-two oars, a deck of ten feet in the bow, and stern formed a forecastle and cabin, while the middle was covered by lockers, which might be raised so as to form a breast-work in case of attack. this was accompanied by two perioques or open boats, one of six and the other of seven oars. two horses were at the same time to be led along the banks of the river for the purpose of bringing home game, or hunting in case of scarcity. of the proceedings of this expedition, the following is a succinct and circumstantial narrative. all the preparations being completed, we left our encampment on monday, may 14th, 1804. this spot is at the mouth of wood river, a small stream which empties itself into the mississippi, opposite to the entrance of the missouri. it is situated in latitude 38â° 55' 19-6/10" north, and longitude from greenwich, 89â° 57' 45". on both sides of the mississippi the land for two or three miles is rich and level, but gradually swells into a high pleasant country, with less timber on the western than on the eastern side, but all susceptible of cultivation. the point which separates the two rivers on the north, extends for fifteen or twenty miles, the greater part of which is an open level plain, in which the people of the neighbourhood cultivate what little grain they raise. not being able to set sail before four o'clock p.m., we did not make more than four miles, and encamped on the first island opposite a small creek called cold water. may 15. the rain, which had continued yesterday and last night, ceased this morning. we then proceeded, and after passing two small islands about ten miles further, stopped for the night at piper's landing, opposite another island. the water is here very rapid and the banks falling in. we found that our boat was too heavily laden in the stern, in consequence of which she ran on logs three times to-day. it became necessary to throw the greatest weight on the bow of the boat, a precaution very necessary in ascending both the missouri and mississippi rivers, in the beds of which, there lie great quantities of concealed timber. the next morning we set sail at five o'clock. at the distance of a few miles, we passed a remarkable large coal hill on the north side, called by the french la charbonniere, and arrived at the town of st. charles. here we remained a few days. st. charles is a small town on the north bank of the missouri, about twenty-one miles from its confluence with the mississippi. it is situated in a narrow plain, sufficiently high to protect it from the annual risings of the river in the month of june, and at the foot of a range of small hills, which have occasioned its being called petite cote, a name by which it is more known to the french than by that of st. charles. one principal street, about a mile in length and running parallel with the river, divides the town, which is composed of nearly one hundred small wooden houses, besides a chapel. the inhabitants, about four hundred and fifty in number, are chiefly descendants from the french of canada; and, in their manners, they unite all the careless gayety, and the amiable hospitality of the best times of france: yet, like most of their countrymen in america, they are but ill qualified for the rude life of a frontier; not that they are without talent, for they possess much natural genius and vivacity; nor that they are destitute of enterprize, for their hunting excursions are long, laborious, and hazardous: but their exertions are all desultory; their industry is without system, and without perseverance. the surrounding country, therefore, though rich, is not, in general, well cultivated; the inhabitants chiefly subsisting by hunting and trade with the indians, and confine their culture to gardening, in which they excel. being joined by captain lewis, who had been detained by business at st. louis, we again set sail on monday, may 21st, in the afternoon, but were prevented by wind and rain from going more than about three miles, when we encamped on the upper point of an island, nearly opposite a creek which falls in on the south side. on the 22d we made about eighteen miles, passing several small farms on the bank of the river, a number of islands, and a large creek on the south side, called bonhomme, or goodman's river. a small number of emigrants from the united states have settled on the sides of this creek, which are very fertile. we also passed some high lands, and encamped, on the north side, near a small creek. here we met with a camp of kickapoo indians who had left us at st. charles, with a promise of procuring us some provisions by the time we overtook them. they now made us a present of four deer, and we gave them in return two quarts of whiskey. this tribe reside on the heads of the kaskaskia and illinois river, on the other side of the mississippi, but occasionally hunt on the missouri. may 23. two miles from our camp of last night, we reached a river emptying itself on the north side, called osage woman river. it is about thirty yards wide, and has now a settlement of thirty or forty families from the united states. about a mile and a half beyond this is a large cave, on the south side at the foot of cliffs nearby three hundred feet high, overhanging the water, which becomes very swift at this place. the cave is one hundred and twenty feet wide, forty feet deep, and twenty high, it is known by the name of the tavern, among the traders who have written their names on the rock, and painted some images which command the homage of the indians and french. about a little further we passed a small creek called tavern creek, and encamped on the south side of the river, having gone nine miles. early the next morning we ascended a very difficult rapid, called the devil's race ground, where the current sets for half a mile against some projecting rocks on the south side. we were less fortunate in attempting a second place of equal difficulty. passing near the southern shore, the bank fell in so fast as to oblige us to cross the river instantly, between the northern side and a sandbar which is constantly moving and banking with the violence of the current. the boat struck on it, and would have upset immediately, if the men had not jumped into the water and held her, till the sand washed from under her. we encamped on the south side, having ascended ten miles, and the next day, may 25, passed on the south side the mouth of wood river, on the north, two small creeks and several islands, and stopped for the night at the entrance of a creek on the north side, called by the french la charrette, ten miles from our last encampment, and a little above a small village of the same name. it consists of seven small houses, and as many poor families who have fixed themselves here for the convenience of trade, and form the last establishment of whites on the missouri. it rained last night, yet we found this morning that the river had fallen several inches. may 26. the wind being favourable we made eighteen miles to-day. we passed in the morning several islands, the largest of which is buffaloe island, separated from the southern side by a small channel which receives the waters of buffaloe creek. on the same side is shepherd's creek, a little beyond which we encamped on the northern side. the next day we sailed along a large island called otter island, on the northern side, extending nearly ten miles in length, narrow but high in its situation, and one of the most fertile in the whole river. between it and the northern shore, three small creeks, one of which has the same name with the island, empty themselves. on the southern shore is a creek twenty yards wide, called ash creek. in the course of the day we met two canoes loaded with furs, which had been two months on their route, from the mahar nation, residing more than seven hundred miles up the river--one large raft from the pawnees on the river platte, and three others from the grand osage river. at the distance of fifteen miles we encamped on a willow island, at the entrance of the river gasconade. this river falls into the missouri from the south, one hundred miles from the mississippi. its length is about one hundred and fifty miles in a course generally northeast through a hilly country. on its banks are a number of saltpetre caves, and it is believed some mines of lead in the vicinity. its width at the mouth is one hundred and fifty-seven yards, and its depth nineteen feet. here we halted for the purpose of hunting and drying our provisions, and making the necessary celestial observations. this being completed, we set sail on the 29th at four o'clock, and at four miles distance encamped on the south-side, above a small creek, called deer creek. the next day, 30th, we set out early, and at two miles distant reached a large cave, on the north, called montbrun's tavern, after a french trader of that name, just above a creek called after the same person. beyond this is a large island, and at the distance of four miles, rush creek coming in from the south, at eleven, big-muddy river on the north, about fifty yards wide; three miles further, is little-muddy river on the same side, opposite to which we encamped at the mouth of grindstone creek. the rain which began last night continued through the day, accompanied with high wind and some hail. the river has been rising fast for two days, and the country around appears full of water. along the sides of the river to day we observe much timber, the cotton wood, the sycamore, hickory, white walnut, some grapevines, and rushes--the high west wind and rain compelled us to remain all the next day, may 31. in the afternoon a boat came down from the grand osage river, bringing a letter from a person sent to the osage nation on the arkansaw river, which mentioned that the letter announcing the cession of louisiana was committed to the flames--that the indians would not believe that the americans were owners of that country, and disregarded st. louis and its supplies. the party was occupied in hunting, in the course of which, they caught in the woods several very large rats. we set sail early the next morning, june 1st, and at six miles distant passed bear creek, a stream of about twenty-five yards width; but the wind being ahead and the current rapid, we were unable to make more than thirteen miles to the mouth of the osage river; where we encamped and remained the following day, for the purpose of making celestial observations. the osage river empties itself into the missouri, at one hundred and thirty-three miles distance from the mouth of the latter river. its general course is west and west southwest through a rich and level country. at the junction the missouri is about eight hundred and seventy-five yards wide, and the osage three hundred and ninety-seven. the low point of junction is in latitude 38â° 31' 16", and at a short distance from it is a high commanding position, whence we enjoyed a delightful prospect of the country. the osage river gives or owes its name to a nation inhabiting its banks at a considerable distance from this place. their present name however, seems to have originated from the french traders, for both among themselves and their neighbours they are called the wasbashas. they number between twelve and thirteen hundred warriors, and consist of three tribes: the great osages of about five hundred warriors, living in a village on the south bank of the river--the little osages, of nearly half that number, residing at the distance of six miles from them--and the arkansaw band, a colony of osages, of six hundred warriors, who left them some years ago, under the command of a chief called the bigfoot, and settled on the vermillion river, a branch of the arkansaw. in person the osages are among the largest and best formed indians, and are said to possess fine military capacities; but residing as they do in villages, and having made considerable advance in agriculture, they seem less addicted to war, than their northern neighbours, to whom the use of rifles gives a great superiority. among the peculiarities of this people, there is nothing more remarkable than the tradition relative to their origin. according to universal belief, the founder of the nation was a snail passing a quiet existence along the banks of the osage, till a high flood swept him down to the missouri, and left him exposed on the shore. the heat of the sun at length ripened him into a man, but with the change of his nature, he had not forgotten his native seats on the osage, towards which, he immediately bent his way. he was however soon overtaken by hunger, and fatigue, when happily the great spirit appeared, and giving him a bow and arrow, showed him how to kill and cook deer, and cover himself with the skin. he then proceeded to his original residence, but as he approached the river, he was met by a beaver, who inquired haughtily who he was, and by what authority he came to disturb his possession. the osage answered that the river was his own, for he had once lived on its borders. as they stood disputing, the daughter of the beaver came, and having by her entreaties reconciled her father to this young stranger, it was proposed that the osage should marry the young beaver, and share with her family the enjoyment of the river. the osage readily consented, and from this happy union there soon came the village and the nation of the wasbasha, or osages, who have ever since preserved a pious reverence for their ancestors, abstaining from the chace of the beaver, because in killing that animal, they killed a brother of the osage. of late years, however, since the trade with the whites has rendered beaver skins more valuable, the sanctity of these maternal relatives has visibly reduced, and the poor animals have nearly lost all the privileges of kindred. on the afternoon of june 3, we proceeded, and at three miles distant, reached a creek called cupboard creek, from a rock of that appearance near its entrance. two miles further we encamped at moreau creek, a stream of twenty yards width, on the southern side. the next morning, we passed at an early hour, cedar island on the north, so called from the abundance of the tree of that name; near which is a small creek, named nightingale creek, from a bird of that species, who sang for us during the night. beyond cedar island, are some others of a smaller extent, and at seven miles distance a creek fifteen or twenty yards wide, entering from the north, and known by the name of cedar creek. at seven and a half miles further, we passed on the south side another creek, which we called mast creek, from the circumstance of our mast being broken by running under a concealed tree; a little above is another creek on the left, one mile beyond which we encamped on the southern shore under high projecting cliffs. the french had reported that lead ore was to be found in this place, but on examining the hills, we could discern no appearance of that mineral. along the river on the south, is a low land covered with rushes, and high nettles, and near the mouths of the creeks, supplied with oak, ash, and walnut timber. on the north the land is rich and well situated. we made seventeen and a half miles this day. the river is falling slowly. we continued our route the next morning early: a small creek called lead creek, on the south; another on the north, known to the french by the name of little good woman's creek, and again big rock creek on the south were the only streams we passed this morning. at eleven o'clock we met a raft made of two canoes joined together, in which two french traders were descending, from eighty leagues up the river kanzas, where they had wintered, and caught great quantities of beaver, but had lost much of their game by fires from the prairies. they told us that the kanzas nation is now hunting buffaloe in the plains, having passed the last winter in this river. two miles further, we reached on the south little manitou creek, which takes its name from a strange figure resembling the bust of a man, with the horns of a stag, painted on a projecting rock, which may represent some spirit or deity. near this is a sandbar extending several miles, which renders the navigation difficult, and a small creek called sand creek on the south, where we stopped for dinner, and gathered wild cresses and tongue grass from the sandbar. the rapidity of the currents added to our having broken our mast, prevented our going more than twelve and a half miles. the scouts and hunters whom we always kept out, report that they have seen fresh tracks of indians. the next morning we left our camp, which was on the south side, opposite to a large island in the middle of the river, and at five miles reached a creek on the north side, of about twenty yards wide, called split rock creek, from a fissure in the point of a neighbouring rock. three miles beyond this, on the south is saline river, it is about thirty yards wide, and has its name from the number of salt licks, and springs, which render its water brackish; the river is very rapid and the banks falling in. after leaving saline creek, we passed one large island and several smaller ones, having made fourteen miles. the water rose a foot during the last night. the next day, june 7, we passed at four and a half miles big manitou creek, near which is a limestone rock inlaid with flint of various colours, and embellished, or at least covered with uncouth paintings of animals and inscriptions. we landed to examine it, but found the place occupied by a nest of rattlesnakes, of which we killed three. we also examined some licks and springs of salt water, two or three miles up this creek. we then proceeded by some small willow islands, and encamped at the mouth of good woman river on the north. it is about thirty-five yards wide, and said to be navigable for boats several leagues. the hunters, who had hitherto given us only deer, brought in this evening three bears, and had seen some indication of buffaloe. we had come fourteen miles. june 8, we saw several small willow islands, and a creek on the south, near which are a number of deerlicks; at nine miles distance we came to mine river. this river, which falls into the missouri from the south, is said to be navigable for boats eighty or ninety miles, and is about seventy yards wide at its mouth. it forks about five or six leagues from the missouri, and at the point of junction are some very rich salt springs; the west branch in particular, is so much impregnated, that, for twenty miles, the water is not palatable: several branches of the manitou and good woman are equally tinctured. the french report also, that lead ore has been found on different parts of the river. we made several excursions near the river through the low rich country on its banks, and after dinner went on to the island of mills, where we encamped. we met with a party of three hunters from the sioux river; they had been out for twelve months, and collected about nine hundred dollars worth of peltries and furs. we ascended this river twelve miles. on the 9th, we set out early, and reached a cliff of rocks, called the arrow rock, near to which is a prairie called the prairies of arrows, and arrow creek, a small stream about eight yards wide, whose source is in the adjoining prairies on the south. at this cliff the missouri is confined within a bed of two hundred yards; and about four miles to the south east is a large lick and salt spring of great strength. about three miles further is blackbird creek on the north side, opposite to which, is an island and a prairie inclosing a small lake. five miles beyond this we encamped on the south side, after making, in the course of the day, thirteen miles. the land on the north is a high rich plain. on the south it is also even, of a good quality, and rising from fifty to one hundred feet. the next morning, 10th, we passed deer creek, and at the distance of five miles, the two rivers called by the french the two charatons, a corruption of thieraton, the first of which is thirty, the second seventy yards wide, and enter the missouri together. they are both navigable for boats: the country through which they pass is broken, rich, and thickly covered with timber. the ayauway nation, consisting of three hundred men, have a village near its head-waters on the river de moines. farther on we passed a large island called _chicot_ or stump island, and encamped on the south, after making ten miles. a head wind forced us to remain there all the next day, during which we dried the meat we had killed, and examined the surrounding country, which consists of good land, well watered, and supplied with timber: the prairies also differ from those eastward of the mississippi, inasmuch as the latter are generally without any covering except grass, whilst the former abound with hazel, grapes and other fruits, among which is the osage plum of a superior size and quality. on the morning of the 12th, we passed through difficult places in the river, and reached plum creek on the south side. at one o'clock, we met two rafts loaded, the one with furs, the other with the tallow of buffaloe; they were from the sioux nation, and on their way to st. louis; but we were fortunate enough to engage one of them, a mr. durion, who had lived with that nation more than twenty years, and was high in their confidence, to accompany us thither. we made nine miles. on the 13th, we passed at between four and five miles, a bend of the river, and two creeks on the north, called the round bend creeks. between these two creeks is the prairie, in which once stood the ancient village of the missouris. of this village there remains no vestige, nor is there any thing to recall this great and numerous nation, except a feeble remnant of about thirty families. they were driven from their original seats by the invasions of the sauks and other indians from the mississippi, who destroyed at this village two hundred of them in one contest, and sought refuge near the little osage, on the other side of the river. the encroachment of the same enemies forced, about thirty years since, both these nations from the banks of the missouri. a few retired with the osage, and the remainder found an asylum on the river platte, among the ottoes, who are themselves declining. opposite the plain there was an island and a french fort, but there is now no appearance of either, the successive inundations having probably washed them away, as the willow island which is in the situation described by du pratz, is small and of recent formation. five miles from this place is the mouth of grand river, where we encamped. this river follows a course nearly south, or south east, and is between eighty and a hundred yards wide where it enters the missouri, near a delightful and rich plain. a racoon, a bear, and some deer were obtained to day. we proceeded at six o'clock the next morning. the current was so rapid and the banks on the north falling in so constantly, that we were obliged to approach the sandbars on the south. these were moving continually, and formed the worst passage we had seen, and which we surmounted with much difficulty. we met a trading raft from the pawnee nation on the river platte, and attempted unsuccessfully to engage one of their party to return with us. at the distance of eight miles, we came to some high cliffs, called the snake bluffs, from the number of that animal in the neighbourhood, and immediately above these bluffs, snake creek, about eighteen yards wide, on which we encamped. one of our hunters, a half indian, brought us an account of his having to day passed a small lake, near which a number of deer were feeding, and in the pond he heard a snake making a guttural noise like a turkey. he fired his gun, but the noise became louder. he adds, that he has heard the indians mention this species of snake, and this story is confirmed by a frenchman of our party. all the next day, the river being very high, the sandbars were so rolling and numerous, and the current so strong, that we were unable to stem it even with oars added to our sails; this obliged us to go nearer the banks, which were falling in, so that we could not make, though the boat was occasionally towed, more than fourteen miles. we passed several islands and one creek on the south side, and encamped on the north opposite a beautiful plain, which extends as far back as the osage river, and some miles up the missouri. in front of our encampment are the remains of an old village of the little osage, situated at some distance from the river, and at the foot of a small hill. about three miles above them, in view of our camp is the situation of the old village of the missouris after they fled from the sauks. the inroads of the same tribe compelled the little osage to retire from the missouri a few years ago, and establish themselves near the great osages. the river, which is here about one mile wide, had risen in the morning, but fell towards evening. early this morning, june 16th, we joined the camp of our hunters, who had provided two deer and two bear, and then passing an island and a prairie on the north covered with a species of timothy, made our way through bad sandbars and a swift current, to an encampment for the evening, on the north side, at ten miles distance. the timber which we examined to day was not sufficiently strong for oars; the musquitoes and ticks are exceedingly troublesome. on the 17th, we set out early and having come to a convenient place at one mile distance, for procuring timber and making oars, we occupied ourselves in that way on this and the following day. the country on the north of the river is rich and covered with timber; among which we procured the ash for oars. at two miles it changes into extensive prairies, and at seven or eight miles distance becomes higher and waving. the prairie and high lands on the south commence more immediately on the river; the whole is well watered and provided with game, such as deer, elk, and bear. the hunters brought in a fat horse which was probably lost by some war party--this being the crossing place for the sauks, ayauways, and sioux, in their excursions against the osage. june 19, the oars being finished, we proceeded under a gentle breeze by two large and some smaller islands. the sandbars are numerous and so bad, that at one place we were forced to clear away the driftwood in order to pass: the water too was so rapid that we were under the necessity of towing the boat for half a mile round a point of rocks on the south side. we passed two creeks, one called tiger creek on the north, twenty-five yards wide at the extremity of a large island called panther island; the other tabo creek on the south, fifteen yards wide. along the shores are gooseberries and raspberries in great abundance. at the distance of seventeen and a half miles we encamped on the south, near a lake about two miles from the river and several in circumference; and much frequented by deer and all kinds of fowls. on the north the land is higher and better calculated for farms than that on the south, which ascends more gradually, but is still rich and pleasant. the musquitoes and other animals are so troublesome that musquitoe biers or nets were distributed to the party. the next morning we passed a large island, opposite to which on the north is a large and beautiful prairie, called sauk prairie, the land being fine and well timbered on both sides the river. pelicans were seen to day. we made six and three quarter miles, and encamped at the lower point of a small island, along the north side of which we proceeded the next day, june 21st, but not without danger in consequence of the sands and the rapidity of the water which rose three inches last night. behind another island come in from the south two creeks, called eau, beau, or clear water creeks; on the north is a very remarkable bend, where the high lands approach the river, and form an acute angle at the head of a large island produced by a narrow channel through the point of the bend. we passed several other islands, and encamped at seven and a half miles on the south. 22d. the river rose during the night four inches. the water is very rapid and crowded with concealed timber. we passed two large islands and an extensive prairie on the south, beginning with a rich low land, and rising to the distance of seventy or eighty feet of rolling clear country. the thermometer at three o'clock p.m. was at 87â°. after coming ten and a half miles we encamped on the south, opposite a large creek called fire prairie river. 23d. the wind was against us this morning, and became so violent that we made only three and a half miles, and were obliged to lie to during the day at a small island. this is separated from the northern side by a narrow channel which cannot be passed by boats, being choaked by trees and drifted wood. directly opposite on the south, is a high commanding position, more than seventy feet above high water mark, and overlooking the river which is here of but little width; this spot has many advantages for a fort, and trading house with the indians.[a] the river fell eight inches last night. [footnote a: the united states built in september, 1808, a factory and fort at this spot, which is very convenient for trading with the osages, ayauways and kanzas.] the next day, 24th, we passed at eight miles distance, hay cabin creek coming in from the south, about twenty yards wide, and so called from camps of straw built on it; to the north are some rocks projecting into the river, and a little beyond them a creek on the same side, called charaton scarty; that is, charaton like the otter. we halted, after making eleven and a half miles, the country on both sides being fine and interspersed with prairies, in which we now see numerous herds of deer, pasturing in the plains or feeding on the young willows of the river. 25th. a thick fog detained us till eight o'clock, when we set sail, and at three miles reached a bank of stone coal on the north, which appeared to be very abundant: just below it is a creek called after the bank la charbonniere. four miles further, and on the southern side, comes in a small creek, called la benite. the prairies here approach the river and contain many fruits, such as plums, raspberries, wild apples, and nearer the river vast quantities of mulberries. our encampment was at thirteen miles distance on an island to the north, opposite some hills higher than usual, and almost one hundred and sixty or one hundred and eighty feet. 26th. at one mile we passed at the end of a small island, blue water creek, which is about thirty yards wide at its entrance from the south.[a] here the missouri is confined within a narrow bed, and the current still more so by counter currents or whirls on one side and a high bank on the other. we passed a small island and a sandbar, where our tow rope broke twice, and we rowed round with great exertions. we saw a number of parroquets, and killed some deer; after nine and three quarter miles we encamped at the upper point of the mouth of the river kanzas: here we remained two days, during which we made the necessary observations, recruited the party, and repaired the boat. the river kanzas takes its rise in the plains between the arkansaw and platte rivers, and pursues a course generally east till its junction with the missouri which is in latitude 38â° 31' 13"; here it is three hundred and forty and a quarter yards wide, though it is wider a short distance above the mouth. the missouri itself is about five hundred yards in width; the point of union is low and subject to inundations for two hundred and fifty yards, it then rises a little above high water mark, and continues so as far back as the hills. on the south of the kanzas the hills or highlands come within one mile and a half of the river; on the north of the missouri they do not approach nearer than several miles; but on all sides the country is fine. the comparative specific gravities of the two rivers is, for the missouri seventy-eight, the kanzas seventy-two degrees; the waters of the latter have a very disagreeable taste, the former has risen during yesterday and to day about two feet. on the banks of the kanzas reside the indians of the same name, consisting of two villages, one at about twenty, the other forty leagues from its mouth, and amounting to about three hundred men. they once lived twenty-four leagues higher than the kanzas, on the south bank of the missouri, and were then more numerous, but they have been reduced and banished by the sauks and ayauways, who being better supplied with arms have an advantage over the kanzas, though the latter are not less fierce or warlike than themselves. this nation is now hunting in the plains for the buffaloe which our hunters have seen for the first time. [footnote a: a few miles up the blue water creek are quarries of plaster of paris, since worked and brought down to st. louis.] on the 29th, we set out late in the afternoon, and having passed a sandbar, near which the boat was almost lost, and a large island on the north, we encamped at seven and a quarter miles on the same side in the low lands, where the rushes are so thick that it is troublesome to walk through them. early the next morning, 30th, we reached, at five miles distance, the mouth of a river coming in from the north, and called by the french, petite riviere platte, or little shallow river; it is about sixty yards wide at its mouth. a few of the party who ascended informed us, that the lands on both sides are good, and that there are several falls well calculated for mills; the wind was from the south west, and the weather oppressively warm, the thermometer standing at 96â° above at three o'clock p.m. one mile beyond this is a small creek on the south, at five miles from which we encamped on the same side, opposite the lower point of an island called diamond island. the land on the north between the little shallow river, and the missouri is not good and subject to overflow--on the south it is higher and better timbered. july 1st. we proceeded along the north side of diamond island, where a small creek called biscuit creek empties itself. one and a half miles above the island is a large sandbar in the middle of the river, beyond which we stopped to refresh the men, who suffered very much from the heat. here we observed great quantities of grapes and raspberries. between one and two miles farther are three islands a creek on the south known by the french name of remore. the main current which is now on the south side of the largest of the three islands, ran three years, as we were told on the north, and there was then no appearance of the two smaller islands. at the distance of four and a half miles we reached the lower point of a cluster of small islands, two large and two small, called isles des pares or field islands. paccaun trees were this day seen, and large quantities of deer and turkies on the banks. we had advanced twelve miles. july 2d. we left our encampment, opposite to which is a high and beautiful prairie on the southern side, and passed up the south of the islands, which are high meadows, and a creek on the north called pare creek. here for half an hour the river became covered with drift wood, which rendered the navigation dangerous, and was probably caused by the giving way of some sandbar, which had detained the wood. after making five miles we passed a stream on the south called turky creek, near a sandbar, where we could scarcely stem the current with twenty oars, and all the poles we had. on the north at about two miles further is a large island called by the indians, wau-car-da-war-card-da, or the bear medicine island. here we landed and replaced our mast, which had been broken three days ago, by running against a tree, overhanging the river. thence we proceeded, and after night stopped on the north side, above the island, having come eleven and a half miles. opposite our camp is a valley, in which was situated an old village of the kanzas, between two high points of land, and on the bank of the river. about a mile in the rear of the village was a small fort, built by the french on an elevation. there are now no traces of the village, but the situation of the fort may be recognized by some remains of chimnies, and the general outline of the fortification, as well as by the fine spring which supplied it with water. the party, who were stationed here, were probably cut off by the indians, as there are no accounts of them. july 3d. a gentle breeze from the south carried us eleven and a quarter miles this day, past two islands, one a small willow island, the other large, and called by the french isle des vaches, or cow island. at the head of this island, on the northern shore, is a large pond containing beaver, and fowls of different kinds. after passing a bad sandbar, we stopped on the south side at an old trading house, which is now deserted, and half a mile beyond it encamped on the south. the land is fine along the rivers, and some distance back. we observed the black walnut and oak, among the timber; and the honey-suckle and the buck's-eye, with the nuts on them. the morning of the 4th july was announced by the discharge of our gun. at one mile we reached the mouth of a bayeau or creek, coming from a large lake on the north side, which appears as if it had once been the bed of the river, to which it runs parallel for several miles. the water of it is clear and supplied by a small creek and several springs, and the number of goslins which we saw on it, induced us to call it the gosling lake. it is about three quarters of a mile wide, and seven or eight miles long. one of our men was bitten by a snake, but a poultice of bark and gunpowder was sufficient to cure the wound. at ten and a quarter miles we reached a creek on the south about twelve yards wide and coming from an extensive prairie, which approached the borders of the river. to this creek which had no name, we gave that of fourth of july creek; above it is a high mound, where three indian paths centre, and from which is a very extensive prospect. after fifteen miles sail we came to on the north a little above a creek on the southern side, about thirty yards wide, which we called independence creek, in honour of the day, which we could celebrate only by an evening gun, and an additional gill of whiskey to the men. the next day, 5th, we crossed over to the south and came along the bank of an extensive and beautiful prairie, interspersed with copses of timber, and watered by independence creek. on this bank formerly stood the second village of the kanzas; from the remains it must have been once a large town. we passed several bad sandbars, and a small creek to the south, which we called yellow ochre creek, from a bank of that mineral a little above it. the river continues to fall. on the shores are great quantities of summer and fall grapes, berries and wild roses. deer is not so abundant as usual, but there are numerous tracks of elk around us. we encamped at ten miles distance on the south side under a high bank, opposite to which was a low land covered with tall rushes, and some timber. july 6. we set sail, and at one mile passed a sandbar, three miles further an island, a prairie to the north, at the distance of four miles called reevey's prairie, after a man who was killed there; at which place the river is confined to a very narrow channel, and by a sandbar from the south. four miles beyond is another sandbar terminated by a small willow island, and forming a very considerable bend in the river towards the north. the sand of the bar is light, intermixed with small pebbles and some pit coal. the river falls slowly, and, owing either to the muddiness of its water, or the extreme heat of the weather, the men perspire profusely. we encamped on the south having made twelve miles. the bird called whip-poor-will sat on the boat for some time. in the morning, july 7th, the rapidity of the water obliged us to draw the boat along with ropes. at six and three quarter miles, we came to a sandbar, at a point opposite a fine rich prairie on the north, called st. michael's. the prairies of this neighbourhood have the appearance of distinct farms, divided by narrow strips of woodland, which follow the borders of the small runs leading to the river. above this, about a mile, is a cliff of yellow clay on the north. at four o'clock we passed a narrow part of the channel, where the water is confined within a bed of two hundred yards wide, the current running directly against the southern bank with no sand on the north to confine it or break its force. we made fourteen miles, and halted on the north, after which we had a violent gust about seven o'clock. one of the hunters saw in a pond to the north which we passed yesterday a number of young swans. we saw a large rat, and killed a wolf. another of our men had a stroke of the sun; he was bled, and took a preparation of nitre which relieved him considerably. july 8. we set out early, and soon passed a small creek on the north, which we called ordway's creek, from our sergeant of that name who had been sent on shore with the horses, and went up it. on the same side are three small islands, one of which is the little nodawa, and a large island called the great nodawa* extending more than five miles, and containing seven or eight thousand acres of high good land, rarely overflowed, and one of the largest islands of the missouri. it is separated from the northern shore by a small channel of from forty-five to eighty yards wide, up which we passed, and found near the western extremity of the island the mouth of the river nodawa. this river persues nearly a southern course, is navigable for boats to some distance, and about seventy yards wide above the mouth, though not so wide immediately there, as the mud from the missouri contracts its channel. at twelve and a quarter miles, we encamped on the north side, near the head of nodawa island, and opposite a smaller one in the middle of the river. five of the men were this day sick with violent headache. the river continues to fall. july 9th. we passed the island opposite to which we last night encamped, and saw near the head of it a creek falling in from a pond on the north, to which we gave the name of pike pond, from the numbers of that animal which some of our party saw from the shore. the wind changed at eight from n.e. to s.w. and brought rain. at six miles we passed the mouth of monter's creek on the south, and two miles above a few cabins, where one of our party had encamped with some frenchmen about two years ago. further on we passed an island on the north, opposite some cliffs on the south side, near which loup or wolf river falls into the missouri. this river is about sixty yards wide, it heads near the same sources as the kanzas, and is navigable for boats, at some distance up. at fourteen miles we encamped on the south side. tuesday 10th. we proceeded on by a prairie on the upper side of wolf river, and at four miles passed a creek fifteen yards wide on the south, called pape's creek after a spaniard of that name, who killed himself there. at six miles we dined on an island called by the french isle de salomon, or solomon's island, opposite to which on the south is a beautiful plain covered with grass, intermixed with wild rye and a kind of wild potatoe. after making ten miles we stopped for the night on the northern side, opposite a cliff of yellow clay. the river has neither risen nor fallen to day. on the north the low land is very extensive, and covered with vines; on the south, the hills approach nearer the river, and back of them commence the plains. there are a great many goslins along the banks. wednesday 11th. after three miles sailing we came to a willow island on the north side, behind which enters a creek called by the indians tarkio. above this creek on the north the low lands are subject to overflow, and further back the undergrowth of vines particularly, is so abundant that they can scarcely be passed. three miles from the tarkio we encamped on a large sand island on the north, immediately opposite the river nemahaw. thursday 12th. we remained here to day for the purpose of refreshing the party, and making lunar observations. the nemahaw empties itself into the missouri from the south, and is eighty yards wide at the confluence, which is in lat. 39â° 55' 56". capt. clarke ascended it in the perioque about two miles to the mouth of a small creek on the lower side. on going ashore he found in the level plain several artificial mounds or graves, and on the adjoining hills others of a larger size. this appearance indicates sufficiently the former population of this country; the mounds being certainly intended as tombs; the indians of the missouri still preserving the custom of interring the dead on high ground. from the top of the highest mound a delightful prospect presented itself--the level and extensive meadows watered by the nemahaw, and enlivened by the few trees and shrubs skirting the borders of the river and its tributary streams--the lowland of the missouri covered with undulating grass, nearly five feet high, gradually rising into a second plain, where rich weeds and flowers are interspersed with copses of the osage plum; further back are seen small groves of trees; an abundance of grapes; the wild cherry of the missouri, resembling our own, but larger, and growing on a small bush; and the chokecherry, which we observed for the first time. some of the grapes gathered to-day are nearly ripe. on the south of the nemahaw, and about a quarter of a mile from its mouth, is a cliff of freestone, in which are various inscriptions and marks made by the indians. the sand island where we are encamped, is covered with the two species of willow, broad and narrow leaf. july 13th. we proceeded at sunrise with a fair wind from the south, and at two miles, passed the mouth of a small river on the north, called big tarkio. a channel from the bed of the missouri once ran into this river, and formed an island called st. joseph's, but the channel is now filled up, and the island is added to the northern shore. further on to the south, is situated an extensive plain, covered with a grass resembling timothy in its general appearance, except the seed which is like flaxseed, and also a number of grapevines. at twelve miles, we passed an island on the north, above which is a large sandbar covered with willows: and at twenty and a half miles, stopped on a large sandbar, in the middle of the river opposite a high handsome prairie, which extends to the hills four or five miles distant, though near the bank the land is low, and subject to be overflowed. this day was exceedingly fine and pleasant, a storm of wind and rain from north-northeast, last night, having cooled the air. july 14. we had some hard showers of rain before seven o'clock, when we set out. we had just reached the end of the sand island, and seen the opposite banks falling in, and so lined with timber that we could not approach it without danger, when a sudden squall, from the northeast, struck the boat on the starboard quarter, and would have certainly dashed her to pieces on the sand island, if the party had not leaped into the river, and with the aid of the anchor and cable kept her off: the waves dashing over her for the space of forty minutes; after which, the river became almost instantaneously calm and smooth. the two periogues were ahead, in a situation nearly similar, but fortunately no damage was done to the boats or the loading. the wind having shifted to the southeast, we came at the distance of two miles, to an inland on the north, where we dined. one mile above, on the same side of the river, is a small factory, where a merchant of st. louis traded with the ottoes and pawnees two years ago. near this is an extensive lowland, part of which is overflowed occasionally, the rest is rich and well timbered. the wind again changed to northwest by north. at seven and a half miles, we reached lower point of a large island, on the north side. a small distance above this point, is a river, called by the maha indians, nishnahbatona. this is a considerable creek, nearly as large as the mine river, and runs parallel to the missouri the greater part of its course, being fifty yards wide at the mouth. in the prairies or glades, we saw wild-timothy, lambsquarter, cuckleberries, and on the edges of the river, summer-grapes, plums, and gooseberries. we also saw to-day, for the first time, some elk, at which some of the party shot, but at too great a distance. we encamped on the north side of the island, a little above nishnahbatona, having made nine miles. the river fell a little. july 15. a thick fog prevented our leaving the encampment before seven. at about four miles, we reached the extremity of the large island, and crossing to the south, at the distance of seven miles, arrived at the little nemaha, a small river from the south, forty yards wide a little above its mouth, but contracting, as do almost all the waters emptying into the missouri, at its confluence. at nine and three quarter miles, we encamped on a woody point, on the south. along the southern bank, is a rich lowland covered with peavine, and rich weeds, and watered by small streams rising in the adjoining prairies. they too, are rich, and though with abundance of grass, have no timber except what grows near the water; interspersed through both are grapevines, plums of two kinds, two species of wild-cherries, hazlenuts, and gooseberries. on the south there is one unbroken plain; on the north the river is skirted with some timber, behind which the plain extends four or five miles to the hills, which seem to have little wood. july 16. we continued our route between a large island opposite to our last night's encampment, and an extensive prairie on the south. about six miles, we came to another large island, called fairsun island, on the same side; above which is a spot, where about twenty acres of the hill have fallen into the river. near this, is a cliff of sandstone for two miles, which is much frequented by birds. at this place the river is about one mile wide, but not deep; as the timber, or sawyers, may be seen, scattered across the whole of its bottom. at twenty miles distance, we saw on the south, an island called by the french, l'isle chance, or bald island, opposite to a large prairie, which we called baldpated prairie, from a ridge of naked hills which bound it, running parallel with the river as far as we could see, and from three to six miles distance. to the south the hills touch the river. we encamped a quarter of a mile beyond this, in a point of woods on the north side. the river continues to fall. tuesday, july 17. we remained here this day, in order to make observations and correct the chronometer, which ran down on sunday. the latitude we found to be 40â° 27' 5"4/10. the observation of the time proved our chronometer too slow, by 6' 51"6/10. the highlands bear from our camp, north 25â° west, up the river. captain lewis rode up the country, and saw the nishnahbatona, about ten or twelve miles from its mouth, at a place not more than three hundred yards from the missouri, and a little above our camp. it then passes near the foot of the baldhills, and is at least six feet below the level of the missouri. on its banks are the oak, walnut, and mulberry. the common current of the missouri, taken with the log, is 50 fathoms in 40", at some places, and even 20". wednesday, july 18. the morning was fair, and a gentle wind from southeast by south, carried us along between the prairie on the north, and bald island to the south: opposite the middle of which, the nishnahbatona approaches the nearest to the missouri. the current here ran fifty fathoms in 41". at thirteen and a half miles, we reached an island on the north, near to which the banks overflow; while on the south, the hills project over the river and form high cliffs. at one point a part of the cliff, nearly three quarters of a mile in length, and about two hundred feet in height, has fallen into the river. it is composed chiefly of sandstone intermixed with an iron ore of bad quality; near the bottom is a soft slatestone with pebbles. we passed several bad sandbars in the course of the day, and made eighteen miles, and encamped on the south, opposite to the lower point of the oven islands. the country around is generally divided into prairies, with little timber, except on low points, islands, and near creeks, and that consisting of cottonwood, mulberry, elm, and sycamore. the river falls fast. an indian dog came to the bank; he appeared to have been lost and was nearly starved: we gave him some food, but he would not follow us. thursday, july 19. the oven islands are small, and two in number; one near the south shore, the other in the middle of the river. opposite to them is the prairie, called terrien's oven, from a trader of that name. at four and a half miles, we reached some high cliffs of a yellow earth, on the south, near which are two beautiful runs of water, rising in the adjacent prairies, and one of them with a deerlick, about two hundred yards from its mouth. in this neighbourhood we observed some iron ore in the bank. at two and a half miles above the runs, a large portion of the hill, for nearly three quarters of a mile, has fallen into the river. we encamped on the western extremity of an island, in the middle of the river, having made ten and three quarter miles. the river falls a little. the sandbars which we passed to-day, are more numerous, and the rolling sands more frequent and dangerous, than any we have seen; these obstacles increasing as we approach the river platte. the missouri here is wider also than below, where the timber on the banks resists the current; while here the prairies which approach, are more easily washed and undermined. the hunters have brought for the last few days, no quadruped, but deer: great quantities of young geese are seen to-day: one of them brought calamus, which he had gathered opposite our encampment, and a large quantity of sweet-flag. friday, july 20. there was a heavy dew last night, and this morning was foggy and cool. we passed at about three miles distance, a small willow island to the north, and a creek on the south, about twenty-five yards wide, called by the french, l'eau qui pleure, or the weeping water, and emptying itself just above a cliff of brown clay. thence we made two and a half miles to another island; three miles further to a third: six miles beyond which is a fourth island; at the head of which we encamped on the southern shore; in all eighteen miles. the party, who walked on the shore to-day, found the plains to the south, rich, but much parched with frequent fires, and with no timber, except the scattering trees about the sources of the runs, which are numerous and fine. on the north, is a similar prairie country. the river continues to fall. a large yellow wolf was this day killed. for a month past the party have been troubled with biles, and occasionally with the dysentery. these biles were large tumours which broke out under the arms, on the legs, and, generally, in the parts most exposed to action, which sometimes became too painful to permit the men to work. after remaining some days, they disappeared without any assistance, except a poultice of the bark of the elm, or of indian meal. this disorder, which we ascribe to the muddiness of the river water, has not affected the general health of the party, which is quite as good, if not better, than that of the same number of men in any other situation. saturday, july 21. we had a breeze from the southeast, by the aid of which we passed, at about ten miles, a willow island on the south, near high lands covered with timber, at the bank, and formed of limestone with cemented shells: on the opposite side is a bad sandbar, and the land near it is cut through at high water, by small channels forming a number of islands. the wind lulled at seven o'clock, and we reached, in the rain, the mouth of the great river platte, at the distance of fourteen miles. the highlands which had accompanied us on the south, for the last eight or ten miles, stopped at about three quarters of a mile from the entrance of the platte. captains lewis and clarke ascended the river in a periogue, for about one mile, and found the current very rapid; rolling over sands, and divided into a number of channels; none of which are deeper than five or six feet. one of our frenchmen, who spent two winters on it, says that it spreads much more at some distance from the mouth; that its depth is generally not more than five or six feet; that there are many small islands scattered through it, and that from its rapidity and the quantity of its sand, it cannot be navigated by boats or periogues, though the indians pass it in small flat canoes made of hides. that the saline or salt river, which in some seasons is too brackish to be drank, falls into it from the south about thirty miles up, and a little above it elkhorn river from the north, running nearly parallel with the missouri. the river is, in fact, much more rapid than the missouri, the bed of which it fills with moving sands, and drives the current on the northern shore, on which it is constantly encroaching. at its junction the platte is about six hundred yards wide, and the same number of miles from the mississippi. with much difficulty we worked round the sandbars near the mouth, and came to above the point, having made fifteen miles. a number of wolves were seen and heard around us in the evening. july 22. the next morning we set sail, and having found at the distance of ten miles from the platte, a high and shaded situation on the north, we encamped there, intending to make the requisite observations, and to send for the neighbouring tribes, for the purpose of making known the recent change in the government, and the wish of the united states to cultivate their friendship. chap. ii. some account of the pawnee indians--council held with the otto and missouri indians--council held with another party of the ottoes--death of sergeant floyd--the party encamp near the mouth of whitestone river--the character of the missouri, with the rivers that enter it--the surrounding country--the various islands, bays, creeks, &c. given in the course of the expedition. our camp is by observation in latitude 41â° 3' 11". immediately behind it is a plain about five miles wide, one half covered with wood, the other dry and elevated. the low grounds on the south near the junction of the two rivers, are rich, but subject to be overflowed. farther up, the banks are higher, and opposite our camp the first hills approach the river, and are covered with timber, such as oak, walnut, and elm. the intermediate country is watered by the papillon, or butterfly creek, of about eighteen yards wide, and three miles from the platte; on the north are high open plains and prairies, and at nine miles from the platte, the musquitoe creek, and two or three small willow islands. we stayed here several days, during which we dried our provisions, made new oars, and prepared our despatches and maps of the country we had passed, for the president of the united states, to whom we intend to send them by a periogue from this place. the hunters have found game scarce in this neighbourhood; they have seen deer, turkies, and grouse; we have also an abundance of ripe grapes; and one of our men caught a white catfish, the eyes of which were small, and its tail resembling that of a dolphin. the present season is that in which the indians go out into the prairies to hunt the buffaloe; but as we discovered some hunter's tracks, and observed the plains on fire in the direction of their villages, we hoped that they might have returned to gather the green indian corn, and therefore despatched two men to the ottoes or pawnee villages with a present of tobacco, and an invitation to the chiefs to visit us. they returned after two days absence. their first course was through an open prairie to the south, in which they crossed butterfly creek. they then reached a small beautiful river, called come de cerf, or elkhorn river, about one hundred yards wide, with clear water and a gravelly channel. it empties a little below the ottoe village into the platte, which they crossed, and arrived at the town about forty-five miles from our camp. they found no indians there, though they saw some fresh tracks of a small party. the ottoes were once a powerful nation, and lived about twenty miles above the platte, on the southern bank of the missouri. being reduced, they migrated to the neighborhood of the pawnees, under whose protection they now live. their village is on the south side of the platte, about thirty miles from its mouth; and their number is two hundred men, including about thirty families of missouri indians, who are incorporated with them. five leagues above them, on the same side of the river, resides the nation of pawnees. this people were among the most numerous of the missouri indians, but have gradually been dispersed and broken, and even since the year 1797, have undergone some sensible changes. they now consist of four bands; the first is the one just mentioned, of about five hundred men, to whom of late years have been added the second band, who are called republican pawnees, from their having lived on the republican branch of the river kanzas, whence they emigrated to join the principal band of pawnees: the republican pawnees amount to nearly two hundred and fifty men. the third, are the pawnees loups, or wolf pawnees, who reside on the wolf fork of the platte, about ninety miles from the principal pawnees, and number two hundred and eighty men. the fourth band originally resided on the kanzas and arkansaw, but in their wars with the osages, they were so often defeated, that they at last retired to their present position on the red river, where they form a tribe of four hundred men. all these tribes live in villages, and raise corn; but during the intervals of culture rove in the plains in quest of buffaloe. beyond them on the river, and westward of the black mountains, are the kaninaviesch, consisting of about four hundred men. they are supposed to have emigrated originally from the pawnees nation; but they have degenerated from the improvements of the parent tribe, and no longer live in villages, but rove through the plains. still further to the westward, are several tribes, who wander and hunt on the sources of the river platte, and thence to rock mountain. these tribes, of which little more is known than the names and the population, are first, the staitan, or kite indians, a small tribe of one hundred men. they have acquired the name of kites, from their flying; that is, their being always on horseback; and the smallness of their numbers is to be attributed to their extreme ferocity; they are the most warlike of all the western indians; they never yield in battle; they never spare their enemies; and the retaliation of this barbarity has almost extinguished the nation. then come the wetapahato, and kiawa tribes, associated together, and amounting to two hundred men; the castahana, of three hundred men, to which are to be added the cataka of seventy-five men, and the dotami. these wandering tribes, are conjectured to be the remnants of the great padouca nation, who occupied the country between the upper parts of the river platte, and the river kanzas. they were visited by bourgemont, in 1724, and then lived on the kanzas river. the seats, which he describes as their residence, are now occupied by the kanzas nation; and of the padoucas, there does not now exist even the name. july 27. having completed the object of our stay, we set sail, with a pleasant breeze from the n.w. the two horses swam over to the southern shore, along which we went, passing by an island, at three and a half miles, formed by a pond, fed by springs: three miles further is a large sand island, in the middle of the river; the land on the south being high, and covered with timber; that on the north, a high prairie. at ten and a half miles from our encampment, we saw and examined a curious collection of graves or mounds, on the south side of the river. not far from a low piece of land and a pond, is a tract of about two hundred acres in circumference, which is covered with mounds of different heights, shapes, and sizes: some of sand, and some of both earth and sand; the largest being nearest the river. these mounds indicate the position of the ancient village of the ottoes, before they retired to the protection of the pawnees. after making fifteen miles, we encamped on the south, on the bank of a high handsome prairie, with lofty cottonwood in groves, near the river. july 28. at one mile, this morning we reached a bluff, on the north, being the first highlands, which approach the river on that side, since we left the nadawa. above this, is an island and a creek, about fifteen yards wide, which, as it has no name, we called indian knob creek, from a number of round knobs bare of timber, on the highlands, to the north. a little below the bluff, on the north, is the spot where the ayauway indians formerly lived. they were a branch of the ottoes, and emigrated from this place to the river desmoines. at ten and three quarter miles, we encamped on the north, opposite an island, in the middle of the river. the land, generally, on the north, consists of high prairie and hills, with timber: on the south, low and covered with cottonwood. our hunter brought to us in the evening, a missouri indian, whom he had found, with two others, dressing an elk; they were perfectly friendly, gave him some of the meat, and one of them agreed to accompany him to the boat. he is one of the few remaining missouris, who live with the ottoes: he belongs to a small party, whose camp is four miles from the river; and he says, that the body of the nation is now hunting buffaloe in the plains: he appeared quite sprightly, and his language resembled that of the osage, particularly in his calling a chief, inca. we sent him back with one of our party next morning, sunday, july 29, with an invitation to the indians, to meet us above on the river, and then proceeded. we soon came to a northern bend in the river, which runs within twenty yards of indian knob creek, the water of which is five feet higher than that of the missouri. in less than two miles, we passed boyer's creek on the north, of twenty-five yards width. we stopped to dine under a shade, near the highland on the south, and caught several large catfish, one of them nearly white, and all very fat. above this highland, we observed the traces of a great hurricane, which passed the river obliquely from n.w. to s.e. and tore up large trees, some of which perfectly sound, and four feet in diameter, were snapped off near the ground. we made ten miles to a wood on the north, where we encamped. the missouri is much more crooked, since we passed the river platte, though generally speaking, not so rapid; more of prairie, with less timber, and cottonwood in the low grounds, and oak, black walnut, hickory, and elm. july 30. we went early in the morning, three and a quarter miles, and encamped on the south, in order to wait for the ottoes. the land here consists of a plain, above the highwater level, the soil of which is fertile, and covered with a grass from five to eight feet high, interspersed with copses of large plums, and a currant, like those of the united states. it also furnishes two species of honeysuckle; one growing to a kind of shrub, common about harrodsburgh (kentucky), the other is not so high: the flowers grow in clusters, are short, and of a light pink colour; the leaves too, are distinct, and do not surround the stalk, as do those of the common honeysuckle of the united states. back of this plain, is a woody ridge about seventy feet above it, at the end of which we formed our camp. this ridge separates the lower from a higher prairie, of a good quality, with grass, of ten or twelve inches in height, and extending back about a mile, to another elevation of eighty or ninety feet, beyond which is one continued plain. near our camp, we enjoy from the bluffs a most beautiful view of the river, and the adjoining country. at a distance, varying from four to ten miles, and of a height between seventy and three hundred feet, two parallel ranges of highland affords a passage to the missouri, which enriches the low grounds between them. in its winding course, it nourishes the willow islands, the scattered cottonwood, elm, sycamore, lynn, and ash, and the groves are interspersed with hickory, walnut, coffeenut, and oak. july 31. the meridian altitude of this day made the latitude of our camp 41â° 18' 1-4/10". the hunters supplied us with deer, turkies, geese, and beaver; one of the last was caught alive, and in a very short time was perfectly tamed. catfish are very abundant in the river, and we have also seen a buffaloefish. one our men brought in yesterday an animal called, by the pawnees, chocartoosh, and, by the french, blaireau, or badger. the evening is cool, yet the musquitoes are still very troublesome. we waited with much anxiety the return of our messenger to the ottoes. the men whom we despatched to our last encampment, returned without having seen any appearance of its having been visited. our horses too had strayed; but we were so fortunate as to recover them at the distance of twelve miles. our apprehensions were at length relieved by the arrival of a party of about fourteen ottoe and missouri indians, who came at sunset, on the second of august, accompanied by a frenchman, who resided among them, and interpreted for us. captains lewis and clarke went out to meet them, and told them that we would hold a council in the morning. in the mean time we sent them some roasted meat, pork, flour, and meal; in return for which they made us a present of watermelons. we learnt that our man liberte had set out from their camp a day before them: we were in hopes that he had fatigued his horse, or lost himself in the woods, and would soon return; but we never saw him again. august 8. the next morning the indians, with their six chiefs, were all assembled under an awning, formed with the mainsail, in presence of all our party, paraded for the occasion. a speech was then made, announcing to them the change in the government, our promises of protection, and advice as to their future conduct. all the six chiefs replied to our speech, each in his turn, according to rank: they expressed their joy at the change in the government; their hopes that we would recommend them to their great father (the president), that they might obtain trade and necessaries; they wanted arms as well for hunting as for defence, and asked our mediation between them and the mahas, with whom they are now at war. we promised to do so, and wished some of them to accompany us to that nation, which they declined, for fear of being killed by them. we then proceeded to distribute our presents. the grand chief of the nation not being of the party, we sent him a flag, a medal, and some ornaments for clothing. to the six chiefs who were present, we gave a medal of the second grade to one ottoe chief, and one missouri chief; a medal of the third grade to two inferior chiefs of each nation: the customary mode of recognizing a chief, being to place a medal round his neck, which is considered among his tribe as a proof of his consideration abroad. each of these medals was accompanied by a present of paint, garters, and cloth ornaments of dress; and to this we added a cannister of powder, a bottle of whiskey, and a few presents to the whole, which appeared to make them perfectly satisfied. the airgun too was fired, and astonished them greatly. the absent grand chief was an ottoe named weahrushhah, which, in english, degenerates into little thief. the two principal chieftains present were, shongotongo, or big horse; and wethea, or hospitality; also shosgusean, or white horse, an ottoe; the first an ottoe, the second a missouri. the incidents just related, induced us to give to this place the name of the council-bluff; the situation of it is exceedingly favourable for a fort and trading factory, as the soil is well calculated for bricks, and there is an abundance of wood in the neighbourhood, and the air being pure and healthy. it is also central to the chief resorts of the indians: one day's journey to the ottoes; one and a half to the great pawnees; two days from the mahas; two and a quarter from the pawnees loups village; convenient to the hunting grounds of the sioux; and twenty-five days journey to santa fee. the ceremonies of the council being concluded, we set sail in the afternoon, and encamped at the distance of five miles, on the south side, where we found the musquitoes very troublesome. august 4. a violent wind, accompanied by rain, purified and cooled the atmosphere last night; we proceeded early, and reached a very narrow part of the river, where the channel is confined within a space of two hundred yards, by a sand point on the north, and a bend on the south; the banks in the neighbourhood washing away, the trees falling in, and the channel filled with buried logs. above this is a trading house, on the south, where one of our party passed two years, trading with the mahas. at nearly four miles, is a creek on the south, emptying opposite a large island of sand; between this creek and our last night's encampment, the river has changed its bed, and encroached on the southern shore. about two miles further, is another creek on the south, which, like the former, is the outlet of three ponds, communicating with each other, and forming a small lake, which is fed by streams from the highlands. at fifteen miles, we encamped on the south. the hills on both sides of the river are nearly twelve or fifteen miles from each other; those of the north containing some timber, while the hills of south are without any covering, except some scattering wood in the ravines, and near where the creeks pass into the hills; rich plains and prairies occupying the intermediate space, and partially covered, near the water, with cottonwood. there has been a great deal of pumice stone on shore to-day. august 5th. we set out early, and, by means of our oars, made twenty and a half miles, though the river was crowded with sandbars. on both sides the prairies extend along the river; the banks being covered with great quantities of grapes, of which three different species are now ripe; one large and resembling the purple grape. we had some rain this morning, attended by high wind; but generally speaking, have remarked that thunder storms are less frequent than in the atlantic states, at this season. snakes too are less frequent, though we killed one to-day of the shape and size of the rattlesnake, but of a lighter colour. we fixed our camp on the north side. in the evening, captain clarke, in pursuing some game, in an eastern direction, found himself at the distance of three hundred and seventy yards from the camp, at a point of the river whence we had come twelve miles. when the water is high, this peninsula is overflowed, and judging from the customary and notorious changes in the river, a few years will be sufficient to force the main current of the river across, and leave the great bend dry. the whole lowland between the parallel range of hills seems formed of mud or ooze of the river, at some former period, mixed with sand and clay. the sand of the neighbouring banks accumulates with the aid of that brought down the stream, and forms sandbars, projecting into the river; these drive the channel to the opposite banks, the loose texture of which it undermines, and at length deserts its ancient bed for a new and shorter passage; it is thus that the banks of the missouri are constantly falling, and the river changing its bed. august 6. in the morning, after a violent storm of wind and rain from n.w. we passed a large island to the north. in the channel separating it from the shore, a creek called soldier's river enters; the island kept it from our view, but one of our men who had seen it, represents it as about forty yards wide at its mouth. at five miles, we came to a bend of the river towards the north, a sandbar, running in from the south, had turned its course so as to leave the old channel quite dry. we again saw the same appearance at our encampment, twenty and a half miles distant on the north side. here the channel of the river had encroached south, and the old bed was without water, except a few ponds. the sandbars are still very numerous. august 7. we had another storm from the n.w. in the course of the last evening; in the morning we proceeded, having the wind from the north, and encamped on the northern shore, having rowed seventeen miles. the river is here encumbered with sandbars, but no islands, except two small ones, called detachment islands, and formed on the south side by a small stream. we despatched four men back to the ottoes village in quest of our man, liberte, and to apprehend one of the soldiers, who left us on the 4th, under pretence of recovering a knife which he had dropped a short distance behind, and who we fear has deserted. we also sent small presents to the ottoes and missouris, and requested that they would join us at the maha village, where a peace might be concluded between them. august 8. at two miles distance, this morning we came to a part of the river, where there was concealed timber difficult to pass. the wind was from the n.w. and we proceeded in safety. at six miles, a river empties on the northern side, called by the sioux indians, eaneahwadepon, or stone river; and by the french, petite riviere des sioux, or little sioux river. at its confluence it is eighty yards wide. our interpreter, mr. durion, who has been to the sources of it, and knows the adjoining country, says that it rises within about nine miles of the river desmoines; that within fifteen leagues of that river it passes through a large lake nearly sixty miles in circumference, and divided into two parts by rocks which approach each other very closely: its width is various: it contains many islands, and is known by the name of the lac d'esprit: it is near the dogplains, and within four days march of the mahas. the country watered by it, is open and undulating, and may be visited in boats up the river for some distance. the desmoines, he adds, is about eighty yards wide where the little sioux river approaches it: it is shoaly, and one of its principal branches is called cat river. two miles beyond this river is a long island which we called pelican island, from the numbers of that animal which were feeding on it: one of these being killed, we poured into his bag five gallons of water. an elk, too, was shot, and we had again to remark that snakes are rare in this part of the missouri. a meridian altitude near the little sioux river made the latitude 41â° 42' 34". we encamped on the north, having come sixteen miles. august 9. a thick fog detained us until past seven o'clock, after which we proceeded with a gentle breeze from the southeast. after passing two sandbars we reached, at seven and a half miles, a point of highland on the left, near which the river has forced itself a channel across a peninsula, leaving on the right a circuit of twelve or eighteen miles, which is now recognised by the ponds and islands it contains. at seventeen and a half miles, we reached a point on the north, where we encamped. the hills are at a great distance from the river for the last several days; the land, on both sides low, and covered with cottonwood and abundance of grape vines. an elk was seen to-day, a turkey also shot, and near our camp is a beaver den: the musquitoes have been more troublesome than ever for the two last days. august 10. at two and a half miles, we came to a place, called coupee a jacques, where the river has found a new bed, and abridged a circuit of several miles: at twelve and a half miles, a cliff of yellow stone on the left. this is the first highland near the river above the council-bluff. after passing a number of sandbars we reached a willow island at the distance of twenty-two and a half miles, which we were enabled to do with our oars and a wind from the s.w. and encamped on the north side. august 11. after a violent wind from the n.w. attended with rain, we sailed along the right of the island. at nearly five miles, we halted on the south side for the purpose of examining a spot where one of the great chiefs of the mahas named blackbird, who died about four years ago of the smallpox, was buried. a hill of yellow soft sandstone rises from the river in bluffs of various heights, till it ends in a knoll about three hundred feet above the water; on the top of this a mound, of twelve feet diameter at the base and six feet high, is raised over the body of the deceased king; a pole of about eight feet high is fixed in the centre; on which we placed a white flag, bordered with red, blue, and white. the blackbird seems to have been a personage of great consideration; for ever since his death he is supplied with provisions, from time to time, by the superstitious regard of the mahas. we descended to the river and passed a small creek on the south, called, by the mahas, waucandipeeche, (great spirit is bad.) near this creek and the adjoining hills the mahas had a village, and lost four hundred of their nation by the dreadful malady which destroyed the blackbird. the meridian altitude made the latitude 42â° 1' 3-8/10" north. we encamped, at seventeen miles distance, on the north side in a bend of the river. during our day's course it has been crooked; we observed a number of places in it where the old channel is filled up, or gradually becoming covered with willow and cottonwood; great numbers of herons are observed to-day, and the mosquitoes annoy us very much. august 12. a gentle breeze from the south, carried us along about ten miles, when we stopped to take meridian altitude, and sent a man across to our place of observation: yesterday he stepped nine hundred and seventy-four yards, and the distance we had come round, was eighteen miles and three quarters. the river is wider and shallower than usual. four miles beyond this bend a bluff begins, and continues several miles; on the south it rises from the water at different heights, from twenty to one hundred and fifty feet, and higher as it recedes on the river: it consists of yellow and brown clay, with soft sandstone imbeded in it, and is covered with timber, among which may be observed some red cedar: the lands on the opposite side are low and subject to inundation, but contain willows, cottonwood, and many grapes. a prairie-wolf came near the bank and barked at us; we attempted unsuccessfully to take him. this part of the river abounds in beaver. we encamped on a sand-island in a bend to the north, having made twenty miles and a quarter. august 13. set out at daylight with a breeze from the southeast, and passed several sandbars. between ten and eleven miles, we came to a spot on the south, where a mr. mackay had a trading establishment in the year 1795 and 1796, which he called fort charles. at fourteen miles, we reached a creek on the south, on which the mahas reside, and at seventeen miles and a quarter, formed a camp on a sandbar, to the south side of the river, opposite the lower point of a large island. from this place sergeant ordway and four men were detached to the maha village with a flag and a present, in order to induce them to come and hold a council with us. they returned at twelve o'clock the next day, august 14. after crossing a prairie covered with high grass, they reached the maha creek, along which they proceeded to its three forks, which join near the village: they crossed the north branch and went along the south; the walk was very fatiguing, as they were forced to break their way through grass, sunflowers and thistles, all above ten feet high, and interspersed with wild pea. five miles from our camp they reached the position of the ancient maha village: it had once consisted of three hundred cabins, but was burnt about four years ago, soon after the smallpox had destroyed four hundred men, and a proportion of women and children. on a hill, in the rear of the village, are the graves of the nation; to the south of which runs the fork of the maha creek: this they crossed where it was about ten yards wide, and followed its course to the missouri, passing along a ridge of hill for one and a half mile, and a long pond between that and the missouri: they then recrossed the maha creek, and arrived at the camp, having seen no tracks of indians nor any sign of recent cultivation. in the morning 15th, some men were sent to examine the cause of a large smoke from the northeast, and which seemed to indicate that some indians were near; but they found that a small party, who had lately passed that way, had left some trees burning, and that the wind from that quarter blew the smoke directly towards us. our camp lies about three miles northeast from the old maha village, and is in latitude 42â° 15' 41". the accounts we have had of the effects of the smallpox on that nation are most distressing; it is not known in what way it was first communicated to them, though probably by some war party. they had been a military and powerful people; but when these warriors saw their strength wasting before a malady which they could not resist, their phrenzy was extreme; they burnt their village, and many of them put to death their wives and children, to save them from so cruel an affliction, and that all might go together to some better country. on the 16th, we still waited for the indians: a party had gone out yesterday to the maha creek, which was damned up by the beaver between the camp and the village: a second went to-day. they made a kind of drag with small willows and bark, and swept the creek: the first company brought three hundred and eighteen, the second upwards of eight hundred, consisting of pike, bass, fish resembling salmon, trout, redhorse, buffaloe, one rockfish, one flatback, perch, catfish, a small species of perch called, on the ohio, silverfish, a shrimp of the same size, shape and flavour of those about neworleans, and the lower part of the mississippi. we also found very fat muscles; and on the river as well as the creek, are different kinds of ducks and plover. the wind, which in the morning had been from the northwest, shifted round in the evening to the southeast, and as usual we had a breeze, which cooled the air and relieve us from the musquitoes, who generally give us great trouble. friday 17. the wind continued from the southeast, and the morning was fair. we observe about us a grass resembling wheat, except that the grain is like rye, also some similar to both rye and barley, and a kind of timothy, the seed of which branches from the main stock, and is more like a flaxseed than a timothy. in the evening, one of the party sent to the ottoes, returned with the information that the rest were coming on with the deserter: they had also caught liberte, but, by a trick, he made his escape: they were bringing three of the chiefs in order to engage our assistance in making peace with the mahas. this nation having left their village, that desirable purpose cannot be effected; but in order to bring in any neighbouring tribes, we set the surrounding prairies on fire. this is the customary signal made by traders to apprize the indians of their arrival: it is also used between different nations as an indication of any event which they have previously agreed to announce in that way; and as soon as it is seen collects the neighbouring tribes, unless they apprehend that it is made by their enemies. august 18. in the afternoon the party arrived with the indians, consisting of the little thief and the big horse, whom we had seen on the third, together with six other chiefs, and a french interpreter. we met them under a shade, and after they had finished a repast with which we supplied them, we inquired into the origin of the war between them and the mahas, which they related with great frankness. it seems that two of the missouris went to the mahas to steal horses, but were detected and killed; the ottoes and missouris thought themselves bound to avenge their companions, and the whole nations were at last obliged to share in the dispute; they are also in fear of a war from the pawnees, whose village they entered this summer, while the inhabitants were hunting, and stole their corn. this ingenuous confession did not make us the less desirous of negotiating a peace for them; but no indians have as yet been attracted by our fire. the evening was closed by a dance; and the next day, august 19, the chiefs and warriors being assembled at ten o'clock, we explained the speech we had already sent from the council-bluffs, and renewed our advice. they all replied in turn, and the presents were then distributed: we exchanged the small medal we had formerly given to the big horse for one of the same size with that of little thief: we also gave a small medal to a third chief, and a kind of certificate or letter of acknowledgment to five of the warriors expressive of our favour and their good intentions: one of them dissatisfied, returned us the certificate; but the chief, fearful of our being offended, begged that it might be restored to him; this we declined, and rebuked them severely for having in view mere traffic instead of peace with their neighbours. this displeased them at first; but they at length all petitioned that it should be given to the warrior, who then came forward and made an apology to us; we then delivered it to the chief to be given to the most worthy, and he bestowed it on the same warrior, whose name was great blue eyes. after a more substantial present of small articles and tobacco, the council was ended with a dram to the indians. in the evening we exhibited different objects of curiosity, and particularly the airgun, which gave them great surprise. those people are almost naked, having no covering, except a sort of breechcloth round the middle, with a loose blanket or buffaloe robe painted, thrown over them. the names of these warriors, besides those already mentioned were karkapaha, (or crow's head) and nenasawa (or black cat) missouris; and sananona (or iron eyes) neswaunja (or big ox) stageaunja (or big blue eyes) and wasashaco (or brave man) all ottoes. these two tribes speak very nearly the same language: they all begged us to give them whiskey. the next morning, august 20, the indians mounted their horses and left us, having received a canister of whiskey at parting. we then set sail, and after passing two islands on the north, came to on that side under some bluffs; the first near the river since we left the ayauwa village. here we had the misfortune to lose one of our sergeants, charles floyd. he was yesterday seized with a bilious cholic, and all our care and attention were ineffectual to relieve him: a little before his death, he said to captain clark, "i am going to leave you," his strength failed him as he added "i want you to write me a letter," but he died with a composure which justified the high opinion we had formed of his firmness and good conduct. he was buried on the top of the bluff with the honours due to a brave soldier; and the place of his interment marked by a cedar post, on which his name and the day of his death were inscribed. about a mile beyond this place, to which we gave his name, is a small river about thirty yards wide, on the north, which we called floyd's river, where we encamped. we had a breeze from the southeast, and made thirteen miles. august 21. the same breeze from the southeast carried us by a small willow creek on the north, about one mile and a half above floyd's river. here began a range of bluffs which continued till near the mouth of the great sioux river, three miles beyond floyd's. this river comes in from the north, and is about one hundred and ten yards wide. mr. durion, our sioux interpreter, who is well acquainted with it, says that it is navigable upwards of two hundred miles to the falls, and even beyond them; that its sources are near those of the st. peters. he also says, that below the falls a creek falls in from the eastward, after passing through cliffs of red rock: of this the indians make their pipes; and the necessity of procuring that article, has introduced a sort of law of nations, by which the banks of the creek are sacred, and even tribes at war meet without hostility at these quarries, which possess a right of asylum. thus we find even among savages certain principles deemed sacred, by which the rigours of their merciless system of warfare are mitigated. a sense of common danger, where stronger ties are wanting, gives all the binding force of more solemn obligations. the importance of preserving the known and settled rules of warfare among civilized nations, in all their integrity, becomes strikingly evident; since even savages, with their few precarious wants, cannot exist in a state of peace or war where this faith is once violated. the wind became southerly, and blew with such violence that we took a reef in our sail: it also blew the sand from the bars in such quantities, that we could not see the channel at any distance ahead. at four and a quarter miles, we came to two willow islands, beyond which are several sandbars; and at twelve miles, a spot where the mahas once had a village, now no longer existing. we again passed a number of sandbars, and encamped on the south; having come twenty-four and three quarter miles. the country through which we passed has the same uniform appearance ever since we left the river platte: rich low-grounds near the river, succeeded by undulating prairies, with timber near the waters. some wolves were seen to-day on the sandbeaches to the south; we also procured an excellent fruit, resembling a red currant, growing on a shrub like the privy, and about the height of a wild plum. august 22. about three miles distance, we joined the men who had been sent from the maha village with our horses, and who brought us two deer. the bluffs or hills which reach the river at this place, on the south, contain allum, copperas, cobalt which had the appearance of soft isinglass, pyrites, and sandstone, the two first very pure. above this bluff comes in a small creek on the south, which we call rologe creek. seven miles above is another cliff, on the same side, of allum rock, of a dark brown colour, containing in its crevices great quantities of cobalt, cemented shells, and red earth. from this the river bends to the eastward, and approaches the sioux river within three or four miles. we sailed the greater part of the day, and made nineteen miles to our camp on the north side. the sandbars are as usual numerous: there are also considerable traces of elk; but none are yet seen. captain lewis in proving the quality of some of the substances in the first cliff, was considerably injured by the fumes and taste of the cobalt, and took some strong medicine to relieve him from its effects. the appearance of these mineral substances enable us to account for disorders of the stomach, with which the party had been affected since they left the river sioux. we had been in the habit of dipping up the water of the river inadvertently and making use of it, till, on examination, the sickness was thought to proceed from a scum covering the surface of the water along the southern shore, and which, as we now discovered, proceeded from these bluffs. the men had been ordered, before we reached the bluffs, to agitate the water, so as to disperse the scum, and take the water, not at the surface, but at some depth. the consequence was, that these disorders ceased: the biles too which had afflicted the men, were not observed beyond the sioux river. in order to supply the place of sergeant floyd, we permitted the men to name three persons, and patrick gass having the greatest number of votes was made a sergeant. august 23. we set out early, and at four miles came to a small run between cliffs of yellow and blue earth: the wind, however, soon changed, and blew so hard from the west, that we proceeded very slowly; the fine sand from the bar being driven in such clouds, that we could scarcely see. three and a quarter miles beyond this run, we came to a willow island, and a sand island opposite, and encamped on the south side, at ten and a quarter miles. on the north side is an extensive and delightful prairie, which we called buffaloe prairie, from our having here killed the first buffaloe. two elk swam the river to-day and were fired at, but escaped: a deer was killed from the boat; one beaver was killed; and several prairie wolves were seen. august 24. it began to rain last night, and continued this morning: we proceeded, however, two and a quarter miles, to the commencement of a bluff of blue clay, about one hundred and eighty, or one hundred and ninety feet on the south side: it seems to have been lately on fire; and even now the ground is so warm that we cannot keep our hands in it at any depth: there are strong appearances of coal, and also great quantities of cobalt, or a crystalized substance resembling it. there is a fruit now ripe which looks like a currant, except that it is double the size, and grows on a bush like a privy, the size of a damson, and of a delicious flavour; its indian name means rabbit-berries. we then passed, at the distance of about seven miles, the mouth of a creek on the north side, called by an indian name, meaning whitestone river. the beautiful prairie of yesterday, has changed into one of greater height, and very smooth and extensive. we encamped on the south side, at ten and a quarter miles, and found ourselves much annoyed by the musquitoes. chap. iii. whimsical instance of superstition of the sioux indians--council held with the sioux--character of that tribe, their manners, &c.--a ridiculous instance of their heroism--ancient fortifications--quieurre river described--vast herds of buffaloe--account of the petit chien or little dog--narrow escape of george shannon--description of whiteriver--surprising fleetness of the antelope--pass the river of the sioux--description of the grand le tour, or great bend--encamp on the teton river. august 25. captains lewis and clarke, with ten men, went to see an object deemed very extraordinary among all the neighbouring indians. they dropped down to the mouth of whitestone river, about thirty yards wide, where they left the boat, and at the distance of two hundred yards, ascended a rising ground, from which a plain extended itself as far as the eye could discern. after walking four miles, they crossed the creek where it is twenty-three yards wide, and waters an extensive valley. the heat was so oppressive that we were obliged to send back our dog to the creek, as he was unable to bear the fatigue; and it was not till after four hours march that we reached the object of our visit. this was a large mound in the midst of the plain about n. 20â° w. from the month of whitestone river, from which it is nine miles distant. the base of the mound is a regular parallelogram, the longest side being about three hundred yards, the shorter sixty or seventy: from the longest side it rises with a steep ascent from the north and south to the height of sixty-five or seventy feet, leaving on the top a level plain of twelve feet in breadth and ninety in length. the north and south extremities are connected by two oval borders which serve as new bases, and divide the whole side into three steep but regular gradations from the plain. the only thing characteristic in this hill is its extreme symmetry, and this, together with its being totally detached from the other hills which are at the distance of eight or nine miles, would induce a belief that it was artificial; but, as the earth and the loose pebbles which compose it, are arranged exactly like the steep grounds on the borders of the creek, we concluded from this similarity of texture that it might be natural. but the indians have made it a great article of their superstition: it is called the mountain of little people, or little spirits, and they believe that it is the abode of little devils, in the human form, of about eighteen inches high and with remarkably large heads; they are armed with sharp arrows, with which they are very skilful, and are always on the watch to kill those who should have the hardihood to approach their residence. the tradition is, that many have suffered from these little evil spirits, and among others, three maha indians fell a sacrifice to them a few years since. this has inspired all the neighbouring nations, sioux, mahas, and ottoes, with such terror, that no consideration could tempt them to visit the hill. we saw none of these wicked little spirits; nor any place for them, except some small holes scattered over the top: we were happy enough to escape their vengeance, though we remained some time on the mound to enjoy the delightful prospect of the plain, which spreads itself out till the eye rests upon the n.w. hills at a great distance, and those of n.e. still farther off, enlivened by large herds of buffaloe feeding at a distance. the soil of these plains is exceedingly fine; there is, however, no timber except on the missouri: all the wood of the whitestone river not being sufficient to cover thickly one hundred acres. the plain country which surrounds this mound has contributed not a little to its bad reputation: the wind driving from every direction over the level ground obliges the insects to seek shelter on its leeward side, or be driven against us by the wind. the small birds, whose food they are, resort of course in great numbers in quest of subsistence; and the indians always seem to discover an unusual assemblage of birds as produced by some supernatural cause: among them we observed the brown martin employed in looking for insects, and so gentle that they did not fly until we got within a few feet of them. we have also distinguished among numerous birds of the plain, the blackbird, the wren or prairie bird, and a species of lark about the size of a partridge, with a short tail. the excessive heat and thirst forced us from the hill, about one o'clock, to the nearest water, which we found in the creek, at three miles distance, and remained an hour and a half. we then went down the creek, through a lowland about one mile in width, and crossed it three times, to the spot where we first reached it in the morning. here we gathered some delicious plums, grapes and blue currants, and afterwards arrived at the mouth of the river about sunset. to this place the course from the mound is s. twenty miles, e. nine miles; we there resumed our periogue, and on reaching our encampment of last night set the prairies on fire, to warn the sioux of our approach. in the mean time, the boat under serjeant pryor had proceeded in the afternoon one mile, to a bluff of blue clay on the south, and after passing a sandbar and two sand islands fixed their camp at the distance of six miles on the south. in the evening some rain fell. we had killed a duck and several birds: in the boat, they had caught some large catfish. sunday, august 26. we rejoined the boat at nine o'clock before she set out, and then passing by an island, and under a cliff on the south, nearly two miles in extent and composed of white and blue earth, encamped at nine miles distance, on a sandbar towards the north. opposite to this, on the south, is a small creek called petit arc or little bow, and a short distance above it, an old village of the same name. this village, of which nothing remains but the mound of earth about four feet high surrounding it, was built by a maha chief named little bow, who being displeased with blackbird, the late king, seceded with two hundred followers and settled at this spot, which is now abandoned, as the two villages have reunited since the death of blackbird. we have great quantities of grapes, and plums of three kinds; two of a yellow colour, and distinguished by one of the species being longer than the other; and a third round and red: all have an excellent flavour, particularly those of the yellow kind. august 27. the morning star appeared much larger than usual. a gentle breeze from the southeast carried us by some large sandbars, on both sides and in the middle of the river, to a bluff, on the south side, at seven and a half miles distant; this bluff is of white clay or chalk, under which is much stone, like lime, incrusted with a clear substance, supposed to be cobalt, and some dark ore. above this bluff we set the prairie on fire, to invite the sioux. after twelve and a half miles, we had passed several other sandbars, and now reached the mouth of a river called by the french jacques (james river) or yankton, from the tribe which inhabits its banks. it is about ninety yards wide at the confluence: the country which it waters is rich prairie, with little timber: it becomes deeper and wider above its mouth, and may be navigated a great distance; as its sources rise near those of st. peter's, of the mississippi, and the red river of lake winnipeg. as we came to the mouth of the river, an indian swam to the boat; and, on our landing, we were met by two others, who informed us that a large body of sioux were encamped near us: they accompanied three of our men, with an invitation to meet us at a spot above the river: the third indian remained with us: he is a maha boy, and says that his nation have gone to the pawnees to make peace with them. at fourteen miles, we encamped on a sandbar to the north. the air was cool, the evening pleasant, the wind from the southeast, and light. the river has fallen gradually, and is now low. tuesday, 28th. we passed, with a stiff breeze from the south, several sandbars. on the south is a prairie which rises gradually from the water to the height of a bluff, which is, at four miles distance, of a whitish colour, and about seventy or eighty feet high. further on is another bluff, of a brownish colour, on the north side; and at the distance of eight and a half miles is the beginning of calumet bluff, on the south side, under which we formed our camp, in a beautiful plain, to wait the arrival of the sioux. at the first bluff the young indian left us and joined their camp. before reaching calumet bluff one of the periogues ran upon a log in the river, and was rendered unfit for service; so that all our loading was put into the second periogue. on both sides of the river are fine prairies, with cotton wood; and near the bluff there is more timber in the points and valleys than we have been accustomed to see. wednesday, 29th. we had a violent storm of wind and rain last evening; and were engaged during the day in repairing the periogue, and other necessary occupations; when, at four o'clock in the afternoon, sergeant pryor and his party arrived on the opposite side, attended by five chiefs, and about seventy men and boys. we sent a boat for them, and they joined us, as did also mr. durion, the son of our interpreter, who happened to be trading with the sioux at this time. he returned with sergeant pryor to the indians, with a present of tobacco, corn, and a few kettles; and told them that we would speak to their chiefs in the morning. sergeant pryor reported, that on reaching their village, which is at twelve miles distance from our camp, he was met by a party with a buffaloe robe, on which they desired to carry their visitors: an honour which they declined, informing the indians that they were not the commanders of the boats: as a great mark of respect, they were then presented with a fat dog, already cooked, of which they partook heartily, and found it well flavoured. the camps of the sioux are of a conical form, covered with buffaloe robes, painted with various figures and colours, with an aperture in the top for the smoke to pass through. the lodges contain from ten to fifteen persons, and the interior arrangement is compact and handsome, each lodge having a place for cooking detached from it. august 30th. thursday. the fog was so thick that we could not see the indian camp on the opposite side, but it cleared off about eight o'clock. we prepared a speech, and some presents, and then sent for the chiefs and warriors, whom we received, at twelve o'clock, under a large oak tree, near to which the flag of the united states was flying. captain lewis delivered a speech, with the usual advice and counsel for their future conduct. we then acknowledged their chiefs, by giving to the grand chief a flag, a medal, a certificate, with a string of wampum; to which we added a chief's coat; that is, a richly laced uniform of the united states artillery corps, and a cocked hat and red feather. one second chief and three inferior ones were made or recognised by medals, and a suitable present of tobacco, and articles of clothing. we then smoked the pipe of peace, and the chiefs retired to a bower, formed of bushes, by their young men, where they divided among each other the presents, and smoked and eat, and held a council on the answer which they were to make us to-morrow. the young people exercised their bows and arrows in shooting at marks for beads, which we distributed to the best marksmen; and in the evening the whole party danced until a late hour, and in the course of their amusement we threw among them some knives, tobacco, bells, tape, and binding, with which they were much pleased. their musical instruments were the drum, and a sort of little bag made of buffaloe hide, dressed white, with small shot or pebbles in it, and a bunch of hair tied to it. this produces a sort of rattling music, with which the party was annoyed by four musicians during the council this morning. august 31. in the morning, after breakfast, the chiefs met, and sat down in a row, with pipes of peace, highly ornamented, and all pointed towards the seats intended for captains lewis and clarke. when they arrived and were seated, the grand chief, whose indian name, weucha, is, in english shake hand, and, in french, is called le liberateur (the deliverer) rose, and spoke at some length, approving what we had said, and promising to follow our advice: "i see before me," said he, "my great father's two sons. you see me, and the rest of our chiefs and warriors. we are very poor; we have neither powder nor ball, nor knives; and our women and children at the village have no clothes. i wish that as my brothers have given me a flag and a medal, they would give something to those poor people, or let them stop and trade with the first boat which comes up the river. i will bring chiefs of the pawnees and mahas together, and make peace between them; but it is better that i should do it than my great father's sons, for they will listen to me more readily. i will also take some chiefs to your country in the spring; but before that time i cannot leave home. i went formerly to the english, and they gave me a medal and some clothes: when i went to the spanish they gave me a medal, but nothing to keep it from my skin; but now you give me a medal and clothes. but still we are poor; and i wish, brothers, you would give us something for our squaws." "when he sat down, mahtoree, or white crane, rose: "i have listened," said he, "to what our father's words were yesterday; and i am, to-day, glad to see how you have dressed our old chief. i am a young man, and do not wish to take much: my fathers have made me a chief: i had much sense before, but now i think i have more than ever. what the old chief has declared i will confirm, and do whatever he and you please: but i wish that you would take pity on us, for we are very poor." another chief, called pawnawneahpahbe, then said; "i am a young man, and know but little: i cannot speak well; but i have listened to what you have told the old chief, and will do whatever you agree." the same sentiments were then repeated by aweawechache. we were surprised at finding that the first of these titles means "struck by the pawnee," and was occasioned by some blow which the chief had received in battle, from one of the pawnee tribe. the second is, in english, "half man," which seems a singular name for a warrior, till it was explained to have its origin, probably, in the modesty of the chief; who, on being told of his exploits, would say, "i am no warrior: i am only half a man." the other chiefs spoke very little; but after they had finished, one of the warriors delivered a speech, in which he declared he would support them. they promised to make peace with the ottoes and missouris, the only nations with whom they are at war. all these harangues concluded by describing the distress of the nation: they begged us to have pity on them: to send them traders: that they wanted powder and ball; and seemed anxious that we should supply them with some of their great father's milk, the name by which they distinguish ardent spirits. we then gave some tobacco to each of the chiefs, and a certificate to two of the warriors who attended the chief. we prevailed on mr. durion to remain here, and accompany as many of the sioux chiefs as he could collect, down to the seat of government. we also gave his son a flag, some clothes, and provisions, with directions to bring about a peace between the surrounding tribe, and to convey some of their chiefs to see the president. in the evening they left us, and encamped on the opposite bank, accompanied by the two durions. during the evening and night we had much rain, and observed that the river rises a little. the indians, who have just left us, are the yanktons, a tribe of the great nation of sioux. these yanktons are about two hundred men in number; and inhabit the jacques, desmoines, and sioux rivers. in person they are stout, well proportioned, and have a certain air of dignity and boldness. in their dress they differ nothing from the other bands of the nation whom we saw, and will describe afterwards: they are fond of decorations, and use paint, and porcupine quills, and feathers. some of them wore a kind of necklace of white bear's claws, three inches long, and closely strung together round their necks. they have only a few fowling pieces, being generally armed with bows and arrows, in which, however, they do not appear as expert as the more northern indians. what struck us most was an institution, peculiar to them, and to the kite indians, further to the westward, from whom it is said to have been copied. it is an association of the most active and brave young men, who are bound to each other by attachment, secured by a vow, never to retreat before any danger, or give way to their enemies. in war they go forward without sheltering themselves behind trees, or aiding their natural valour by any artifice. this punctilious determination, not to be turned from their course, became heroic, or ridiculous, a short time since, when the yanktons were crossing the missouri on the ice. a hole lay immediately in their course, which might easily have been avoided, by going round. this the foremost of the band disdained to do; but went straight forward, and was lost. the others would have followed his example, but were forcibly prevented by the rest of the tribe. these young men sit, and encamp, and dance together, distinct from the rest of the nation: they are generally about thirty or thirty-five years old; and such is the deference paid to courage, that their seats in council are superior to those of the chiefs, and their persons more respected. but, as may be supposed, such indiscreet bravery will soon diminish the numbers of those who practise it; so that the band is now reduced to four warriors, who were among our visitors. these were the remains of twenty-two, who composed the society not long ago; but, in a battle with the kite indians, of the black mountains, eighteen of them were killed, and these four were dragged from the field by their companions. whilst these indians remained with us we made very minute inquiries relative to their situation and numbers, and trade, and manners. this we did very satisfactorily, by means of two different interpreters; and from their accounts, joined to our interviews with other bands of the same nation, and much intelligence acquired since, we were enabled to understand, with some accuracy, the condition of the sioux hitherto so little known. the sioux, or dacorta indians, originally settled on the mississippi, and called by carver, madowesians, are now subdivided into tribes, as follow: first, the yanktons: this tribe inhabits the sioux, desmoines, and jacques rivers, and number about two hundred warriors. second, the tetons of the burnt woods. this tribe numbers about three hundred men, who rove on both sides of the missouri, the white, and teton rivers. third. the tetons okandandas, a tribe consisting of about one hundred and fifty men, who inhabit both sides of the missouri below the chayenne river. fourth, tetons minnakenozzo, a nation inhabiting both sides of the missouri, above the chayenne river, and containing about two hundred and fifty men. fifth, tetons saone; these inhabit both sides of the missouri below the warreconne river, and consist of about three hundred men. sixth, yanktons of the plains, or big devils; who rove on the heads of the sioux, jacques, and red river; the most numerous of all the tribes, and number about five hundred men. seventh, wahpatone; a nation residing on the st. peter's, just above the mouth of that river, and numbering two hundred men. eighth, mindawarcarton, or proper dacorta or sioux indians. these possess the original seat of the sioux, and are properly so denominated. they rove on both sides of the mississippi, about the falls of st. anthony, and consist of three hundred men. ninth, the wahpatoota, or leaf beds. this nation inhabits both sides of the river st. peter's, below yellow-wood river, amounting to about one hundred and fifty men. tenth, sistasoone: this nation numbers two hundred men, and reside at the head of the st. peter's. of these several tribes, more particular notice will be taken hereafter. saturday, september 1, 1804. we proceeded this morning under a light southern breeze, and passed the calumet bluffs; these are composed of a yellowish red, and brownish clay as hard as chalk, which it much resembles, and are one hundred and seventy, or one hundred and eighty feet high. at this place the hills on each side come to the verge of the river, those on the south being higher than on the north. opposite the bluffs is a large island covered with timber; above which the highlands form a cliff over the river on the north side, called white bear cliff; an animal of that kind being killed in one of the holes in it, which are numerous and apparently deep. at six miles we came to a large sand island covered with cottonwood; the wind was high, and the weather rainy and cloudy during the day. we made fifteen miles to a place on the north side, at the lower point of a large island called bonhomme, or goodman's island. the country on both sides has the same character of prairies, with no timber; with occasional lowlands covered with cottonwood, elm and oak: our hunters had killed an elk and a beaver: the catfish too are in great abundance. september 2. it rained last night, and this morning we had a high wind from the n.w. we went three miles to the lower part of an ancient fortification on the south side, and passed the head of bonhomme island, which is large and well timbered: after this the wind became so violent, attended by a cold rain, that we were compelled to land at four miles on the northern side, under a high bluff of yellow clay, about one hundred and ten feet in height. our hunters supplied us with four elk; and we had grapes and plums on the banks: we also saw the beargrass and rue, on the side of the bluffs. at this place there are highlands on both sides of the river which become more level at some distance back, and contain but few streams of water. on the southern bank, during this day, the grounds have not been so elevated. captain clarke crossed the river to examine the remains of the fortification we had just passed. [illustration: fortification] this interesting object is on the south side of the missouri, opposite the upper extremity of bonhomme island, and in a low level plain, the hills being three miles from the river. it begins by a wall composed of earth, rising immediately from the bank of the river and running in a direct course s. 76â°, w. ninety six yards; the base of this wall or mound is seventy-five feet, and its height about eight. it then diverges in a course s. 84â° w. and continues at the same height and depth to the distance of fifty-three yards, the angle being formed by a sloping descent; at the junction of these two is an appearance of a hornwork of the same height with the first angle: the same wall then pursues a course n. 69â° w. for three hundred yards: near its western extremity is an opening or gateway at right angles to the wall, and projecting inwards; this gateway is defended by two nearly semicircular walls placed before it, lower than the large walls; and from the gateway there seems to have been a covered way communicating with the interval between these two walls: westward of the gate, the wall becomes much larger, being about one hundred and five feet at its base, and twelve feet high: at the end of this high ground the wall extends for fifty-six yards on a course n. 32â° w; it then turns n. 23â° w. for seventy-three yards: these two walls seems to have had a double or covered way; they are from ten to fifteen feet eight inches in height, and from seventy-five to one hundred and five feet in width at the base; the descent inwards being steep, whilst outwards it forms a sort of glacis. at the distance of seventy-three yards, the wall ends abruptly at a large hollow place much lower than the general level of the plain, and from which is some indication of a covered way to the water. the space between them is occupied by several mounds scattered promiscuously through the gorge, in the centre of which is a deep round hole. from the extremity of the last wall, in a course n. 32â° w. is a distance of ninety-six yards over the low ground, where the wall recommences and crosses the plain in a course n. 81â° w. for eighteen hundred and thirty yards to the bank of the missouri. in this course its height is about eight feet, till it enters, at the distance of five hundred and thirty-three yards, a deep circular pond of seventy-three yards diameter; after which it is gradually lower, towards the river: it touches the river at a muddy bar, which bears every mark of being an encroachment of the water, for a considerable distance; and a little above the junction, is a small circular redoubt. along the bank of the river, and at eleven hundred yards distance, in a straight line from this wall, is a second, about six feet high, and of considerable width: it rises abruptly from the bank of the missouri, at a point where the river bends, and goes straight forward, forming an acute angle with the last wall, till it enters the river again, not far from the mounds just described, towards which it is obviously tending. at the bend the missouri is five hundred yards wide; the ground on the opposite side highlands, or low hills on the bank; and where the river passes between this fort and bonhomme island, all the distance from the bend, it is constantly washing the banks into the stream, a large sandbank being already taken from the shore near the wall. during the whole course of this wall, or glacis, it is covered with trees, among which are many large cotton trees, two or three feet in diameter. immediately opposite the citadel, or the part most strongly fortified, on bonhomme island, is a small work in a circular form, with a wall surrounding it, about six feet in height. the young willows along the water, joined to the general appearance of the two shores, induce a belief that the bank of the island is encroaching, and the missouri indemnifies itself by washing away the base of the fortification. the citadel contains about twenty acres, but the parts between the long walls must embrace nearly five hundred acres. these are the first remains of the kind which we have had an opportunity of examining; but our french interpreters assure us, that there are great numbers of them on the platte, the kanzas, the jacques, &c. and some of our party say, that they observed two of those fortresses on the upper side of the petit arc creek, not far from its mouth; that the wall was about six feet high, and the sides of the angles one hundred yards in length. september 3. the morning was cold, and the wind from the northwest. we passed at sunrise, three large sandbars, and at the distance of ten miles reached a small creek, about twelve yards wide, coming in from the north, above a white bluff: this creek has obtained the name of plum creek, from the number of that fruit which are in the neighbourhood, and of a delightful quality. five miles further, we encamped on the south near the edge of a plain; the river is wide, and covered with sandbars to-day: the banks are high and of a whitish colour; the timber scarce, but an abundance of grapes. beaver houses too have been observed in great numbers on the river, but none of the animals themselves. september 4. we set out early, with a very cold wind from s.s.e. and at one mile and a half, reached a small creek, called whitelime creek, on the south side. just above this is a cliff, covered with cedar trees, and at three miles a creek, called whitepaint creek, of about thirty yards wide: on the same side, and at four and a half miles distance from the whitepaint creek, is the rapid river, or, as it is called by the french, la riverequi court; this river empties into the missouri, in a course s.w. by w. and is one hundred and fifty-two yards wide, and four feet deep at the confluence. it rises in the black mountains, and passes through a hilly country, with a poor soil. captain clark ascended three miles to a beautiful plain, on the upper side, where the pawnees once had a village: he found that the river widened above its mouth, and much divided by sands and islands, which, joined to the great rapidity of the current, makes the navigation very difficult, even for small boats. like the platte its waters are of a light colour; like that river too it throws out into the missouri, great quantities of sand, coarser even than that of the platte, which form sandbars and shoals near its mouth. we encamped just above it, on the south, having made only eight miles, as the wind shifted to the south, and blew so hard that in the course of the day we broke our mast: we saw some deer, a number of geese, and shot a turkey and a duck: the place in which we halted is a fine low-ground, with much timber, such as red cedar, honeylocust, oak, arrowwood, elm and coffeenut. september 5, wednesday. the wind was again high from the south. at five miles, we came to a large island, called pawnee island, in the middle of the river; and stopped to breakfast at a small creek on the north, which has the name of goat creek, at eight and a half miles. near the mouth of this creek the beaver had made a dam across so as to form a large pond, in which they built their houses. above this island the river poncara falls into the missouri from the south, and is thirty yards wide at the entrance. two men whom we despatched to the village of the same name, returned with information that they had found it on the lower side of the creek; but as this is the hunting season, the town was so completely deserted that they had killed a buffaloe in the village itself. this tribe of poncaras, who are said to have once numbered four hundred men, are now reduced to about fifty, and have associated for mutual protection with the mahas, who are about two hundred in number. these two nations are allied by a similarity of misfortune; they were once both numerous, both resided in villages, and cultivated indian corn; their common enemies, the sioux and small-pox, drove them from their towns, which they visit only occasionally for the purposes of trade; and they now wander over the plains on the sources of the wolf and quieurre rivers. between the pawnee island and goat creek on the north, is a cliff of blue earth, under which are several mineral springs, impregnated with salts: near this we observed a number of goats, from which the creek derives its name. at three and a half miles from the creek, we came to a large island on the south, along which we passed to the head of it, and encamped about four o'clock. here we replaced the mast we had lost, with a new one of cedar: some bucks and an elk were procured to-day, and a black tailed deer was seen near the poncara's village. thursday, september 6. there was a storm this morning from the n.w. and though it moderated, the wind was still high, and the weather very cold; the number of sandbars too, added to the rapidity of the current, obliged us to have recourse to the towline: with all our exertions we did not make more than eight and a half miles, and encamped on the north, after passing high cliffs of soft, blue, and red coloured stone, on the southern shore. we saw some goats, and great numbers of buffaloe, in addition to which the hunters furnished us with elk, deer, turkies, geese, and one beaver: a large catfish too was caught in the evening. the ground near the camp, was a low prarie, without timber, though just below is a grove of cottonwood. friday, september 7. the morning was very cold and the wind southeast. at five and a half miles, we reached and encamped at the foot of a round mountain, on the south, having passed two small islands. this mountain, which is about three hundred feet at the base, forms a cone at the top, resembling a dome at a distance, and seventy feet or more above the surrounding highlands. as we descended from this dome, we arrived at a spot, on the gradual descent of the hill, nearly four acres in extent, and covered with small holes: these are the residence of a little animal, called by the french, petit chien (little dog) who sit erect near the mouth, and make a whistling noise, but when alarmed take refuge in their holes. in order to bring them out, we poured into one of the holes five barrels of water without filling it, but we dislodged and caught the owner. after digging down another of the holes for six feet, we found, on running a pole into it, that we had not yet dug half way to the bottom: we discovered, however, two frogs in the hole, and near it we killed a dark rattlesnake, which had swallowed a small prairie dog: we were also informed, though we never witnessed the fact, that a sort of lizard, and a snake, live habitually with these animals. the petit chien are justly named, as they resemble a small dog in some particulars, though they have also some points of similarity to the squirrel. the head resembles the squirrel in every respect, except that the ear is shorter, the tail like that of the ground-squirrel, the toe-nails are long, the fur is fine, and the long hair is gray. saturday, september 8. the wind still continued from the southeast, but moderately. at seven miles we reached a house on the north side, called the pawnee house, where a trader, named trudeau, wintered in the year 1796-7: behind this, hills, much higher than usual, appear to the north, about eight miles off. before reaching this house, we came by three small islands, on the north side, and a small creek on the south; and after leaving it, reached another, at the end of seventeen miles, on which we encamped, and called it boat island: we here saw herds of buffaloe, and some elk, deer, turkies, beaver, a squirrel, and a prairie dog. the party on the north represent the country through which they passed, as poor, rugged, and hilly, with the appearance of having been lately burnt by the indians; the broken hills, indeed, approach the river on both sides, though each is bordered by a strip of woodland near the water. sunday, september 9. we coasted along the island on which we had encamped, and then passed three sand and willow islands, and a number of smaller sandbars. the river is shallow, and joined by two small creeks from the north, and one from the south. in the plains, to the south, are great numbers of buffaloe, in herds of nearly five hundred; all the copses of timber appear to contain elk or deer. we encamped on a sandbar, on the southern shore, at the distance of fourteen and a quarter miles. september 10, monday. the next day we made twenty miles. the morning was cloudy and dark, but a light breeze from the southeast carried us past two small islands on the south, and one on the north; till, at the distance of ten and a half miles, we reached an island, extending for two miles in the middle of the river, covered with red cedar, from which it derives its name of cedar island. just below this island, on a hill, to the south, is the backbone of a fish, forty-five feet long, tapering towards the tail, and in a perfect state of petrifaction, fragments of which were collected and sent to washington. on both sides of the river are high dark-coloured bluffs. about a mile and a half from the island, on the southern shore, the party on that side discovered a large and very strong impregnated spring of water; and another, not so strongly impregnated, half a mile up the hill. three miles beyond cedar island is a large island on the north, and a number of sandbars. after which is another, about a mile in length, lying in the middle of the river, and separated by a small channel, at its extremity, from another above it, on which we encamped. these two islands are called mud islands. the river is shallow during this day's course, and is falling a little. the elk and buffaloe are in great abundance, but the deer have become scarce. september 11, tuesday. at six and a half miles we passed the upper extremity of an island on the south; four miles beyond which is another on the same side of the river; and about a quarter of a mile distant we visited a large village of the barking-squirrel. it was situated on a gentle declivity, and covered a space of nine hundred and seventy yards long, and eight hundred yards wide; we killed four of them. we then resumed our course, and during five and a half miles passed two islands on the north, and then encamped at the distance of sixteen miles, on the south side of the river, and just above a small run. the morning had been cloudy, but in the afternoon it began raining, with a high northwest wind, which continued during the greater part of the night. the country seen to-day consists of narrow strips of lowland, rising into uneven grounds, which are succeeded, at the distance of three miles, by rich and level plains, but without any timber. the river itself is wide, and crowded with sandbars. elk, deer, squirrels, a pelican, and a very large porcupine, were our game this day; some foxes too were seen, but not caught. in the morning we observed a man riding on horseback down towards the boat, and we were much pleased to find that it was george shannon, one of our party, for whose safety we had been very uneasy. our two horses having strayed from us on the 26th of august, he was sent to search for them. after he had found them he attempted to rejoin us, but seeing some other tracks, which must have been those of indians, and which he mistook for our own, he concluded that we were ahead, and had been for sixteen days following the bank of the river above us. during the first four days he exhausted his bullets, and was then nearly starved, being obliged to subsist, for twelve days, on a few grapes, and a rabbit which he killed by making use of a hard piece of stick for a ball. one of his horses gave out, and was left behind; the other he kept as a last resource for food. despairing of overtaking us, he was returning down the river, in hopes of meeting some other boat; and was on the point of killing his horse, when he was so fortunate as to join us. wednesday, september 12. the day was dark and cloudy; the wind from the northwest. at a short distance we reached an island in the middle of the river, which is covered with timber, a rare object now. we with great difficulty were enabled to struggle through the sandbars, the water being very rapid and shallow, so that we were several hours in making a mile. several times the boat wheeled on the bar, and the men were obliged to jump out and prevent her from upsetting; at others, after making a way up one channel, the shoalness of the water forced us back to seek the deep channel. we advanced only four miles in the whole day and encamped on the south. along both sides of the river are high grounds; on the southern side particularly, they form dark bluffs, in which may be observed slate and coal intermixed. we saw also several villages of barking-squirrels; great numbers of growse, and three foxes. september 13, thursday. we made twelve miles to-day through a number of sandbars, which make it difficult to find the proper channel. the hills on each side are high, and separated from the river by a narrow plain on its borders. on the north, these lowlands are covered in part with timber, and great quantities of grapes, which are now ripe: on the south we found plenty of plums, but they are not yet ripe; and near the dark bluffs, a run tainted with allum and copperas; the southern side being more strongly impregnated with minerals than the northern. last night four beaver were caught in the traps; a porcupine was shot as it was upon a cottontree, feeding on its leaves and branches. we encamped on the north side, opposite to a small willow island. at night the musquitoes were very troublesome, though the weather was cold and rainy and the wind from the northwest. friday, september 14. at two miles we reached a round island on the northern side; at about five, a run on the south; two and a half miles further, a small creek; and at nine miles encamped near the month of a creek, on the same side. the sandbars are very numerous, and render the river wide and shallow, and obliged the crew to get into the water and drag the boat over the bars several times. during the whole day we searched along the southern shore, and at some distance into the interior, to find an ancient volcano which we heard at st. charles was somewhere in this neighbourhood; but we could not discern the slightest appearance of any thing volcanic. in the course of their search the party shot a buck-goat and a hare. the hills, particularly on the south, continue high, but the timber is confined to the islands and banks of the river. we had occasion here to observe the rapid undermining of these hills by the missouri: the first attacks seem to be on the hills which overhang the river; as soon as the violence of the current destroys the grass at the foot of them, the whole texture appears loosened, and the ground dissolves and mixes with the water: the muddy mixture is then forced over the low-grounds, which it covers sometimes to the depth of three inches, and gradually destroys the herbage; after which it can offer no resistance to the water, and becomes at last covered with sand. saturday, september 15. we passed, at an early hour, the creek near our last night's encampment; and at two miles distance reached the mouth of white river, coming in from the south. we ascended a short distance, and sent a sergeant and another man to examine it higher up. this river has a bed of about three hundred yards, though the water is confined to one hundred and fifty: in the mouth is a sand island, and several sandbars. the current is regular and swift, with sandbars projecting from the points. it differs very much from the platte, and quieurre, in throwing out, comparatively, little sand, but its general character is like that of the missouri. this resemblance was confirmed by the sergeant, who ascended about twelve miles; at which distance it was about the same width as near the mouth, and the course, which was generally west, had been interrupted by islands and sandbars. the timber consisted chiefly of elm; they saw pine burrs, and sticks of birch were seen floating down the river; they had also met with goats, such as we have heretofore seen; great quantities of buffaloe, near to which were wolves, some deer, and villages of barking squirrels. at the confluence of white river with the missouri is an excellent position for a town; the land rising by three gradual ascents, and the neighbourhood furnishing more timber than is usual in this country. after passing high dark bluffs on both sides, we reached the lower point of an island towards the south, at the distance of six miles. the island bears an abundance of grapes, and is covered with red cedar: it also contains a number of rabbits. at the end of this island, which is small, a narrow channel separates it from a large sand island, which we passed, and encamped, eight miles on the north, under a high point of land opposite a large creek to the south, on which we observe an unusual quantity of timber. the wind was from the northwest this afternoon, and high, the weather cold, and its dreariness increased by the howlings of a number of wolves around us. september 16, sunday. early this morning, having reached a convenient spot on the south side, and at one mile and a quarter distance, we encamped just above a small creek, which we called corvus, having killed an animal of that genus near it. finding that we could not proceed over the sandbars, as fast as we desired, while the boat was so heavily loaded, we concluded not to send back, as we originally intended, our third periogue, but to detain the soldiers until spring, and in the mean time lighten the boat by loading the periogue: this operation, added to that of drying all our wet articles, detained us during the day. our camp is in a beautiful plain, with timber thinly scattered for three quarters of a mile, and consisting chiefly of elm, cottonwood, some ash of an indifferent quality, and a considerable quantity of a small species of white oak: this tree seldom rises higher than thirty feet, and branches very much; the bark is rough, thick and of a light colour; the leaves small, deeply indented, and of a pale green; the cup which contains the acorn is fringed on the edges, and embraces it about one half: the acorn itself, which grows in great profusion, is of an excellent flavour, and has none of the roughness which most other acorns possess; they are now falling, and have probably attracted the number of deer which we saw on this place, as all the animals we have seen are fond of that food. the ground having been recently burnt by the indians, is covered with young green grass, and in the neighbourhood are great quantities of fine plums. we killed a few deer for the sake of their skins, which we wanted to cover the periogues, the meat being too poor for food: the cold season coming on, a flannel shirt was given to each man, and fresh powder to those who had exhausted their supply. monday, september 16. whilst some of the party were engaged in the same way as yesterday, others were employed in examining the surrounding country. about a quarter of a mile behind our camp, and at an elevation of twenty feet above it, a plain extends nearly three miles parallel to the river, and about a mile back to the hills, towards which it gradually ascends. here we saw a grove of plum-trees loaded with fruit, now ripe, and differing in nothing from those of the atlantic states, except that the tree is smaller and more thickly set. the ground of the plain is occupied by the burrows of multitudes of barking squirrels, who entice hither the wolves of a small kind, hawks, and polecats, all of which animals we saw, and presumed that they fed on the squirrel. this plain is intersected nearly in its whole extent by deep ravines and steep irregular rising grounds from one to two hundred feet. on ascending the range of hills which border the plain, we saw a second high level plain stretching to the south as far as the eye could reach. to the westward, a high range of hills about twenty miles distant runs nearly north and south, but not to any great extent, as their rise and termination is embraced by one view, and they seemed covered with a verdure similar to that of the plains. the same view extended over the irregular hills which border the northern side of the missouri; all around the country had been recently burnt, and a young green grass about four inches high covered the ground, which was enlivened by herds of antelopes and buffaloe; the last of which were in such multitudes, that we cannot exaggerate in saying that at a single glance we saw three thousand of them before us. of all the animals we had seen the antelope seems to possess the most wonderful fleetness: shy and timorous they generally repose only on the ridges, which command a view of all the approaches of an enemy: the acuteness of their sight distinguishes the most distant danger, the delicate sensibility of their smell defeats the precautions of concealment, and when alarmed their rapid career seems more like the flight of birds than the movements of an earthly being. after many unsuccessful attempts, captain lewis at last, by winding around the ridges, approached a party of seven, which were on an eminence, towards which the wind was unfortunately blowing. the only male of the party frequently encircled the summit of the hill, as if to announce any danger to the females, who formed a group at the top. although they did not see captain lewis, the smell alarmed them, and they fled when he was at the distance of two hundred yards: he immediately ran to the spot where they had been, a ravine concealed them from him, but the next moment they appeared on a second ridge at the distance of three miles. he doubted whether it could be the same, but their number and the extreme rapidity with which they continued their course, convinced him that they must have gone with a speed equal to that of the most distinguished racehorse. among our acquisitions to-day was a mule-deer, a magpie, the common deer, and buffaloe: captain lewis also saw a hare, and killed a rattlesnake near the burrows of the barking squirrels. tuesday, september 18. having everything in readiness we proceeded, with the boat much lightened, but the wind being from the n.w. we made but little way. at one mile we reached an island in the middle of the river, nearly a mile in length, and covered with red cedar; at its extremity a small creek comes in from the north; we then met some sandbars, and the wind being very high and ahead, we encamped on the south, having made only seven miles. in addition to the common deer, which were in great abundance, we saw goats, elk, buffaloe, the black tailed deer; the large wolves too are very numerous, and have long hair with coarse fur, and are of a light colour. a small species of wolf about the size of a gray fox was also killed, and proved to be the animal which we had hitherto mistaken for a fox: there are also many porcupines, rabbits, and barking squirrels in the neighbourhood. september 19. we this day enjoyed a cool clear morning, and a wind from the southeast. we reached at three miles a bluff on the south, and four miles farther, the lower point of prospect island, about two and a half miles in length; opposite to this are high bluffs, about eighty feet above the water, beyond which are beautiful plains gradually rising as they recede from the river: these are watered by three streams which empty near each other; the first is about thirty-five yards wide, the ground on its sides high and rich, with some timber; the second about twelve yards wide, but with less timber; the third is nearly of the same size, and contains more water, but it scatters its waters over the large timbered plain, and empties itself into the river at three places. these rivers are called by the french les trois rivieres des sioux, the three sioux rivers; and as the sioux generally cross the missouri at this place, it is called the sioux pass of the three rivers. these streams have the same right of asylum, though in a less degree than pipestone creek already mentioned. two miles from the island we passed a creek fifteen yards wide; eight miles further, another twenty yards wide; three miles beyond which, is a third of eighteen yards width, all on the south side: the second which passes through a high plain we called elm creek; to the third we gave the name of night creek, having reached it late at night. about a mile beyond this is a small island on the north side of the river, and is called lower island, as it is situated at the commencement of what is known by the name of the grand detour, or great bend of the missouri. opposite is a creek on the south about ten yards wide, which waters a plain where there are great numbers of the prickley pear, which name we gave to the creek. we encamped on the south, opposite the upper extremity of the island, having made an excellent day's sail of twenty six and a quarter miles. our game this day consisted chiefly of deer, of these four were black tails, one a buck with two main prongs of horns on each side and forked equally. large herds of buffaloe, elk and goats, were also seen. thursday, september 20. finding we had reached the big bend, we despatched two men with our only horse across the neck, to hunt there and wait our arrival at the first creek beyond it. we then set out with fair weather and the wind from s.e. to make the circuit of the bend. near the lower island the sandbars are numerous, and the river shallow. at nine and a half miles is a sand island, on the southern side. about ten miles beyond it is a small island on the south, opposite to a small creek on the north. this island, which is near the n.w. extremity of the bend, is called solitary island. at about eleven miles further, we encamped on a sandbar, having made twenty-seven and a half miles. captain clarke, who early this morning had crossed the neck of the bend, joined us in the evening. at the narrowest part, the gorge is composed of high and irregular hills of about one hundred and eighty or one hundred and ninety feet in elevation; from this descends an unbroken plain over the whole of the bend, and the country is separated from it by this ridge. great numbers of buffaloe, elk, and goats are wandering over these plains, accompanied by grouse and larks. captain clarke saw a hare also, on the great bend. of the goats killed to-day, one is a female differing from the male in being smaller in size; its horns too are smaller and straighter, having one short prong, and no black about the neck: none of these goats have any beard, but are delicately formed, and very beautiful. friday, september 21. between one and two o'clock the serjeant on guard alarmed us, by crying that the sandbar on which we lay was sinking; we jumped up, and found that both above and below our camp the sand was undermined and falling in very fast: we had scarcely got into the boats and pushed off, when the bank under which they had been lying, fell in, and would certainly have sunk the two periogues if they had remained there. by the time we reached the opposite shore the ground of our encampment sunk also. we formed a second camp for the rest of the night; and at daylight proceeded on to the gorge or throat of the great bend, where we breakfasted. a man, whom we had despatched to step off the distance across the bend, made it two thousand yards: the circuit is thirty miles. during the whole course, the land of the bend is low, with occasional bluffs; that on the opposite side, high prairie ground, and long ridges of dark bluffs. after breakfast, we passed through a high prairie on the north side, and a rich cedar lowland and cedar bluff on the south, till we reached a willow island below the mouth of a small creek. this creek, called tyler's river, is about thirty-five yards wide, comes in on the south, and is at the distance of six miles from the neck of the great bend. here we found a deer, and the skin of a white wolf, left us by our hunters ahead: large quantities of different kinds of plover and brants are in this neighbourhood, and seen collecting and moving towards the south; the catfish are small, and not in such plenty as we had found them below this place. we passed several sandbars, which make the river very shallow and about a mile in width, and encamped on the south, at the distance of eleven and a half miles. on each side the shore is lined with hard rough gulleystones, rolled from the hills and small brooks. the most common timber is the cedar, though, in the prairies, there are great quantities of the prickly pear. from this place we passed several sandbars, which make the river shallow, and about a mile in width. at the distance of eleven and a half miles, we encamped on the north at the lower point of an ancient island, which has since been connected with the main land by the filling up of the northern channel, and is now covered with cottonwood. we here saw some tracks of indians, but they appeared three or four weeks old. this day was warm. september 22. a thick fog detained us until seven o'clock; our course was through inclined prairies on each side of the river, crowded with buffaloe. we halted at a point on the north side, near a high bluff on the south, and took a meridian altitude, which gave us the latitude of 44â° 11' 33-3/10". on renewing our course, we reached first a small island on the south, at the distance of four and a half miles, immediately above which is another island opposite to a creek fifteen yards wide. this creek, and the two islands, one of which is half a mile long, and the second three miles, are called the three sisters: a beautiful plain extending on both sides of the river. this is followed by an island on the north, called cedar island, about one mile and a half in length and the same distance in breadth, and deriving its name from the quality of the timber. on the south side of this island, is a fort and a large trading house, built by a mr. loisel, who wintered here during the last year, in order to trade with the sioux, the remains of whose camps are in great numbers about this place. the establishment is sixty or seventy feet square, built with red cedar and picketted in with the same materials. the hunters who had been sent ahead joined us here. they mention that the hills are washed in gullies, in passing over which, some mineral substances had rotted and destroyed their moccasins; they had killed two deer and a beaver. at sixteen miles distance we came to on the north side at the mouth of a small creek. the large stones which we saw yesterday on the shores are now some distance in the river, and render the navigation dangerous. the musquitoes are still numerous in the low grounds. sunday, september 23. we passed, with a light breeze from the southeast, a small island on the north, called goat island; above which is a small creek, called by the party smoke creek, as we observed a great smoke to the southwest on approaching it. at ten miles we came to the lower point of a large island, having passed two small willow islands with sandbars projecting from them. this island, which we called elk island, is about two and a half miles long, and three quarters of a mile wide, situated near the south, and covered with cottonwood, the red currant, and grapes. the river is here almost straight for a considerable distance, wide and shallow, with many sandbars. a small creek on the north, about sixteen yards wide, we called reuben's creek; as reuben fields, one of our men, was the first of the party who reached it. at a short distance above this we encamped for the night, having made twenty miles. the country, generally, consists of low, rich, timbered ground on the north, and high barren lands on the south: on both sides great numbers of buffaloe are feeding. in the evening three boys of the sioux nation swam across the river, and informed us that two parties of sioux were encamped on the next river, one consisting of eighty, and the second of sixty lodges, at some distance above. after treating them kindly we sent them back with a present of two carrots of tobacco to their chiefs, whom we invited to a conference in the morning. monday, september 24. the wind was from the east, and the day fair; we soon passed a handsome prairie on the north side, covered with ripe plums, and the mouth of a creek on the south, called highwater creek, a little above our encampment. at about five miles we reached an island two and a half miles in length, and situated near the south. here we were joined by one of our hunters, who procured four elk, but whilst he was in pursuit of the game the indians had stolen his horse. we left the island, and soon overtook five indians on the shore: we anchored and told them from the boat we were friends and wished to continue so, but were not afraid of any indians; that some of their young men had stolen the horse which their great father had sent for their great chief, and that we could not treat with them until he was restored. they said that they knew nothing of the horse, but if he had been taken he should be given up. we went on, and at eleven and a half miles, passed an island on the north, which we called good-humoured island; it is about one and a half miles long, and abounds in elk. at thirteen and a half miles, we anchored one hundred yards off the mouth of a river on the south side, where we were joined by both the periogues and encamped; two thirds of the party remained on board, and the rest went as a guard on shore with the cooks and one periogue; we have seen along the sides of the hills on the north a great deal of stone; besides the elk, we also observed a hare; the five indians whom we had seen followed us, and slept with the guard on shore. finding one of them was a chief we smoked with him, and made him a present of tobacco. this river is about seventy yards wide, and has a considerable current. as the tribe of the sioux which inhabit it are called teton, we gave it the name of teton river. chap. iv. council held with the tetons--their manners, dances, &c.--chayenne river--council held with the ricara indians--their manners and habits--strange instance of ricara idolatry--another instance--cannonball river--arrival among the mandans--character of the surrounding country, and of the creeks, islands, &c. september 25. the morning was fine, and the wind continued from the southeast. we raised a flagstaff and an awning, under which we assembled at twelve o'clock, with all the party parading under arms. the chiefs and warriors from the camp two miles up the river, met us, about fifty or sixty in number, and after smoking delivered them a speech; but as our sioux interpreter, mr. durion, had been left with the yanktons, we were obliged to make use of a frenchman who could not speak fluently, and therefore we curtailed our harangue. after this we went through the ceremony of acknowledging the chiefs, by giving to the grand chief a medal, a flag of the united states, a laced uniform coat, a cocked hat and feather: to the two other chiefs a medal and some small presents; and to two warriors of consideration certificates. the name of the great chief is untongasabaw, or black buffaloe; the second tortohonga, or the partisan; the third tartongawaka, or buffaloe medicine: the name of one of the warriors was wawzinggo; that of the second matocoquepa, or second bear. we then invited the chiefs on board, and showed them the boat, the airgun, and such curiosities as we thought might amuse them: in this we succeeded too well; for after giving them a quarter of a glass of whiskey, which they seemed to like very much, and sucked the bottle, it was with much difficulty that we could get rid of them. they at last accompanied captain clarke on shore in a periogue with five men; but it seems they had formed a design to stop us; for no sooner had the party landed than three of the indians seized the cable of the periogue, and one of the soldiers of the chief put his arms round the mast: the second chief who affected intoxication, then said, that we should not go on, that they had not received presents enough from us; captain clarke told him that he would not be prevented from going on; that we were not squaws, but warriors; that we were sent by our great father, who could in a moment exterminate them: the chief replied, that he too had warriors, and was proceeding to offer personal violence to captain clarke, who immediately drew his sword, and made a signal to the boat to prepare for action. the indians who surrounded him, drew their arrows from their quivers and were bending their bows, when the swivel in the boat was instantly pointed towards them, and twelve of our most determined men jumped into the periogue and joined captain clarke. this movement made an impression on them, for the grand chief ordered the young men away from the periogue, and they withdrew and held a short council with the warriors. being unwilling to irritate them, captain clarke then went forward and offered his hand to the first and second chiefs, who refused to take it. he then turned from them and got into the periogue, but had not gone more than ten paces when both the chiefs and two of the warriors waded in after him, and he brought them on board. we then proceeded on for a mile and anchored off a willow island, which from the circumstances which had just occurred, we called badhumoured island. wednesday, september 26. our conduct yesterday seemed to have inspired the indians with fear of us, and as we were desirous of cultivating their acquaintance, we complied with their wish that we should give them an opportunity of treating us well, and also suffer their squaws and children to see us and our boat, which would be perfectly new to them. accordingly, after passing at one and a half mile a small willow island and several sandbars, we came to on the south side, where a crowd of men, women and children were waiting to receive us. captain lewis went on shore and remained several hours, and observing that their disposition was friendly we resolved to remain during the night to a dance, which they were preparing for us. captains lewis and clarke, who went on shore one after the other, were met on landing by ten well dressed young men, who took them up in a robe highly decorated and carried them to a large council house, where they were placed on a dressed buffaloe skin by the side of the grand chief. the hall or council-room was in the shape of three quarters of a circle, covered at the top and sides with skins well dressed and sewed together. under this shelter sat about seventy men, forming a circle round the chief, before whom were placed a spanish flag and the one we had given them yesterday. this left a vacant circle of about six feet diameter, in which the pipe of peace was raised on two forked sticks, about six or eight inches from the ground, and under it the down of the swan was scattered: a large fire, in which they were cooking provisions, stood near, and in the centre about four hundred pounds of excellent buffaloe meat as a present for us. as soon as we were seated, an old man got up, and after approving what we had done, begged us to take pity on their unfortunate situation. to this we replied with assurances of protection. after he had ceased, the great chief rose and delivered an harangue to the same effect: then with great solemnity he took some of the most delicate parts of the dog, which was cooked for the festival, and held it to the flag by way of sacrifice: this done, he held up the pipe of peace, and first pointed it towards the heavens, then to the four quarters of the globe, and then to the earth, made a short speech, lighted the pipe, and presented it to us. we smoked, and he again harangued his people, after which the repast was served up to us. it consisted of the dog which they had just been cooking, this being a great dish among the sioux and used on all festivals; to this were added, pemitigon, a dish made of buffaloe meat, dried or jerked, and then pounded and mixed raw with grease and a kind of ground potatoe, dressed like the preparation of indian corn called hominy, to which it is little inferior. of all these luxuries which were placed before us in platters with horn spoons, we took the pemitigon and the potatoe, which we found good, but we could as yet partake but sparingly of the dog. we eat and smoked for an hour, when it became dark: every thing was then cleared away for the dance, a large fire being made in the centre of the house, giving at once light and warmth to the ballroom. the orchestra was composed of about ten men, who played on a sort of tambourin, formed of skin stretched across a hoop; and made a jingling noise with a long stick to which the hoofs of deer and goats were hung; the third instrument was a small skin bag with pebbles in it: these, with five or six young men for the vocal part, made up the band. the women then came forward highly decorated; some with poles in their hands, on which were hung the scalps of their enemies; others with guns, spears or different trophies, taken in war by their husbands, brothers, or connexions. having arranged themselves in two columns, one on each side of the fire, as soon as the music began they danced towards each other till they met in the centre, when the rattles were shaken, and they all shouted and returned back to their places. they have no step, but shuffle along the ground; nor does the music appear to be any thing more than a confusion of noises, distinguished only by hard or gentle blows upon the buffaloe skin: the song is perfectly extemporaneous. in the pauses of the dance, any man of the company comes forward and recites, in a sort of low guttural tone, some little story or incident, which is either martial or ludicrous; or, as was the case this evening, voluptuous and indecent; this is taken up by the orchestra and the dancers, who repeat it in a higher strain and dance to it. sometimes they alternate; the orchestra first performing, and when it ceases, the women raise their voices and make a music more agreeable, that is, less intolerable than that of the musicians. the dances of the men, which are always separate from those of the women, are conducted very nearly in the same way, except that the men jump up and down instead of shuffling; and in the war dances the recitations are all of a military cast. the harmony of the entertainment had nearly been disturbed by one of the musicians, who thinking he had not received a due share of the tobacco we had distributed during the evening, put himself into a passion, broke one of the drums, threw two of them into the fire, and left the band. they were taken out of the fire: a buffaloe robe held in one hand and beaten with the other, by several of the company, supplied the place of the lost drum or tambourin, and no notice was taken of the offensive conduct of the man. we staid till twelve o'clock at night, when we informed the chiefs that they must be fatigued with all these attempts to amuse us, and retired accompanied by four chiefs, two of whom spent the night with us on board. while on shore we saw twenty-five squaws, and about the same number of children, who had been taken prisoners two weeks ago, in a battle with their countrymen the mahas. in this engagement the sioux destroyed forty lodges, killed seventy-five men, of which we saw many of the scalps, and took these prisoners; their appearance is wretched and dejected; the women too seem low in stature, coarse and ugly; though their present condition may diminish their beauty. we gave them a variety of small articles, such as awls and needles, and interceded for them with the chiefs, to whom we recommended to follow the advice of their great father, to restore the prisoners and live in peace with the mahas, which they promised to do. the tribe which we this day saw, are a part of the great sioux nation, and are known by the name of the teton okandandas: they are about two hundred men in number, and their chief residence is on both sides of the missouri, between the chayenne and teton rivers. in their persons they are rather ugly and ill made, their legs and arms being too small, their cheekbones high, and their eyes projecting. the females, with the same character of form, are more handsome; and both sexes appear cheerful and sprightly; but in our intercourse with them we discovered that they were cunning and vicious. the men shave the hair off their heads, except a small tuft on the top, which they suffer to grow and wear in plaits over the shoulders; to this they seem much attached, as the loss of it is the usual sacrifice at the death of near relations. in full dress, the men of consideration wear a hawk's feather, or calumet feather worked with porcupine quills, and fastened to the top of the head, from which it falls back. the face and body are generally painted with a mixture of grease and coal. over the shoulders is a loose robe or mantle of buffaloe skin dressed white, adorned with porcupine quills loosely fixed so as to make a gingling noise when in motion, and painted with various uncouth figures unintelligible to us, but to them emblematic of military exploits, or any other incident; the hair of the robe is worn next the skin in fair weather, but when it rains the hair is put outside, and the robe is either thrown over the arm, or wrapped round the body, all of which it may cover. under this in the winter season they wear a kind of shirt resembling ours, and made either of skin or cloth, and covering the arms and body. round the middle is fixed a girdle of cloth or procured dressed elk-skin, about an inch in width and closely tied to the body, to this is attached a piece of cloth or blanket or skin about a foot wide, which passes between the legs and is tucked under the girdle both before and behind; from the hip to the ancle he is covered by leggings of dressed antelope skins, with seams at the sides two inches in width, and ornamented by little tufts of hair the produce of the scalps they have made in war, which are scattered down the leg. the winter moccasins are of dressed buffaloe-skin, the hair being worn inwards, and soaled with thick elk-skin parchment: those for summer are of deer or elk-skin, dressed without the hair, and with soals of elk-skin. on great occasions, or wherever they are in full dress, the young men drag after them the entire skin of a polecat fixed to the heel of the moccasin. another skin of the same animal is either tucked into the girdle or carried in the hand, and serves as a pouch for their tobacco, or what the french traders call the bois roule: this is the inner bark of a species of red willow, which being dried in the sun or over the fire, is rubbed between the hands and broken into small pieces, and is used alone or mixed with tobacco. the pipe is generally of red earth, the stem made of ash, about three or four feet long, and highly decorated with feathers, hair and porcupine quills. the hair of the women is suffered to grow long, and is parted from the forehead across the head, at the back of which it is either collected into a kind of bag, or hangs down over the shoulders. their moccasins are like those of the men, as are also the leggings, which do not however reach beyond the knee, where it is met by a long loose shift of skin which reaches nearly to the ancles: this is fastened over the shoulders by a string and has no sleeves, but a few pieces of the skin hang a short distance down the arm. sometimes a girdle fastens this skin round the waist, and over all is thrown a robe like that worn by the men. they seem fond of dress. their lodges are very neatly constructed, in the same form as those of the yanktons; they consist of about one hundred cabins, made of white buffaloe hide dressed, with a larger one in the centre for holding councils and dances. they are built round with poles about fifteen or twenty feet high, covered with white skins; these lodges may be taken to pieces, packed up, and carried with the nation wherever they go, by dogs which bear great burdens. the women are chiefly employed in dressing buffaloe skins: they seem perfectly well disposed, but are addicted to stealing any thing which they can take without being observed. this nation, although it makes so many ravages among its neighbours, is badly supplied with guns. the water which they carry with them is contained chiefly in the paunches of deer and other animals, and they make use of wooden bowls. some had their heads shaved, which we found was a species of mourning for relations. another usage, on these occasions, is to run arrows through the flesh both above and below the elbow. while on shore to-day we witnessed a quarrel between two squaws, which appeared to be growing every moment more boisterous, when a man came forward, at whose approach every one seemed terrified and ran. he took the squaws, and without any ceremony whipped them severely; on inquiring into the nature of such summary justice, we learnt that this man was an officer well known to this and many other tribes. his duty is to keep the peace, and the whole interior police of the village is confided to two or three of these officers, who are named by the chief and remain in power some days, at least till the chief appoints a successor; they seem to be a sort of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to keep tranquillity during the day, and guarding the camp in the night. the short duration of their office is compensated by its authority: his power is supreme, and in the suppression of any riot or disturbance no resistance to him is suffered: his person is sacred, and if in the execution of his duty he strikes even a chief of the second class, he cannot be punished for this salutary insolence. in general they accompany the person of the chief, and when ordered to any duty, however dangerous, it is a point of honour rather to die than to refuse obedience. thus, when they attempted to stop us yesterday, the chief ordered one of these men to take possession of the boat: he immediately put his arms round the mast, and, as we understood, no force except the command of the chief would have induced him to release his hold. like the other men their bodies are blackened, but their distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way, that the tails stick out horizontally from the body. on his head too is a raven skin split into two parts, and tied so as to let the beak project from the forehead. thursday september 27. we rose early, and the two chiefs took off, as a matter of course and according to their custom, the blanket on which they had slept. to this we added a peck of corn as a present to each. captain lewis and the chiefs went on shore to see a part of the nation that was expected, but did not come. he returned at two o'clock, with four of the chiefs and a warrior of distinction, called wadrapa, (or on his guard); they examined the boat and admired whatever was strange, during half an hour, when they left it with great reluctance. captain clarke accompanied them to the lodge of the grand chief, who invited them to a dance, where, being joined by captain lewis, they remained till a late hour. the dance was very similar to that of yesterday. about twelve we left them, taking the second chief and one principal warrior on board: as we came near the boat the man who steered the periogue, by mistake, brought her broadside against the boat's cable, and broke it. we called up all hands to their oars; but our noise alarmed the two indians: they called out to their companions, and immediately the whole camp crowded to the shore; but after half an hour they returned, leaving about sixty men near us. the alarm given by the chiefs was said to be that the mahas had attacked us, and that they were desirous of assisting us to repel it; but we suspected that they were afraid we meant to set sail, and intended to prevent us from doing so; for in the night the maha prisoners had told one of our men, who understood the language, that we were to be stopped. we therefore, without giving any indication of our suspicion, prepared every thing for an attack, as the loss of our anchor obliged to come to near a falling bank, very unfavourable for defence. we were not mistaken in these opinions; for when in the morning, friday, september 28, after dragging unsuccessfully for the anchor, we wished to set sail, it was with great difficulty that we could make the chiefs leave the boat. at length we got rid of all except the great chief; when just as we were setting out, several of the chief's soldiers sat on the rope which held the boat to the shore. irritated at this we got every thing ready to fire on them if they persisted, but the great chief said that these were his soldiers and only wanted some tobacco. we had already refused a flag and some tobacco to the second chief, who had demanded it with great importunity; but willing to leave them without going to extremities, we threw him a carrot of tobacco, saying to him, "you have told us that you were a great man, and have influence; now show your influence, by taking the rope from those men, and we will then go without any further trouble." this appeal to his pride had the desired effect; he went out of the boat, gave the soldiers the tobacco, and pulling the rope out of their hands delivered it on board, and we then set sail under a breeze from the s.e. after sailing about two miles we observed the third chief beckoning to us: we took him on board, and he informed us that the rope had been held by the order of the second chief, who was a double-faced man. a little farther on we were joined by the son of the chief, who came on board to see his father. on his return we sent a speech to the nation, explaining what we had done, and advising them to peace; but if they persisted in their attempts to stop us, we were willing and able to defend ourselves. after making six miles, during which we passed a willow island on the south and one sandbar, we encamped on another in the middle of the river. the country on the south-side was a low prairie, that on the north highland. september 29. we set out early, but were again impeded by sandbars, which made the river shallow; the weather was however fair; the land on the north side low and covered with timber contrasted with the bluffs to the south. at nine o'clock we saw the second chief and two women and three men on shore, who wished us to take two women offered by the second chief to make friends, which was refused; he then requested us to take them to the other band of their nation, who were on the river not far from us: this we declined; but in spite of our wishes they followed us along shore. the chief asked us to give them some tobacco; this we did, and gave more as a present for that part of the nation which we did not see. at seven and a half miles we came to a small creek on the southern side, where we saw great numbers of elk, and which we called notimber creek from its bare appearance. above the mouth of this stream, a ricara band of pawnees had a village five years ago: but there are no remains of it except the mound which encircled the town. here the second chief went on shore. we then proceeded, and at the distance of eleven miles encamped on the lower part of a willow island, in the middle of the river, being obliged to substitute large stones in the place of the anchor which we lost. september 30. the wind was this morning very high from the southeast, so that we were obliged to proceed under a double-reefed mainsail, through the rain. the country presented a large low prairie covered with timber on the north side; on the south, we first had high barren hills, but after some miles it became of the same character as that on the opposite side. we had not gone far when an indian ran after us, and begged to be carried on board as far as the ricaras, which we refused: soon after, we discovered on the hills at a distance, a great number of indians, who came towards the river and encamped ahead of us. we stopped at a sandbar, at about eleven miles, and after breakfasting proceeded on a short distance to their camp, which consisted of about four hundred souls. we anchored one hundred yards from the shore, and discovering that they were tetons belonging to the band which we had just left: we told them that we took them by the hand, and would make each chief a present of tobacco; that we had been badly treated by some of their band, and that having waited for them two days below, we could not stop here, but referred them to mr. durion for our talk and an explanation of our views: they then apologized for what had past, assured us that they were friendly, and very desirous that we should land and eat with them: this we refused, but sent the periogue on shore with the tobacco, which was delivered to one of the soldiers of the chief, whom we had on board. several of them now ran along the shore after us, but the chief threw them a twist of tobacco, and told them to go back and open their ears to our counsels; on which they immediately returned to their lodges. we then proceeded past a continuation of the low prairie on the north, where we had large quantities of grapes, and on the south saw a small creek and an island. six miles above this, two indians came to the bank, looked at us about half an hour, and then went without speaking over the hills to the southwest. after some time, the wind rose still higher, and the boat struck a log, turned, and was very near taking in water. the chief became so much terrified at the danger, that he hid himself in the boat, and as soon as we landed got his gun and told us that he wanted to return, that we would now see no more tetons, and that we might proceed unmolested: we repeated the advice we had already given, presented him with a blanket, a knife, some tobacco, and after smoking with him he set out. we then continued to a sandbar on the north side, where we encamped, having come twenty and a half miles. in the course of the day we saw a number of sandbars which impede the navigation. the only animal which we observed was the white gull, then in great abundance. october 1st, 1804. the weather was very cold and the wind high from the southeast during the night, and continued so this morning. at three miles distance, we had passed a large island in the middle of the river, opposite to the lower end of which the ricaras once had a village on the south side of the river: there are, however, no remnants of it now, except a circular wall three or four feet in height, which encompassed the town. two miles beyond this island is a river coming in from the southwest, about four hundred yards wide; the current gentle, and discharging not much water, and very little sand: it takes its rise in the second range of the cote noire or black mountains, and its general course is nearly east; this river has been occasionally called dog river, under a mistaken opinion that its french name was chien, but its true appellation is chayenne, and it derives this title from the chayenne indians: their history is the short and melancholy relation of the calamities of almost all the indians. they were a numerous people and lived on the chayenne, a branch of the red river of lake winnipeg. the invasion of the sioux drove them westward; in their progress they halted on the southern side of the missouri below the warreconne, where their ancient fortifications still exist; but the same impulse again drove them to the heads of the chayenne, where they now rove, and occasionally visit the ricaras. they are now reduced, but still number three hundred men. although the river did not seem to throw out much sand, yet near and above its mouth we find a great many sandbars difficult to pass. on both sides of the missouri, near the chayenne, are rich thinly timbered lowlands, behind which are bare hills. as we proceeded, we found that the sandbars made the river so shallow, and the wind was so high, that we could scarcely find the channel, and at one place were forced to drag the boat over a sandbar, the missouri being very wide and falling a little. at seven and a half miles we came to at a point, and remained three hours, during which time the wind abated: we then passed within four miles two creeks on the south, one of which we called centinel creek, and the other lookout creek. this part of the river has but little timber; the hills are not so high as we have hitherto seen, and the number of sandbars extends the river to more than a mile in breadth. we continued about four and a half miles further, to a sandbar in the middle of the river, where we spent the night, our progress being sixteen miles. on the opposite shore, we saw a house among the willows and a boy to whom we called, and brought him on board. he proved to be a young frenchman in the employ of a mr. valle a trader, who is now here pursuing his commerce with the sioux. tuesday, october 2. there had been a violent wind from s.e. during the night, which having moderated we set sail with mr. valle, who visited us this morning and accompanied us for two miles. he is one of three french traders who have halted here, expecting the sioux who are coming down from the ricaras, where they now are, for the purposes of traffic. mr. valle tells us that he passed the last winter three hundred leagues up the chayenne under the black mountains. that river he represents as very rapid, liable to sudden swells, the bed and shores formed of course gravel, and difficult of ascent even for canoes. one hundred leagues from its mouth it divides into two branches, one coming from the south, the other at forty leagues from the junction enters the black mountains. the land which it waters from the missouri to the black mountains, resembles the country on the missouri, except that the former has even less timber, and of that the greater proportion is cedar. the chayennes reside chiefly on the heads of the river, and steal horses from the spanish settlement, a plundering excursion which they perform in a month's time. the black mountains he observes are very high, covered with great quantities of pine, and in some parts the snow remains during the summer. there are also great quantities of goats, white bear, prairie cocks, and a species of animal which from his description must resemble a small elk, with large circular horns. at two and a half miles we had passed a willow island on the south, on the north side of the river were dark bluffs, and on the south low rich prairies. we took a meridian altitude on our arrival at the upper end of the isthmus of the bend, which we called the lookout bend, and found the latitude to be 44â° 19' 36". this bend is nearly twenty miles round, and not more than two miles across. in the afternoon we heard a shot fired, and not long after observed some indians on a hill: one of them came to the shore and wished us to land, as there were twenty lodges of yanktons or boisbrule there; we declined doing so, telling him that we had already seen his chiefs, and that they might learn from mr. durion the nature of the talk we had delivered to them. at nine miles we came to the lower point of a long island on the north, the banks of the south side of the river being high, those of the north forming a low rich prairie. we coasted along this island, which we called caution island, and after passing a small creek on the south encamped on a sandbar in the middle of the river, having made twelve miles. the wind changed to the northwest, and became very high and cold. the current of the river is less rapid, and the water though of the same colour contains less sediment than below the chayenne, but its width continues the same. we were not able to hunt to-day; for as there are so many indians in the neighbourhood, we were in constant expectation of being attacked, and were therefore forced to keep the party together and be on our guard. wednesday, october 3. the wind continued so high from the northwest, that we could not set out till after seven: we then proceeded till twelve o'clock, and landed on a bar towards the south, where we examined the periogues, and the forecastle of the boat, and found that the mice had cut several bags of corn, and spoiled some of our clothes: about one o'clock an indian came running to the shore with a turkey on his back: several others soon joined him, but we had no intercourse with them. we then went on for three miles, but the ascent soon became so obstructed by sandbars and shoal water, that after attempting in vain several channels, we determined to rest for the night under some high bluffs on the south, and send out to examine the best channel. we had made eight miles along high bluffs on each side. the birds we saw were the white gulls and the brant which were flying to the southward in large flocks. thursday, 4th. on examination we found that there was no outlet practicable for us in this channel, and that we must retread our steps. we therefore returned three miles, and attempted another channel in which we were more fortunate. the indians were in small numbers on the shore, and seemed willing had they been more numerous to molest us. they called to desire that we would land, and one of them gave three yells and fired a ball ahead of the boat: we however took no notice of it, but landed on the south to breakfast. one of these indians swam across and begged for some powder, we gave him a piece of tobacco only. at eight and a half miles we had passed an island in the middle of the river, which we called goodhope island. at one and a half mile we reached a creek on the south side about twelve yards wide, to which we gave the name of teal creek. a little above this is an island on the north side of the current, about one and a half mile in length and three quarters of a mile in breadth. in the centre of this island is an old village of the ricaras, called lahoocat; it was surrounded by a circular wall, containing seventeen lodges. the ricaras are known to have lived therein 1797, and the village seems to have been deserted about five years since; it does not contain much timber. we encamped on a sandbar making out from the upper end of this island; our journey to-day being twelve miles. friday, october 5. the weather was very cold: yesterday evening and this morning there was a white frost. we sailed along the highlands on the north side, passing a small creek on the south, between three and four miles. at seven o'clock we heard some yells and saw three indians of the teton band, who asked us to come on shore and begged for some tobacco, to all which we gave the same answer as hitherto. at eight miles we reached a small creek on the north. at fourteen we passed an island on the south, covered with wild rye, and at the head a large creek comes in from the south, which we named whitebrant creek, from seeing several white brants among flocks of dark-coloured ones. at the distance of twenty miles we came to on a sandbar towards the north side of the river, with a willow island opposite; the hills or bluffs come to the banks of the river on both sides, but are not so high as they are below: the river itself however continues of the same width, and the sandbars are quite as numerous. the soil of the banks is dark coloured, and many of the bluffs have the appearance of being on fire. our game this day was a deer, a prairie wolf, and some goats out of a flock that was swimming across the river. saturday, october 6. the morning was still cold, the wind being from the north. at eight miles we came to a willow island on the north, opposite a point of timber, where there are many large stones near the middle of the river, which seem to have been washed from the hills and high plains on both sides, or driven from a distance down the stream. at twelve miles we halted for dinner at a village which we suppose to have belonged to the ricaras; it is situated in a low plain on the river, and consists of about eighty lodges, of an octagon form, neatly covered with earth, placed as close to each other as possible, and picketed round. the skin canoes, mats, buckets, and articles of furniture found in the lodges, induce us to suppose that it had been left in the spring. we found three different sorts of squashes growing in the village; we also killed an elk near it, and saw two wolves. on leaving the village the river became shallow, and after searching a long time for the main channel, which was concealed among sandbars, we at last dragged the boat over one of them rather than go back three miles for the deepest channel. at fourteen and a half miles we stopped for the night on a sandbar, opposite a creek on the north, called otter creek, twenty-two yards in width, and containing more water than is common for creeks of that size. the sides of the river during the day are variegated with high bluffs and low timbered grounds on the banks: the river is very much obstructed by sandbars. we saw geese, swan, brants and ducks of different kinds on the sandbars, and on shore numbers of the prairie hen; the magpie too is very common, but the gulls and plover, which we saw in such numbers below, are now quite rare. sunday, october 7. there was frost again last evening, and this morning was cloudy and attended with rain. at two miles we came to the mouth of a river; called by the ricaras, sawawkawna, or pork river; the party who examined it for about three miles up, say that its current is gentle, and that it does not seem to throw out much sand. its sources are in the first range of the black mountains, and though it has now only water of twenty yards width, yet when full it occupies ninety. just below the mouth is another village or wintering camp of the ricaras, composed of about sixty lodges, built in the same form as those passed yesterday, with willow and straw mats, baskets and buffaloe-skin canoes remaining entire in the camp. we proceeded under a gentle breeze from the southwest: at ten o'clock we saw two indians on the north side, who told us they were a part of the lodge of tartongawaka, or buffaloe medicine, the teton chief whom we had seen on the twenty-fifth, that they were on the way to the ricaras, and begged us for something to eat, which we of course gave them. at seven and a half miles is a willow island on the north, and another on the same side five miles beyond it, in the middle of the river between highlands on both sides. at eighteen and a half miles is an island called grouse island, on which are the walls of an old village; the island has no timber, but is covered with grass and wild rye, and owes its name to the number of grouse that frequent it. we then went on till our journey for the day was twenty-two miles: the country presented the same appearance as usual. in the low timbered ground near the mouth of the sawawkawna, we saw the tracks of large white bear, and on grouse island killed a female blaireau, and a deer of the black-tailed species, the largest we have ever seen. monday, october 8. we proceeded early with a cool northwest wind, and at two and a half miles above grouse island, reached the mouth of a creek on the south, then a small willow island, which divides the current equally; and at four and a half miles came to a river on the southern side where we halted. this river, which our meridian altitude fixes at 45â° 39' 5" north latitude, is called by the ricaras wetawhoo; it rises in the black mountains, and its bed which flows at the mouth over a low soft slate stone, is one hundred and twenty yards wide, but the water is now confined within twenty yards, and is not very rapid, discharging mud with a small proportion of sand: here as in every bend of the river, we again observe the red berries resembling currants, which we mentioned before. two miles above the wetawhoo, and on the same side, is a small river called maropa by the indians; it is twenty yards in width, but so dammed up by mud that the stream creeps through a channel of not more than an inch in diameter, and discharges no sand. one mile further we reached an island close to the southern shore, from which it is separated by a deep channel of sixty yards. about half way a number of ricara indians came out to see us. we stopped and took a frenchman on board, who accompanied us past the island to our camp on the north side of the river, which is at the distance of twelve miles from that of yesterday. captain lewis then returned with four of the party to see the village; it is situated in the centre of the island, near the southern shore, under the foot of some high, bald, uneven hills, and contains about sixty lodges. the island itself is three miles long, and covered with fields in which the indians raise corn, beans, and potatoes. several frenchmen living among these indians as interpreters, or traders, came back with captain lewis, and particularly a mr. gravelines, a man who has acquired the language. on setting out we had a low prairie covered with timber on the north, and on the south highlands, but at the mouth of the wetawhoo the southern country changes, and a low timbered plain extends along the south, while the north has a ridge of barren hills during the rest of the day's course. tuesday, 9th. the wind was so cold and high last night and during all the day, that we could not assemble the indians in council; but some of the party went to the village. we received the visits of the three principal chiefs with many others, to whom we gave some tobacco, and told them that we would speak to them to-morrow. the names of these chiefs were first, kakawissassa or lighting crow; second chief pocasse or hay; third chief piaheto or eagle's feather. notwithstanding the high waves, two or three squaws rowed to us in little canoes made of a single buffaloe skin, stretched over a frame of boughs interwoven like a basket, and with the most perfect composure. the object which appeared to astonish the indians most, was captain clark's servant york, a remarkable stout strong negro. they had never seen a being of that colour, and therefore flocked round him to examine the extraordinary monster. by way of amusement he told them that he had once been a wild animal, and caught and tamed by his master, and to convince them, showed them feats of strength which added to his looks made him more terrible than we wished him to be. opposite our camp is a small creek on the south, which we distinguished by the name of the chief kakawissassa. wednesday, 10th. the weather was this day fine, and as we were desirous of assembling the whole nation at once, we despatched mr. gravelines, who with mr. tabeau another french trader had breakfeasted with us, to invite the chiefs of the two upper villages to a conference. they all assembled at one o'clock, and after the usual ceremonies we addressed them in the same way in which we had already spoken to the ottoes and sioux: we then made or acknowledged three chiefs, one for each of the three villages; giving to each a flag, a medal, a red coat, a cocked hat and feather, also some goods, paint and tobacco, which they divided among themselves: after this the airgun was exhibited, very much to their astonishment, nor were they less surprised at the colour and manner of york. on our side we were equally gratified at discovering that these ricaras made use of no spirituous liquors of any kind, the example of the traders who bring it to them so far from tempting having in fact disgusted them. supposing that it was as agreeable to them as to the other indians, we had at first offered them whiskey; but they refused it with this sensible remark, that they were surprised that their father should present to them a liquor which would make them fools. on another occasion they observed to mr. tabeau, that no man could be their friend who tried to lead them into such follies. the council being over they retired to consult on their answer, and the next morning, thursday, 11th, at eleven o'clock we again met in council at our camp. the grand chief made a short speech of thanks for the advice we had given, and promised to follow it; adding that the door was now open and no one dare shut it, and that we might depart whenever we pleased, alluding to the treatment we had received from the sioux: they also brought us some corn, beans, and dried squashes, and in return we gave them a steel mill with which they were much pleased. at one o'clock we left our camp with the grand chief and his nephew on board, and at about two miles anchored below a creek on the south, separating the second and third village of the ricaras, which are about half a mile distant from each other. we visited both the villages, and sat conversing with the chiefs for some time, during which they presented us with a bread made of corn and beans, also corn and beans boiled, and a large rich bean which they take from the mice of the prairie, who discover and collect it. these two villages are placed near each other in a high smooth prairie; a fine situation, except that having no wood the inhabitants are obliged to go for it across the river to a timbered lowland opposite to them. we told them that we would speak to them in the morning at their villages separately. thursday, 12th. accordingly after breakfast we went on shore to the house of the chief of the second village named lassel, where we found his chiefs and warriors. they made us a present of about seven bushels of corn, a pair of leggings, a twist of their tobacco, and the seeds of two different species of tobacco. the chief then delivered a speech expressive of his gratitude for the presents and the good counsels which we had given him; his intention of visiting his great father but for fear of the sioux; and requested us to take one of the ricara chiefs up to the mandans and negociate a peace between the two nations. to this we replied in a suitable way, and then repaired to the third village. here we were addressed by the chief in nearly the same terms as before, and entertained with a present of ten bushels of corn, some beans, dried pumpkins, and squashes. after we had answered and explained the magnitude and power of the united states, the three chiefs came with us to the boat. we gave them some sugar, a little salt, and a sunglass. two of them then left us, and the chief of the third, by name ahketahnasha or chief of the town, accompanied us to the mandans. at two o'clock we left the indians, who crowded to the shore to take leave of us, and after making seven and a half miles landed on the north side, and had a clear, cool, pleasant evening. the three villages which we have just left, are the residence of a nation called the ricaras. they were originally colonies of pawnees, who established themselves on the missouri, below the chayenne, where the traders still remember that twenty years ago they occupied a number of villages. from that situation a part of the ricaras emigrated to the neighbourhood of the mandans, with whom they were then in alliance. the rest of the nation continued near the chayenne till the year 1797, in the course of which, distressed by their wars with the sioux, they joined their countrymen near the mandans. soon after a new war arose between the ricaras and the mandans, in consequence of which the former came down the river to their present position. in this migration those who had first gone to the mandans kept together, and now live in the two lower villages, which may thence be considered as the ricaras proper. the third village was composed of such remnants of the villages as had survived the wars, and as these were nine in number a difference of pronunciation and some difference of language may be observed between them and the ricaras proper, who do not understand all the words of these wanderers. the villages are within the distance of four miles of each other, the two lower ones consisting of between one hundred and fifty and two hundred men each, the third of three hundred. the ricaras are tall and well proportioned, the women handsome and lively, and as among other savages to them falls all the drudgery of the field and the labours of procuring subsistence, except that of hunting: both sexes are poor, but kind and generous, and although they receive with thankfulness what is given to them, do not beg as the sioux did, though this praise should be qualified by mentioning that an axe was stolen last night from our cooks. the dress of the men is a simple pair of moccasins, legings, and a cloth round the middle, over which a buffaloe robe is occasionally thrown, with their hair, arms and ears decorated with different ornaments. the women wear moccasins, legings, a long shirt made of goats' skins, generally white and fringed, which is tied round the waist; to those they add, like the men, a buffaloe robe without the hair, in summer. these women are handsomer than the sioux; both of them are however, disposed to be amorous, and our men found no difficulty in procuring companions for the night by means of the interpreters. these interviews were chiefly clandestine, and were of course to be kept a secret from the husband or relations. the point of honour indeed, is completely reversed among the ricaras; that the wife or the sister should submit to a stranger's embraces without the consent of her husband or brother, is a cause of great disgrace and offence, especially as for many purposes of civility or gratitude the husband and brother will themselves present to a stranger these females, and be gratified by attentions to them. the sioux had offered us squaws, but while we remained there having declined, they followed us with offers of females for two days. the ricaras had been equally accommodating; we had equally withstood their temptation; but such was their desire to oblige that two very handsome young squaws were sent on board this evening, and persecuted us with civilities. the black man york participated largely in these favours; for instead of inspiring any prejudice, his colour seemed to procure him additional advantages from the indians, who desired to preserve among them some memorial of this wonderful stranger. among other instances of attention, a ricara invited him into his house and presenting his wife to him, retired to the outside of the door: while there one of york's comrades who was looking for him came to the door, but the gallant husband would permit no interruption before a reasonable time had elapsed. the ricara lodges are in a circular or octagonal form, and generally about thirty or forty feet in diameter: they are made by placing forked posts about six feet high round the circumference of the circle; these are joined by poles from one fork to another, which are supported also by other forked poles slanting from the ground: in the centre of the lodge are placed four higher forks, about fifteen feet in length, connected together by beams; from these to the lower poles the rafters of the roof are extended so as to leave a vacancy in the middle for the smoke: the frame of the building is then covered with willow branches, with which is interwoven grass, and over this mud or clay: the aperture for the door is about four feet wide, and before it is a sort of entry about ten feet from the lodge. they are very warm and compact. they cultivate maize or indian corn, beans, pumpkins, watermelons, squashes, and a species of tobacco peculiar to themselves. their commerce is chiefly with the traders who supply them with goods in return for peltries, which they procure not only by their own hunting, but in exchange for corn from their less civilized neighbours. the object chiefly in demand seemed to be red paint, but they would give any thing they had to spare for the most trifling article. one of the men to-day gave an indian a hook made out of a pin, and he gave him in return a pair of moccasins. they express a disposition to keep at peace with all nations, but they are well armed with fusils, and being much under the influence of the sioux, who exchanged the goods which they get from the british for ricara corn, their minds are sometimes poisoned and they cannot be always depended on. at the present moment they are at war with the mandans. we are informed by mr. gravelines, who had passed through that country, that the yankton or jacques river rises about forty miles to the east or northeast of this place, the chayenne branch of the red river about twenty miles further, passing the sioux, and the st. peter's about eighty. saturday, 13th. in the morning our visitors left us, except the brother of the chief who accompanies us and one of the squaws. we passed at an early hour a camp of sioux on the north bank, who merely looked at us without saying a word, and from the character of the tribe we did not solicit a conversation. at ten and a half miles we reached the mouth of a creek on the north, which takes its rise from some ponds a short distance to the northeast: to this stream we gave the name of stoneidol creek, for after passing a willow and sand island just above its mouth, we discovered that a few miles back from the missouri there are two stones resembling human figures, and a third like a dog; all which are objects of great veneration among the ricaras. their history would adorn the metamorphoses of ovid. a young man was deeply enamoured with a girl whose parents refused their consent to the marriage. the youth went out into the fields to mourn his misfortunes; a sympathy of feeling led the lady to the same spot, and the faithful dog would not cease to follow his master. after wandering together and having nothing but grapes to subsist on, they were at last converted into stone, which beginning at the feet gradually invaded the nobler parts leaving nothing unchanged but a bunch of grapes which the female holds in her hands to this day. whenever the ricaras pass these sacred stones, they stop to make some offering of dress to propitiate these deities. such is the account given by the ricara chief which we had no mode of examining, except that we found one part of the story very agreeably confirmed; for on the river near where the event is said to have occurred, we found a greater abundance of fine grapes than we had yet seen. above this is a small creek four and a half miles from stoneidol creek, which is fifteen yards wide, comes in from the south, and received from us the name of pocasse or hay creek, in honour of the chief of the second village. above the ricara island, the missouri becomes narrow and deeper, the sandbars being generally confined to the points; the current too is much more gentle; the timber on the lowlands is also in much greater quantities, though the high grounds are still naked. we proceeded on under a fine breeze from the southeast, and after making eighteen miles encamped on the north near a timbered low plain, after which we had some rain and the evening was cold. the hunters killed one deer only. sunday, 14th. we set out in the rain which continued during the day. at five miles we came to a creek on the south, about fifteen yards wide, and named by us piaheto or eagle's feather, in honour of the third chief of the ricaras. after dinner we stopped on a sandbar, and executed the sentence of a court martial which inflicted corporal punishment on one of the soldiers. this operation affected the indian chief very sensibly, for he cried aloud during the punishment: we explained the offence and the reasons of it. he acknowledged that examples were necessary, and that he himself had given them by punishing with death; but his nation never whipped even children from their birth. after this we continued with the wind from the northeast, and at the distance of twelve miles, encamped in a cove of the southern bank. immediately opposite our camp on the north side are the ruins of an ancient fortification, the greater part of which is washed into the river: nor could we distinguish more than that the walls were eight or ten feet high. the evening is wet and disagreeable, and the river which is somewhat wider than yesterday, continues to have an unusual quantity of timber. the country was level on both sides in the morning, but afterwards we passed some black bluffs on the south. monday, 15th. we stopped at three miles on the north a little above a camp of ricaras who are hunting, where we were visited by about thirty indians. they came over in their skin canoes, bringing us meat, for which we returned them beads and fishhooks. about a mile higher we found another encampment of ricaras on the south, consisting of eight lodges: here we again ate and exchanged a few presents. as we went we discerned numbers of other indians on both sides of the river; and at about nine miles we came to a creek on the south, where we saw many high hills resembling a house with a slanting roof; and a little below the creek an old village of the sharha or chayenne indians. the morning had been cloudy, but the evening became pleasant, the wind from the northeast, and at sunset we halted, after coming ten miles over several sandbars and points, above a camp of ten ricara lodges on the north side. we visited their camp, and smoked and eat with several of them; they all appeared kind and pleased with our attentions, and the fair sex received our men with more than hospitality. york was here again an object of astonishment; the children would follow him constantly, and if he chanced to turn towards them, run with great terror. the country of to-day is generally low and covered with timber on both sides, though in the morning we passed some barren hills on the south. tuesday, 16th. at this camp the squaw who accompanied the chief left us; two others were very anxious to go on with us. just above our camp we passed a circular work or fort where the sharha or chayennes formerly lived: and a short distance beyond, a creek which we called chayenne creek. at two miles is a willow island with a large sandbar on both sides above it, and a creek, both on the south, which we called sohaweh, the ricara name for girl; and two miles above a second creek, to which we gave the name of chapawt, which means woman in the same language. three miles further is an island situated in a bend to the north, about a mile and a half long, and covered with cottonwood. at the lower end of this island comes in a small creek from the north, called keetooshsahawna or place of beaver. at the upper extremity of the island a river empties itself from the north: it is called warreconne, or elk shed their horns, and is about thirty-five yards wide: the island itself is named carp island by evans, a former traveller. as we proceeded there were great numbers of goats on the banks of the river, and we soon after saw large flocks of them in the water: they had been gradually driven into the river by the indians who now lined the shore so as to prevent their escape, and were firing on them, while sometimes boys went into the river and killed them with sticks: they seemed to be very successful, for we counted fifty-eight which they had killed. we ourselves killed some, and then passing the lodges to which these indians belonged, encamped at the distance of half a mile on the south, having made fourteen and a half miles. we were soon visited by numbers of these ricaras, who crossed the river hallooing and singing: two of them then returned for some goats' flesh and buffaloe meat dried and fresh, with which they made a feast that lasted till late at night, and caused much music and merriment. wednesday 17th. the weather was pleasant: we passed a low ground covered with small timber on the south, and barren hills on the north which come close to the river; the wind from the northwest then become so strong that we could not move after ten o'clock, until late in the afternoon, when we were forced to use the towline, and we therefore made only six miles. we all went out hunting and examining the country. the goats, of which we see large flocks coming to the north bank of the river, spend the summer, says mr. gravelines, in the plains east of the missouri, and at the present season are returning to the black mountains, where they subsist on leaves and shrubbery during the winter, and resume their migrations in the spring. we also saw buffaloe, elk, and deer, and a number of snakes; a beaver house too was seen, and we caught a whippoorwill of a small and uncommon kind: the leaves are fast falling; the river wider than usual and full of sandbars: and on the sides of the hills are large stones, and some rock of a brownish colour in the southern bend below us. our latitude by observation was 46â° 23' 57". thursday 18. after three miles we reached the mouth of le boulet or cannonball river: this stream rises in the black mountains, and falls into the missouri on the south; its channel is about one hundred and forty yards wide, though the water is now confined within forty, and its name is derived from the numbers of perfectly round large stones on the shore and in the bluffs just above. we here met with two frenchmen in the employ of mr. gravelines, who had been robbed by the mandans of their traps, furs, and other articles, and were descending the river in a periogue, but they turned back with us in expectation of obtaining redress through our means. at eight miles is a creek on the north, about twenty-eight yards wide, rising in the northeast, and called chewah or fish river; one mile above this is another creek on the south: we encamped on a sandbar to the south, at the distance of thirteen miles, all of which we had made with oars and poles. great numbers of goats are crossing the river and directing their course to the westward; we also saw a herd of buffaloe and of elk; a pelican too was killed, and six fallow deer, having found, as the ricaras informed us, that there are none of the black-tail species as high up as this place. the country is in general level and fine, with broken short high grounds, low timbered mounds on the river, and a rugged range of hills at a distance. friday 19. we set sail with a fine morning, and a southeast wind, and at two and a half miles passed a creek on the north side: at eleven and a half miles we came to a lake or large pond on the same side, in which were some swans. on both banks of the missouri are low grounds which have much more timber than lower down the river: the hills are at one or two miles distance from the banks, and the streams which rise in them are brackish, and the mineral salts appear on the sides of the hills and edges of the runs. in walking along the shore we counted fifty-two herds of buffaloe, and three of elk, at a single view. besides these we also observed elk, deer, pelicans, and wolves. after seventeen and a half miles we encamped on the north, opposite to the uppermost of a number of round hills, forming a cone at the top, one being about ninety, another sixty feet in height, and some of less elevation. our chief tells us that the calumet bird lives in the holes formed by the filtration of the water from the top of these hills through the sides. near to one of these moles, on a point of a hill ninety feet above the plain, are the remains of an old village which is high, strong, and has been fortified; this our chief tells us is the remains of one of the mandan villages, and are the first ruins which we have seen of that nation in ascending the missouri: opposite to our camp is a deep bend to the south, at the extremity of which is a pond. saturday 30. we proceeded early with a southeast wind, which continued high all day, and came to a creek on the north at two miles distance, twenty yards wide. at eight miles we reached the lower point of an island in the middle of the river, though there is no current on the south. this island is covered with willows and extends about two miles, there being a small creek coming in from the south at its lower extremity. after making twelve miles we encamped on the south, at the upper part of a bluff containing stone-coal of an inferior quality; immediately below this bluff and on the declivity of a hill, are the remains of a village covering six or eight acres, formerly occupied by the mandans, who, says our ricara chief, once lived in a number of villages on each side of the river, till the sioux forced them forty miles higher; whence after a few years residence, they moved to their present position. the country through, which we passed has wider bottoms and more timber than those we have been accustomed to see, the hills rising at a distance and by gradual ascents. we have seen great numbers of elk, deer, goats, and buffaloe, and the usual attendants of these last, the wolves, who follow their movements and feed upon those who die by accident, or who are too poor to keep pace with the herd; we also wounded a white bear, and saw some fresh tracks of those animals which are twice as large as the track of a man. sunday 21. last night the weather was cold, the wind high from the northeast, and the rain which fell froze on the ground. at daylight it began to snow, and continued till the afternoon, when it remained cloudy and the ground was covered with snow. we however, set out early, and just above our camp came to a creek on the south, called chisshetaw, about thirty yards wide and with a considerable quantity of water. our ricara chief tells us, that at some distance up this river is situated a large rock which is held in great veneration, and visited by parties who go to consult it as to their own or their nations' destinies, all of which they discern in some sort of figures or paintings with which it is covered. about two miles off from the mouth of the river the party on shore saw another of the objects of ricara superstition: it is a large oak tree, standing alone in the open prairie, and as it alone has withstood the fire which has consumed every thing around, the indians naturally ascribe to it extraordinary powers. one of their ceremonies is to make a hole in the skin of their necks through which a string is passed and the other end tied to the body of the tree; and after remaining in this way for some time they think they become braver. at two miles a from our encampment we came to the ruins of a second mandan village, which was in existence at the same time with that just mentioned. it is situated on the north at the foot of a hill in a beautiful and extensive plain, which is now covered with herds of buffaloe: nearly opposite are remains of a third village on the south of the missouri; and there is another also about two miles further on the north, a little off the river. at the distance of seven miles we encamped on the south, and spent a cold night. we procured to-day a buffaloe and an otter only. the river is wide and the sandbars numerous, and a low island near our encampment. monday 22. in the morning we passed an old mandan village on the south, near our camp; at four miles another on the same side. about seven o'clock we came to at a camp of eleven sioux of the teton tribe, who are almost perfectly naked, having only a piece of skin or cloth round the middle, though we are suffering from the cold. from their appearance, which is warlike, and from their giving two different accounts of themselves, we believe that they are either going to or returning from the mandans, to which nations the sioux frequently make excursions to steal horses. as their conduct displeased as, we gave them nothing. at six we reached an island about one mile in length, at the head of which is a mandan village on the north in ruins, and two miles beyond a bad sandbar. at eight miles are remains of another mandan village on the south; and at twelve miles encamped on the south. the hunters brought in a buffaloe bull, and mentioned that of about three hundred which they had seen, there was not a single female. the beaver is here in plenty, and the two frenchmen who are returning with us catch several every night. these villages which are nine in number are scattered along each side of the river within a space of twenty miles; almost all that remains of them is the wall which surrounded them, the fallen heaps of earth which covered the houses, and occasionally human skulls and the teeth and bones of men, and different animals, which are scattered on the surface of the ground. tuesday 23. the weather was cloudy and we had some snow; we soon arrived at five lodges where the two frenchmen had been robbed, but the indians had left it lately as we found the fires still burning. the country consists as usual of timbered low grounds, with grapes, rushes, and great quantities of a small red acid fruit, known among the indians by a name signifying rabbitberries, and called by the french graisse de buffle or buffaloe fat. the river too, is obstructed by many sandbars. at twelve miles we passed an old village on the north, which was the former residence of the ahnahaways who now live between the mandans and minnetarees. after making thirteen miles we encamped on the south. wednesday 24. the day was again dark and it snowed a little in the morning. at three miles we came to a point on the south, where the river by forcing a channel across a former bend has formed a large island on the north. on this island we found one of the grand chiefs of the mandans, who with five lodges was on a hunting excursion. he met his enemy the ricara chief, with great ceremony and apparent cordiality, and smoked with him. after visiting his lodges, the grand chief and his brother came on board our boat for a short time; we then proceeded and encamped on the north, at seven miles from our last night's station and below the old village of the mandans and ricaras. here four mandans came down from a camp above, and our ricara chief returned with them to their camp, from which we auger favourably of their pacific views towards each other. the land is low and beautiful, and covered with oak and cottonwood, but has been too recently hunted to afford much game. 25th. the morning was cold and the wind gentle from the southeast: at three miles we passed a handsome high prairie on the south, and on an eminence about forty feet above the water and extending back for several miles in a beautiful plain, was situated an old village of the mandan nation which has been deserted for many years. a short distance above it, on the continuation of the same rising ground are two old villages of ricaras, one on the top of the hill, the other in the level plain, which have been deserted only five years ago. above these villages is an extensive low ground for several miles, in which are situated, at three or four miles from the ricara villages, three old villages of mandans near together. here the mandans lived when the ricaras came to them for protection, and from this they moved to their present situation above. in the low ground the squaws raised their corn, and the timber, of which there was little near the villages, was supplied from the opposite side of the river, where it was and still is abundant. as we proceeded several parties of mandans both on foot and horseback came along the river to view us, and were very desirous that we should land and talk to them: this we could not do on account of the sandbreaks on the shore, but we sent our ricara chief to them in a periogue. the wind too having shifted to the southwest and being very high it required all our precautions on board, for the river was full of sandbars which made it very difficult to find the channel. we got aground several times, and passed a very bad point of rocks, after which we encamped on a sandpoint to the north, above a handsome plain covered with timber, and opposite to a high hill on the south side at the distance of eleven miles. here we were joined by our ricara chief, who brought an indian to the camp where he remained all night. 26th. we set out early with a southwest wind, and after putting the ricara chief on shore to join the mandans who were in great numbers along it, we proceeded to the camp of the grand chiefs four miles distant. here we met a mr. m'cracken one of the northwest or hudson bay company, who arrived with another person about nine days ago to trade for horses and buffaloe robes. two of the chiefs came on board with some of their household furniture, such as earthern pots and a little corn and went on with us; the rest of the indians following on shore. at one mile beyond the camp we passed a small creek, and at three more a bluff of coal of an inferior quality on the south. after making eleven miles we reached an old field where the mandans had cultivated grain last summer, and encamped for the night on the south side, about half a mile below the first village of the mandans. in the morning we had a willow low ground on the south and highland on the north, which occasionally varied in the course of the day. there is but little wood on this part of the river, which is here subdivided into many channels and obstructed by sandbars. as soon as we arrived a crowd of men, women, and children came down to see us. captain lewis returned with the principal chiefs to the village, while the others remained with us during the evening; the object which seemed to surprise them most, was a cornmill fixed to the boat which we had occasion to use, and delighted them by the ease with which it reduced the grain to powder. among others who visited us was the son of the grand chief of the mandans, who had his two little fingers cut off at the second joints. on inquiring into this accident, we found that it was customary to express grief for the death of relations by some corporeal suffering, and that the usual mode was to lose two joints of the little fingers, or sometimes the other fingers. the wind blew very cold in the evening from the southwest. two of the party are affected with rheumatic complaints. chapter v. council held with the mandans--a prairie on fire, and a singular instance of preservation--peace established between the mandans and ricaras--the party encamp for the winter--indian mode of catching goats--beautiful appearance of northern lights--friendly character of the indians--some account of the mandans--the ahnahaways and the minnetarees--the party acquire the confidence of the mandans by taking part in their controversy with the sioux--religion of the mandans, and their singular conception of the term medicine--their tradition--the sufferings of the party from the severity of the season--indian game of billiards described--character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. saturday, october 27. at an early hour we proceeded and anchored off the village. captain clarke went on shore, and after smoking a pipe with the chiefs, was desired to remain and eat with them. he declined on account of his being unwell; but his refusal gave great offence to the indians, who considered it disrespectful not to eat when invited, till the cause was explained to their satisfaction. we sent them some tobacco, and then proceeded to the second village on the north, passing by a bank containing coal, and a second village, and encamped at four miles on the north, opposite to a village of ahnahaways. we here met with a frenchman, named jesseaume, who lives among the indians with his wife and children, and who we take as an interpreter. the indians had flocked to the bank to see us as we passed, and they visited in great numbers the camp, where some of them remained all night. we sent in the evening three young indians with a present of tobacco for the chiefs of the three upper villages, inviting them to come down in the morning to a council with us. accordingly the next day, sunday, october 28, we were joined by many of the minnetarees and ahnahaways from above, but the wind was so violent from the southwest that the chiefs of the lower villages could not come up, and the council was deferred till to-morrow. in the mean while we entertained our visitors by showing them what was new to them in the boat; all which, as well our black servant, they called great medicine, the meaning of which we afterwards learnt. we also consulted the grand chief of the mandans, black cat, and mr. jesseaume, as to the names, characters, &c. of the chiefs with whom we are to hold the council. in the course of the day we received several presents from the women, consisting of corn, boiled hominy, and garden stuffs: in our turn we gratified the wife of the great chief with a gift of a glazed earthen jar. our hunter brought us two beaver. in the afternoon we sent the minnetaree chiefs to smoke for us with the great chief of the mandans, and told them we would speak in the morning. finding that we shall be obliged to pass the winter at this place, we went up the river about one and a half miles to-day, with a view of finding a convenient spot for a fort, but the timber was too scarce and small for our purposes. monday, october 29. the morning was fine and we prepared our presents and speech for the council. after breakfast we were visited by an old chief of the ahnahaways, who finding himself growing old and weak had transferred his power to his son, who is now at war against the shoshonees. at ten o'clock the chiefs were all assembled under an awning of our sails, stretched so as to exclude the wind which had become high; that the impression might be the more forcible, the men were all paraded, and the council opened by a discharge from the swivel of the boat. we then delivered a speech, which like those we had already made intermingled advice with assurances of friendship and trade: while we were speaking the old ahnahaway chief grew very restless, and observed that he could not wait long as his camp was exposed to the hostilities of the shoshonees; he was instantly rebuked with great dignity by one of the chiefs for this violation of decorum at such a moment, and remained quiet during the rest of the council. towards the end of our speech we introduced the subject of our ricara chief, with whom we recommended a firm peace: to this they seemed well disposed, and all smoked with him very amicably. we all mentioned the goods which had been taken from the frenchmen, and expressed a wish that they should he restored. this being over, we proceeded to distribute the presents with great ceremony: one chief of each town was acknowledged by a gift of a flag, a medal with the likeness of the president of the united states, a uniform coat, hat and feather: to the second chiefs we gave a medal representing some domestic animals, and a loom for weaving; to the third chiefs medals with the impressions of a farmer sowing grain. a variety of other presents were distributed, but none seemed to give them more satisfaction than an iron corn mill which we gave to the mandans. the chiefs who were made to-day are: shahaka or big white, a first chief, and kagohami or little raven, a second chief of the lower village of the mandans, called matootonha: the other chiefs of an inferior quality who were recommended were, 1. ohheenaw, or big man, a chayenne taken prisoner by the mandans who adopted him, and he now enjoys great consideration among the tribe. 2. shotahawrora, or coal, of the second mandan village which is called rooptahee. we made poscopsahe, or black cat, the first chief of the village, and the grand chief of the whole mandan nation: his second chief is kagonomokshe, or raven man chief; inferior chiefs of this village were, tawnuheo, and bellahsara, of which we did not learn the translation. in the third village which is called mahawha, and where the arwacahwas reside, we made one first chief, tetuckopinreha, or white buffaloe robe unfolded, and recognized two of an inferior order: minnissurraree, or neighing horse, and locongotiha, or old woman at a distance. of the fourth village where the minnetarees live, and which is called metaharta, we made a first chief, ompsehara, or black moccasin: a second chief, ohhaw, or little fox. other distinguished chiefs of this village were, mahnotah, or big thief, a man whom we did not see as he is out fighting, and was killed soon after; and mahserassa, or tail of the calumet bird. in the fifth village we made a first chief eapanopa, or red shield; a second chief wankerassa, or two tailed calumet bird, both young chiefs; other persons of distinction are, shahakohopinnee, or little wolf's medicine; ahrattanamoekshe, or wolfman chief, who is now at war, and is the son of the old chief we have mentioned, whose name is caltahcota, or cherry on a bush. the presents intended for the grand chief of the minnetarees, who was not at the council, were sent to him by the old chief caltahcota; and we delivered to a young chief those intended for the chief of the lower village. the council was concluded by a shot from our swivel, and after firing the airgun for their amusement, they retired to deliberate on the answer which they are to give to-morrow. in the evening the prairie took fire, either by accident or design, and burned with great fury, the whole plain being enveloped in flames: so rapid was its progress that a man and a woman were burnt to death before they could reach a place of safety; another man with his wife and child were much burnt, and several other persons narrowly escaped destruction. among the rest a boy of the half white breed escaped unhurt in the midst of the flames; his safety was ascribed to the great medicine spirit, who had preserved him on account of his being white. but a much more natural cause was the presence of mind of his mother, who seeing no hopes of carrying off her son, threw him on the ground, and covering him with the fresh hide of a buffaloe, escaped herself from the flames; as soon as the fire had passed, she returned and found him untouched, the skin having prevented, the flame from reaching the grass on which he lay. tuesday 30. we were this morning visited by two persons from the lower village, one the big white the chief of the village, the other the chayenne called the big man; they had been hunting, and did not return yesterday early enough to attend the council. at their request we repeated part of our speech of yesterday, and put the medal round the neck of the chief. captain clarke took a periogue and went up the river in search of a good wintering place, and returned after going seven miles to the lower point of an island on the north side, about one mile in length; he found the banks on the north side high, with coal occasionally, and the country fine on all sides; but the want of wood and the scarcity of game up the river, induced us to decide on fixing ourselves lower down during the winter. in the evening our men danced among themselves to the great amusement of the indians. wednesday 31. a second chief arrived this morning with an invitation from the grand chief of the mandans, to come to his village where he wished to present some corn to us and to speak with us. captain clarke walked down to his village; he was first seated with great ceremony on a robe by the side of the chief, who then threw over his shoulders another robe handsomely ornamented. the pipe was then smoked with several of the old men who were seated around the chief; after some time he began his discourse, by observing that he believed what we had told him, and that they should soon enjoy peace, which would gratify him as well as his people, because they could then hunt without fear of being attacked, and the women might work in the fields without looking every moment for the enemy, and at night put off their moccasins, a phrase by which is conveyed the idea of security when the women could undress at night without fear of attack. as to the ricaras, he continued, in order to show you that we wish peace with all men, that chief, pointing to his second chief, will go with some warriors back to the ricaras with their chief now here and smoke with that nation. when we heard of your coming all the nations around returned from their hunting to see you, in hopes of receiving large presents; all are disappointed and some discontented; for his part he was not much so, though his village was. he added that he would go and see his great father the president. two of the steel traps stolen from the frenchmen were then laid before captain clarke, and the women brought about twelve bushels of corn. after the chief had finished, captain clarke made an answer to the speech and then returned to the boat, where he found the chief of the third village and kagohami (the little raven) who smoked and talked about an hour. after they left the boat the grand chief of the mandans came dressed in the clothes we had given him, with his two children, and begged to see the men dance, in which they willingly gratified him. thursday, november 1st. mr. m'cracken, the trader whom we found here, set out to-day on his return to the british fort and factory on the assiniboin river, about one hundred and fifty miles from this place. he took a letter from captain lewis to the northwest company, inclosing a copy of the passport granted by the british minister in the united states. at ten o'clock the chiefs of the lower village arrived; they requested that we would call at their village for some corn, that they were willing to make peace with the ricaras, that they had never provoked the war between them, but as the ricaras had killed some of their chiefs, they had retaliated on them; that they had killed them like birds, till they were tired of killing them, so that they would send a chief and some warriors to smoke with them. in the evening we dropped down to the lower village where captain lewis went on shore, and captain clarke proceeded to a point of wood on the north side. friday, november 2. he therefore went up to the village where eleven bushels of corn were presented to him. in the meantime captain clarke went down with the boats three miles, and having found a good position where there was plenty of timber, encamped and began to fell trees to build our huts. our ricara chief set out with one mandan chief and several minnetaree and mandan warriors; the wind was from the southeast, and the weather being fine a crowd of indians came down to visit us. saturday 3. we now began the building of our cabins, and the frenchmen who are to return to st. louis are building a periogue for the purpose. we sent six men in a periogue to hunt down the river. we were also fortunate enough to engage in our service a canadian frenchmen, who had been with the chayenne indians on the black mountains, and last summer descended thence by the little missouri. mr. jessaume our interpreter also came down with his squaw and children to live at our camp. in the evening we received a visit from kagohami or little raven, whose wife accompanied him, bringing about sixty weight of dried meat, a robe and a pot of meal. we gave him in return a piece of tobacco, to his wife an axe and a few small articles, and both of them spent the night at our camp. two beavers were caught in traps this morning. sunday 4. we continued our labours: the timber which we employ is large and heavy, and chiefly consists of cottonwood and elm with some ash of an inferior size. great numbers of the indians pass our camp on their hunting excursions: the day was clear and pleasant, but last night was very cold and there was a white frost. monday 5. the indians are all out on their hunting parties: a camp of mandans caught within two days one hundred goats a short distance below us: their mode of hunting them is to form a large strong pen or fold, from which a fence made of bushes gradually widens on each side: the animals are surrounded by the hunters and gently driven towards this pen, in which they imperceptibly find themselves inclosed and are then at the mercy of the hunters. the weather is cloudy and the wind moderate from the northwest. late at night we were awaked by the sergeant on guard to see the beautiful phenomenon called the northern light: along the northern sky was a large space occupied by a light of a pale but brilliant white colour: which rising from the horizon extended itself to nearly twenty degrees above it. after glittering for some time its colours would be overcast, and almost obscured, but again it would burst out with renewed beauty; the uniform colour was pale light, but its shapes were various and fantastic: at times the sky was lined with light coloured streaks rising perpendicularly from the horizon, and gradually expanding into a body of light in which we could trace the floating columns sometimes advancing, sometimes retreating and shaping into infinite forms, the space in which they moved. it all faded away before the morning. at daylight, tuesday 6, the clouds to the north were darkening and the wind rose high from the northwest at eight o'clock, and continued cold during the day. mr. gravelines and four others who came with us returned to the ricaras in a small periogue, we gave him directions to accompany some of the ricara chiefs to the seat of government in the spring. wednesday 7. the day was temperate but cloudy and foggy, and we were enabled to go on with our work with much expedition. thursday 8. the morning again cloudy; our huts advance very well, and we are visited by numbers of indians who come to let their horses graze near us: in the day the horses are let loose in quest of grass, in the night they are collected and receive an armful of small boughs of the cottonwood, which being very juicy, soft and brittle, form nutritious and agreeable food: the frost this morning was very severe, the weather during the day cloudy and the wind from the northwest. we procured from an indian a weasel perfectly white except the extremity of the tail which was black: great numbers of wild geese are passing to the south, but their flight is too high for us to procure any of them. november 10. we had again a raw day, a northwest wind, but rose early in hopes of finishing our works before the extreme cold begins. a chief who is a half pawnee came to us and brought a present of half a buffaloe, in return for which we gave him some small presents and a few articles to his wife and son: he then crossed the river in a buffaloe skin canoe; his wife took the boat on her back and carried it to the village three miles off. large flocks of geese and brant, and also a few ducks are passing towards the south. sunday 11. the weather is cold. we received the visit of two squaws, prisoners from the rock mountains, and purchased by chaboneau. the mandans at this time are out hunting the buffaloe. monday 12. the last night had been cold and this morning we had a very hard frost: the wind changeable during the day, and some ice appears on the edges of the rivers; swans too are passing to the south. the big white came down to us, having packed on the back of his squaw about one hundred pounds of very fine meat: for which we gave him as well as the squaw some presents, particularly an axe to the woman with which she was very much pleased. tuesday 13. we this morning unloaded the boat and stowed away the contents in a storehouse which we have built. at half past ten ice began to float down the river for the first time: in the course of the morning we were visited by the black cat, poscapsahe, who brought an assiniboin chief and seven warriors to see us. this man, whose name is chechawk, is a chief of one out of three bands of assiniboins who wander over the plains between the missouri and assiniboin during the summer, and in the winter carry the spoils of their hunting to the traders on the assiniboin river, and occasionally come to this place: the whole three bands consist of about eight hundred men. we gave him a twist of tobacco to smoke with his people, and a gold cord for himself: the sioux also asked for whiskey which we refused to give them. it snowed all day and the air was very cold. wednesday 14. the river rose last night half an inch, and is now filled with floating ice. this morning was cloudy with some snow: about seventy lodges of assiniboins and some knistenaux are at the mandan village, and this being the day of adoption and exchange of property between them all, it is accompanied by a dance, which prevents our seeing more than two indians to-day: these knistenaux are a band of chippeways whose language they speak; they live on the assiniboin and saskashawan rivers, and are about two hundred and forty men. we sent a man down on horseback to see what had become of our hunters, and as we apprehend a failure of provisions we have recourse to our pork this evening. two frenchmen who had been below returned with twenty beaver which they had caught in traps. thursday 15. the morning again cloudy, and the ice running thicker than yesterday, the wind variable. the man came back with information that our hunters were about thirty miles below, and we immediately sent an order to them to make their way through the floating ice, to assist them in which we sent some tin for the bow of the periogue and a towrope. the ceremony of yesterday seem to continue still, for we were not visited by a single indian. the swan are still passing to the south. friday 16. we had a very hard white frost this morning, the trees are all covered with ice, and the weather cloudy. the men this day moved into the huts, although they are not finished. in the evening some horses were sent down to the woods near us in order to prevent their being stolen by the assiniboins, with whom some difficulty is now apprehended. an indian came down with four buffaloe robes and some corn, which he offered for a pistol, but was refused. saturday, november 17. last night was very cold, and the ice in the river to-day is thicker than hitherto. we are totally occupied with our huts, but received visits from several indians. sunday, november 18. to-day we had a cold windy morning; the black cat came to see us, and occupied us for a long time with questions on the usages of our country. he mentioned that a council had been held yesterday to deliberate on the state of their affairs. it seems that not long ago, a party of sioux fell in with some horses belonging to the minnetarees, and carried them off; but in their flight they were met by some assiniboins, who killed the sioux and kept the horses: a frenchman too who had lived many years among the mandans, was lately killed on his route to the british factory on the assiniboin; some smaller differences existed between the two nations, all of which being discussed, the council decided that they would not resent the recent insults from the assiniboins and knistenaux, until they had seen whether we had deceived them or not in our promises of furnishing them with arms and ammunition. they had been disappointed in their hopes of receiving them from mr. evans and were afraid that we too, like him, might tell them what was not true. we advised them to continue at peace, that supplies of every kind would no doubt arrive for them, but that time was necessary to organize the trade. the fact is that the assiniboins treat the mandans as the sioux do the ricaras; by their vicinity to the british they get all the supplies, which they withhold or give at pleasure to the remoter indians: the consequence is, that however badly treated, the mandans and ricaras are very slow to retaliate lest they should* lose their trade altogether. monday 19. the ice continues to float in the river, the wind high from the northwest, and the weather cold. our hunters arrived from their excursion below, and bring a very fine supply of thirty-two deer, eleven elk, and five buffaloe, all of which was hung in a smokehouse. tuesday 20. we this day moved into our huts which are now completed. this place which we call fort mandan, is situated in a point of low ground, on the north side of the missouri, covered with tall and heavy cottonwood. the works consist of two rows of huts or sheds, forming an angle where they joined each other; each row containing four rooms, of fourteen feet square and seven feet high, with plank ceiling*, and the roof slanting so as to form a loft above the rooms, the highest part of which is eighteen feet from the ground: the backs of the huts formed a wall of that height, and opposite the angle the place of the wall was supplied by picketing; in the area were two rooms for stores and provisions. the latitude by observation is 47â° 21' 47", and the computed distance from the mouth of the missouri sixteen hundred miles. in the course of the day several indians came down to partake of our fresh meat; among the rest, three chiefs of the second mandan village. they inform us that the sioux on the missouri above the chayenne river, threaten to attack them this winter; that these sioux are much irritated at the ricaras for having made peace through our means with the mandans, and have lately ill treated three ricaras who carried the pipe of peace to them, by beating them and taking away their horses. we gave them assurances that we would protect them from all their enemies. november 21st. the weather was this day fine: the river clear of ice and rising a little: we are now settled in our new winter habitation, and shall wait with much anxiety the first return of spring to continue our journey. the villages near which we are established are five in number, and are the residence of three distinct nations: the mandans, the ahnahaways, and the minnetarees. the history of the mandans, as we received it from our interpreters and from the chiefs themselves, and as it is attested by existing monuments, illustrates more than that of any other nation the unsteady movements and the tottering fortunes of the american nations. within the recollection of living witnesses, the mandans were settled forty years ago in nine villages, the ruins of which we passed about eighty miles below, and situated seven on the west and two on the east side of the missouri. the two finding themselves wasting away before the small-pox and the sioux, united into one village, and moved up the river opposite to the ricaras. the same causes reduced the remaining seven to five villages, till at length they emigrated in a body to the ricara nation, where they formed themselves into two villages, and joined those of their countrymen who had gone before them. in their new residence they were still insecure, and at length the three villages ascended the missouri to their present position. the two who had emigrated together still settled in the two villages on the northwest side of the missouri, while the single village took a position on the southeast side. in this situation they were found by those who visited them in 1796; since which the two villages have united into one. they are now in two villages, one on the southeast of the missouri, the other on the opposite side, and at the distance of three miles across. the first, in an open plain, contains about forty or fifty lodges, built in the same way as those of the ricaras: the second, the same number, and both may raise about three hundred and fifty men. on the same side of the river, and at the distance of four miles from the lower mandan village, is another called mahaha. it is situated in a high plain at the mouth of knife river, and is the residence of the ahnahaways. this nation, whose name indicates that they were "people whose village is on a hill," formerly resided on the missouri, about thirty miles below where they now live. the assiniboins and sioux forced them to a spot five miles higher, where the greatest part of them were put to death, and the rest emigrated to their present situation, in order to obtain an assylum near the minnetarees. they are called by the french, soulier noir or shoe indians; by the mandans, wattasoons, and their whole force is about fifty men. on the south side of the same knife river, half a mile above the mahaha and in the same open plain with it, is a village of minnetarees surnamed metaharta, who are about one hundred and fifty men in number. on the opposite side of knife river, and one and a half mile above this village is a second of minnetarees, who may be considered as the proper minnetaree nation. it is situated in a beautiful low plain, and contains four hundred and fifty warriors. the accounts which we received of the minnetarees were contradictory. the mandans say that this people came out of the water to the east, and settled near them in their former establishment in nine villages; that they were very numerous, and fixed themselves in one village on the southern side of the missouri. a quarrel about a buffaloe divided the nation, of which two bands went into the plains, and were known by the name of crow and paunch indians, and the rest moved to their present establishment. the minnetarees proper assert, on the contrary, that they grew where they now live, and will never emigrate from the spot; the great spirit having declared that if they moved they would all die. they also say that the minnetarees metaharta, that is minnetarees of the willows, whose language with very little variation is their own, came many years ago from the plains and settled near them, and perhaps the two traditions may be reconciled by the natural presumption that these minnetarees were the tribe known to the mandans below, and that they ascended the river for the purpose of rejoining the minnetarees proper. these minnetarees are part of the great nation called fall indians, who occupy the intermediate country between the missouri and the saskaskawan, and who are known by the name of minnetarees of the missouri, and minnetarees of fort de prairie; that is, residing near or rather frequenting the establishment in the prairie on the saskaskawan. these minnetarees indeed, told us that they had relations on the saskaskawan, whom they had never known till they met them in war, and having engaged in the night were astonished at discovering that they were fighting with men who spoke their own language. the name of grosventres, or bigbellies is given to these minnetarees, as well as to all the fall indians. the inhabitants of these five villages, all of which are within the distance of six miles, live in harmony with each other. the ahnahaways understand in part the language of the minnetarees: the dialect of the mandans differs widely from both; but their long residence together has insensibly blended their manners, and occasioned some approximation in language, particularly as to objects of daily occurrence and obvious to the senses. november 22. the morning was fine, and the day warm. we purchased from the mandans a quantity of corn of a mixed colour, which they dug up in ears from holes made near the front of their lodges, in which it is buried during the winter: this morning the sentinel informed us that an indian was about to kill his wife near the fort; we went down to the house of our interpreter where we found the parties, and after forbidding any violence, inquired into the cause of his intending to commit such as atrocity. it appeared that some days ago a quarrel had taken place between him and his wife, in consequence of which she had taken refuge in the house where the two squaws of our interpreter lived: by running away she forfeited her life, which might have been lawfully taken by the husband. about two days ago she had returned to the village, but the same evening came back to the fort much beaten and stabbed in three places, and the husband now came for the purpose of completing his revenge. he observed that he had lent her to one of our serjeants for a night, and that if he wanted her he would give her to him altogether: we gave him a few presents and tried to persuade him to take his wife home; the grand chief too happened to arrive at the same moment, and reproached him with his violence, till at length they went off together, but by no means in a state of much apparent love. november 23. again we had a fair and warm day, with the wind from the southeast: the river is now at a stand having risen four inches in the whole. november 24. the wind continued from the same quarter and the weather was warm: we were occupied in finishing our huts and making a large rope of elk-skin to draw our boat on the bank. sunday, november 25. the weather is still fine, warm and pleasant, and the river falls one inch and a half. captain lewis went on an excursion to the villages accompanied by eight men. a minnetaree chief, the first who has visited us, came down to the fort: his name was waukerassa, but as both the interpreters had gone with captain lewis we were obliged to confine our civilities to some presents with which he was much pleased: we now completed our huts, and fortunately too, for the next day, monday, november 26, before daylight the wind shifted to the northwest, and blew very hard, with cloudy weather and a keen cold air, which confined us much and prevented us from working: the night continued very cold, and, tuesday 27, the weather cloudy, the wind continuing from the northwest and the river crowded with floating ice. captain lewis returned with two chiefs mahnotah, an ahnahaway, and minnessurraree a minnetaree, and a third warrior: they explained to us that the reason of their not having come to see us, was that the mandans had told them that we meant to combine with the sioux and cut them off in the course of the winter: a suspicion increased by the strength of the fort, and the circumstance of our interpreters having both removed there with their families: these reports we did not fail to disprove to their entire satisfaction, and amused them by every attention, particularly by the dancing of the men which diverted them highly. all the indians whom captain lewis had visited were very well disposed, and received him with great kindness, except a principal chief of one of the upper villages, named mabpahpaparapassatoo or horned weasel, who made use of the civilized indecorum of refusing to be seen, and when captain lewis called he was told the chief was not at home. in the course of the day seven of the northwest company's traders arrived from the assiniboin river, and one of their interpreters having undertaken to circulate among the indians unfavourable reports, it become necessary to warn them of the consequences if they did not desist from such proceedings. the river fell two inches to-day and the weather became very cold. wednesday 28. about eight o'clock last evening it began to snow and continued till daybreak, after which it ceased till seven o'clock, but then resumed and continued during the day, the weather being cold and the river full of floating ice: about eight o'clock poscopsahe came down to visit us, with some warriors; we gave them presents and entertained them with all that might amuse their curiosity, and at parting we told them that we had heard of the british trader, mr. laroche, having attempted to distribute medals and flags among them, but that those emblems could not be received from any other than the american nation without incurring the displeasure of their great father the president. they left us much pleased with their treatment. the river fell one inch to-day. thursday 29. the wind is again from the northwest, the weather cold, and the snow which fell yesterday and this night is thirteen inches in depth. the river closed during the night at the village above, and fell two feet; but this afternoon it began to rise a little. mr. laroche, the principal of the seven traders, came with one of his men to see us; we told him that we should not permit him to give medals and flags to the indians; he declared that he had no such intention, and we then suffered him to make use of one of our interpreters, on his stipulating not to touch any subject but that of his traffic with them. an unfortunate accident occurred to sergeant pryor, who in taking down the boat's mast dislocated his shoulder, nor was it till after four trials that we replaced it. friday 30. about eight o'clock an indian came to the opposite bank of the river, calling out that he had something important to communicate, and on sending for him, he told us that five mandans had been met about eight leagues to the southwest by a party of sioux, who had killed one of them, wounded two, and taken nine horses; that four of the wattasoons were missing, and that the mandans expected an attack. we thought this an excellent opportunity to discountenance the injurious reports against us, and to fix the wavering confidence of the nation. captain clarke therefore instantly crossed the river with twenty-three men strongly armed, and circling the town approached it from behind. his unexpected appearance surprised and alarmed the chiefs, who came out to meet him, and conducted him to the village. he then told them that having heard of the outrage just committed, he had come to assist his dutiful children; that if they would assemble their warriors and those of the nation, he would lead them against the sioux and avenge the blood of their countrymen. after some minutes conversation, oheenaw the chayenne arose; "we now see," said he, "that what you have told us is true, since as soon as our enemies threaten to attack us you come to protect us and are ready to chastise those who have spilt our blood. we did indeed listen to your good talk, for when you told us that the other nations were inclined to peace with us, we went out carelessly in small parties, and some have been killed by the sioux and ricaras. but i knew that the ricaras were liars, and i told their chief who accompanied you, that his whole nation were liars and bad men; that we had several times made a peace with them which they were the first to break; that whenever we pleased we might shoot them like buffaloe, but that we had no wish to kill them; that we would not suffer them to kill us, nor steal our horses; and that although we agreed to make peace with them, because our two fathers desired it, yet we did not believe that they would be faithful long. such, father, was my language to them in your presence, and you see that instead of listening to your good counsels they have spilt our blood. a few days ago two ricaras came here and told us that two of their villages were making moccasins, that the sioux were stirring them up against us, and that we ought to take care of our horses; yet these very ricaras we sent home as soon as the news reached us to-day, lest our people should kill them in the first moment of grief for their murdered relatives. four of the wattasoons whom we expected back in sixteen days have been absent twenty-four, and we fear have fallen. but father the snow is now deep, the weather cold, and our horses cannot travel through the plains; the murderers have gone off: if you will conduct us in the spring, when the snow has disappeared, we will assemble all the surrounding warriors and follow you." captain clarke replied that we were always willing and able to defend them; that he was sorry that the snow prevented their marching to meet the sioux, since he wished to show them that the warriors of their great father would chastise the enemies of his obedient children who opened their ears to his advice; that if some ricaras had joined the sioux, they should remember that there were bad men in every nation, and that they should not be offended at the ricaras till they saw whether these ill-disposed men were countenanced by the whole tribe; that the sioux possessed great influence over the ricaras, whom they supplied with military stores, and sometimes led them astray, because they were afraid to oppose them: but that this should be the less offensive since the mandans themselves were under the same apprehensions from the assiniboins and knistenaux, and that while they were thus dependant, both the ricaras and mandans ought to keep on terms with their powerful neighbours, whom they may afterwards set at defiance, when we shall supply them with arms, and take them under our protection. after two hours conversation captain clarke left the village. the chief repeatedly thanked him for the fatherly protection he had given them, observing that the whole village had been weeping all night and day for the brave young man who had been slain, but now they would wipe their eyes and weep no more as they saw that their father would protect them. he then crossed the river on the ice and returned on the north side to the fort. the day as well as the evening was cold, and the river rose to its former height. saturday, december 1. the wind was from the northwest, and the whole party engaged in picketing the fort. about ten o'clock the half-brother of the man who had been killed, came to inform us that six sharhas or chayenne indians had arrived, bringing a pipe of peace, and that their nation was three days march behind them. three pawnees had accompanied the sharhas, and the mandans being afraid of the sharhas on account of their being at peace with the sioux, wished to put both them and the three pawnees to death; but the chiefs had forbidden it as it would be contrary to our wishes. we gave him a present of tobacco, and although from his connexion with the sufferer, he was more embittered against the pawnees than any other mandan, yet he seemed perfectly satisfied with our pacific counsels and advice. the mandans, we observe, call all the ricaras by the name of pawnees; the name of ricaras being that by which the nation distinguishes itself. in the evening we were visited by a mr. henderson, who came from the hudson bay company to trade with the minnetarees. he had been about eight days on his route in a direction nearly south, and brought with him tobacco, beeds, and other merchandize to trade for furs, and a few guns which are to be exchanged for horses. sunday, december 2. the latter part of the evening was warm, and a thaw continued till the morning, when the wind shifted to the north. at eleven o'clock the chiefs of the lower village brought down four of the sharhas. we explained to them our intentions, and advised them to remain at peace with each other: we also gave them a flag, some tobacco, and a speech for their nation. these were accompanied by a letter to messrs. tabeau and gravelines at the ricara village, requesting them to preserve peace if possible, and to declare the part which we should be forced to take if the ricaras and sioux made war on those whom we had adopted. after distributing a few presents to the sharhas and mandans, and showing them our curiosities we dismissed them, apparently well pleased at their reception. monday, december 3. the morning was fine, but in the afternoon the weather became cold with the wind from the northwest. the father of the mandan who was killed brought us a present of dried pumpkins and some pemitigon, for which we gave him some small articles. our offer of assistance to avenge the death of his son seemed to have produced a grateful respect from him, as well as from the brother of the deceased, which pleased us much. tuesday 4th. the wind continues from the northwest, the weather cloudy and raw, and the river rose one inch, oscapsahe and two young chiefs pass the day with us. the whole religion of the mandans consists in the belief of one great spirit presiding over their destinies. this being must be in the nature of a good genius since it is associated with the healing art, and the great spirit is synonymous with great medicine, a name also applied to every thing which they do not comprehend. each individual selects for himself the particular object of his devotion, which is termed his medicine, and is either some invisible being or more commonly some animal, which thenceforward becomes his protector or his intercessor with the great spirit; to propitiate whom every attention is lavished, and every personal consideration is sacrificed. "i was lately owner of seventeen horses," said a mandan to us one day, "but i have offered them all up to my medicine and am now poor." he had in reality taken all his wealth, his horses, into the plain, and turning them loose committed them to the care of his medicine and abandoned them forever. the horses less religious took care of themselves, and the pious votary travelled home on foot. their belief in a future state is connected with this tradition of their origin: the whole nation resided in one large village under ground near a subterraneous lake; a grape-vine extended its roots down to their habitation and gave them a view of the light: some of the most adventurous climed up the vine and were delighted with the sight of the earth, which they found covered with buffaloe and rich with every kind of fruits: returning with the grapes they had gathered, their countrymen were so pleased with the taste of them that the whole nation resolved to leave their dull residence for the charms of the upper region; men, women and children ascended by means of the vine; but when about half the nation had reached the surface of the earth, a corpulent woman who was clambering up the vine broke it with her weight, and closed upon herself and the rest of the nation the light of the sun. those who were left on earth made a village below where we saw the nine villages; and when the mandans die they expect to return to the original seats of their forefathers; the good reaching the ancient village by means of the lake, which the burden of the sins of the wicked will not enable them to cross. wednesday 5. the morning was cold and disagreeable, the wind from the southeast accompanied with snow: in the evening there was snow again and the wind shifted to the northeast: we were visited by several indians with a present of pumpkins, and by two of the traders of the northwest company. thursday 6. the wind was violent from the north northwest with some snow, the air keen and cold. at eight o'clock a.m. the thermometer stood at ten degrees above 0, and the river rose an inch and a half in the course of the day. friday, december 7. the wind still continued from the northwest and the day is very cold: shahaka the chief of the lower village came to apprise us that the buffaloe were near, and that his people were waiting for us to join them in the chase: captain clark with fifteen men went out and found the indians engaged in killing the buffaloe, the hunters mounted on horseback and armed with bows and arrows encircle the herd, and gradually drive them into a plain or an open place fit for the movements of horse; they then ride in among them, and singling out a buffaloe, a female being preferred, go as close as possible and wound her with arrows till they think they have given the mortal stroke; when they pursue another till the quiver is exhausted: if, which rarely happens, the wounded buffaloe attacks the hunter, he evades his blow by the agility of his horse which is trained for the combat with great dexterity. when they have killed the requisite number they collect their game, and the squaws and attendants come up from the rear and skin and dress the animals. captain clarke killed ten buffaloe, of which five only were brought to the fort, the rest which could not be conveyed home being seized by the indians, among whom the custom is that whenever a buffaloe is found dead without an arrow or any particular mark, he is the property of the finder; so that often a hunter secures scarcely any of the game he kills if the arrow happens to fall off: whatever is left out at night falls to the share of the wolves, who are the constant and numerous attendants of the buffaloe. the river closed opposite the fort last night, an inch and a half in thickness. in the morning the thermometer stood at one degree below 0. three men were badly frostbitten in consequence of their exposure. saturday 8. the thermometer stood at twelve degrees below 0, that is at forty-two degrees below the freezing point: the wind was from the northwest. captain lewis with fifteen men went out to hunt the buffaloe; great numbers of which darkened the prairies for a considerable distance: they did not return till after dark, having killed eight buffaloe and one deer. the hunt was, however, very fatiguing, as they were obliged to make a circuit at the distance of more than seven miles; the cold too, was so excessive that the air was filled with icy particles resembling a fog, and the snow generally six or eight inches deep and sometimes eighteen, in consequence of which two of the party were hurt by falls, and several had their feet frostbitten. sunday 9. the wind was this day from the east, the thermometer at seven degrees above 0, and the sun shone clear: two chiefs visited us, one in a sleigh drawn by a dog and loaded with meat. monday 10. captain clarke who had gone out yesterday with eighteen men to bring in the meat we had killed the day before, and to continue the hunt, came in at twelve o'clock. after killing nine buffaloe and preparing that already dead, he had spent a cold disagreeable night on the snow, with no covering but a small blanket, sheltered by the hides of the buffaloe they had killed. we observe large herds of buffaloe crossing the river on the ice, the men who were frostbitten are recovering, but the weather is still exceedingly cold, the wind being from the north, and the thermometer at ten and eleven degrees below 0: the rise of the river is one inch and a half. tuesday 11. the weather became so intensely cold that we sent for all the hunters who had remained out with captain clarke's party, and they returned in the evening several of them frostbitten. the wind was from the north and the thermometer at sunrise stood at twenty-one below 0, the ice in the atmosphere being so thick as to render the weather hazy and give the appearance of two suns reflecting each other. the river continues at a stand. pocapsahe made us a visit to-day. wednesday, december 12. the wind is still from the north, the thermometer being at sunrise thirty-eight degrees below 0. one of the ahnahaways brought us down the half of an antelope killed near the fort; we had been informed that all these animals return to the black mountains, but there are great numbers of them about us at this season which we might easily kill, but are unwilling to venture out before our constitutions are hardened gradually to the climate. we measured the river on the ice, and find it five hundred yards wide immediately opposite the fort. thursday 13. last night was clear and a very heavy frost covered the old snow, the thermometer at sun rise being twenty degrees below 0, and followed by a fine day. the river falls. friday 14. the morning was fine, and the weather having moderated so far, that the mercury stood at 0, captain lewis went down with a party to hunt; they proceeded about eighteen miles, but the buffaloe having left the banks of the river they saw only two, which were so poor as not to be worth killing, and shot two deer. notwithstanding the snow we were visited by a large number of the mandans. saturday 15. captain lewis finding no game returned to the fort hunting on both sides of the river, but with no success. the wind being from the north, the mercury at sunrise eight degrees below 0, and the snow of last night an inch and a half in depth. the indian chiefs continue to visit us to-day with presents of meat. sunday 16. the morning is clear and cold, the mercury at sunrise 22â° below 0. a mr. haney with two other persons from the british establishment on the assiniboin, arrived in six days with a letter from mr. charles chabouilles, one of the company, who with much politeness offered to render us any service in his power. monday 17. the weather to-day was colder than any we had yet experienced, the thermometer at sunrise being 45â° below 0, and about eight o'clock it fell to 74â° below the freezing point. from mr. haney, who is a very sensible intelligent man, we obtained much geographical information with regard to the country between the missouri and mississippi, and the various tribes of sioux who inhabit it. tuesday 18. the thermometer at sunrise was 32â° below 0. the indians had invited us yesterday to join their chace to-day, but the seven men whom we sent returned in consequence of the cold, which was so severe last night that we were obliged to have the sentinel relieved every half hour. the northwest traders however left us on their return home. wednesday 19. the weather moderated, and the river rose a little, so that we were enabled to continue the picketing of the fort. notwithstanding the extreme cold, we observe the indians at the village engaged out in the open air at a game which resembled billiards more than any thing we had seen, and which we inclined to suspect may have been acquired by ancient intercourse with the french of canada. from the first to the second chief's lodge, a distance of about fifty yards, was covered with timber smoothed and joined so as to be as level as the floor of one of our houses, with a battery at the end to stop the rings: these rings were of clay-stone and flat like the chequers for drafts, and the sticks were about four feet long, with two short pieces at one end in the form of a mace, so fixed that the whole will slide along the board. two men fix themselves at one end, each provided with a stick, and one of them with a ring: they then run along the board, and about half way slide the sticks after the ring. thursday 20. the wind was from the n.w. the weather moderate, the thermometer 24â° above at sunrise. we availed ourselves of this change to picket the fort near the river. friday 21. the day was fine and warm, the wind n.w. by w. the indian who had been prevented a few days ago from killing his wife, came with both his wives to the fort, and was very desirous of reconciling our interpreter, a jealousy against whom on account of his wife's taking refuge in his house, had been the cause of his animosity. a woman brought her child with an abscess in the lower part of the back, and offered as much corn as she could carry for some medicine; we administered to it of course very cheerfully. saturday, 22d. a number of squaws and men dressed like squaws brought corn to trade for small articles with the men. among other things we procured two horns of the animal called by the french the rock mountain sheep, and known to the mandans by the name of ahsahta. the animal itself is about the size of a small elk or large deer: the horns winding like those of a ram which they resemble also in texture, though larger and thicker. sunday, 23d. the weather was fine and warm like that of yesterday: we were again visited by crowds of indians of all descriptions, who came either to trade or from mere curiosity. among the rest kogahami, the little raven, brought his wife and son loaded with corn, and she then entertained us with a favourite mandan dish, a mixture of pumpkins, beans, corn, and chokecherries with the stones, all boiled together in a kettle, and forming a composition by no means unpalatable. monday, 24th. the day continued warm and pleasant, and the number of visitors became troublesome. as a present to three of the chiefs, we divided a fillet of sheepskin which we brought for spunging into three pieces each of two inches in width; they were delighted at the gift, which they deemed of equal value with a fine horse. we this day completed our fort, and the next morning being christmas, tuesday, 25th, we were awaked before day by a discharge of three platoons from the party. we had told the indians not to visit us as it was one of our great medicine days; so that the men remained at home and amused themselves in various ways, particularly with dancing in which they take great pleasure. the american flag was hoisted for the first time in the fort; the best provisions we had were brought out, and this, with a little brandy, enabled them to pass the day in great festivity. wednesday, 26th. the weather is again temperate, but no indians have come to see us. one of the northwest traders who came down to request the aid of our minnetaree interpreter, informs us that a party of minnetarees who had gone in pursuit of the assiniboins who lately stole their horses had just returned. as is their custom, they came back in small detachments, the last of which brought home eight horses which they had captured or stolen from an assiniboin camp on mouse river. thursday, 27th. a little fine snow fell this morning and the air was colder than yesterday, with a high northwest wind. we were fortunate enough to have among our men a good blacksmith, whom we set to work to make a variety of articles; his operations seemed to surprise the indians who came to see us, but nothing could equal their astonishment at the bellows, which they considered as a very great medicine. having heretofore promised a more particular account of the sioux, the following may serve as a general outline of their history: almost the whole of that vast tract of country comprised between the mississippi, the red river of lake winnepeg, the saskaskawan, and the missouri, is loosely occupied by a great nation whose primitive name is darcota, but who are called sioux by the french, sues by the english. their original seats were on the mississippi, but they have gradually spread themselves abroad and become subdivided into numerous tribes. of these, what may be considered as the darcotas are the mindawarcarton, or minowakanton, known to the french by the name of the gens du lac, or people of the lake. their residence is on both sides of the mississippi near the falls of st. anthony, and the probable number of their warriors about three hundred. above them, on the river st. peter's, is the wahpatone, a smaller band of nearly two hundred men; and still farther up the same river below yellow-wood river are the wahpatootas or gens de feuilles, an inferior band of not more than one hundred men; while the sources of the st. peter's are occupied by the sisatoones, a band consisting of about two hundred warriors. these bands rarely if ever approach the missouri, which is occupied by their kinsmen the yanktons and the tetons. the yanktons are of two tribes, those of the plains, or rather of the north, a wandering race of about five hundred men, who roam over the plains at the heads of the jacques, the sioux, and the red river; and those of the south, who possess the country between the jacques and sioux rivers and the desmoine. but the bands of sioux most known on the missouri are the tetons. the first who are met on ascending the missouri is the tribe called by the french the tetons of the boise brule or burntwood, who reside on both sides of the missouri, about white and teton rivers, and number two hundred warriors. above them on the missouri are the teton okandandas, a band of one hundred and fifty men living below the chayenne river, between which and the wetarhoo river is a third band, called teton minnakenozzo, of nearly two hundred and fifty men; and below the warreconne is the fourth and last tribe of tetons of about three hundred men, and called teton saone. northward of these, between the assiniboin and the missouri, are two bands of assiniboins, one on mouse river of about two hundred men, and called assiniboin menatopa; the other, residing on both sides of white river, called by the french gens de feuilles, and amounting to two hundred and fifty men. beyond these a band of assiniboins of four hundred and fifty men, and called the big devils, wander on the heads of milk, porcupine, and martha's rivers; while still farther to the north are seen two bands of the same nation, one of five hundred and the other of two hundred, roving on the saskaskawan. those assiniboins are recognised by a similarity of language, and by tradition as descendents or seceders from the sioux; though often at war are still acknowledged as relations. the sioux themselves, though scattered, meet annually on the jacques, those on the missouri trading with those on the mississippi. chapter vi. the party increase in the favour of the mandans--description of a buffaloe dance--medicine dance--the fortitude with which the indians bear the severity of the season--distress of the party for want of provisions--the great importance of the blacksmith in procuring it--depredations of the sioux--the homage paid to the medicine stone--summary act of justice among the minnetarees--the process by which the mandans and ricaras make beads--character of the missouri, of the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. friday, 28th. the wind continued high last night, the frost severe, and the snow drifting in great quantities through the plains. saturday, 29th. there was a frost fell last night nearly one quarter of an inch in depth, which continued to fall till the sun had gained some height: the mercury at sunrise stood at 9â° below 0: there were a number of indians at the fort in the course of the day. sunday, 30th. the weather was cold, and the thermometer 20â° below 0. we killed one deer, and yesterday one of the men shot a wolf. the indians brought corn, beans, and squashes, which they very readily gave for getting their axes and kettles mended. in their general conduct during these visits they are honest, but will occasionally pilfer any small article. monday, 31. during the night there was a high wind which covered the ice with hillocks of mixed sand and snow: the day was however fine, and the indians came in great numbers for the purpose of having their utensils repaired. tuesday, january 1, 1805. the new year was welcomed by two shot from the swivel and a round of small arms. the weather was cloudy but moderate; the mercury which at sunrise was at 18â°, in the course of the day rose to 34â° above 0: towards evening it began to rain, and at night we had snow, the temperature for which is about 0. in the morning we permitted sixteen men with their music to go up to the first village, where they delighted the whole tribe with their dances, particularly with the movements of one of the frenchmen who danced on his head. in return they presented the dancers with several buffaloe robes and quantities of corn. we were desirous of showing this attention to the village, because they had received an impression that we had been wanting in regard for them, and they had in consequence circulated invidious comparisons between us and the northern traders: all these however they declared to captain clarke, who visited them in the course of the morning, were made in jest. as captain clarke was about leaving the village, two of their chiefs returned from a mission to the grosventres or wandering minnetarees. these people were encamped about ten miles above, and while there one of the ahnahaways had stolen a minnetaree girl: the whole nation immediately espoused the quarrel, and one hundred and fifty of their warriors were marching down to revenge the insult on the ahnahaways. the chief of that nation took the girl from the ravisher, and giving her to the mandans requested their intercession. the messengers went out to meet the warriors, and delivered the young damsel into the hands of her countrymen, smoked the pipe of peace with them, and were fortunate enough to avert their indignation and induce them to return. in the evening some of the men came to the fort and the rest slept in the village. pocapsahe also visited us and brought some meat on his wife's back. wednesday, january 2. it snowed last night, and during this day the same scene of gayety was renewed at the second village, and all the men returned in the evening. thursday 3. last night it became very cold, and this morning we had some snow: our hunters were sent out for buffaloe, but the game had been frightened from the river by the indians, so that they obtained only one: they however killed a hare and a wolf. among the indians who visited us was a minnetaree who came to seek his wife: she had been much abused and came here for protection, but returned with him; as we had no authority to separate those whom even the mandan rites had united. friday 4. the morning was cloudy and warm, the mercury being 28â° above 0: but towards evening the wind changed to northwest, and the weather became cold. we sent some hunters down the river, but they killed only one buffaloe and a wolf. we received the visit of kagohami who is very friendly, and to whom we gave a hankerchief and two files. saturday 5. we had high and boisterous winds last night and this morning: the indians continue to purchase repairs with grain of different kinds. in the first village there has been a buffaloe dance for the last three nights, which has put them all into commotion, and the description which we received from those of the party who visited the village and from other sources, is not a little ludicrous: the buffaloe dance is an institution originally intended for the benefit of the old men, and practised at their suggestion. when buffaloe becomes scarce they send a man to harangue the village, declaring that the game is far off and that a feast is necessary to bring it back, and if the village be disposed a day and place is named for the celebration of it. at the appointed hour the old men arrive, and seat themselves crosslegged on skins round a fire in the middle of the lodge with a sort of doll or small image, dressed like a female, placed before them. the young men bring with them a platter of provisions, a pipe of tobacco, and their wives, whose dress on the occasion is only a robe or mantle loosely thrown round the body. on their arrival each youth selects the old man whom he means to distinguish by his favour, and spreads before him the provisions, after which he presents the pipe and smokes with him. mox senex vir simulacrum parv㦠puell㦠ostensit. tune egrediens eã¦tu, jecit effigium solo et superincumbens, senili ardore veneris complexit. hoc est signum. denique uxor e turba recessit, et jactu corporis, fovet amplexus viri solo recubante. maritus appropinquans senex vir dejecto vultu, et honorem et dignitatem ejus conservare amplexu uxoris illum oravit. forsitan imprimis ille refellit; dehine, maritus multis precibus, multis lachrymis, et multis donis vehementer intercessit. tune senex amator perculsus miserecordia, tot precibus, tot lachrymis, et tot donis, conjugali amplexu submisit. multum ille jactatus est, sed debilis et effoetus senectute, frustra jactatus est. maritus interdum stans juxta guadit multum honore, et ejus dignitati sic conservata. unus nostrum sodalium multum alacrior et potentior juventute, hac nocte honorem quartour maritorum custodivit. sunday 6. a clear cold morning with high wind: we caught in a trap a large gray wolf, and last night obtained in the same way a fox who had for some time infested the neighbourhood of the fort. only a few indians visited us to-day. monday 7. the weather was again clear and cold with a high northwest wind, and the thermometer at sunrise 22â° below 0; the river fell an inch. shahaka the big white chief dined with us, and gave a connected sketch of the country as far as the mountains. tuesday 8. the wind was still from the northwest, the day cold, and we received few indians at the fort. besides the buffaloe dance we have just described, there is another called medicine dance, an entertainment given by any person desirous of doing honour to his medicine or genius. he announces, that on such a day he will sacrifice his horses, or other property, and invites the young females of the village to assist in rendering homage to his medicine; all the inhabitants may join in the solemnity, which is performed in the open plain and by daylight, but the dance is reserved for the virgins or at least the unmarried females, who disdain the incumbrance or the ornament of dress. the feast is opened by devoting the goods of the master of the feast to his medicine, which is represented by a head of the animal itself, or by a medicine bag if the deity be an invisible being. the young women then begin the dance, in the intervals of which each will prostrate herself before the assembly to challenge or reward the boldness of the youth, who are often tempted by feeling or the hopes of distinction to achieve the adventure. wednesday 9. the weather is cold, the thermometer at sunrise 21â° below 0. kagohami breakfasted with us, and captain clarke with three or four men accompanied him and a party of indians to hunt, in which they were so fortunate as to kill a number of buffaloe: but they were incommoded by snow, by high and squally winds, and by extreme cold; several of the indians came to the fort nearly frozen, others are missing, and we are uneasy, for one of our men who was separated from the rest during the chase has not returned: in the morning, thursday 10, however, he came back just as we were sending out five men in search of him. the night had been excessively cold, and this morning at sunrise the mercury stood at 40â° below 0, or 72 below the freezing point. he had however, made a fire and kept himself tolerably warm. a young indian, about thirteen years of age, also came in soon after. his father who came last night to inquire after him very anxiously, had sent him in the afternoon to the fort: he was overtaken by the night, and was obliged to sleep on the snow with no covering except a pair of antelope skin moccasins and leggings and a buffaloe robe: his feet being frozen we put them into cold water, and gave him every attention in our power. about the same time an indian who had also been missing returned to the fort, and although his dress was very thin, and he had slept on the snow without a fire, he had not suffered the slightest inconvenience. we have indeed observed that these indians support the rigours of the season in a way which we had hitherto thought impossible. a more pleasing reflection occurred at seeing the warm interest which the situation of these two persons had excited in the village, the boy had been a prisoner and adopted from charity, yet the distress of the father proved that he felt for him the tenderest affection, the man was a person of no distinction, yet the whole village was full of anxiety for his safety and when they came to us, borrowed a sleigh to bring them home with ease, if they survived, or to carry their bodies if they had perished. friday 11. we despatched three hunters to join the same number whom we had sent below about seven miles to hunt elk. like that of yesterday the weather to-day was cold and clear, the thermometer standing at 38â° below 0. poscopsahe and shotahawrora visited us, and past the night at the fort. saturday 12. the weather continues very cold, the mercury at sunrise being 20â° below 0. three of the hunters returned, having killed three elk. sunday 13. we have a continuation of clear weather, and the cold has increased, the mercury having sunk to 34â° below 0. nearly one half of the mandan nation passed down the river to hunt for several days; in these excursions men, women and children, with their dogs, all leave the village together, and after discovering a spot convenient for the game, fix their tents; all the family bear their part in the labour, and the game is equally divided among the families of the tribe. when a single hunter returns from the chase with more than is necessary for his own immediate consumption, the neighbours are entitled by custom to a share of it: they do not however ask for it, but send a squaw, who without saying any thing, sits down by the door of the lodge till the master understands the hint, and gives her gratuitously a part for her family. chaboneau who with one man had gone to some lodges of minnetarees near the turtle mountain, returned with their faces much frostbitten. they had been about ninety miles distant, and procured from the inhabitants some meat and grease, with which they loaded the horses. he informs us that the agent of the hudson bay company at that place, had been endeavouring to make unfavourable impressions with regard to us on the mind of the great chief, and that the n.w. company intend building a fort there. the great chief had in consequence spoken slightly of the americans, but said that if we would give him our great flag he would come and see us. monday 14. the mandans continue to pass down the river on their hunting party, and were joined by six of our men. one of those sent on thursday returned, with information that one of his companions had his feet so badly frostbitten that he could not walk home. in their excursion they had killed a buffaloe, a wolf, two porcupines and a white hare. the weather was more moderate to-day, the mercury being at 16â° below 0, and the wind from the s.e. we had however some snow, after which it remained cloudy. tuesday 15. the morning is much warmer than yesterday, and the snow begins to melt, though the wind after being for some time from the s.e. suddenly shifted to n.w. between twelve and three o'clock a.m. there was a total eclipse of the moon, from which we obtained a part of the observation necessary for ascertaining the longitude. we were visited by four of the most distinguished men of the minnetarees, to whom we showed marked attentions, as we knew that they had been taught to entertain strong prejudices against us; these we succeeded so well in removing, that when in the morning, wednesday 16, about thirty mandans, among whom six were chiefs came to see us, the minnetarees reproached them with their falsehoods, declaring that they were bad men and ought to hide themselves. they had told the minnetarees that we would kill them if they came to the fort, yet on the contrary they had spent a night there and been treated with kindness by the whites, who had smoked with them and danced for their amusement. kagohami visited us and brought us a little corn, and soon afterwards one of the first war chiefs of the minnetarees came accompanied by his squaw, a handsome woman, whom he was desirous we should use during the night. he favoured us with a more acceptable present, a draft of the missouri in his manner, and informed us of his intention to go to war in the spring against the snake indians; we advised him to reflect seriously before he committed the peace of his nation to the hazards of war; to look back on the numerous nations whom war has destroyed, that if he wished his nation to be happy he should cultivate peace and intercourse with all his neighbours, by which means they would procure more horses, increase in numbers, and that if he went to war he would displease his great father the president, and forfeit his protection. we added that we had spoken thus to all the tribes whom we had met, that they had all opened their ears, and that the president would compel those who did not voluntarily listen to his advice. although a young man of only twenty-six years of age, this discourse seemed to strike him. he observed that if it would be displeasing to us he would not go to war, since he had horses enough, and that he would advise all the nation to remain at home, until we had seen the snake indians, and discovered whether their intentions were pacific. the party who went down with the horses for the man who was frostbitten returned, and we are glad to find his complaint not serious. thursday 17. the day was very windy from the north; the morning clear and cold, the thermometer at sunrise being at 0: we had several indians with us. friday 18. the weather is fine and moderate. messrs. laroche and m'kenzie, two of the n.w. company's traders, visited us with some of the minnetarees. in the afternoon two of our hunters returned, having killed four wolves and a blaireau. saturday 19. another cloudy day. the two traders set out on their return, and we sent two men with the horses thirty miles below to the hunting camp. sunday 20. the day fair and cold. a number of indians visit us with corn to exchange for articles, and to pay for repairs to their household utensils. monday 21. the weather was fine and moderate. the hunters all returned, having killed during their absence three elk, four deer, two porcupines, a fox and a hare. tuesday 22. the cold having moderated and the day pleasant, we attempted to cut the boats out of the ice, but at the distance of eight inches came to water, under which the ice became three feet thick, so that we were obliged to desist. wednesday 23. the cold weather returned, the mercury having sunk 2â° below 0, and the snow fell four inches deep. thursday 24. the day was colder than any we have had lately, the thermometer being at 12â° below 0. the hunters whom we sent out returned unsuccessful, and the rest were occupied in cutting wood to make charcoal. friday 25. the thermometer was at 25â° below 0, the wind from n.w. and the day fair, so that the men were employed in preparing coal, and cutting the boats out of the ice. a band of assiniboins headed by their chief, called by the french, son of the little calf, have arrived at the villages. saturday 26. a fine warm day: a number of indians dine with us: and one of our men is attacked with a violent pleurisy. sunday 27. another warm and pleasant day: we again attempted to get the boat out of the ice. the man who has the pleurisy was blooded and sweated, and we were forced to take off the toes of the young indian who was frostbitten some time since. our interpreter returned from the villages, bringing with him three of mr. laroche's horses which he had sent in order to keep them out of the way of the assiniboins, who are very much disposed to steal, and who have just returned to their camp. monday 28. the weather to-day is clear and cold: we are obliged to abandon the plan of cutting the boat through the ice, and therefore made another attempt the next day, tuesday 29, by heating a quantity of stones so as to warm the water in the boat, and thaw the surrounding ice: but in this too we were disappointed, as all the stones on being put into the fire cracked into pieces: the weather warm and pleasant: the man with the pleurisy is recovering. wednesday 30. the morning was fair, but afterwards became cloudy. mr. laroche the trader from the northwest company paid us a visit, in hopes of being able to accompany us on our journey westward, but this proposal we thought it best to decline. thursday 31. it snowed last night, and the morning is cold and disagreeable, with a high wind from the northwest: we sent five hunters down the river. another man is taken with the pleurisy. friday, february 1. a cold windy day: our hunters returned having killed only one deer. one of the minnetaree war chiefs, a young man named maubuksheahokeah or seeing snake, came to see us and procure a war hatchet: he also requested that we would suffer him to go to war against the sioux and ricaras who had killed a mandan some time ago: this we refused for reasons which we explained to him. he acknowledged that we were right, and promised to open his ears to our counsels. saturday 2. the day is fine: another deer was killed. mr. laroche who has been very anxious to go with us left the fort to-day, and one of the squaws of the minnetaree interpreter is taken ill. sunday 3. the weather is again pleasant: disappointed in all our efforts to get the boats free, we occupied ourselves in making iron spikes so as to prize them up by means of long poles. monday 4. the morning fair and cold, the mercury at sunrise being 18â° below 0, and the wind from the northwest. the stock of meat which we had procured in november and december being now nearly exhausted, it became necessary to renew our supply; captain clarke therefore took eighteen men, and with two sleighs and three horses descended the river for the purpose of hunting, as the buffaloe has disappeared from our neighbourhood, and the indians are themselves suffering for want of meat. two deer were killed to-day but they were very lean. tuesday 5. a pleasant fair morning with the wind from northwest: a number of the indians come with corn for the blacksmith, who being now provided with coal has become one of our greatest resources for procuring grain. they seem particularly attached to a battle axe, of a very inconvenient figure: it is made wholly of iron, the blade extremely thin, and from seven to nine inches long; it is sharp at the point and five or six inches on each side, whence they converge towards the eye, which is circular and about an inch in diameter, the blade itself being not more than an inch wide, the handle is straight, and twelve or fifteen inches long; the whole weighing about a pound. by way of ornament, the blade is perforated with several circular holes. the length of the blade compared with the shortness of the handle render it a weapon of very little strength, particularly as it is always used on horseback: there is still however another form which is even worse, the same sort of handle being fixed to a blade resembling an espontoon. wednesday, february 6. the morning was fair and pleasant, the wind n.w. a number of indian chiefs visited us and withdrew after we had smoked with them contrary to their custom, for after being once introduced into our apartment they are fond of lounging about during the remainder of the day. one of the men killed three antelopes. our blacksmith has his time completely occupied, so great is the demand for utensils of different kinds. the indians are particularly fond of sheet iron, out of which they form points for arrows and instruments for scraping hides, and when the blacksmith cut up an old cambouse of that metal, we obtained for every piece of four inches square seven or eight gallons of corn from the indians, who were delighted at the exchange. thursday 7. the morning was fair and much warmer than for some days, the thermometer being at 18â° above 0, and the wind from the s.e. a number of indians continue to visit us; but learning that the interpreter's squaws had been accustomed to unbar the gate during the night, we ordered a lock put on it, and that no indian should remain in the fort all night, nor any person admitted during the hours when the gate is closed, that is from sunset to sunrise. friday 8. a fair pleasant morning, with s.e. winds. pocopsahe came down to the fort with a bow, and apologized for his not having finished a shield which he had promised captain lewis, and which the weather had prevented him from completing. this chief possesses more firmness, intelligence, and integrity, than any indian of this country, and he might be rendered highly serviceable in our attempts to civilize the nation. he mentioned that the mandans are very much in want of meat, and that he himself had not tasted any for several days. to this distress they are often reduced by their own improvidence, or by their unhappy situation. their principal article of food is buffaloe-meat, their corn, beans, and other grain being reserved for summer, or as a last resource against what they constantly dread, an attack from the sioux, who drive off the game and confine them to their villages. the same fear too prevents their going out to hunt in small parties to relieve their occasional wants, so that the buffaloe is generally obtained in large quantities and wasted by carelessness. saturday 9. the morning was fair and pleasant, the wind from the s.e. mr. m'kenzie from the n.w. company establishment visited us. sunday 10. a slight snow fell in the course of the night, the morning was cloudy, and the northwest wind blew so high that although the thermometer was 18â° above 0, the day was cooler than yesterday, when it was only 10â° above the same point. mr. m'kenzie left us, and chaboneau returned with information that our horses loaded with meat were below, but could not cross the ice not being shod. monday 11. we sent down a party with sleds, to relieve the horses from their loads; the weather fair and cold, with a n.w. wind. about five o'clock one of the wives of chaboneau was delivered of a boy; this being her first child she was suffering considerable, when mr. jessaume told captain lewis that he had frequently administered to persons in her situation, a small dose of the rattle of the rattlesnake which had never failed to hasten the delivery. having some of the rattle, captain lewis gave it to mr. jessaume who crumbled two of the rings of it between his fingers, and mixing it with a small quantity of water gave it to her. what effect it may really have had it might be difficult to determine, but captain lewis was informed that she had not taken it more than ten minutes before the delivery took place. tuesday 12. the morning is fair though cold, the mercury being 14â° below the wind from the s.e. about four o'clock the horses were brought in much fatigued; on giving them meal bran moistened with water they would not eat it, but preferred the bark of the cottonwood, which as is already observed forms their principal food during the winter. the horses of the mandans are so often stolen by the sioux, ricaras, and assiniboins, that the invariable rule now is to put the horses every night in the same lodge with the family. in the summer they ramble in the plains in the vicinity of the camp, and feed on the grass, but during cold weather the squaws cut down the cottonwood trees as they are wanted, and the horses feed on the boughs and bark of the tender branches, which are also brought into the lodges at night and placed near them. these animals are very severely treated; for whole days they are pursuing the buffaloe, or burdened with the fruits of the chase, during which they scarcely ever taste food, and at night return to a scanty allowance of wood; yet the spirit of this valuable animal sustains him through all these difficulties, and he is rarely deficient either in flesh or vigour. wednesday 13. the morning was cloudy, the thermometer at 2â° below 0, the wind from the southeast. captain clarke returned last evening with all his hunting party: during their excursion they had killed forty deer, three buffaloe, and sixteen elk; but most of the game was too lean for use, and the wolves, who regard whatever lies out at night as their own, had appropriated a large part of it: when he left the fort on the 4th instant, he descended on the ice twenty-two miles to new mandan island, near some of their old villages, and encamped, having killed nothing, and therefore without food for the night. early on the 5th, the hunters went out and killed two buffaloe and a deer, but the last only could be used, the others being too lean. after breakfast they proceeded down to an indian lodge and hunted during the day: the next morning, 6th, they encamped forty-four miles from the fort on a sand point near the mouth of a creek on the southwest side, which they call hunting creek, and during this and the following day hunted through all the adjoining plains, with much success, having killed a number of deer and elk. on the 8th, the best of the meat was sent with the horses to the fort, and such parts of the remainder as were fit for use were brought to a point of the river three miles below, and after the bones were taken out, secured in pens built of logs, so as to keep off the wolves, ravens and magpies, who are very numerous and constantly disappoint the hunter of his prey: they then went to the low grounds near the chisshetaw river where they encamped, but saw nothing except some wolves on the hills, and a number of buffaloe too poor to be worth hunting. the next morning 9th, as there was no game and it would have been inconvenient to send it back sixty miles to the fort, they returned up the river, and for three days hunted along the banks and plains, and reached the fort in the evening of the twelfth much fatigued, having walked thirty miles that day on the ice and through the snow in many places knee deep, the moccasins too being nearly worn out: the only game which they saw besides what is mentioned, was some growse on the sandbars in the river. thursday 14. last night the snow fell three inches deep; the day was, however, fine. four men were despatched with sleds and three horses to bring up the meat which had been collected by the hunters. they returned however, with intelligence that about twenty-one miles below the fort a party of upwards of one hundred men, whom they supposed to be sioux, rushed on them, cut the traces of the sleds, and carried off two of the horses, the third being given up by intercession of an indian who seemed to possess some authority over them; they also took away two of the men's knifes, and a tomahawk, which last however they returned. we sent up to the mandans to inform them of it, and to know whether any of them would join a party which intended to pursue the robbers in the morning. about twelve o'clock two of their chiefs came down and said that all their young men were out hunting, and that there were few guns in the village. several indians however, armed some with bows and arrows, some with spears and battle-axes, and two with fusils, accompanied captain lewis, who set out, friday 15, at sunrise with twenty-four men. the morning was fine and cool, the thermometer being at 16â° below 0. in the course of the day one of the mandan chiefs returned from captain lewis's party, his eye-sight having become so bad that he could not proceed. at this season of the year the reflexion from the ice and snow is so intense as to occasion almost total blindness. this complaint is very common, and the general remedy is to sweat the part affected by holding the face over a hot stone, and receiving the fumes from snow thrown on it. a large red fox was killed to-day. saturday 16. the morning was warm, mercury at 32â° above 0, the weather cloudy: several of the indians who went with captain lewis returned, as did also one of our men, whose feet had been frostbitten. sunday 17. the weather continued as yesterday, though in the afternoon it became fair. shotawhorora and his son came to see us, with about thirty pounds of dried buffaloe meat and some tallow. monday 18. the morning was cloudy with some snow, but in the latter part of the day it cleared up. mr. m'kenzie who had spent yesterday at the fort now left us. our stock of meat is exhausted, so that we must confine ourselves to vegetable diet, at least till the return of the party: for this, however, we are at no loss, since both on this and the following day, tuesday 19, our blacksmith got large quantities of corn from the indians who came in great numbers to see us. the weather was fair and warm, the wind from the south. wednesday, 20th. the day was delightfully fine; the mercury being at sunrise 2â° and in the course of the day 22â° above 0, the wind southerly. kagohami came down to see us early: his village is afflicted by the death of one of their eldest men, who from his account to us must have seen one hundred and twenty winters. just as he was dying, he requested his grandchildren to dress him in his best robe when he was dead, and then carry him on a hill and seat him on a stone, with his face down the river towards their old villages, that he might go straight to his brother who had passed before him to the ancient village under ground. we have seen a number of mandans who have lived to a great age; chiefly however the men, whose robust exercises fortify the body, while the laborious occupations of the women shorten their existence. thursday 21. we had a continuation of the same pleasant weather. oheenaw and shahaka came down to see us, and mentioned that several of their countrymen had gone to consult their medicine stone as to the prospects of the following year. this medicine stone is the great oracle of the mandans, and whatever it announces is believed with implicit confidence. every spring, and on some occasions during the summer, a deputation visits the sacred spot, where there is a thick porous stone twenty-feet in circumference, with a smooth surface. having reached the place the ceremony of smoking to it is performed by the deputies, who alternately take a whiff themselves and then present the pipe to the stone; after this they retire to an adjoining wood for the night, during which it may be safely presumed that all the embassy do not sleep; and in the morning they read the destinies of the nation in the white marks on the stone, which those who made them are at no loss to decypher. the minnetarees have a stone of a similar kind, which has the same qualities and the same influence over the nation. captain lewis returned from his excursion in pursuit of the indians. on reaching the place where the sioux had stolen our horses, they found only one sled, and several pair of moccasins which were recognised to be those of the sioux. the party then followed the indian tracks till they reached two old lodges where they slept, and the next morning pursued the course of the river till they reached some indian camps, where captain clarke passed the night some time ago, and which the sioux had now set on fire, leaving a little corn near the place in order to induce a belief that they were ricaras. from this point the sioux tracks left the river abruptly and crossed into the plains; but perceiving that there was no chance of overtaking them, captain lewis went down to the pen where captain clarke had left some meat, which he found untouched by the indians, and then hunted in the low grounds on the river, till he returned with about three thousand pounds of meat, some drawn in a sled by fifteen of the men, and the rest on horseback; having killed thirty-six deer, fourteen elk, and one wolf. friday, 22nd. the morning was cloudy and a little snow fell, but in the afternoon the weather became fair. we were visited by a number of indians, among whom was shotawhorora, a chief of much consideration among the mandan, although by birth a ricara. saturday, 23d. the day is warm and pleasant. having worked industriously yesterday and all this morning we were enabled to disengage one of the periogues and haul it on shore, and also nearly to cut out the second. the father of the boy whose foot had been so badly frozen, and whom we had now cured, came to-day and carried him home in a sleigh. sunday, 24th. the weather is again fine. we succeeded in loosening the second periogue and barge, though we found a leak in the latter. the whole of the next day, monday, 25th, we were occupied in drawing up the boats on the bank: the smallest one we carried there with no difficulty, but the barge was too heavy for our elk-skin ropes which constantly broke. we were visited by orupsehara, or black moccasin, and several other chiefs, who brought us presents of meat on the backs of their squaws, and one of the minnetarees requested and obtained permission for himself and his two wives to remain all night in the fort. the day was exceedingly pleasant. tuesday 26. the weather is again fine. by great labour during the day we got all the boats on the bank by sunset, an operation which attracted a great number of indians to the fort. wednesday 27. the weather continues fine. all of us employed in preparing tools to build boats for our voyage, as we find that small periogues will be much more convenient than the barge in ascending the missouri. thursday 28. the day is clear and pleasant. sixteen men were sent out to examine the country for trees suitable for boats, and were successful in finding them. two of the n.w. company traders arrived with letters; they had likewise a root which is used for the cure of persons bitten by mad dogs, snakes, and other venomous animals: it is found on high grounds and the sides of hills, and the mode of using it is to scarify the wound, and apply to it an inch or more of the chewed or pounded root, which is to be renewed twice a day; the patient must not however chew or swallow any of the root, as an inward application might be rather injurious than beneficial. mr. gravelines with two frenchmen and two indians arrived from the ricara nation, with letters from mr. anthony tabeau. this last gentleman informs us that the ricaras express their determination to follow our advice, and to remain at peace with the mandans and minnetarees, whom they are desirous of visiting; they also wish to know whether these nations would permit the ricaras to settle near them, and form a league against their common enemies the sioux. on mentioning this to the mandans they agreed to it, observing that they always desired to cultivate friendship with the ricaras, and that the ahnahaways and minnetarees have the same friendly views. mr. gravelines states that the band of tetons whom we had seen was well disposed to us, owing to the influence of their chief the black buffaloe; but that the three upper bands of tetons, with the sisatoons, and the yanktons of the north, mean soon to attack the indians in this quarter, with a resolution to put to death every white man they encounter. moreover, that mr. cameron of st. peter's has armed the sioux against the chippeways, who have lately put to death three of his men. the men who had stolen our horses we found to be all sioux, who after committing the outrage went to the ricara villages, where they said that they had hesitated about killing our men who were with the horses, but that in future they would put to death any of us they could, as we were bad medicines and deserved to be killed. the ricaras were displeased at their conduct and refused to give them any thing to eat, which is deemed the greatest act of hostility short of actual violence. friday, march 1. the day is fine, and the whole party is engaged, some in making ropes and periogues, others in burning coal, and making battle axes to sell for corn. saturday 2. mr. laroche one of the n.w. company's traders has just arrived with merchandise from the british establishments on the assiniboin. the day is fine, and the river begins to break up in some places, the mercury being between 28â° and 36â° above 0, and the wind from the n.e. we were visited by several indians. sunday 3. the weather pleasant, the wind from the e. with clouds; in the afternoon the clouds disappeared and the wind came from the n.w. the men are all employed in preparing the boats; we are visited by poscapsahe and several other indians with corn. a flock of ducks passed up the river to-day. monday 4. a cloudy morning with n.w. wind, the latter part of the day clear. we had again some indian visitors with a small present of meat. the assiniboins, who a few days since visited the mandans, returned, and attempted to take horses from the minnetarees, who fired on them; a circumstance which may occasion some disturbance between the two nations. tuesday 5. about four o'clock in the morning there was a slight fall of snow, but the day became clear and pleasant with the mercury 40â° above 0. we sent down an indian and a frenchman to the ricara villages with a letter to mr. tabeau. wednesday 6. the day was cloudy and smoky in consequence of the burning of the plains by the minnetarees; they have set all the neighbouring country on fire in order to obtain an early crop of grass which may answer for the consumption of their horses, and also as an inducement for the buffaloe and other game to visit it. the horses stolen two days ago by the assiniboins have been returned to the minnetarees. ohhaw second chief of the lower minnetaree village came to see us. the river rose a little and overran the ice, so as to render the crossing difficult. thursday, 7th. the day was somewhat cloudy, and colder than usual; the wind from the northeast. shotawhorora visited us with a sick child, to whom some medicine was administered. there were also other indians who brought corn and dried buffaloe meat in exchange for blacksmith's work. friday 8. the day cold and fair with a high easterly wind: we were visited by two indians who gave us an account of the country and people near the rocky mountains where they had been. saturday 9. the morning cloudy and cool, the wind from the north. the grand chief of the minnetarees, who is called by the french le borgne, from his having but one eye, came down for the first time to the fort. he was received with much attention, two guns were fired in honour of his arrival, the curiosities were exhibited to him, and as he said that he had not received the presents which we had sent to him on his arrival, we again gave him a flag, a medal, shirt, armbraces and the usual presents on such occasions, with all which he was much pleased. in the course of the conversation, the chief observed that some foolish young men of his nation had told him there was a person among us who was quite black, and he wished to know if it could be true. we assured him that it was true, and sent for york: the borgne was very much surprised at his appearance, examined him closely, and spit on his finger and rubbed the skin in order to wash off the paint; nor was it until the negro uncovered his head, and showed his short hair, that the borgne could be persuaded that he was not a painted white man. sunday 10. a cold windy day. tetuckopinreha, chief of the ahnahaways, and the minnetaree chief ompsehara, passed the day with us, and the former remained during the night. we had occasion to see an instance of the summary justice of the indians: a young minnetaree had carried off the daughter of cagonomokshe, the raven man, second chief of the upper village of the mandans; the father went to the village and found his daughter, whom he brought home, and took with him a horse belonging to the offender: this reprisal satisfied the vengeance of the father and of the nation, as the young man would not dare to reclaim his horse, which from that time became the property of the injured party. the stealing of young women is one of the most common offenses against the police of the village, and the punishment of it always measured by the power or the passions of the kindred of the female. a voluntary elopement is of course more rigorously chastised. one of the wives of the borgne deserted him in favour of a man who had been her lover before the marriage, and who after some time left her, and she was obliged to return to her father's house. as soon as he heard it the borgne walked there and found her sitting near the fire: without noticing his wife, he began to smoke with the father; when they were joined by the old men of the village, who knowing his temper had followed in hopes of appeasing him. he continued to smoke quietly with them, till rising to return, he took his wife by the hair, led her as far as the door, and with a single stroke of his tomahawk put her to death before her father's eyes: then turning fiercely upon the spectators, he said that if any of her relations wished to avenge her, they might always find him at his lodge; but the fate of the woman had not sufficient interest to excite the vengeance of the family. the caprice or the generosity of the same chief gave a very different result to a similar incident which occurred some time afterwards. another of his wives eloped with a young man, who not being able to support her as she wished they both returned to the village, and she presented herself before the husband, supplicating his pardon for her conduct: the borgne sent for the lover: at the moment when the youth expected that he would be put to death, the chief mildly asked them if they still preserved their affection for each other; and on their declaring that want, and not a change of affection had induced them to return, he gave up his wife to her lover, with the liberal present of three horses, and restored them both to his favour. monday 11. the weather was cloudy in the morning and a little snow fell, the wind then shifted from southeast to northwest and the day became fair. it snowed again in the evening, but the next day, tuesday 12, was fair with the wind from the northwest. wednesday 13. we had a fine day, and a southwest wind. mr. m'kenzie came to see us, as did also many indians who are so anxious for battle-axes that our smiths have not a moment's leisure, and procure us an abundance of corn. the river rose a little to-day, and so continued. thursday 14. the wind being from the west, and the day fine, the whole party were employed in building boats and in shelling corn. friday 15. the day is clear, pleasant and warm. we take advantage of the fine weather to hang all our indian presents and other articles out to dry before our departure. saturday 16. the weather is cloudy, the wind from the southeast. a mr. garrow, a frenchman who has resided a long time among the ricaras and mandans, explained to us the mode in which they make their large beads, an art which they are said to have derived from some prisoners of the snake indian nation, and the knowledge of which is a secret even now confined to a few among the mandans and ricaras: the process is as follows: glass of different colours is first pounded fine and washed, till each kind, which is kept separate, ceases to stain the water thrown over it: some well seasoned clay, mixed with a sufficient quantity of sand to prevent its becoming very hard when exposed to heat, and reduced by water to the consistency of dough, is then rolled on the palm of the hand, till it becomes of the thickness wanted for the hole in the bead; these sticks of clay are placed upright, each on a little pedestal or ball of the same material about an ounce in weight, and distributed over a small earthen platter, which is laid on the fire for a few minutes, when they are taken off to cool: with a little paddle or shovel three or four inches long and sharpened at the end of the handle, the wet pounded glass is placed in the palm of the hand: the beads are made of an oblong form wrapped in a cylindrical form round the stick of clay which is laid crosswise over it, and gently rolled backwards and forwards till it becomes perfectly smooth. if it be desired to introduce any other colour, the surface of the bead is perforated with the pointed end of the paddle and the cavity filled with pounded glass of that colour: the sticks with the string of beads are then replaced on their pedestals, and the platter deposited on burning coals or hot embers: over the platter an earthern pot containing about three gallons, with a mouth large enough to cover the platter, is reversed, being completely closed except a small aperture at the top, through which are watched the bead: a quantity of old dried wood formed into a sort of dough or paste is placed round the pot so as almost to cover it, and afterwards set on fire: the manufacturer then looks through the small hole in the pot, till he sees the beads assume a deep red colour, to which succeeds a paler or whitish red, or they become pointed at the upper extremity; on which the fire is removed and the pot suffered to cool gradually: at length it is removed, the beads taken out, the clay in the hollow of them picked out with an awl or needle, and it is then fit for use. the beads thus formed are in great demand among the indians, and used as pendants to their ears and hair, and are sometimes worn round the neck. sunday 17. a windy but clear and pleasant day, the river rising a little and open in several places. our minnetaree interpreter chaboneau, whom we intended taking with us to the pacific, had some days ago been worked upon by the british traders, and appeared unwilling to accompany us, except on certain terms; such as his not being subject to our orders, and do duty, or to return whenever he chose. as we saw clearly the source of his hesitation, and knew that it was intended as an obstacle to our views, we told him that the terms were inadmissible, and that we could dispense with his services: he had accordingly left us with some displeasure. since then he had made an advance towards joining us, which we showed no anxiety to meet; but this morning he sent an apology for his improper conduct, and agreed to go with us and perform the same duties as the rest of the corps; we therefore took him again into our service. monday 18. the weather was cold and cloudy, the wind from the north. we were engaged in packing up the goods into eight divisions, so as to preserve a portion of each in case of accident. we hear that the sioux have lately attacked a party of assiniboins and knistenaux, near the assiniboin river, and killed fifty of them. tuesday 19. some snow fell last night, and this morning was cold, windy, and cloudy. shahaka and kagohami came down to see us, as did another indian with a sick child, to whom we gave some medicine. there appears to be an approaching war, as two parties have already gone from the minnetarees, and a third is preparing. wednesday 20. the morning was cold and cloudy, the wind high from the north, but the afternoon was pleasant. the canoes being finished, four of them were carried down to the river, at the distance of a mile and a half from where they were constructed. thursday 20. the remaining periogues were hauled to the same place, and all the men except three, who were left to watch them returned to the fort. on his way down, which was about six miles, captain clarke passed along the points of the high hills, where he saw large quantities of pumicestone on the foot, sides and tops of the hills, which had every appearance of having been at some period on fire. he collected specimens of the stone itself, the pumicestone, and the hard earth; and on being put into the furnace the hard earth melted and glazed, the pumicestone melted, and the hardstone became a pumicestone glazed. chapter vii. indian method of attacking the buffaloe on the ice--an enumeration of the presents sent to the president of the united states--the party are visited by a ricara chief--they leave their encampment, and proceed on their journey--description of the little missouri--some account of the assiniboins--their mode of burying the dead--whiteearth river described--great quantity of salt discovered on its banks--yellowstone river described--a particular account of the country at the confluence of the yellowstone and missouri--description of the missouri, the surrounding country, and of the rivers, creeks, islands, &c. friday 22. this was a clear pleasant day, with the wind from the s.s.w. we were visited by the second chief of the minnetarees, to whom we gave a medal and some presents, accompanied by a speech. mr. m'kenzie and mr. laroche also came to see us. they all took their leave next day. saturday 23. soon after their departure, a brother of the borgne with other indians came to the fort. the weather was fine, but in the evening we had the first rain that has fallen during the winter. sunday 24. the morning cloudy, but the afternoon fair, the wind from the n.e. we are employed in preparing for our journey. this evening swans and wild geese flew towards the n.e. monday 25. a fine day, the wind s.w. the river rose nine inches, and the ice began breaking away in several places, so as to endanger our canoes which we are hauling down to the fort. tuesday 26. the river rose only half an inch, and being choaked up with ice near the fort, did not begin to run till towards evening. this day is clear and pleasant. wednesday 27. the wind is still high from the s.w.: the ice which is ocasionally stopped for a few hours is then thrown over shallow sandbars when the river runs. we had all our canoes brought down, and were obliged to cauk and pitch very attentively the cracks so common in cottonwood. thursday 28. the day is fair. some obstacle above has prevented the ice from running. our canoes are now nearly ready, and we expect to set out as soon as the river is sufficiently clear to permit us to pass. friday 29. the weather clear, and the wind from n.w. the obstruction above gave way this morning, and the ice came down in great quantities; the river having fallen eleven inches in the course of the last twenty-four hours. we have had few indians at the fort for the last three or four days, as they are now busy in catching the floating buffaloe. every spring as the river is breaking up the surrounding plains are set on fire, and the buffaloe tempted to cross the river in search of the fresh grass which immediately succeeds to the burning: on their way they are often insulated on a large cake or mass of ice, which floats down the river: the indians now select the most favourable points for attack, and as the buffaloe approaches dart with astonishing agility across the trembling ice, sometimes pressing lightly a cake of not more than two feet square: the animal is of course unsteady, and his footsteps insecure on this new element, so that he can make but little resistance, and the hunter, who has given him his death wound, paddles his icy boat to the shore and secures his prey. saturday 30. the day was clear and pleasant, the wind n.w. and the ice running in great quantities. all our indian presents were again exposed to the air, and the barge made ready to descend the missouri. monday 31. early this morning it rained, and the weather continued cloudy during the day; the river rose nine inches, the ice not running so much as yesterday. several flocks of geese and ducks fly up the river. monday, april 1, 1805. this morning there was a thunder storm, accompanied with large hail, to which succeeded rain for about half an hour. we availed ourselves of this interval to get all the boats in the water. at four o'clock p.m. it began to rain a second time, and continued till twelve at night. with the exception of a few drops at two or three different times, this is the first rain we have had since the 15th of october last. tuesday 2. the wind was high last night and this morning from n.w. and the weather continued cloudy. the mandans killed yesterday twenty-one elk, about fifteen miles below, but they were so poor as to be scarcely fit for use. wednesday 3. the weather is pleasant, though there was a white frost and some ice on the edge of the water. we were all engaged in packing up our baggage and merchandize. thursday 4. the day is clear and pleasant, though the wind is high from n.w. we now packed up in different boxes a variety of articles for the president, which we shall send in the barge. they consisted of a stuffed male and female antelope with their skeletons, a weasel, three squirrels from the rocky mountains, the skeleton of the prairie wolf, those of the white and gray hare, a male and female blaireau, or burrowing dog of the prairie, with a skeleton of the female, two burrowing squirrels, a white weasel, and the skin of the louservia, the horns of the mountain ram, or big-horn, a pair of large elk horns, the horns and tail of the black-tailed deer, and a variety of skins, such as those of the red fox, white hare, martin, yellow bear obtained from the sioux; also, a number of articles of indian dress, among which was a buffaloe robe, representing a battle fought about eight years since between the sioux and ricaras against the mandans and minnetarees, in which the combatants are represented on horseback. it has of late years excited much discussion to ascertain the period when the art of painting was first discovered: how hopeless all researches of this kind are, is evident from the foregoing fact. it is indebted for its origin to one of the strongest passions of the human heart; a wish to preserve the features of a departed friend, or the memory of some glorious exploit: this inherits equally the bosoms of all men either civilized or savage. such sketches, rude and imperfect as they are, delineate the predominant character of the savage nations. if they are peaceable and inoffensive, the drawings usually consist of local scenery, and their favourite diversions. if the band are rude and ferocious, we observe tomahawks, scalpingknives, bows, arrows, and all the engines of destruction. a mandan bow and quiver of arrows; also some ricara tobacco-seed and an ear of mandan corn; to these were added a box of plants, another of insects, and three cases containing a burrowing squirrel; a prairie hen, and four magpies, all alive. friday, 5th. fair and pleasant, but the wind high from the northwest: we were visited by a number of mandans, and are occupied in loading our boats in order to proceed on our journey. saturday, 6th. another fine day with a gentle breeze from the south. the mandans continue to come to the fort; and in the course of the day informed us of the arrival of a party of ricaras on the other side of the river. we sent our interpreter to inquire into their reason for coming; and in the morning, sunday, 7th, he returned with a ricara chief and three of his nation. the chief, whose name is kagohweto, or brave raven, brought a letter from mr. tabeau, mentioning the wish of the grand chiefs of the ricaras to visit the president, and requesting permission for himself and four men to join our boat when it descends; to which we consented, as it will then be manned with fifteen hands and be able to defend itself against the sioux. after presenting the letter, he told us that he was sent with ten warriors by his nation to arrange their settling near the mandans and minnetarees, whom they wished to join; that he considered all the neighboring nations friendly except the sioux, whose persecution they would no longer withstand, and whom they hoped to repel by uniting with the tribes in this quarter: he added that the ricaras intended to follow our advice and live in peace with all nations, and requested that we would speak in their favour to the assiniboin indians. this we willingly promised to do, and assured them that their great father would protect them and no longer suffer the sioux to have good guns, or to injure his dutiful children. we then gave him a small medal, a certificate of his good conduct, a carrot of tobacco, and some wampum, with which he departed for the mandan village well satisfied with his reception. having made all our arrangements, we left the fort about five o'clock in the afternoon. the party now consisted of thirty-two persons. besides ourselves were serjeants john ordway, nathaniel pryor, and patrick gass: the privates were william bratton, john colter, john collins, peter cruzatte, robert frazier, reuben fields, joseph fields, george gibson, silas goodrich, hugh hall, thomas p. howard, baptiste lapage, francis labiche, hugh m'neal, john potts, john shields, george shannon, john b. thompson, william werner, alexander willard, richard windsor, joseph whitehouse, peter wiser, and captain clarke's black servant york. the two interpreters, were george drewyer and toussaint chaboneau. the wife of chaboneau also accompanied us with her young child, and we hope may be useful as an interpreter among the snake indians. she was herself one of that tribe, but having been taken in war by the minnetarees, by whom she was sold as a slave to chaboneau, who brought her up and afterwards married her. one of the mandans likewise embarked with us, in order to go to the snake indians and obtain a peace with them for his countrymen. all this party with the baggage was stowed in six small canoes and two large periogues. we left the fort with fair pleasant weather though the northwest wind was high, and after making about four miles encamped on the north side of the missouri, nearly opposite the first mandan village. at the same time that we took our departure, our barge manned with seven soldiers, two frenchmen, and mr. gravelines as pilot, sailed for the united states loaded with our presents and despatches. monday, 8th. the day was clear and cool, the wind from the northwest, so that we travelled slowly. after breakfasting at the second mandan village we passed the mahaha at the mouth of knife river, a handsome stream about eighty yards wide. beyond this we reached the island which captain clarke had visited on the 30th october. this island has timber as well as the lowlands on the north, but its distance from the water had prevented our encamping there during the winter. from the head of this island we made three and a half miles to a point of wood on the north, passing a high bluff on the south, and having come about fourteen miles. in the course of the day one of our boats filled and was near sinking; we however saved her with the loss of a little biscuit and powder. tuesday, april 9. we set off as soon as it was light, and proceeded five miles to breakfast, passing a low ground on the south, covered with groves of cottonwood timber. at the distance of six miles, we reached on the north a hunting camp of minnetarees consisting of thirty lodges, and built in the usual form of earth and timber. two miles and a quarter farther, comes in on the same side miry creek, a small stream about ten yards wide, which, rising in some lakes near the mouse river, passes through beautiful level fertile plains without timber in a direction nearly southwest; the banks near its entrance being steep, and rugged on both sides of the missouri. three miles above this creek we came to a hunting party of minnetarees, who had prepared a park or inclosure and were waiting the return of the antelope: this animal, which in the autumn retires for food and shelter to the black mountains during the winter, recross the river at this season of the year, and spread themselves through the plains on the north of the missouri. we halted and smoked a short time with them, and then proceeded on through handsome plains on each side of the river, and encamped at the distance of twenty-three and a half miles on the north side: the day was clear and pleasant, the wind high from the south, but afterwards changed to a western steady breeze. the bluffs which we passed to-day are upwards of one hundred feet high, composed of a mixture of yellow clay and sand, with many horizontal strata of carbonated wood resembling pit-coal, from one to five feet in depth, and scattered through the bluff at different elevations, some as high as eighty feet above the water: the hills along the river are broken, and present every appearance of having been burned at some former period; great quantities of pumicestone and lava or rather earth, which seems to have been boiled and then hardened by exposure, being seen in many parts of these hills where they are broken and washed down into gullies by the rain and melting snow. a great number of brants pass up the river: there are some of them perfectly white, except the large feathers of the first and second joint of the wing which are black, though in every other characteristic they resemble common gray brant: we also saw but could not procure an animal that burrows in the ground, and similar in every respect to the burrowing squirrel, except that it is only one third of its size. this may be the animal whose works we have often seen in the plains and prairies; they resemble the labours of the salamander in the sand hills of south carolina and georgia, and like him, the animals rarely come above ground; they consist of a little hillock of ten or twelve pounds of loose ground which would seem to have been reversed from a pot, though no aperture is seen through which it could have been thrown: on removing gently the earth, you discover that the soil has been broken in a circle of about an inch and a half diameter, where the ground is looser though still no opening is perceptible. when we stopped for dinner the squaw went out, and after penetrating with a sharp stick the holes of the mice, near some drift wood, brought to us a quantity of wild artichokes, which the mice collect and hoard in large numbers; the root is white, of an ovate form, from one to three inches long, and generally of the size of a man's finger, and two, four, and sometimes six roots are attached to a single stalk. its flavour as well as the stalk which issues from it resemble those of the jerusalem artichoke, except that the latter is much larger. a large beaver was caught in a trap last night, and the musquitoes begin to trouble us. wednesday 10. we again set off early with clear pleasant weather, and halted about ten for breakfast, above a sandbank which was falling in, and near a small willow island. on both sides of the missouri, after ascending the hills near the water, one fertile unbroken plain extends itself as far as the eye can reach, without a solitary tree or shrub, except in moist situations or in the steep declivities of hills where they are sheltered from the ravages of fire. at the distance of twelve miles we reached the lower point of a bluff on the south; which is in some parts on fire and throws out quantities of smoke which has a strong sulphurous smell, the coal and other appearances in the bluffs being like those described yesterday: at one o'clock we overtook three frenchmen who left the fort a few days before us, in order to make the first attempt on this river of hunting beaver, which they do by means of traps: their efforts promise to be successful for they have already caught twelve which are finer than any we have ever seen: they mean to accompany us as far as the yellowstone river in order to obtain our protection against the assiniboins who might attack them. in the evening we encamped on a willow point to the south opposite to a bluff, above which a small creek falls in, and just above a remarkable bend in the river to the southwest, which we called the little basin. the low grounds which we passed to-day possess more timber than is usual, and are wider: the current is moderate, at least not greater than that of the ohio in high tides; the banks too fall in but little; so that the navigation comparatively with that lower down the missouri is safe and easy. we were enabled to make eighteen and a half miles: we saw the track of a large white bear, there were also a herd of antelopes in the plains; the geese and swan are now feeding in considerable quantities on the young grass in the low prairies; we shot a prairie hen, and a bald eagle of which there were many nests in the tall cottonwood trees; but could procure neither of two elk which were in the plain. our old companions the musquitoes have renewed their visit, and gave us much uneasiness. thursday, 11th. we set out at daylight, and after passing bare and barren hills on the south, and a plain covered with timber on the north, breakfasted at five miles distance: here we were regaled with a deer brought in by the hunters, which was very acceptable as we had been for several days without fresh meat; the country between this and fort mandan being so frequently disturbed by hunters that the game has become scarce. we then proceeded with a gentle breeze from the south which carried the periogues on very well; the day was however so warm that several of the men worked with no clothes except round the waist, which is the less inconvenient as we are obliged to wade in some places owing to the shallowness of the river. at seven miles we reached a large sandbar making out from the north. we again stopped for dinner, after which we went on to a small plain on the north covered with cottonwood where we encamped, having made nineteen miles. the country around is much the same as that we passed yesterday: on the sides of the hills, and even on the banks of the rivers, as well as on the sandbars, is a white substance which appears in considerable quantities on the surface of the earth, and tastes like a mixture of common salt with glauber salts: many of the streams which come from the foot of the hills, are so strongly impregnated with this substance, that the water has an unpleasant taste and a purgative effect. a beaver was caught last night by one of the frenchmen; we killed two geese, and saw some cranes, the largest bird of that kind common to the missouri and mississippi, and perfectly white except the large feathers on the two first joints of the wing which are black. under a bluff opposite to our encampment we discovered some indians with horses, whom we supposed were minnetarees, but the width of the river prevented our speaking to them. friday, 12th. we set off early and passed a high range of hills on the south side, our periogues being obliged to go over to the south in order to avoid a sandbank which was rapidly falling in. at six miles we came to at the lower side of the entrance of the little missouri, where we remained during the day for the purpose of making celestial observations. this river empties itself on the south side of the missouri, one thousand six hundred and ninety-three miles from its confluence with the mississippi. it rises to the west of the black mountains, across the northern extremity of which it finds a narrow rapid passage along high perpendicular banks, then seeks the missouri in a northeastern direction, through a broken country with highlands bare of timber, and the low grounds particularly supplied with cottonwood, elm, small ash, box, alder, and an undergrowth of willow, redwood, sometimes called red or swamp-willow, the redberry and chokecherry. in its course it passes near the northwest side of the turtle mountain, which is said to be only twelve or fifteen miles from its mouth in a straight line a little to the south of west, so that both the little missouri and knife river have been laid down too far southwest. it enters the missouri with a bold current, and is one hundred and thirty-four yards wide, but its greatest depth is two feet and a half, and this joined to its rapidity and its sandbars, make the navigation difficult except for canoes, which may ascend it for a considerable distance. at the mouth, and as far as we could discern from the hills between the two rivers about three miles from their junction, the country is much broken, the soil consisting of a deep rich dark coloured loam, intermixed with a small proportion of fine sand and covered generally with a short grass resembling blue grass. in its colour, the nature of its bed, and its general appearance, it resembles so much the missouri as to induce a belief that the countries they water are similar in point of soil. from the mandan villages to this place the country is hilly and irregular, with the same appearance of glauber salts and carbonated wood, the low grounds smooth, sandy, and partially covered with cottonwood and small ash; at some distance back there are extensive plains of a good soil, but without timber or water. we found great quantities of small onions which grow single, the bulb of an oval form, white, about the size of a bullet with a leaf resembling that of the chive. on the side of a neighbouring hill, there is a species of dwarf cedar: it spreads its limbs along the surface of the earth, which it almost conceals by its closeness and thickness, and is sometimes covered by it, having always a number of roots on the under side, while on the upper are a quantity of shoots which with their leaves seldom rise higher than six or eight inches; it is an evergreen, its leaf more delicate than that of the common cedar, though the taste and smell is the same. the country around has been so recently hunted that the game are extremely shy, so that a white rabbit, two beaver, a deer, and a bald eagle were all that we could procure. the weather had been clear, warm, and pleasant in the morning, but about three we had a squall of high wind and rain with some thunder, which lasted till after sunset when it again cleared off. saturday 13. we set out at sunrise, and at nine o'clock having the wind in our favour went on rapidly past a timbered low ground on the south, and a creek on the north at the distance of nine miles, which we called onion creek, from the quantity of that plant which grows in the plains near it: this creek is about sixteen yards wide at a mile and a half above its mouth, it discharges more water than is usual for creeks of that size in this country, but the whole plain which it waters is totally destitute of timber. the missouri itself widens very remarkably just above the junction with the little missouri: immediately at the entrance of the latter, it is not more than two hundred yards wide, and so shallow that it may be passed in canoes with setting poles, while a few miles above it is upwards of a mile in width: ten miles beyond onion creek we came to another, discharging itself on the north in the centre of a deep bend: on ascending it for about a mile and a half, we found it to be the discharge of a pond or small lake, which seemed to have been once the bed of the missouri: near this lake were the remains of forty-three temporary lodges which seem to belong to the assiniboins, who are now on the river of the same name. a great number of swan and geese were also in it, and from this circumstance we named the creek goose creek, and the lake by the same name: these geese we observe do not build their nests on the ground or in sandbars, but in the tops of lofty cottonwood trees: we saw some elk and buffaloe to-day but at too great a distance to obtain any of them, though a number of the carcases of the latter animal are strewed along the shores, having fallen through the ice, and been swept along when the river broke up. more bald eagles are seen on this part of the missouri than we have previously met with; the small or common hawk, common in most parts of the united states, are also found here: great quantities of geese are feeding in the prairies, and one flock of white brant or goose with black wings, and some gray brant with them pass up river, and from their flight they seem to proceed much farther to the northwest. we killed two antelopes which were very lean, and caught last night two beaver: the french hunters who had procured seven, thinking the neighborhood of the little missouri a convenient hunting ground for that animal, remained behind there: in the evening we encamped in a beautiful plain on the north thirty feet above the river, having made twenty-two and a half miles. sunday 14. we set off early with pleasant and fair weather: a dog joined us, which we suppose had strayed from the assiniboin camp on the lake. at two and a half miles we passed timbered low grounds and a small creek: in these low grounds are several uninhabited lodges built with the boughs of the elm, and the remains of two recent encampments, which from the hoops of small kegs found in them we judged could belong to assiniboins only, as they are the only missouri indians who use spirituous liquors: of these they are so passionately fond that it forms their chief inducement to visit the british on the assiniboin, to whom they barter for kegs of rum their dried and pounded meat, their grease, and the skins of large and small wolves, and small foxes. the dangerous exchange is transported to their camps with their friends and relations, and soon exhausted in brutal intoxication: so far from considering drunkenness as disgraceful, the women and children are permitted and invited to share in these excesses with their husbands and fathers, who boast how often their skill and industry as hunters has supplied them with the means of intoxication: in this, as in their other habits and customs, they resemble the sioux from whom they are descended: the trade with the assiniboins and knistenaux is encouraged by the british, because it procures provision for their _engages_ on their return from rainy lake to the english river and the athabasky country where they winter; these men being obliged during that voyage to pass rapidly through a country but scantily supplied with game. we halted for dinner near a large village of burrowing squirrels, who we observe generally select a southeasterly exposure, though they are sometimes found in the plains. at ten and a quarter miles we came to the lower point of an island, which from the day of our arrival there we called sunday island: here the river washes the bases of the hills on both sides and above the island, which with its sandbar extends a mile and a half: two small creeks fall in from the south; the uppermost of these, which is the largest, we called chaboneau's creek, after our interpreter who once encamped on it several weeks with a party of indians. beyond this no white man had ever been except two frenchmen, one of whom lapage is with us, and who having lost their way straggled a few miles further, though to what point we could not ascertain: about a mile and a half beyond this island we encamped on a point of woodland on the north, having made in all fourteen miles. the assiniboins have so recently left the river that game is scarce and shy. one of the hunters shot at an otter last evening; a buffaloe too was killed, and an elk, both so poor as to be almost unfit for use; two white bear were also seen, and a muskrat swimming across the river. the river continues wide and of about the same rapidity as the ordinary current of the ohio. the low grounds are wide, the moister parts containing timber, the upland extremely broken, without wood, and in some places seem as if they had slipped down in masses of several acres in surface. the mineral appearances of salts, coal, and sulphur, with the burnt hill and pumicestone continue, and a bituminous water about the colour of strong lye, with the taste of glauber salts and a slight tincture of allum. many geese were feeding in the prairies, and a number of magpies who build their nest much like those of the blackbird in trees, and composed of small sticks, leaves and grass, open at top: the egg is of a bluish brown color, freckled with reddish brown spots. we also killed a large hooting owl resembling that of the united states, except that it was more booted and clad with feathers. on the hills are many aromatic herbs, resembling in taste, smell and appearance the sage, hysop, wormwood, southern wood, juniper and dwarf cedar; a plant also about two or three feet high, similar to the camphor in smell and taste, and another plant of the same size, with a long, narrow, smooth, soft leaf, of an agreeable smell and flavour, which is a favourite food of the antelope, whose necks are often perfumed by rubbing against it. monday 15. we proceeded under a fine breeze from the south, and clear pleasant weather. at seven miles we reached the lower point of an island in a bend to the south, which is two miles in length. captain clarke, who went about nine miles northward from the river reached the high grounds, which, like those we have seen, are level plains without timber; here he observed a number of drains, which descending from the hills pursue a northeast course, and probably empty into the mouse river, a branch of the assiniboin, which from indian accounts approaches very near to the missouri at this place. like all the rivulets of this neighbourhood these drains were so strongly impregnated with mineral salts that they are not fit to drink. he saw also the remains of several camps of assiniboins; the low grounds on both sides of the river are extensive, rich, and level. in a little pond on the north, we heard for the first time this season the croaking of frogs, which exactly resembles that of the small frogs in the united states: there are also in these plains great quantities of geese, and many of the grouse, or prairie hen, as they are called by the n.w. company traders; the note of the male, as far as words can represent it, is cook, cook, cook, coo, coo, coo, the first part of which both male and female use when flying; the male too drums with his wings when he flies in the same way, though not so loud as the pheasant; they appear to be mating. some deer, elk, and goats were in the low grounds, and buffaloe on the sand beaches, but they were uncommonly shy; we also saw a black bear, and two white ones. at fifteen miles we passed on the north side a small creek twenty yards wide, which we called goatpen creek, from a park or enclosure for the purpose of catching that animal, which those who went up the creek found, and which we presume to have been left by the assiniboins. its water is impregnated with mineral salts, and the country through which it flows consists of wide and very fertile plains, but without any trees. we encamped at the distance of twenty-three miles, on a sandpoint to the south; we passed in the evening a rock in the middle of the river, the channel of which a little above our camp, is confined within eighty yards. tuesday 16. the morning was clear, the wind light from the s.e. the country presents the same appearance of low plains and meadows on the river, bounded a few miles back by broken hills, which end in high level fertile lands, the quantity of timber is however increasing. the appearance of minerals continues as usual, and to-day we found several stones which seemed to have been wood, first carbonated and then petrified by the water of the missouri, which has the same effect on many vegetable substances. there is indeed reason to believe that the strata of coal in the hills cause the fire and appearances which they exhibit of being burned. whenever these marks present themselves in the bluffs on the river, the coal is seldom seen, and when found in the neighborhood of the strata of burnt earth, the coal with the sand and sulphurous matter usually accompanying it, is precisely at the same height and nearly of the same thickness with those strata. we passed three small creeks or rather runs, which rise in the hills to the north. numbers of geese, and few ducks chiefly of the mallard and bluewinged teal, many buffaloe, elk and deer were also observed, and in the timbered low grounds this morning we were surprised to observe a great quantity of old hornets' nests: we encamped in a point of woods on the south, having come eighteen miles, though the circuits which we were obliged to make around sandbars very much increased the real distance. wednesday, april 17. we set off early, the weather being fine, and the wind so favourable as to enable us to sail the greater part of the course. at ten and three quarter miles we passed a creek ten yards wide on the south; at eighteen miles a little run on the north, and at night encamped in a woody point on the south. we had travelled twenty-six miles through a country similar to that of yesterday, except that there were greater appearances of burnt hills, furnishing large quantities of lava and pumicestone, of the last of which we observe some pieces floating down the river, as we had previously done, as low as the little missouri. in all the copses of wood are the remains of the assiniboin encampments; around us are great quantities of game, such as herds of buffaloe, elk, antelopes, some deer and wolves, the tracks of bears, a curlue was also seen, and we obtained three beaver, the flesh of which is more relished by the men than any other food which we have. just before we encamped we saw some tracks of indians, who had passed twenty-four hours before, and left four rafts, and whom we supposed to be a band of assiniboins on their return from war against the indians on the rocky mountains. thursday 18. we had again a pleasant day, and proceeded on with a westerly wind, which however changed to n.w. and blew so hard that we were obliged to stop at one o'clock and remain four hours, when it abated and we then continued our course. we encamped about dark on a woody bank having made thirteen miles. the country presented the usual variety of highlands interspersed with rich plains. in one of these we observed a species of pea bearing a yellow flower, which is now in blossom, the leaf and stalk resembling the common pea. it seldom rises higher than six inches, and the root is perennial. on the rose bushes we also saw a quantity of the hair of the buffaloe, which had become perfectly white by exposure, and resembled the wool of the sheep, except that it was much finer and more soft and silky. a buffaloe which we killed yesterday had shed his long hair, and that which remained was about two inches long, thick, fine, and would have furnished five pounds of wool, of which we have no doubt an excellent cloth may be made. our game to-day was a beaver, a deer, an elk, and some geese. the river has been crooked all day and bearing towards the south. on the hills we observed considerable quantities of dwarf juniper, which seldom grows higher than three feet. we killed in the course of the day an elk, three geese and a beaver. the beaver on this part of the missouri are in greater quantities, larger and fatter, and their fur is more abundant and of a darker colour than any we had hitherto seen: their favourite food seems to be the bark of the cottonwood and willow, as we have seen no other species of tree that has been touched by them, and these they gnaw to the ground through a diameter of twenty inches. the next day, friday, 19th, the wind was so high from northwest that we could not proceed, but being less violent on saturday, 20th, we set off about seven o'clock, and had nearly lost one of the canoes as we left the shore, by the falling in of a large part of the bank. the wind too became again so strong that we could scarcely make one mile an hour, and the sudden squalls so dangerous to the small boats, that we stopped for the night among some willows on the north, not being able to advance more than six and a half miles. in walking through the neighbouring plains we found a fine fertile soil covered with cottonwood, some box, alder, ash, red elm, and an undergrowth of willow, rosebushes, honeysuckle, red willow, gooseberry, currant, and serviceberries, and along the foot of the hills great quantities of hysop. our hunters procured elk and deer which are now lean, and six beaver which are fatter and more palatable. along the plain there were also some indian camps; near one of these was a scaffold about seven feet high, on which were two sleds with their harness, and under it the body of a female, carefully wrapped in several dressed buffaloe skins; near it lay a bag made of buffaloe skin, containing a pair of moccasins, some red and blue paint, beaver's nails, scrapers for dressing hides, some dried roots, several plaits of sweet grass, and a small quantity of mandan tobacco. these things as well as the body itself had probably fallen down by accident, as the custom is to place them on the scaffold. at a little distance was the body of a dog not yet decayed, who had met this reward for having dragged thus far in the sled the corpse of his mistress, to whom according to the indian usage he had been sacrificed. sunday, 21st. last night there was a hard white frost, and this morning the weather cold, but clear and pleasant: in the course of the day however it became cloudy and the wind rose. the country is of the same description as within the few last days. we saw immense quantities of buffaloe, elk, deer, antelopes, geese, and some swan and ducks, out of which we procured three deer, four buffaloe calves, which last are equal in flavour to the most delicious veal; also two beaver, and an otter. we passed one large and two small creeks on the south side, and reached at sixteen miles the mouth of whiteearth river, coming in from the north. this river before it reaches the low grounds near the missouri, is a fine bold stream sixty yards wide, and is deep and navigable, but it is so much choked up at the entrance by the mud of the missouri, that its mouth is not more than ten yards wide. its course, as far as we could discern from the neighbouring hills, is nearly due north, passing through a beautiful and fertile valley, though without a tree or bush of any description. half a mile beyond this river we encamped on the same side below a point of highland, which from its appearance we call cut bluff. monday, 22d. the day clear and cold: we passed a high bluff on the north and plains on the south, in which were large herds of buffaloe, till breakfast, when the wind became so strong ahead that we proceeded with difficulty even with the aid of the towline. some of the party now walked across to the whiteearth river, which here at the distance of four miles from its mouth approaches very near to the missouri. it contains more water than is usual in streams of the same size at this season, with steep banks about ten or twelve feet high, and the water is much clearer than that of the missouri; the salts which have been mentioned as common on the missouri, are here so abundant that in many places the ground appears perfectly white, and from this circumstance it may have derived its name; it waters an open country and is navigable almost to its source, which is not far from the saskaskawan, and judging from its size and course, it is probable that it extends as far north as the fiftieth degree of latitude. after much delay in consequence of the high wind, we succeeded in making eleven miles, and encamped in a low ground on the south covered with cottonwood and rabbitberries. the hills of the missouri near this place exhibit large irregular broken masses of rocks and stones, some of which, although two hundred feet above the water, seem at some remote period to have been subject to its influence, being apparently worn smooth by the agitation of the water. these rocks and stones consist of white and gray granite, a brittle black rock, flint, limestone, freestone, some small specimens of an excellent pebble, and occasionally broken stratas of a black coloured stone like petrified wood, which make good whetstones. the usual appearances of coal, or carbonated wood, and pumicestone still continue, the coal being of a better quality and when burnt affords a hot and lasting fire, emitting very little smoke or flame. there are huge herds of deer, elk, buffaloe, and antelopes in view of us: the buffaloe are not so shy as the rest, for they suffer us to approach within one hundred yards before they run, and then stop and resume their pasture at a very short distance. the wolves to-day pursued a herd of them, and at length caught a calf that was unable to keep up with the rest; the mothers on these occasions defending their young as long as they can retreat as fast as the herd, but seldom returning any distance to seek for them. tuesday 23. a clear and pleasant morning, but at nine o'clock the wind became so high that the boats were in danger of upsetting; we therefore were forced to stop at a place of safety till about five in the afternoon, when the wind being lower we proceeded and encamped on the north at the distance of thirteen and a half miles: the party on shore brought us a buffaloe calf and three blacktailed deer: the sand on the river has the same appearances as usual, except that the quantity of wood increases. wednesday 24. the wind blew so high during the whole day that we were unable to move; such indeed was its violence, that although we were sheltered by high timber the waves wet many articles in the boats: the hunters went out and returned with four deer, two elk, and some young wolves of the small kind. the party are very much afflicted with sore eyes, which we presume are occasioned by the vast quantities of sand which are driven from the sandbars in such clouds as often to hide from us the view of the opposite bank. the particles of this sand are so fine and light that it floats for miles in the air like a column of thick smoke, and is so penetrating that nothing can be kept free from it, and we are compelled to eat, drink, and breathe it very copiously. to the same cause we attribute the disorder of one of our watches, although her cases are double and tight; since without any defect in its works, that we can discover, it will not run for more than a few minutes without stopping. thursday 25. the wind moderated this morning, but was still high; we therefore set out early, the weather being so cold that the water froze on the oars as we rowed, and about ten o'clock the wind increased so much that we were obliged to stop. this detention from the wind and the reports from our hunters of the crookedness of the river, induced us to believe that we were at no great distance from the yellowstone river. in order therefore to prevent delay as much as possible, captain lewis determined to go on by land in search of that river, and make the necessary observations, so as to be enabled to proceed on immediately after the boats should join him; he therefore landed about eleven o'clock on the south side, accompanied by four men; the boats were prevented from going until five in the afternoon, when they went on a few miles further and encamped for the night at the distance of fourteen and a half miles. friday 26. we continued our voyage in the morning and by twelve o'clock encamped at eight miles distance, at the junction of the missouri and yellowstone rivers; where we were soon joined by captain lewis. on leaving us yesterday he pursued his route along the foot of the hills, which he ascended at the distance of eight miles; from these the wide plains watered by the missouri and the yellowstone spread themselves before the eye, occasionally varied with the wood of the banks, enlivened by the irregular windings of the two rivers, and animated by vast herds of buffaloe, deer, elk, and antelope. the confluence of the two rivers was concealed by the wood, but the yellowstone itself was only two miles distant to the south. he therefore descended the hills and encamped on the bank of the river, having killed as he crossed the plain four buffaloes; the deer alone are shy and retire to the woods, but the elk, antelope, and buffaloe suffered him to approach them without alarm, and often followed him quietly for some distance. this morning he sent a man up the river to examine it, while he proceeded down to the junction: the ground on the lower side of the yellowstone near its mouth, is flat, and for about a mile seems to be subject to inundation, while that at the point or junction, as well as on the opposite side of the missouri, is at the usual height of ten or eighteen feet above the water, and therefore not overflown. there is more timber in the neighbourhood of this place, and on the missouri, as far below as the whiteearth river, than on any other part of the missouri on this side of the chayenne: the timber consists principally of cottonwood, with some small elm, ash, and box alder. on the sandbars and along the margin of the river grows the small-leafed willow; in the low grounds adjoining are scattered rosebushes three or four feet high, the redberry, serviceberry and redwood. the higher plains are either immediately on the river, in which case they are generally timbered, and have an undergrowth like that of the low grounds, with the addition of the broad-leafed willow, gooseberry, chokecherry, purple currant, and honeysuckle; or they are between the low grounds and the hills, and for the most part without wood or any thing except large quantities of wild hysop; this plant rises about two feet high, and like the willow of the sandbars is a favourite food of the buffaloe, elk, deer, grouse, porcupine, hare, and rabbit. this river which had been known to the french as the roche jaune, or as we have called it the yellowstone, rises according to indian information in the rocky mountains; its sources are near those of the missouri and the platte, and it may be navigated in canoes almost to its head. it runs first through a mountainous country, but in many parts fertile and well timbered; it then waters a rich delightful land, broken into vallies and meadows, and well supplied with wood and water till it reaches near the missouri open meadows and low grounds, sufficiently timbered on its borders. in the upper country its course is represented as very rapid, but during the two last and largest portions, its current is much more gentle than that of the missouri, which it resembles also in being turbid though with less sediment. the man who was sent up the river, reported in the evening that he had gone about eight miles, that during that distance the river winds on both sides of a plain four or five miles wide, that the current was gentle and much obstructed by sandbars, that at five miles he had met with a large timbered island, three miles beyond which a creek falls in on the s.e. above a high bluff, in which are several strata of coal. the country as far as he could discern, resembled that of the missouri, and in the plain he met several of the bighorn animals, but they were too shy to be obtained. the bed of the yellowstone, as we observed it near the mouth, is composed of sand and mud, without a stone of any kind. just above the confluence we measured the two rivers, and found the bed of the missouri five hundred and twenty yards wide, the water occupying only three hundred and thirty, and the channel deep: while the yellowstone, including its sandbar, occupied eight hundred and fifty-eight yards, with two hundred and ninety-seven yards of water: the deepest part of the channel is twelve feet, but the river is now falling and seems to be nearly at its summer height. april 27. we left the mouth of the yellowstone. from the point of junction a wood occupies the space between the two rivers, which at the distance of a mile comes within two hundred and fifty yards of each other. there a beautiful low plain commences, and widening as the rivers recede, extends along each of them for several miles, rising about half a mile from the missouri into a plain twelve feet higher than itself. the low plain is a few inches above high water mark, and where it joins the higher plain there is a channel of sixty or seventy yards in width, through which a part of the missouri when at its greatest height passes into the yellowstone. at two and a half miles above the junction and between the high and low plain is a small lake, two hundred yards wide, extending for a mile parallel with the missouri along the edge of the upper plain. at the lower extremity of this lake, about four hundred yards from the missouri, and twice that distance from the yellowstone, is a situation highly eligible for a trading establishment; it is in the high plain which extends back three miles in width, and seven or eight miles in length, along the yellowstone, where it is bordered by an extensive body of woodland, and along the missouri with less breadth, till three miles above it is circumscribed by the hills within a space four yards in width. a sufficient quantity of limestone for building may easily be procured near the junction of the rivers; it does not lie in regular stratas, but is in large irregular masses, of a light colour and apparently of an excellent quality. game too is very abundant, and as yet quite gentle; above all, its elevation recommends it as preferable to the land at the confluence of the rivers, which their variable channels may render very insecure. the n.w. wind rose so high at eleven o'clock, that we were obliged to stop till about four in the afternoon, when we proceeded till dusk. on the south a beautiful plain separates the two rivers, till at about six miles there is a timbered piece of low ground, and a little above it bluffs, where the country rises gradually from the river; the situations on the north more high and open. we encamped on that side, the wind, the sand which it raised, and the rapidity of the current having prevented our advancing more than eight miles; during the latter part of the day the river becomes wider and crowded with sandbars: although the game is in such plenty we kill only what is necessary for our subsistence. for several days past we have seen great numbers of buffaloe lying dead along the shore, and some of them partly devoured by the wolves; they have either sunk through the ice during the winter, or been drowned in attempting to cross, or else, after crossing to some high bluff, found themselves too much exhausted either to ascend or swim back again, and perished for want of food; in this situation we found several small parties of them. there are geese too in abundance, and more bald-eagles than we have hitherto observed; the nests of these last being always accompanied by those of two or three magpies, who are their inseparable attendants. chapter viii. unusual appearance of salt--the formidable character of the white bear--porcupine river described--beautiful appearance of the surrounding country--immense quantities of game--milk river described--extraordinary character of bigdry river--an instance of uncommon tenacity of life in a white bear--narrow escape of one of the party from that animal--a still more remarkable instance--muscleshell river described. sunday 28. the day was clear and pleasant, and the wind having shifted to southeast, we could employ our sails, and went twenty-four miles to a low ground on the north opposite to steep bluffs: the country on both sides is much broken, the hills approaching nearer to the river, and forming bluffs, some of a white and others of a red colour, and exhibiting the usual appearances of minerals, and some burnt hills though without any pumicestone; the salts are in greater quantities than usual, and the banks and sandbars are covered with a white incrustation like frost. the low grounds are level, fertile and partially timbered, but are not so wide as for a few days past. the woods are now green, but the plains and meadows seem to have less verdure than those below: the only streams which we met to-day are two small runs on the north and one on the south, which rise in the neighbouring hills, and have very little water. at the distance of eighteen miles the missouri makes a considerable bend to the southeast: the game is very abundant, the common, and mule or blacktailed deer, elk, buffaloe, antelope, brown bear, beaver, and geese. the beaver have committed great devastation among the trees, one of which, nearly three feet in diameter, has been gnawed through by them. monday 29. we proceeded early with a moderate wind: captain lewis who was on shore with one hunter met about eight o'clock two white bears: of the strength and ferocity of this animal, the indians had given us dreadful accounts: they never attack him but in parties of six or eight persons, and even then are often defeated with the loss of one or more of the party. having no weapons but bows and arrows, and the bad guns with which the traders supply them, they are obliged to approach very near to the bear; and as no wound except through the head or heart is mortal, they frequently fall a sacrifice if they miss their aim. he rather attacks than avoids a man, and such is the terror which he has inspired, that the indians who go in quest of him paint themselves and perform all the superstitious rites customary when they make war on a neighbouring nation. hitherto those we had seen did not appear desirous of encountering us, but although to a skilful rifleman the danger is very much diminished, yet the white bear is still a terrible animal: on approaching these two, both captain lewis and the hunter fired and each wounded a bear: one of them made his escape; the other turned upon captain lewis and pursued him seventy or eighty yards, but being badly wounded he could not run so fast as to prevent him from reloading his piece, which he again aimed at him, and a third shot from the hunter brought him to the ground: he was a male not quite full grown, and weighed about three hundred pounds: the legs are somewhat longer than those of the black bear, and the talons and tusks much larger and longer. the testicles are also placed much farther forward and suspended in separate pouches from two to four inches asunder, while those of the black bear are situated back between the thighs and in a single pouch like those of the dog: its colour is a yellowish brown, the eyes small, black, and piercing, the front of the fore legs near the feet is usually black, and the fur is finer, thicker, and deeper than that of the black bear: add to which, it is a more furious animal, and very remarkable for the wounds which it will bear without dying. we are surrounded with deer, elk, buffaloe, antelopes, and their companions the wolves, who have become more numerous and make great ravages among them: the hills are here much more rough and high, and almost overhang the banks of the river. there are greater appearances of coal than we have hitherto seen, the stratas of it being in some places six feet thick, and there are stratas of burnt earth, which are always on the same level with those of coal. in the evening after coming twenty-five miles we encamped at the entrance of a river which empties itself into a bend on the north side of the missouri: this stream which we called martha's river, is about fifty yards wide, with water for fifteen yards, the banks are of earth, and steep, though not high, and the bed principally of mud. captain clarke, who ascended it for three miles, found that it continued of the same width with a gentle current, and pursuing its course about north 30â° west, through an extensive, fertile, and beautiful valley, but without a single tree. the water is clear, and has a brownish yellow tint; at this place the highlands which yesterday and to-day had approached so near the river became lower, and receding from the water left a valley seven or eight miles wide. tuesday 30. the wind was high from the north during last evening and continued so this morning: we however continued, and found the river more winding than usual and with a number of sand islands and bars, on one of which last we encamped at the distance of twenty-four miles. the low grounds are fertile and extensive but with very little timber, and that cottonwood, very bad of its kind, being too small for planks, and broken and dead at the top and unsound in the centre of the trunk. we passed some ancient lodges of driftwood which do not appear to have been lately inhabited. the game continues abundant: we killed the largest male elk we have yet seen; on placing it in its natural erect position, we found that it measured five feet three inches from the point of the hoof to the top of the shoulder. the antelopes are yet lean and the females are with young: this fleet and quick-sighted animal is generally the victim of its curiosity: when they first see the hunters they run with great velocity; if he lies down on the ground and lifts up his arm, his hat, or his foot, the antelope returns on a light trot to look at the object, and sometimes goes and returns two or three times till they approach within reach of the rifle; so too they sometimes leave their flock to go and look at the wolves who crouch down, and if the antelope be frightened at first repeat the same manoeuvre, and sometimes relieve each other till they decoy it from the party when they seize it. but generally the wolves take them as they are crossing the rivers, for although swift of foot they are not good swimmers. wednesday, may 1. the wind was in our favour and we were enabled to use the sails till twelve o'clock, when the wind became so high and squally that we were forced to come to at the distance of ten miles on the south, in a low ground stocked with cottonwood, and remain there during the day; one of the canoes being separated from us, and not able to cross over in consequence of the high waves. the country around is more pleasant than that through which we had passed for several days, the hills being lower, the low grounds wider and better supplied with timber, which consists principally of cottonwood: the undergrowth willow on the banks and sandbars, rosebushes, redwillow, and the broad-leafed willow in the low plains, while the high country on both sides is one extensive plain without wood, though the soil is a dark, rich, mellow loam. our hunters killed a buffaloe, an elk, a goat, and two beaver, and also a bird of the plover kind. thursday, 2d. the wind continued high during the night, and at daylight it began to snow and did not stop till ten o'clock, when the ground was covered an inch deep, forming a striking contrast with the vegetation which is now considerably advanced; some flowers having put forth, and the cottonwood leaves as large as a dollar. the wind lulled about five o'clock in the afternoon, and we then proceeded along wide fertile low grounds and high level plains, and encamped at the distance of four miles. our game to-day was deer, elk, and buffaloe: we also procured three beaver who are quite gentle, as they have not been hunted, but when the hunters are in pursuit they never leave their huts during the day: this animal we esteem a great delicacy, particularly the tail, which when boiled resembles in flavor the flesh tongues and sounds of the codfish, and is generally so large as to afford a plentiful meal for two men. one of the hunters in passing near an old indian camp found several yards of scarlet cloth, suspended on the bough of a tree as a sacrifice to the deity by the assiniboins: the custom of making these offerings being common among that people as indeed among all the indians on the missouri. the air was sharp this evening; the water froze on the oars as we rowed, and in the morning. friday, 3d, the weather became quite cold, the ice was a quarter of an inch thick in the kettle, and the snow still continued on the hills though it has melted from the plains. the wind too continued high from the west, but not so violently as to prevent our going on. at two miles from our encampment we passed a curious collection of bushes about thirty feet high and ten or twelve in diameter, tied in the form of a fascine and standing on end in the middle of the low ground: this too we supposed to have been left by the indians as a religious sacrifice: at twelve o'clock the usual hour we halted for dinner. the low grounds on the river are much wider than common, sometimes extending from five to nine miles to the highlands, which are much lower than heretofore, not being more than fifty or sixty feet above the lower plain: through all this valley traces of the ancient bed of the river are every where visible, and since the hills have become lower, the stratas of coal, burnt earth, and pumicestone have in a great measure ceased, there being in fact none to-day. at the distance of fourteen miles we reached the mouth of a river on the north, which from the unusual number of porcupines near it, we called porcupine river. this is a bold and beautiful stream one hundred and twelve yards wide, though the water is only forty yards at its entrance: captain clarke who ascended it several miles and passed it above where it enters the highlands, found it continued nearly of the same width and about knee deep, and as far as he could distinguish for twenty miles from the hills, its course was from a little to the east of north. there was much timber on the low grounds: he found some limestone also on the surface of the earth in the course of his walk, and saw a range of low mountains at a distance to the west of north, whose direction was northwest; the adjoining country being every where level, fertile, open, and exceedingly beautiful. the water of this river is transparent, and is the only one that is so of all those that fall into the missouri: before entering a large sandbar through which it discharges itself, its low grounds are formed of a stiff blue and black clay, and its banks which are from eight to ten feet high and seldom if ever overflow are composed of the same materials. from the quantity of water which this river contains, its direction, and the nature of the country through which it passes, it is not improbable that its sources may be near the main body of the saskaskawan, and as in high water it can be no doubt navigated to a considerable distance, it may be rendered the means of intercourse with the athabasky country, from which the northwest company derive so many of their valuable furs. a quarter of a mile beyond this river a creek falls in on the south, to which on account of its distance from the mouth of the missouri, we gave it the name of two-thousand mile creek: it is a bold stream with a bed thirty yards wide. three miles and a half above porcupine river, we reached some high timber on the north, and encamped just above an old channel of the river, which is now dry. we saw vast quantities of buffaloe, elk, deer, principally of the long tailed kind, antelopes, beaver, geese, ducks, brant, and some swan. the porcupines too are numerous, and so careless and clumsy that we can approach very near without disturbing them as they are feeding on the young willows; towards evening we also found for the first time, the nest of a goose among some driftwood, all that we have hitherto seen being on the top of a broken tree on the forks, and invariably from fifteen to twenty feet or more in height. saturday 4. we were detained till nine in order to repair the rudder of one of the boats, and when we set out the wind was ahead; at six and a half miles we passed a small creek in a deep bend on the south with a sand island opposite to it, and then passing along an extensive plain which gradually rises from the north side of the river, encamped at the distance of eighteen miles in a point of woodland on the north: the river is this day wider than usual, and crowded with sandbars on all sides: the country is level, fertile, and beautiful, the low grounds extensive and contain a much greater portion of timber than is common: indeed all the forepart of the day the river was bordered with timber on both sides, a circumstance very rare on the missouri, and the first that has occurred since we left the mandans. there are as usual vast quantities of game, and extremely gentle; the male buffaloe particularly will scarcely give way to us, and as we approach will merely look at us for a moment, as something new, and then quietly resume their feeding. in the course of the day we passed some old indian hunting camps, one of which consisted of two large lodges fortified with a circular fence, twenty or thirty feet in diameter, and made of timber laid horizontally, the beams overlaying each other to the height of five feet, and covered with the trunks and limbs of trees that have drifted down the river: the lodges themselves are formed by three or more strong sticks about the size of a man's leg or arm, and twelve feet long, which are attached at the top by a whith of small willows, and spreading out so as to form at the base a circle of ten or fourteen feet in diameter: against these are placed pieces of driftwood and fallen timber, usually in three ranges one on the other, and the interstices are covered with leaves, bark, and straw, so as to form a conical figure about ten feet high, with a small aperture in one side for the door. it is, however, at best a very imperfect shelter against the inclemencies of the seasons. sunday 5. we had a fine morning, and the wind being from the east we used our sails. at the distance of five miles we came to a small island, and twelve miles farther encamped on the north, at the distance of seventeen miles. the country like that of yesterday is beautiful in the extreme. among the vast quantities of game around us, we distinguish a small species of goose differing considerably from the common canadian goose; its neck, head, and beak, being much thicker, larger, and shorter in proportion to its size, which is nearly a third smaller; the noise too resembling more that of the brant or of a young goose that has not yet fully acquired its note; in other respects its colour, habits, and the number of feathers in the tail, the two species correspond; this species also associates in flocks with the large geese, but we have not seen it pair off with them. the white brant is about the size of the common brown brant, or two thirds of the common goose, than which it is also six inches shorter from the extremity of the wings, though the beak, head, and neck are larger and stronger: the body and wings are of a beautiful pure white, except the black feathers of the first and second joints of the wings; the beak and legs are of a reddish or flesh-coloured white, the eye of a moderate size, the pupil of a deep sea-green incircled with a ring of yellowish brown, the tail consists of sixteen feathers equally long, the flesh is dark and as well as its note differs but little from those of the common brant, whom in form and habits it resembles, and with whom it sometimes unites in a common flock; the white brant also associate by themselves in large flocks, but as they do not seem to be mated or paired off, it is doubtful whether they reside here during the summer for the purpose of rearing their young. the wolves are also very abundant, and are of two species. first, the small wolf or burrowing dog of the prairies, which are found in almost all the open plains. it is of an intermediate size between the fox and dog, very delicately formed, fleet and active. the ears are large, erect, and pointed, the head long and pointed, like that of the fox; the tail long and bushy; the hair and fur of a pale reddish brown colour, though much coarser than that of the fox; the eye of a deep sea-green colour, small and piercing; the talons rather longer than those of the wolf of the atlantic states, which animal as far as we can perceive is not to be found on this side of the river platte. these wolves usually associate in bands of ten or twelve, and are rarely if ever seen alone, not being able singly to attack a deer or antelope. they live and rear their young in burrows, which they fix near some pass or spot much frequented by game, and sally out in a body against any animal which they think they can overpower, but on the slightest alarm retreat to their burrows making a noise exactly like that of a small dog. the second species is lower, shorter in the legs and thicker than the atlantic wolf; their colour, which is not affected by the seasons, is of every variety of shade, from a gray or blackish brown to a cream coloured white. they do not burrow, nor do they bark, but howl, and they frequent the woods and plains, and skulk along the skirts of the buffaloe herds, in order to attack the weary or wounded. captain clarke and one of the hunters met this evening the largest brown bear we have seen. as they fired he did not attempt to attack, but fled with a most tremendous roar, and such was its extraordinary tenacity of life, that although he had five balls passed through his lungs and five other wounds, he swam more than half across the river to a sandbar, and survived twenty minutes. he weighed between five and six hundred pounds at least, and measured eight feet seven inches and a half from the nose to the extremity of the hind feet, five feet ten inches and half round the breast, three feet eleven inches round the neck, one foot eleven inches round the middle of the foreleg, and his talons, five on each foot, were four inches and three eighths in length. it differs from the common black bear in having its talons much longer and more blunt; its tail shorter; its hair of a reddish or bay brown, longer, finer, and more abundant; his liver, lungs, and heart, much larger even in proportion to his size, the heart particularly being equal to that of a large ox; his maw ten times larger; his testicles pendant from the belly and in separate pouches four inches apart: besides fish and flesh he feeds on roots, and every kind of wild fruit. the antelope are now lean and with young, so that they may readily be caught at this season, as they cross the river from s.w. to n.e. monday 6. the morning being fair and the wind favourable, we set sail, and proceeded on very well the greater part of the day. the country continues level, rich, and beautiful; the low grounds wide and comparatively with the other parts of the missouri, well supplied with wood. the appearances of coal, pumicestone, and burnt earth have ceased, though the salts of tartar or vegetable salts continue on the banks and sandbars, and sometimes in the little ravines at the base of the low hills. we passed three streams on the south; the first at the distance of one mile and a half from our camp was about twenty-five yards wide, but although it contained some water in standing pools it discharges none; this we called littledry creek, about eight miles beyond which is bigdry creek; fifty yards wide, without any water; the third is six miles further, and has the bed of a large river two hundred yards wide, yet without a drop of water: like the other two this stream, which we called bigdry river, continues its width undiminished as far as we can discern. the banks are low, this channel formed of a fine brown sand, intermixed with a small proportion of little pebbles of various colours, and the country around flat and without trees. they had recently discharged their waters, and from their appearance and the nature of the country through which they pass, we concluded that they rose in the black mountains, or in the level low plains which are probably between this place and the mountains; that the country being nearly of the same kind and of the same latitude, the rains of spring melting the snows about the same time, conspire with them to throw at once vast quantities of water down these channels, which are then left dry during the summer, autumn, and winter, when there is very little rain. we had to-day a slight sprinkling. but it lasted a very short time. the game is in such plenty that it has become a mere amusement to supply the party with provisions. we made twenty-five miles to a clump of trees on the north where we passed the night. tuesday 7. the morning was pleasant and we proceeded at an early hour. there is much driftwood floating, and what is contrary to our expectation, although the river is rising, the water is somewhat clearer than usual. at eleven o'clock the wind became so high that one of the boats was nearly sunk, and we were obliged to stop till one, when we proceeded on, and encamped on the south, above a large sandbar projecting from the north, having made fifteen miles. on the north side of the river are the most beautiful plains we have yet seen: they rise gradually from the low grounds on the water to the height of fifty or sixty feet, and then extend in an unbroken level as far as the eye can reach: the hills on the south are more broken and higher, though at some distance back the country becomes level and fertile. there are no more appearances of burnt earth, coal, or pumicestone, though that of salt still continues, and the vegetation seems to have advanced but little since the twenty-eighth of last month: the game is as abundant as usual. the bald-eagles, of whom we see great numbers, probably feed on the carcases of dead animals, for on the whole missouri we have seen neither the blue-crested fisher, nor the fishing-hawks, to supply them with their favourite food, and the water of the river is so turbid that no bird which feeds exclusively on fish can procure a subsistence. wednesday 8. a light breeze from the east carried us sixteen miles, till we halted for dinner at the entrance of a river on the north. captain clarke who had walked on the south, on ascending a high point opposite to its entrance discovered a level and beautiful country which it watered; that its course for twelve or fifteen miles was n.w. when it divided into two nearly equal branches, one pursuing a direction nearly north, the other to the w. of n.w: its width at the entrance is one hundred and fifty yards, and on going three miles up, captain lewis found it to be of the same breadth, and sometimes more; it is deep, gentle, and has a large quantity of water; its bed is principally of mud, the banks abrupt, about twelve feet in height, and formed of a dark, rich loam and blue clay; the low grounds near it are wide and fertile, and possess a considerable proportion of cottonwood and willow. it seems to be navigable for boats and canoes, and this circumstance joined to its course and the quantity of water, which indicates that it passes through a large extent of country, we are led to presume that it may approach the saskashawan and afford a communication with that river. the water has a peculiar whiteness, such as might be produced by a tablespoon full of milk in a dish of tea, and this circumstance induced us to call it milk river. in the evening we had made twenty-seven miles, and encamped on the south. the country on that side consists in general of high broken hills, with much gray, black and brown granite scattered over the surface of the ground. at a little distance from the river there is no timber on either side, the wood being confined as below to the margin of the river; so that unless the contrary is particularly mentioned, it is always understood that the upland is perfectly naked, and that we consider the low grounds well timbered if even a fifth be covered with wood. the wild liquorice is found in great abundance on these hills, as is also the white apple. as usual we are surrounded by buffaloe, elk, common and blacktailed deer, beaver, antelopes and wolves. we observed a place where an indian had recently taken the hair off an antelope's skin, and some of the party thought they distinguished imperfectly some smoke and indian lodges up milk river, marks which we are by no means desirous of realizing, as the indians are probably assiniboins, and might be very troublesome. thursday, 9th. we again had a favourable wind and sailed along very well. between four and five miles we passed a large island in a deep bend to the north, and a large sandbar at the upper point. at fifteen and a quarter miles we reached the bed of a most extraordinary river which presents itself on the south: though as wide as the missouri itself, that is about half a mile, it does not discharge a drop of water and contains nothing but a few standing pools. on ascending it three miles we found an eminence from which we saw the direction of the channel, first south for ten or twelve miles, then turning to the east of southeast as far as we could see; it passes through a wide valley without timber, and the surrounding country consists of waving low hills interspersed with some handsome level plains; the banks are abrupt and consist of a black or yellow clay; or of a rich sandy loam, but though they do not rise more than six or eight feet above the bed, they exhibit no appearance of being overflowed: the bed is entirely composed of a light brown sand, the particles of which like those of the missouri are extremely fine. like the dry rivers we passed before, this seemed to have discharged its waters recently, but the watermark indicated that its greatest depth had not been more than two feet: this stream, if it deserve the name, we called bigdry river. about a mile below is a large creek on the same side, which is also perfectly dry: the mineral salts and quartz are in large quantities near this neighbourhood. the sand of the missouri from its mouth to this place has been mixed with a substance which we had presumed to be a granulated chalk, but which is most probably this quartz. the game is now in great quantities, particularly the elk and buffaloe, which last is so gentle that the men are obliged to drive them out of the way with sticks and stones. the ravages of the beaver are very apparent: in one place the timber was entirely prostrated for a space of three acres in front on the river and one in depth, and great part of it removed, although the trees were in large quantities, and some of them as thick as the body of a man. at the distance of twenty-four miles we encamped, after making twenty-five and a half miles, at the entrance of a small creek in a bend on the north; to which we gave the name of werner's creek after one of our men. for several days past the river has been as wide as it generally is near its mouth, but as it is much shallower, crowded with sandbars, and the colour of the water has become much clearer, we do not yet despair of reaching the rock mountains, for which we are very anxious. friday, 10th. we had not proceeded more than four and a quarter miles when the violence of the wind forced us to halt for the day under some timber in a bend on the south side. the wind continued high, the clouds thick and black, and we had a slight sprinkling of rain several times in the course of the day. shortly after our landing a dog came to us, and as this induced us to believe that we are near the hunting grounds of the assiniboins, who are a vicious ill-disposed people, it was necessary to be on our guard: we therefore inspected our arms which we found in good order, and sent several hunters to scour the country, but they returned in the evening having seen no tents, nor any recent tracks of indians. biles and imposthumes are very common among the party, and sore eyes continue in a greater or less degree with all of us; for the imposthumes we use emollient poultices, and apply to the eyes a solution of two grains of white vitriol and one of sugar of lead with one ounce of water. saturday, 11th. the wind blew very hard in the night, but having abated this morning we went on very well, till in the afternoon the wind arose and retarded our progress; the current too was strong, the river very crooked, and the banks as usual constantly precipitating themselves in large masses into the water. the highlands are broken and approach nearer the river than they do below. the soil however of both hills and low grounds appear as fertile as that further down the river: it consists of a black looking loam with a small portion of sand, which cover the hills and bluffs to the depth of twenty or thirty feet, and when thrown in the water dissolves as readily as loaf-sugar, and effervesces like marle; there are also great appearances of quartz and mineral salts: the first is most commonly seen in the faces of the bluffs, the second is found on the hills as well as the low grounds, and in the gullies which come down from the hills; it lies in a crust of two or three inches in depth, and may be swept up with a feather in large quantities. there is no longer any appearance of coal burnt earth or pumicestone. we saw and visited some high hills on the north side about three miles from the river, whose tops were covered with the pitch-pine: this in the first pine we have seen on the missouri, and it is like that of virginia, except that the leaves are somewhat longer; among this pine is also a dwarf cedar, sometimes between three or four feet high, but generally spreading itself like a vine along the surface of the earth, which it covers very closely, putting out roots from the under side. the fruit and smell resemble those of the common red cedar, but the leaf is finer and more delicate. the tops of the hills where these plants grow have a soil quite different from that just described, the basis of it is usually yellow or white clay, and the general appearance light coloured, sandy, and barren, some scattering tufts of sedge being almost its only herbage. about five in the afternoon one of our men who had been afflicted with biles, and suffered to walk on shore, came running to the boats with loud cries and every symptom of terror and distress: for some time after we had taken him on board he was so much out of breath as to be unable to describe the cause of his anxiety, but he at length told us that about a mile and a half below he had shot a brown bear which immediately turned and was in close pursuit of him; but the bear being badly wounded could not overtake him. captain lewis with seven men immediately went in search of him, and having found his track followed him by the blood for a mile, and found him concealed in some thick brushwood, and shot him with two balls through the skull. though somewhat smaller than that killed a few days ago, he was a monstrous animal and a most terrible enemy: our man had shot him through the centre of the lungs, yet he had pursued him furiously for half a mile, then returned more than twice that distance, and with his talons had prepared himself a bed in the earth two feet deep and five feet long, and was perfectly alive when they found him, which was at least two hours after he received the wound. the wonderful power of life which these animals possess render them dreadful: their very track in the mud or sand, which we have sometimes found eleven inches long and seven and a quarter wide, exclusive of the talons, is alarming; and we had rather encounter two indians than meet a single brown bear. there is no chance of killing them by a single shot unless the ball goes through the brains, and this is very difficult on account of two large muscles which cover the side of the forehead, and the sharp projection of the centre of the frontal bone, which is also thick. our encampment was on the south at the distance of sixteen miles from that of last night; the fleece and skin of the bear were a heavy burden for two men, and the oil amounted to eight gallons. sunday, 12th. the weather being clear and calm, we set out early. within a mile we came to a small creek, about twenty yards wide, emptying itself on the south. at eleven and three quarter miles we reached a point of woodland on the south, opposite to which is a creek of the same width as the last, but with little water, which we called pine creek. at eighteen and three quarter miles we came to on the south opposite to the lower point of a willow island, situated in a deep bend of the river to the southeast: here we remained during the day, the wind having risen at twelve so high that we could not proceed: it continued to blow violently all night, with occasional sprinklings of rain from sunset till midnight. on both sides of the river the country is rough and broken, the low grounds becoming narrower; the tops of the hills on the north exhibits some scattered pine and cedar, on the south the pine has not yet commenced, though there is some cedar on the sides of the hills and in the little ravines. the chokecherry, the wild hysop, sage, fleshy-leafed thorn, and particularly the aromatic herb on which the antelope and hare feed, are to be found on the plains and hills. the soil of the hills has now altered its texture considerably: their bases, like that of the river plains, is as usual a rich, black loam, while from the middle to the summits they are composed of a light brown-coloured earth, poor and sterile, and intermixed with a coarse white sand. monday, 13th. the wind was so strong that we could not proceed till about one o'clock, when we had to encounter a current rather stronger than usual. in the course of a mile and a half we passed two small creeks on the south, one of eighteen the other of thirty yards width, but neither of them containing any water, and encamped on the south at a point of woodland, having made only seven miles. the country is much the same as yesterday, with little timber in the low grounds, and a small quantity of pine and cedar on the northern hills. the river however continues to grow clearer, and this as well as the increased rapidity induces us to hope for some change of country. the game is as usual so abundant that we can get without difficulty all that is necessary. tuesday, 14th. there was some fog on the river this morning, which is a very rare occurrence. at the distance of a mile and a half we reached an island in a bend on the north, which continued for about half a mile, when at the head of it a large creek comes in on the north, to which we gave the name of gibson's creek. at seven and a half miles is a point of rocks on the south, above a creek on the same side, which we called sticklodge creek: five miles further is a large creek on the south, which like the two others has no running water; and at sixteen and a half miles a timbered point on the north, where we encamped for the night. the country is like that of yesterday, except that the low grounds are wider; there are also many high black bluffs along the banks: the game too is in great abundance. towards evening the men in the hindmost canoes discovered a large brown bear lying in the open grounds, about three hundred paces from the river: six of them, all good hunters, immediately went to attack him, and concealing themselves by a small eminence came unperceived within forty paces of him: four of the hunters now fired, and each lodged a ball in his body, two of them directly through the lungs: the furious animal sprung up and ran openmouthed upon them; as he came near, the two hunters who had reserved their fire gave him two wounds, one of which breaking his shoulder retarded his motion for a moment; but before they could reload he was so near that they were obliged to run to the river, and before they reached it he had almost overtaken them: two jumped into the canoe; the other four separated, and concealing themselves in the willows fired as fast as each could reload: they struck him several times, but instead of weakening the monster each shot seemed only to direct him towards the hunter, till at last he pursued two of them so closely, that they threw aside their guns and pouches, and jumped down a perpendicular bank of twenty feet into the river; the bear sprang after them, and was within a few feet of the hindmost, when one of the hunters on shore shot him in the head and finally killed him: they dragged him to the shore, and found that eight balls had passed through him in different directions; the bear was old and the meat tough, so that they took the skin only, and rejoined us at camp, where we had been as much terrified by an accident of a different kind. this was the narrow escape of one of our canoes containing all our papers, instruments, medicine, and almost every article indispensible for the success of our enterprise. the canoe being under sail, a sudden squall of wind struck her obliquely, and turned her considerably. the man at the helm, who was unluckily the worst steersman of the party, became alarmed, and instead of putting her before the wind luffed her up into it. the wind was so high that it forced the brace of the squaresail out of the hand of the man who was attending it, and instantly upset the canoe, which would have turned bottom upwards but for the resistance made by the awning. such was the confusion on board, and the waves ran so high, that it was half a minute before she righted, and then nearly full of water, but by baling out she was kept from sinking until they rowed ashore; besides the loss of the lives of three men who not being able to swim would probably have perished, we should have been deprived of nearly every thing necessary for our purpose, at a distance of between two and three thousand miles from any place where we could supply the deficiency. wednesday 15. as soon as a slight shower of rain had passed, we spread out the articles to dry; but the weather was so damp and cloudy that they derived little benefit from exposure. our hunters procured us deer, buffaloe, and beaver. thursday 16. the morning was fair and we were enabled to dry and repack our stores: the loss we sustained is chiefly in the medicines, many articles of which are completely spoiled, and others considerably injured. at four o'clock we embarked, and after making seven miles encamped on the north near some wood: the country on both sides is broken, the low grounds narrower and with less timber, though there are some scattered pine and cedar on the steep declivities of the hills, which are now higher than usual. a white bear tore the coat of one of the men which he had left on shore; and two of the party wounded a large panther who was feasting on a deer. we caught some lean antelopes as they were swimming the river, and killed two buffaloe. friday 17. we set out early and proceeded on very well; the banks being firm and the shore bold we were enabled to use the towline, which, whenever the banks will permit it, is the safest and most expeditious mode of ascending the river, except under a sail with a steady breeze. at the distance of ten and a half miles we came to the mouth of a small creek on the south, below which the hills approach the river, and continue near it during the day: three miles further is a large creek on the north, and again six and three quarter miles beyond it, another large creek to the south, which contain a small quantity of running water of a brackish taste. the last we called rattlesnake creek from our seeing that animal near it. although no timber can be observed on it from the missouri, it throws out large quantities of driftwood, among which were some pieces of coal brought down by the stream. we continued on one mile and a quarter, and encamped on the south, after making twenty and a half miles. the country in general is rugged, the hills high, with their summits and sides partially covered with pine and cedar, and their bases on both sides washed by the river: like those already mentioned the lower part of these hills is a dark rich loam, while the upper region for one hundred and fifty feet consists of a whitish brown sand, so hard as in many places to resemble stone, though in fact very little stone or rock of any kind is to be seen on the hills. the bed of the missouri is much narrower than usual, being not more than between two and three hundred yards in width, with an uncommonly large proportion of gravel; but the sandbars, and low points covered with willows have almost entirely disappeared: the timber on the river consists of scarcely any thing more than a few scattered cottonwood trees. the saline incrustations along the banks and the foot of the hills are more abundant than usual. the game is in great quantities, but the buffaloe are not so numerous as they were some days ago: two rattlesnakes were seen to-day, and one of them killed: it resembles those of the middle atlantic states, being about two feet six inches long, of a yellowish brown on the back and sides, variegated with a row of oval dark brown spots lying transversely on the back from the neck to the tail, and two other rows of circular spots of the same colour on the sides along the edge of the scuta: there are one hundred and seventy-six scuta on the belly, and seventeen on the tail. captain clarke saw in his excursions a fortified indian camp which appeared to have been recently occupied, and was, we presumed, made by a party of minnetarees who went to war last march. late at night we were roused by the sergeant of the guard in consequence of a fire which had communicated to a tree overhanging our camp. the wind was so high, that we had not removed the camp more than a few minutes when a large part of the tree fell precisely on the spot it had occupied, and would have crushed us if we had not been alarmed in time. saturday 18. the wind continued high from the west, but by means of the towline we were able to make nineteen miles, the sandbars being now few in number, the river narrow and the current gentle; the willow has in a great measure disappeared, and even the cottonwood, almost the only timber remaining, is growing scarce. at twelve and three quarter miles we came to a creek on the north, which was perfectly dry. we encamped on the south opposite the lower point of an island. sunday 19. the last night was disagreeably cold; and in the morning there was a very heavy fog which obscured the river so much as to prevent our seeing the way. this is the first fog of any degree of thickness which we have experienced: there was also last evening a fall of dew, the second which we have seen since entering this extensive open country. about eight o'clock the fog dispersed, and we proceeded with the aid of the towline: the island near which we were encamped, was three quarters of a mile in length. the country resembles that of yesterday, high hills closely bordering the river. in the afternoon the river became crooked, and contained more sawyers or floating timber than we have seen in the same space since leaving the platte. our game consisted of deer, beaver, and elk: we also killed a brown bear, who, although shot through the heart, ran at his usual pace nearly a quarter of a mile before he fell. at twenty-one miles is a willow island half a mile in length, on the north side, a quarter of a mile beyond which is a shoal of rapid water under a bluff: the water continued very strong for some distance beyond it: at half a mile we came to a sandbar on the north, from which to our place of encampment was another half mile, making in all twenty-two and a quarter miles. the saline substances which we have mentioned continue to appear; and the men are much afflicted with sore eyes and imposthumes. monday 20. as usual we set out early, and the banks being convenient for that purpose, we used the towline: the river is narrow and crooked, the water rapid, and the country much like that of yesterday: at the distance of two and a quarter miles we passed a large creek with but little water, to which we gave the name of blowingfly creek, from the quantity of those insects found in its neighbourhood. they are extremely troublesome, infesting our meat whilst cooking and at our meals. after making seven miles we reached by eleven o'clock the mouth of a large river on the south, and encamped for the day at the upper point of its junction with the missouri. this stream which we suppose to be that called by the minnetarees the muscleshell river, empties into the missouri two thousand two hundred and seventy miles above the mouth of the latter river, and in latitude 47â° 0' 24" 6 north. it is one hundred and ten yards wide, and contains more water than streams of that size usually do in this country; its current is by no means rapid, and there is every appearance of its being susceptible of navigation by canoes for a considerable distance: its bed is chiefly formed of coarse sand and gravel, with an occasional mixture of black mud; the banks abrupt and nearly twelve feet high, so that they are secure from being overflowed: the water is of a greenish yellow cast and much more transparent than that of the missouri, which itself, though clearer than below, still retains its whitish hue and a portion of its sediment. opposite to the point of junction the current of the missouri is gentle, and two hundred and twenty-two yards in width, the bed principally of mud (the little sand remaining being wholly confined to the points) and still too deep to use the setting pole. if this be, as we suppose, the muscleshell, our indian information is, that it rises in the first chain of the rocky mountains not far from the sources of the yellowstone, whence in its course to this place it waters a high broken country, well timbered particularly on its borders, and interspersed with handsome fertile plains and meadows. we have reason, however, to believe, from their giving a similar account of the timber where we now are, that the timber of which they speak is similar to that which we have seen for a few days past, which consists of nothing more than a few straggling small pine and dwarf cedar, on the summits of the hills, nine-tenths of the ground being totally destitute of wood, and covered with a short grass, aromatic herbs, and an immense quantity of prickly pears: though the party who explored it for eight miles represented low grounds on the river as well supplied with cottonwood of a tolerable size, and of an excellent soil. they also reported that the country is broken and irregular like that near our camp; that about five miles up a handsome river about fifty yards wide, which we named after chaboneau's wife, sahcajahweah, or birdwoman's river, discharges itself into the muscleshell on the north or upper side. another party found at the foot of the southern hills, about four miles from the missouri, a fine bold spring, which in this country is so rare that since we left the mandans we have found only one of a similar kind, and that was under the bluffs on the south side of the missouri, at some distance from it, and about five miles below the yellowstone: with this exception all the small fountains of which we have met a number are impregnated with the salts which are so abundant here, and with which the missouri is itself most probably tainted, though to us who have been so much accustomed to it, the taste is not perceptible. among the game to-day we observed two large owls, with remarkably long feathers resembling ears on the sides of the head, which we presume are the hooting owls, though they are larger and their colours are brighter than those common in the united states. tuesday 21. the morning being very fine we were able to employ the rope and made twenty miles to our camp on the north. the shores of the river are abrupt, bold and composed of a black and yellow clay, the bars being formed of black mud, and a small proportion of fine sand; the current strong. in its course the missouri makes a sudden and extensive bend towards the south, to receive the waters of the muscleshell. the neck of land thus formed, though itself high is lower than the surrounding country, and makes a waving valley extending for a great distance to the northward, with a fertile soil which, though without wood, produces a fine turf of low grass, some herbs and vast quantities of prickly pear. the country on the south is high, broken, and crowned with some pine and dwarf cedar; the leaf of this pine is longer than that of the common pitch or red pine of virginia, the cone is longer and narrower, the imbrications wider and thicker, and the whole frequently covered with rosin. during the whole day the bends of the river are short and sudden; and the points covered with some cottonwood, large or broad leaved willow, and a small quantity of redwood; the undergrowth consisting of wild roses, and the bushes of the small honeysuckle. the mineral appearances on the river are as usual. we do not find the grouse or prairie hen so abundant as below, and think it probable that they retire from the river to the plains during this season. the wind had been moderate during the fore part of the day, but continued to rise towards evening, and about dark veered to northeast, and blew a storm all night. we had encamped on a bar on the north, opposite the lower point of an island, which from this circumstance we called windy island; but we were so annoyed by clouds of dust and sand that we could neither eat nor sleep, and were forced to remove our camp at eight o'clock to the foot of an adjoining hill, which shielded us in some degree from the wind: we procured elk, deer, and buffaloe. wednesday 22. the wind blew so violently that it was deemed prudent to wait till it had abated, so that we did not leave the camp till ten o'clock, when we proceeded principally by the towline. we passed windy island which is about three quarters of a mile in length: and five and a half miles above it a large island in a bend to the north: three miles beyond this we came to the entrance of a creek twenty yards wide, though with little water, which we called grouse creek, from observing near its mouth a quantity of the prairie hen with pointed tails, the first we have seen in such numbers for several days: the low grounds are somewhat wider than usual and apparently fertile, though the short and scanty grass on the hills does not indicate much richness of soil. the country around is not so broken as that of yesterday, but is still waving, the southern hills possessing more pine than usual, and some appearing on the northern hills, which are accompanied by the usual salt and mineral appearances. the river continues about two hundred and fifty yards wide, with fewer sandbars, and the current more gentle and regular. game is no longer in such abundance, since leaving the muscleshell. we have caught very few fish on this side of the mandans, and these were the white catfish of two to five pounds. we killed a deer and a bear: we have not seen in this quarter the black bear, common in the united states and on the lower parts of the missouri, nor have we discerned any of their tracks, which may easily be distinguished by the shortness of its talons from the brown, grizzly, or white bear, all of which seem to be of the same family, which assumes those colours at different seasons of the year. we halted earlier than usual, and encamped on the north, in a point of woods, at the distance of sixteen and a half miles. chapter ix. the party continue their route--description of judith river--indian mode of taking the buffaloe--slaughter river described--phenomena of nature--of walls on the banks of the missouri--the party encamp on the banks of the river to ascertain which of the streams constitute the missouri--captain lewis leaves the party to explore the northern fork, and captain clarke explores the southern--the surrounding country described in the route of captain lewis--narrow escape of one of his party. thursday 23. last night the frost was severe, and this morning the ice appeared along the edges of the river, and the water froze on our oars. at the distance of a mile we passed the entrance of a creek on the north, which we named teapot creek; it is fifteen yards wide, and although it has running water at a small distance from its mouth, yet it discharges none into the missouri, resembling, we believe, most of the creeks in this hilly country, the waters of which are absorbed by the thirsty soil near the river. they indeed afford but little water in any part, and even that is so strongly tainted with salts that it is unfit for use, though all the wild animals are very fond of it. on experiment it was found to be moderately purgative, but painful to the intestines in its operation. this creek seems to come from a range of low hills, which run from east to west for seventy miles, and have their eastern extremity thirty miles to the north of teapot creek. just above its entrance is a large assemblage of the burrowing squirrels on the north side of the river. at nine miles we reached the upper point of an island in a bend on the south, and opposite the centre of the island, a small dry creek on the north. half a mile further a small creek falls in on the same side; and six and a half miles beyond this another on the south. at four and a half we passed a small island in a deep bend to the north, and on the same side in a deep northeastern bend of the river another small island. none of these creeks however possessed any water, and at the entrances of the islands, the two first are covered with tall cottonwood timber, and the last with willows only. the river has become more rapid, the country much the same as yesterday, except that there is rather more rocks on the face of the hills, and some small spruce pine appears among the pitch. the wild roses are very abundant and now in bloom; they differ from those of the united states only in having the leaves and the bush itself of a somewhat smaller size. we find the musquitoes troublesome, notwithstanding the coolness of the morning. the buffaloe is scarce to-day, but the elk, deer, and antelope, are very numerous. the geese begin to lose the feathers of the wings, and are unable to fly. we saw five bears, one of which we wounded, but in swimming from us across the river, he become entangled in some driftwood and sank. we formed our camp on the north opposite to a hill and a point of wood in a bend to the south, having made twenty-seven miles. friday 24. the water in the kettles froze one eighth of an inch during the night; the ice appears along the margin of the river, and the cottonwood trees which have lost nearly all their leaves by the frost, are putting forth other buds. we proceeded with the line principally till about nine o'clock, when a fine breeze sprung up from the s.e. and enabled us to sail very well, notwithstanding the rapidity of the current. at one mile and a half is a large creek thirty yards wide, and containing some water which it empties on the north side, over a gravelly bed, intermixed with some stone. a man who was sent up to explore the country returned in the evening, after having gone ten miles directly towards the ridge of mountains to the north, which is the source of this as well as of teapot creek. the air of these highlands is so pure, that objects appear much nearer than they really are, so that although our man went ten miles without thinking himself by any means half way to the mountains, they do not from the river appear more than fifteen miles distant; this stream we called northmountain creek. two and a half miles higher is a creek on the south which is fifteen yards wide, but without any water, and to which we gave the name of littledog creek, from a village of burrowing squirrels opposite to its entrance, that being the name given by the french watermen to those animals. three miles from this a small creek enters on the north, five beyond which is an island a quarter of a mile in length, and two miles further a small river: this falls in on the south, is forty yards wide, and discharges a handsome stream of water; its bed rocky with gravel and sand, and the banks high: we called it southmountain creek, as from its direction it seemed to rise in a range of mountains about fifty or sixty miles to the s.w. of its entrance. the low grounds are narrow and without timber; the country high and broken; a large portion of black rock, and brown sandy rock appears in the face of the hills, the tops of which are covered with scattered pine, spruce and dwarf cedar: the soil is generally poor, sandy near the tops of the hills, and nowhere producing much grass, the low grounds being covered with little else than the hysop, or southern wood, and the pulpy-leafed thorn. game is more scarce, particularly beaver, of which we have seen but few for several days, and the abundance or scarcity of which seems to depend on the greater or less quantity of timber. at twenty-four and a half miles we reached a point of woodland on the south, where we observed that the trees had no leaves, and encamped for the night. the high country through which we have passed for some days, and where we now are, we suppose to be a continuation of what the french traders called the cote noire or black hills. the country thus denominated consists of high broken irregular hills and short chains of mountains; sometimes one hundred and twenty miles in width, sometimes narrower, but always much higher than the country on either side. they commence about the head of the kanzas, where they diverge; the first ridge going westward, along the northern shore of the arkansaw; the second approaches the rock mountains obliquely in a course a little to the w. of n.w. and after passing the platte above its forks, and intersecting the yellowstone near the bigbend, crosses the missouri at this place, and probably swell the country as far as the saskashawan, though as they are represented much smaller here than to the south, they may not reach that river. saturday, 25th. two canoes which were left behind yesterday to bring on the game, did not join us till eight o'clock this morning, when we set out with the towline, the use of which the banks permitted. the wind was, however, ahead, the current strong, particularly round the points against which it happened to set, and the gullies from the hills having brought down quantities of stone, those projected into the river, forming barriers for forty or fifty feet round, which it was very difficult to pass. at the distance of two and three quarter miles we passed a small island in a deep bend on the south, and on the same side a creek twenty yards wide, but with no running water. about a mile further is an island between two and three miles in length, separated from the northern shore by a narrow channel, in which is a sand island at the distance of half a mile from its lower extremity. to this large island we gave the name of teapot island; two miles above which is an island a mile long, and situated on the south. at three and a half miles is another small island, and one mile beyond it a second three quarters of a mile in length, on the north side. in the middle of the river two miles above this is an island with no timber, and of the same extent as this last. the country on each side is high, broken, and rocky; the rock being either a soft brown sandstone, covered with a thin stratum of limestone, or else a hard black rugged granite, both usually in horizontal stratas, and the sandrock overlaying the other. salts and quartz as well as some coal and pumicestone still appear: the bars of the river are composed principally of gravel; the river low grounds are narrow, and afford scarcely any timber; nor is there much pine on the hills. the buffaloe have now become scarce: we saw a polecat this evening, which was the first for several days: in the course of the day we also saw several herds of the big-horned animals among the steep cliffs on the north, and killed several of them. at the distance of eighteen miles we encamped on the south, and the next morning, sunday, 26th, proceeded on at an early hour by means of the towline, using our oars merely in passing the river, to take advantage of the best banks. there are now scarcely any low grounds on the river, the hills being high and in many places pressing on both sides to the verge of the water. the black rock has given place to a very soft sandstone, which seems to be washed away fast by the river, and being thrown into the river renders its navigation more difficult than it was yesterday: above this sandstone, and towards the summits of the hills, a hard freestone of a yellowish brown colour shows itself in several stratas of unequal thickness, frequently overlaid or incrusted by a thin stratum of limestone, which seems to be formed of concreted shells. at eight and a quarter miles we came to the mouth of a creek on the north, thirty yards wide, with some running water and a rocky bed: we called it windsor creek, after one of the party. four and three quarter miles beyond this we came to another creek in a bend to the north, which is twenty yards wide, with a handsome little stream of water: there is however no timber on either side of the river, except a few pines on the hills. here we saw for the first time since we left the mandans several soft shelled turtles, though this may be owing rather to the season of the year than to any scarcity of the animal. it was here that after ascending the highest summits of the hills on the north side of the river, that captain lewis first caught a distant view of the rock mountains, the object of all our hopes, and the reward of all our ambition. on both sides of the river and at no great distance from it, the mountains followed its course: above these, at the distance of fifty miles from us, an irregular range of mountains spread themselves from west to northwest from his position. to the north of these a few elevated points, the most remarkable of which bore north 65â° west, appeared above the horizon, and as the sun shone on the snows of their summits he obtained a clear and satisfactory view of those mountains which close on the missouri the passage to the pacific. four and a half miles beyond this creek we came to the upper point of a small sand island. at the distance of five miles between high bluffs, we passed a very difficult rapid, reaching quite across the river, where the water is deep, the channel narrow, and gravel obstructing it on each side: we had great difficulty in ascending it, although we used both the rope and the pole, and doubled the crews: this is the most considerable rapid on the missouri, and in fact the only place where there is a sudden descent: as we were labouring over them, a female elk with its fawn swam down through the waves, which ran very high, and obtained for the place the name of the elk rapids. just above them is a small low ground of cottonwood trees, where, at twenty-two and a quarter miles we fixed our encampment, and were joined by captain lewis, who had been on the hills during the afternoon. the country has now become desert and barren: the appearances of coal, burnt earth, pumicestone, salts, and quartz, continue as yesterday: but there is no timber except the thinly scattered pine and spruce on the summits of the hills, or along the sides. the only animals we have observed are the elk, the bighorn, and the hare, common in this country. in the plain where we lie are two indian cabins made of sticks, and during the last few days we have passed several others in the points of timber on the river. monday, 27. the wind was so high that we did not start till ten o'clock, and even then were obliged to use the line during the greater part of the day. the river has become very rapid with a very perceptible descent: its general width is about two hundred yards: the shoals too are more frequent, and the rocky points at the mouth of the gullies more troublesome to pass: great quantities of this stone lie in the river and on its banks, and seem to have fallen down as the rain washed away the clay and sand in which they were imbedded. the water is bordered by high rugged bluffs, composed of irregular but horizontal stratas of yellow and brown or black clay, brown and yellowish white sand, soft yellowish white sandstone: hard dark brown freestone; and also large round kidney formed irregular separate masses of a hard black ironstone, imbedded in the clay and sand; some coal or carbonated wood also makes its appearance in the cliffs, as do also its usual attendants the pumicestone and burnt earth. the salts and quartz are less abundant, and generally speaking the country is if possible more rugged and barren than that we passed yesterday; the only growth of the hills being a few pine, spruce, and dwarf cedar, interspersed with an occasional contrast once in the course of some miles, of several acres of level ground, which supply a scanty subsistence for a few little cottonwood trees. soon after setting out we passed a small untimbered island on the south: at about seven miles we reached a considerable bend which the river makes towards the southeast, and in the evening, after making twelve and a half miles, encamped on the south near two dead cottonwood trees, the only timber for fuel which we could discover in the neighbourhood. tuesday, 28. the weather was dark and cloudy; the air smoky, and there fell a few drops of rain. at ten o'clock we had again a slight sprinkling of rain, attended with distant thunder, which is the first we have heard since leaving the mandans. we employed the line generally, with the addition of the pole at the ripples and rocky points, which we find more numerous and troublesome than those we passed yesterday. the water is very rapid round these points, and we are sometimes obliged to steer the canoes through the points of sharp rocks rising a few inches above the surface of the water, and so near to each other that if our ropes give way the force of the current drives the sides of the canoe against them, and must inevitably upset them or dash them to pieces. these cords are very slender, being almost all made of elkskin, and much worn and rotted by exposure to the weather: several times they gave way, but fortunately always in places where there was room for the canoe to turn without striking the rock; yet with all our precautions it was with infinite risk and labour that we passed these points. an indian pole for building floated down the river, and was worn at one end as if dragged along the ground in travelling; several other articles were also brought down by the current, which indicate that the indians are probably at no great distance above us, and judging from a football which resembles those used by the minnetarees near the mandans, we conjecture that they must be a band of the minnetarees of fort de prairie. the appearance of the river and the surrounding country continued as usual, till towards evening, at about fifteen miles, we reached a large creek on the north thirty-five yards wide, discharging some water, and named after one of our men thompson's creek. here the country assumed a totally different aspect; the hills retired on both sides from the river, which now spreads to more than three times its former size, and is filled with a number of small handsome islands covered with cottonwood. the low grounds on the river are again wide, fertile, and enriched with trees; those on the north are particularly wide, the hills being comparatively low and opening into three large vallies, which extend themselves for a considerable distance towards the north: these appearances of vegetation are delightful after the dreary hills over which we have passed, and we have now to congratulate ourselves at having escaped from the last ridges of the black mountains. on leaving thompson's creek we passed two small islands, and at twenty-three miles distance encamped among some timber on the north, opposite to a small creek, which we named bull creek. the bighorn is in great quantities, and must bring forth their young at a very early season, as they are now half grown. one of the party saw a large bear also, but being at a distance from the river, and having no timber to conceal him, he would not venture to fire. wednesday, 29. last night we were alarmed by a new sort of enemy. a buffaloe swam over from the opposite side and to the spot where lay one of our canoes, over which he clambered to the shore: then taking fright he ran full speed up the bank towards our fires, and passed within eighteen inches of the heads of some of the men, before the sentinel could make him change his course: still more alarmed he ran down between four fires and within a few inches of the heads of the second row of the men, and would have broken into our lodge if the barking of the dog had not stopped him. he suddenly turned to the right and was out of sight in a moment, leaving us all in confusion, every one seizing his rifle and inquiring the cause of the alarm. on learning what had happened, we had to rejoice at suffering no more injury than the damage to some guns which were in the canoe which the buffaloe crossed. in the morning early we left our camp, and proceeded as usual by the cord. we passed an island and two sandbars, and at the distance of two and a half miles we came to a handsome river which discharges itself on the south, and which we ascended to the distance of a mile and a half: we called it judith's river: it rises in the rock mountains in about the same place with the muscleshell and near the yellowstone river. its entrance is one hundred yards wide from one bank to the other, the water occupying about seventy-five yards, and in greater quantity than that of the muscleshell river, and though more rapid equally navigable, there being no stones or rocks in the bed, which is composed entirely of gravel and mud with some sand: the water too is clearer than any which we have yet seen; and the low grounds, as far as we could discern, wider and more woody than those of the missouri: along its banks we observed some box-alder intermixed with the cottonwood and the willow; the undergrowth consisting of rosebushes, honeysuckle, and a little red willow. there was a great abundance of the argalea or bighorned animals in the high country through which it passes, and a great number of the beaver in its waters: just above the entrance of it we saw the fires of one hundred and twenty-six lodges, which appeared to have been deserted about twelve or fifteen days, and on the other side of the missouri a large encampment, apparently made by the same nation. on examining some moccasins which we found there, our indian woman said that they did not belong to her own nation the snake indians, but she thought that they indicated a tribe on this side of the rocky mountain, and to the north of the missouri; indeed it is probable that these are the minnetarees of fort de prairie. at the distance of six and a half miles the hills again approach the brink of the river, and the stones and rocks washed down from them form a very bad rapid, with rocks and ripples more numerous and difficult than those we passed on the 27th and 28th; here the same scene was renewed, and we had again to struggle and labour to preserve our small craft from being lost. near this spot are a few trees of the ash, the first we have seen for a great distance, and from which we named the place ash rapids. on these hills there is but little timber, but the salts, coal, and other mineral appearances continue. on the north we passed a precipice about one hundred and twenty feet high, under which lay scattered the fragments of at least one hundred carcases of buffaloes, although the water which had washed away the lower part of the hill must have carried off many of the dead. these buffaloe had been chased down the precipice in a way very common on the missouri, and by which vast herds are destroyed in a moment. the mode of hunting is to select one of the most active and fleet young men, who is disguised by a buffaloe skin round his body; the skin of the head with the ears and horns fastened on his own head in such a way as to deceive the buffaloe: thus dressed, he fixes himself at a convenient distant between a herd of buffaloe and any of the river precipices, which sometimes extend for some miles. his companions in the meantime get in the rear and side of the herd, and at a given signal show themselves, and advance towards the buffaloe: they instantly take the alarm, and finding the hunters beside them, they run towards the disguised indian or decoy, who leads them on at full speed toward the river, when suddenly securing himself in some crevice of the cliff which he had previously fixed on, the herd is left on the brink of the precipice: it is then in vain for the foremost to retreat or even to stop; they are pressed on by the hindmost rank, who seeing no danger but from the hunters, goad on those before them till the whole are precipitated and the shore is strewn with their dead bodies. sometimes in this perilous seduction the indian is himself either trodden under root by the rapid movements of the buffaloe, or missing his footing in the cliff is urged down the precipice by the falling herd. the indians then select as much meat as they wish, and the rest is abandoned to the wolves, and create a most dreadful stench. the wolves who had been feasting on these carcases were very fat, and so gentle that one of them was killed with an esponton. above this place we came to for dinner at the distance of seventeen miles, opposite to a bold running river of twenty yards wide, and falling in on the south. from the objects we had just passed we called this stream slaughter river. its low grounds are narrow, and contain scarcely any timber. soon after landing it began to blow and rain, and as there was no prospect of getting wood for fuel farther on, we fixed our camp on the north, three quarters of a mile above slaughter river. after the labours of the day we gave to each man a dram, and such was the effect of long abstinence from spirituous liquors, that from the small quantity of half a gill of rum, several of the men were considerably affected by it, and all very much exhilirated. our game to-day consisted of an elk and two beaver. thursday, 30. the rain which commenced last evening continued with little intermission till eleven this morning, when the high wind which accompanied it having abated, we set out. more rain has now fallen than we have had since the 1st of september last, and many circumstances indicate our approach to a climate differing considerably from that of the country through which we have been passing: the air of the open country is astonishingly dry and pure. observing that the case of our sextant, though perfectly seasoned, shrank and the joints opened, we tried several experiments, by which it appeared that a tablespoon full of water exposed in a saucer to the air would evaporate in thirty-six hours, when the mercury did not stand higher than the temperate point at the greatest heat of the day. the river, notwithstanding the rain, is much clearer than it was a few days past; but we advance with great labour and difficulty; the rapid current, the ripples and rocky points rendering the navigation more embarrassing than even that of yesterday, in addition to which the banks are now so slippery after the rain, that the men who draw the canoes can scarcely walk, and the earth and stone constantly falling down the high bluffs make it dangerous to pass under them; still however we are obliged to make use of the cord, as the wind is strong ahead, the current too rapid for oars, and too deep for the pole. in this way we passed at the distance of five and a half miles a small rivulet in a bend on the north, two miles further an island on the same side, half a mile beyond which came to a grove of trees at the entrance of a run in a bend to the south, and encamped for the night on the northern shore. the eight miles which we made to-day cost us much trouble. the air was cold and rendered more disagreeable by the rain, which fell in several slight showers in the course of the day; our cords too broke several times, but fortunately without injury to the boats. on ascending the hills near the river, one of the party found that there was snow mixed with the rain on the heights: a little back of these the country becomes perfectly level on both sides of the river. there is now no timber on the hills, and only a few scattering cottonwood, ash, box-alder, and willows, along the water. in the course of the day we passed several encampments of indians, the most recent of which seemed to have been evacuated about five weeks since, and from the several apparent dates we supposed that they were made by a band of about one hundred lodges who were travelling slowly up the river. although no part of the missouri from the minnetarees to this place exhibit signs of permanent settlements, yet none seem exempt from the transient visits of hunting parties. we know that the minnetarees of the missouri extend their excursions on the south side of the river, as high as the yellowstone; and the assiniboins visit the northern side, most probably as high as porcupine river. all the lodges between that place and the rocky mountains we supposed to belong to the minnetarees of fort de prairie, who live on the south fork of the saskashawan. friday, 31. we proceeded in two periogues, leaving the canoes to bring on the meat of two buffaloes killed last evening. soon after we set off it began to rain, and though it ceased at noon, the weather continued cloudy during the rest of the day. the obstructions of yesterday still remain and fatigue the men excessively: the banks are so slippery in some places and the mud so adhesive that they are unable to wear their moccasins; one fourth of the time they are obliged to be up to their armpits in the cold water, and sometimes walk for several yards over the sharp fragments of rocks which have fallen from the hills: all this added to the burden of dragging the heavy canoes is very painful, yet the men bear it with great patience and good humour. once the rope of one of the periogues, the only one we had made of hemp, broke short, and the periogue swung and just touched a point of rock which almost overset her. at nine miles we came to a high wall of black rock rising from the water's edge on the south, above the cliffs of the river: this continued about a quarter of a mile, and was succeeded by a high open plain, till three miles further a second wall two hundred feet high rose on the same side. three miles further a wall of the same kind about two hundred feet high and twelve in thickness, appeared to the north: these hills and river cliffs exhibit a most extraordinary and romantic appearance: they rise in most places nearly perpendicular from the water, to the height of between two and three hundred feet, and are formed of very white sandstone, so soft as to yield readily to the impression of water, in the upper part of which lie imbedded two or three thin horizontal stratas of white freestone insensible to the rain, and on the top is a dark rich loam, which forms a gradually ascending plain, from a mile to a mile and a half in extent, when the hills again rise abruptly to the height of about three hundred feet more. in trickling down the cliffs, the water has worn the soft sandstone into a thousand grotesque figures, among which with a little fancy may be discerned elegant ranges of freestone buildings, with columns variously sculptured, and supporting long and elegant galleries, while the parapets are adorned with statuary: on a nearer approach they represent every form of elegant ruins; columns, some with pedestals and capitals entire, others mutilated and prostrate, and some rising pyramidally over each other till they terminate in a sharp point. these are varied by niches, alcoves, and the customary appearances of desolated magnificence: the allusion is increased by the number of martins, who have built their globular nests in the niches and hover over these columns; as in our country they are accustomed to frequent large stone structures. as we advance there seems no end to the visionary enchantment which surrounds us. in the midst of this fantastic scenery are vast ranges of walls, which seem the productions of art, so regular is the workmanship: they rise perpendicularly from the river, sometimes to the height of one hundred feet, varying in thickness from one to twelve feet, being equally broad at the top as below. the stones of which they are formed are black, thick, and durable, and composed of a large portion of earth, intermixed and cemented with a small quantity of sand, and a considerable proportion of talk or quartz. these stones are almost invariably regular parallelipeds of unequal sizes in the wall, but equally deep, and laid regularly in ranges over each other like bricks, each breaking and covering the interstice of the two on which it rests: but though the perpendicular interstice be destroyed, the horizontal one extends entirely through the whole work: the stones too are proportioned to the thickness of the wall in which they are employed, being largest in the thickest walls. the thinner walls are composed of a single depth of the paralleliped, while the thicker ones consist of two or more depths: these walls pass the river at several places, rising from the water's edge much above the sandstone bluffs which they seem to penetrate; thence they cross in a straight line on either side of the river, the plains over which they tower to the height of from ten to seventy feet, until they lose themselves in the second range of hills: sometimes they run parallel in several ranges near to each other, sometimes intersect each other at right angles, and have the appearance of walls of ancient houses or gardens. the face of some of these river hills, is composed of very excellent freestone of a light yellowish brown colour, and among the cliffs we found a species of pine which we had not yet seen, and differing from the virginia pitchpine in having a shorter leaf, and a longer and more pointed cone. the coal appears only in small quantities, as do the burnt earth and pumicestone: the mineral salts have abated. among the animals are a great number of the bighorn, a few buffaloe and elk, and some mule-deer, but none of the common deer nor any antelopes. we saw but could not procure a beautiful fox, of a colour varied with orange, yellow, white, and black, rather smaller than the common fox of this country, and about the same size as the red fox of the united states. the river to-day has been from about one hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty yards wide, with but little timber. at the distance of two miles and a half from the last stone wall, is a stream on the north side, twenty-eight yards in width, and with some running water. we encamped just above its mouth having made eighteen miles. saturday, june 1. the weather was cloudy with a few drops of rain. as we proceeded by the aid of our cord we found the river cliffs and bluffs not so high as yesterday, and the country more level. the timber too is in greater abundance on the river, though there is no wood on the high ground; coal however appears in the bluffs. the river is from two hundred to two hundred and fifty feet wide, the current more gentle, the water becoming still clearer and fewer rocky points and shoals than we met yesterday, though those which we did encounter were equally difficult to pass. game is by no means in such plenty as below; all that we obtained were one bighorn, and a mule-deer though we saw in the plains a quantity of buffaloe, particularly near a small lake about eight miles from the river to the south. notwithstanding the wind was ahead all day, we dragged the canoes along the distance of twenty-three miles. at fourteen and a quarter miles, we came to a small island opposite a bend of the river to the north: two and a half miles to the upper point of a small island on the north; five miles to another island on the south side and opposite to a bluff. in the next two miles we passed an island on the south, a second beyond it on the north, and reached near a high bluff on the north a third on which we encamped. in the plains near the river are the chokecherry, yellow and red currant-bushes, as well as the wild rose and prickly pear, both of which are now in bloom. from the tops of the river hills, which are lower than usual, we enjoyed a delightful view of the rich fertile plains on both sides, in many places extending from the river cliffs to a great distance back. in these plains we meet occasionally large banks of pure sand, which were driven apparently by the southwest winds, and there deposited. the plains are more fertile some distance from the river than near its banks, where the surface of the earth is very generally strewed with small pebbles, which appear to be smoothed and worn by the agitation of the waters with which they were no doubt once covered. a mountain or part of the north mountain approaches the river within eight or ten miles, bearing north from our encampment of last evening; and this morning a range of high mountains bearing s.w. from us and apparently running to the westward, are seen at a great distance covered with snow. in the evening we had a little more rain. sunday 2. the wind blew violently last night, and a slight shower of rain fell, but this morning was fair. we set out at an early hour, and although the wind was ahead by means of the cord went on much better than for the last two days, as the banks were well calculated for towing. the current of the river is strong but regular, its timber increases in quantity, the low grounds become more level and extensive, and the bluffs on the river are lower than usual. in the course of the day we had a small shower of rain, which lasted a few minutes only. as the game is very abundant we think it necessary to begin a collection of hides for the purpose of making a leathern boat, which we intend constructing shortly. the hunters who were out the greater part of the day brought in six elk, two buffaloe, two mule-deer and a bear. this last animal had nearly cost us the lives of two of our hunters who were together when he attacked them: one of them narrowly escaped being caught, and the other after running a considerable distance, concealed himself in some thick bushes, and while the bear was in quick pursuit of his hiding place, his companion came up and fortunately shot the animal through the head. at six and at half miles we reached an island on the northern side; one mile and a quarter thence is a timbered low ground on the south: and in the next two and three quarter miles we passed three small islands, and came to a dark bluff on the south: within the following mile are two small islands on the same side. at three and a quarter miles we reached the lower part of a much larger island near a northern point, and as we coasted along its side, within two miles passed a smaller island, and half a mile above reached the head of another. all these islands are small, and most of them contain some timber. three quarters of a mile beyond the last, and at the distance of eighteen miles from our encampment, we came to for the night in a handsome low cottonwood plain on the south, where we remained for the purpose of making some celestial observations during the night, and of examining in the morning a large river which comes in opposite to us. accordingly at an early hour, monday, 3d, we crossed and fixed our camp in the point, formed by the junction of the river with the missouri. it now became an interesting question which of these two streams is what the minnetarees call ahmateahza or the missouri, which they described as approaching very near to the columbia. on our right decision much of the fate of the expedition depends; since if after ascending to the rocky mountains or beyond them, we should find that the river we were following did not come near the columbia, and be obliged to return; we should not only lose the travelling season, two months of which had already elapsed, but probably dishearten the men so much as to induce them either to abandon the enterprise, or yield us a cold obedience instead of the warm and zealous support which they had hitherto afforded us. we determined, therefore, to examine well before we decided on our future course; and for this purpose despatched two canoes with three men up each of the streams with orders to ascertain the width, depth, and rapidity of the current, so as to judge of their comparative bodies of water. at the same time parties were sent out by land to penetrate the country, and discover from the rising grounds, if possible, the distant bearings of the two rivers; and all were directed to return towards evening. while they were gone we ascended together the high grounds in the fork of these two rivers, whence we had a very extensive prospect of the surrounding country: on every side it was spread into one vast plain covered with verdure, in which innumerable herds of buffaloe were roaming, attended by their enemies the wolves: some flocks of elk also were seen, and the solitary antelopes were scattered with their young over the face of the plain. to the south was a range of lofty mountains, which we supposed to be a continuation of the south mountain, stretching themselves from southeast to northwest, and terminating abruptly about southwest from us. these were partially covered with snow; but at a great distance behind them was a more lofty ridge completely covered with snow, which seemed to follow the same direction as the first, reaching from west to the north of northwest, where their snowy tops were blended with the horizon. the direction of the rivers could not however be long distinguished, as they were soon lost in the extent of the plain. on our return we continued our examination; the width of the north branch is two hundred yards, that of the south is three hundred and seventy-two. the north, although narrower and with a gentler current, is deeper than the south: its waters too are of the same whitish brown colour, thickness, and turbidness: they run in the same boiling and rolling manner which has uniformly characterized the missouri; and its bed is composed of some gravel, but principally mud. the south fork is deeper, but its waters are perfectly transparent: its current is rapid, but the surface smooth and unruffled; and its bed too is composed of round and flat smooth stones like those of rivers issuing from a mountainous country. the air and character of the north fork so much resemble those of the missouri that almost all the party believe that to be the true course to be pursued. we however, although we have given no decided opinion, are inclined to think otherwise, because, although this branch does give the colour and character to the missouri, yet these very circumstances induce an opinion that it rises in and runs through an open plain country, since if it came from the mountains it would be clearer, unless, which from the position of the country is improbable, it passed through a vast extent of low ground after leaving them: we thought it probable that it did not even penetrate the rocky mountains, but drew it sources from the open country towards the lower and middle parts of the saskashawan, in a direction north of this place. what embarrasses us most is, that the indians who appeared to be well acquainted with the geography of the country, have not mentioned this northern river; for "the river which scolds at all others," as it is termed, must be according to their account one of the rivers which we have passed; and if this north fork be the missouri, why have they not designated the south branch which they must also have passed, in order to reach the great falls which they mention on the missouri. in the evening our parties returned, after ascending the rivers in canoes for some distance, then continuing on foot, just leaving themselves time to return by night. the north fork was less rapid, and therefore afforded the easiest navigation: the shallowest water of the north was five feet deep, that of the south six feet. at two and a half miles up the north fork is a small river coming in on the left or western side, sixty feet wide, with a bold current three feet in depth. the party by land had gone up the south fork in a straight line, somewhat north of west for seven miles, where they discovered that this little river came within one hundred yards of the south fork, and on returning down it found it a handsome stream, with as much timber as either of the larger rivers, consisting of the narrow and wide-leafed cottonwood, some birch and box-alder, amid undergrowth of willows, rosebushes, and currants: they also saw on this river a great number of elk and some beaver. all these accounts were however very far from deciding the important question of our future route, and we therefore determined each of us to ascend one of the rivers during a day and a half's march, or farther if necessary, for our satisfaction. our hunters killed two buffaloe, six elk, and four deer to-day. along the plains near the junction, are to be found the prickly pear in great quantities; the chokecherry is also very abundant in the river low grounds, as well as the ravines along the river bluffs; the yellow and red currants are not yet ripe; the gooseberry is beginning to ripen, and the wildrose which now covers all the low grounds near the rivers is in full bloom. the fatigues of the last few days have occasioned some falling off in the appearance of the men, who not having been able to wear moccasins, had their feet much bruised and mangled in passing over the stones and rough ground. they are however perfectly cheerful, and have an undiminished ardour for the expedition. tuesday, june 4. at the same hour this morning captain lewis and captain clarke set out to explore the two rivers: captain lewis with six men crossed the north fork near the camp, below a small island from which he took a course n. 30â° w. for four and a half miles to a commanding eminence. here we observed that the north mountain, changing its direction parallel to the missouri, turned towards the north and terminated abruptly at the distance of about thirty miles, the point of termination bearing n. 48â° e. the south mountain too diverges to the south, and terminates abruptly, its extremity bearing s. 8â° w. distant about twenty miles: to the right of, and retreating from this extremity, is a separate mountain at the distance of thirty-five miles in a direction s. 38â° w. which from its resemblance to the roof of a barn, we called the barn mountain. the north fork, which is now on the left, makes a considerable bend to the northwest, and on its western border a range of hills about ten miles long, and bearing from this spot n. 60â° w. runs parallel with it: north of this range of hills is an elevated point of the river bluff on its south side, bearing n. 72â° w. about twelve miles from us; towards this he directed his course across a high, level, dry open plain; which in fact embraces the whole country to the foot of the mountains. the soil is dark, rich, and fertile, yet the grass by no means so luxuriant as might have been expected, for it is short and scarcely more than sufficient to cover the ground. there are vast quantities of prickly pears, and myriads of grasshoppers, which afford food for a species of curlew which is in great numbers in the plain. he then proceeded up the river to the point of observation they had fixed on; from which he went two miles n. 15â° w. to a bluff point on the north side of the river: thence his course was n. 30â° w. for two miles to the entrance of a large creek on the south. the part of the river along which he passed is from forty to sixty yards wide, the current strong, the water deep and turbid, the banks falling in, the salts, coal and mineral appearances are as usual, and in every respect, except as to size, this river resembles the missouri. the low grounds are narrow but well supplied with wood: the bluffs are principally of dark brown yellow, and some white clay with freestone in some places. from this point the river bore n. 20â° e. to a bluff on the south, at the distance of twelve miles: towards this he directed his course, ascending the hills which are about two hundred feet high, and passing through plains for three miles, till he found the dry ravines so steep and numerous that he resolved to return to the river and follow its banks. he reached it about four miles from the beginning of his course, and encamped on the north in a bend among some bushes which sheltered the party from the wind: the air was very cold, the northwest wind high, and the rain wet them to the skin. besides the game just mentioned, he observed buffaloe, elk, wolves, foxes, and we got a blaireau and a weasel, and wounded a large brown bear, whom it was too late to pursue. along the river are immense quantities of roses which are now in full bloom, and which make the low grounds a perfect garden. wednesday 5. the rain fell during the greater part of the last night, and in the morning the weather was cloudy and cold, with a high northwest wind: at sunrise he proceeded up the river eight miles to the bluff on the left side, towards which he had been directing his course yesterday. here he found the bed of a creek twenty-five yards wide at the entrance, with some timber, but no water, notwithstanding the rain: it is, indeed, astonishing to observe the vast quantities of water absorbed by the soil of the plains, which being opened in large crevices presents a fine rich loam: at the mouth of this stream (which he called lark creek) the bluffs are very steep and approach the river so that he ascended them, and crossing the plains reached the river, which from the last point bore n. 50â° w: four miles from this place it extended north two miles. here he discovered a lofty mountain standing alone at the distance of more than eighty miles in the direction of n. 30â° w. and which from its conical figure he called tower mountain. he then proceeded on these two hills and afterwards in different courses six miles, when he again changed for a western course across a deep bend along the south side: in making this passage over the plains he found them like those of yesterday, level and beautiful, with great quantities of buffaloes, and some wolves, foxes, and antelopes, and intersected near the river by deep ravines. here at the distance of from one to nine miles from the river, he met the largest village of barking squirrels which we had yet seen: for he passed a skirt of their territory for seven miles. he also saw near the hills a flock of the mountain cock or a large species of heath hen with a long pointed tail, which the indians below had informed us were common among the rock mountains. having finished his course of ten miles west across a bend, he continued two miles n. 80â° w. and from that point discovered some lofty mountains to the northwest of tower mountain and bearing n. 65â° w. at eighty or one hundred miles distance: here he encamped on the north side in a handsome low ground, on which were several old stick lodges: there had been but little timber on the river in the forepart of the day, but now there is a greater quantity than usual. the river itself is about eighty yards wide, from six to ten feet deep, and has a strong steady current. the party had killed five elk, and a mule-deer; and by way of experiment roasted the burrowing squirrels, which they found to be well flavoured and tender. thursday 6. captain lewis was now convinced that this river pursued a direction too far north for our route to the pacific, and therefore resolved to return; but waited till noon to take a meridian altitude. the clouds, however, which had gathered during the latter part of the night continued and prevented the observation: part of the men were sent forward to a commanding eminence, six miles s. 70â° w; from which they saw at the distance of about fifteen miles s. 80â° w. a point of the south bluff of the river, which thence bore northwardly. in their absence two rafts had been prepared, and when they returned about noon, the party embarked: but they soon found that the rafts were so small and slender that the baggage was wet, and therefore it was necessary to abandon them, and go by land. they therefore crossed the plains, and at the distance of twelve miles came to the river, through a cold storm from the northeast, accompanied by showers of rain. the abruptness of the cliffs compelled them, after going a few miles, to leave the river and meet the storm in the plains. here they directed their course too far northward, in consequence of which they did not meet the river till late at night, after having travelled twenty-three miles since noon, and halted at a little below the entrance of lark creek. they had the good fortune to kill two buffaloe which supplied them with supper, but spent a very uncomfortable night without any shelter from the rain, which continued till morning, friday 7, when at an early hour they continued down the river. the route was extremely unpleasant, as the wind was high from the n.e. accompanied with rain, which made the ground so slippery that they were unable to walk over the bluffs which they had passed on ascending the river. the land is the most thirsty we have ever seen; notwithstanding all the rain which has fallen, the earth is not wet for more than two inches deep, and resembles thawed ground; but if it requires more water to saturate it than the common soils, on the other hand it yields its moisture with equal difficulty. in passing along the side of one of these bluffs at a narrow pass thirty yards in length, captain lewis slipped, and but for a fortunate recovery, by means of his espontoon, would then have been precipitated into the river over a precipice of about ninety feet. he had just reached a spot where by the assistance of his espontoon he could stand with tolerable safety, when he heard a voice behind him cry out, good god captain what shall i do? he turned instantly and found it was windsor who had lost his foothold about the middle of the narrow pass, and had slipped down to the very verge of the precipice where he lay on his belly, with his right arm and leg over the precipice, while with the other leg and arm he was with difficulty holding on to keep himself from being dashed to pieces below. his dreadful situation was instantly perceived by captain lewis, who stifling his alarm, calmly told him that he was in no danger; that he should take his knife out of his belt with the right hand, and dig a hole in the side of the bluff to receive his right foot. with great presence of mind he did this, and then raised himself on his knees; captain lewis then told him to take off his moccasins and come forward on his hands and knees, holding the knife in one hand and his rifle in the other. he immediately crawled in this way till he came to a secure spot. the men who had not attempted this passage, were ordered to return and wade the river at the foot of the bluff, where they found the water breast high. this adventure taught them the danger of crossing the slippery heights of the river; but as the plains were intersected by deep ravines almost as difficult to pass, they continued down the river, sometimes in the mud of the low grounds, sometimes up to their arms in the water, and when it became too deep to wade, they cut footholds with their knives in the sides of the banks. in this way they travelled through the rain, mud, and water, and having made only eighteen miles during the whole day, encamped in an old indian lodge of sticks, which afforded them a dry shelter. here they cooked part of six deer they had killed in the course of their walk, and having eaten the only morsel they had tasted during the whole day slept comfortably on some willow boughs. chapter x. return of captain lewis--account of captain clarke's researches with his exploring party--perilous situation of one of his party--tansy river described--the party still believing the southern fork the missouri, captain lewis resolves to ascend it--mode of making a place to deposit provisions, called cache--captain lewis explores the southern fork--falls of the missouri discovered, which ascertains the question--romantic scenery of the surrounding country--narrow escape of captain lewis--the main body under captain clarke approach within five miles of the falls, and prepare for making a portage over the rapids. saturday 8. it continued to rain moderately all last night, and the morning was cloudy till about ten o'clock, when it cleared off, and became a fine day. they breakfasted about sunrise and then proceeded down the river in the same way as they had done yesterday, except that the travelling was somewhat better, as they had not so often to wade, though they passed some very dangerous bluffs. the only timber to be found is in the low grounds which are occasionally on the river, and these are the haunts of innumerable birds, who, when the sun began to shine, sang very delightfully. among these birds they distinguished the brown thrush, robin, turtledove, linnet, goldfinch, the large and small blackbird, the wren, and some others. as they came along, the whole of the party were of opinion that this river was the true missouri, but captain lewis being fully persuaded that it was neither the main stream, nor that which it would be advisable to ascend, gave it the name of maria's river. after travelling all day they reached the camp at five o'clock in the afternoon, and found captain clarke and the party very anxious for their safety, as they had staid two days longer than had been expected, and as captain clarke had returned at the appointed time, it was feared that they had met with some accident. captain clarke on setting out with five men on the 4th, went seven miles on a course s. 25â° w. to a spring; thence he went s. 20â° w. for eight miles to the river where was an island, from which he proceeded in a course n. 45â° w. and approached the river at the distance of three, five, and thirteen miles, at which place they encamped in an old indian lodge made of sticks and bark. in crossing the plains they observed several herds of buffaloe, some muledeer, antelopes and wolves. the river is rapid and closely hemmed in by high bluffs, crowded with bars of gravel, with little timber on the low grounds, and none on the highlands. near the camp this evening, a white bear attacked one of the men, whose gun happening to be wet, would not go off; he instantly made towards a tree, but was so closely pursued, that as he ascended the tree he struck the bear with his foot. the bear not being able to climb, waited till he should be forced to come down; and as the rest of the party were separated from him by a perpendicular cliff of rocks, which they could not descend, it was not in their power to give him any assistance: fortunately however at last the bear became frighted at their cries and firing, and released the man. in the afternoon it rained, and during the night there fell both rain and snow, and in the morning. june 5, the hills to the s.e. were covered with snow, and the rain continued. they proceeded on in a course n. 20â° w. near the river several miles, till at the distance of eleven miles they reached a ridge, from the top of which on the north side they could plainly discern a mountain to the s. and w. at a great distance covered with snow; a high ridge projecting from the mountains to the southeast approaches the river on the southeast side, forming some cliffs of dark hard stone. they also saw that the river ran for a great distance west of south, with a rapid current, from which as well as its continuing of the same width and depth, captain clarke thought it useless to advance any further, and therefore returned across the level plain in a direction north 30â° east, and reached at the distance of twenty miles the little river which is already mentioned as falling into the north fork, and to which they gave the name of tansy river, from the great quantity of that herb growing on its banks. here they dined, and then proceeded on a few miles by a place where the tansy breaks through a high ridge on its north side and encamped. the next day, 6th, the weather was cold, raw and cloudy, with a high northeast wind. they set out early, down the tansy, whose low grounds resemble precisely, except as to extent, those of the missouri before it branches, containing a great proportion of a species of cottonwood, with a leaf like that of the wild cherry. after halting at twelve o'clock for dinner, they ascended the plain, and at five o'clock reached the camp through the rain, which had fallen without intermission since noon. during his absence the party had been occupied in dressing skins, and being able to rest themselves were nearly freed from their lameness and swollen feet. all this night and the whole of the following day, 7th, it rained, the wind being from the southwest off the mountains: yet the rivers are falling, and the thermometer 40â° above 0. the rain continued till the next day, 8th, at ten o'clock, when it cleared off, and the weather became fine, the wind high from the southwest. the rivers at the point have now fallen six inches since our arrival, and this morning the water of the south fork became of a reddish brown colour, while the north branch continued of its usual whitish appearance. the mountains to the south are covered with snow. sunday, 9th. we now consulted upon the course to be pursued. on comparing our observations, we were more than ever convinced of what we already suspected, that mr. arrowsmith is incorrect in laying down in the chain of rocky mountains one remarkable mountain called the tooth, nearly as far south as 45â°, and said to be so marked from the discoveries of mr. fidler. we are now within one hundred miles of the rocky* mountains and in the latitude of 47â° 24' 12" 8, and therefore it is highly improbable that the missouri should make such a bend to the south before it reaches the rocky mountains, as to have suffered mr. fidler to come as low as 45â° along the eastern borders without touching that river: yet the general course of maria's river from this place for fifty-nine miles, as far as captain lewis ascended, was north 69â° west, and the south branch, or what we consider the missouri, which captain clarke had examined as far as forty-five miles in a straight line, ran in a course south 29â° west, and as far as it could be seen went considerably west of south, whence we conclude that the missouri itself enters the rocky mountains to the north of 45â°. in writing to the president from our winter quarters, we had already taken the liberty of advancing the southern extremity of mr. fidler's discoveries about a degree to the northward, and this from indian information as to the bearing of the point at which the missouri enters the mountain; but we think actual observation will place it one degree still further to the northward. this information of mr. fidler however, incorrect as it is, affords an additional reason for not pursuing maria's river; for if he came as low even as 47â° and saw only small streams coming down from the mountains, it is to be presumed that these rivulets do not penetrate the rocky mountains so far as to approach any navigable branch of the columbia, and they are most probably the remote waters of some northern branch of the missouri. in short, being already in latitude 47â° 24' we cannot reasonably hope by going farther to the northward to find between this place and the saskashawan any stream which can, as the indians assure us the missouri does, possess a navigable current for some distance in the rocky mountains: the indians had assured us also that the water of the missouri was nearly transparent at the falls; this is the case with the southern branch; that the falls lay a little to the south of sunset from them; this too is in favour of the southern fork, for it bears considerably south of this place which is only a few minutes to the northward of fort mandan; that the falls are below the rocky mountains and near the northern termination of one range of those mountains: now there is a ridge of mountains which appear behind the south mountains and terminates to the southwest of us, at a sufficient distance from the unbroken chain of the rocky mountains to allow space for several falls, indeed we fear for too many of them. if too the indians had ever passed any stream as large as this southern fork on their way up the missouri, they would have mentioned it; so that their silence seems to prove that this branch must be the missouri. the body of water also which it discharges must have been acquired from a considerable distance in the mountains, for it could not have been collected in the parched plains between the yellowstone and the rocky mountains, since that country could not supply nourishment for the dry channels which we passed on the south, and the travels of mr. fidler forbid us to believe that it could have been obtained from the mountains towards the northwest. these observations which satisfied our mind completely we communicated to the party: but every one of them were of a contrary opinion; and much of their belief depended on crusatte, an experienced waterman on the missouri, who gave it as his decided judgment that the north fork was the genuine missouri. the men therefore mentioned that although they would most cheerfully follow us wherever we should direct, yet they were afraid that the south fork would soon terminate in the rocky mountains and leave us at a great distance from the columbia. in order that nothing might be omitted which could prevent our falling into an error, it was agreed that one of us should ascend the southern branch by land until we reached either the falls or the mountains. in the meantime in order to lighten our burdens as much as possible, we determined to deposit here one of the periogues and all the heavy baggage which we could possibly spare, as well as some provision, salt, powder, and tools: this would at once lighten the other boats, and give them the crew which had been employed on board the periogue. monday, 10. the weather being fair and pleasant we dried all our baggage and merchandize and made our deposit. these holes or _caches_ as they are called by the missouri traders are very common, particularly among those who deal with the sioux, as the skins and merchandize will keep perfectly sound for years, and are protected from robbery: our cache is built in this manner: in the high plain on the north side of the missouri and forty yards from a steep bluff, we chose a dry situation, and then describing a small circle of about twenty inches diameter, removed the sod as gently and carefully as possible: the hole is then sunk perpendicularly for a foot deep, or more if the ground be not firm. it is now worked gradually wider as they descend, till at length it becomes six or seven feet deep, shaped nearly like a kettle or the lower part of a large still with the bottom somewhat sunk at the centre. as the earth is dug it is handed up in a vessel and carefully laid on a skin or cloth, in which it is carried away and usually thrown into the river or concealed so as to leave no trace of it. a floor of three or four inches in thickness is then made of dry sticks, on which is thrown hay or a hide perfectly dry. the goods being well aired and dried are laid on this floor, and prevented from touching the wall by other dried sticks in proportion as the merchandize is stowed away: when the hole is nearly full, a skin is laid over the goods, and on this earth is thrown and beaten down until with the addition of the sod first removed the whole is on a level with the ground, and there remains not the slightest appearance of an excavation. in addition to this we made another of smaller dimensions, in which we placed all the baggage, some powder, and our blacksmith's tools, having previously repaired such of the tools we carry with us as require mending. to guard against accident, we hid two parcels of lead and powder in the two distinct places. the red periogue was drawn up on the middle of a small island at the entrance of maria's river, and secured by being fastened to the trees from the effect of any floods. in the evening there was a high wind from the southwest accompanied with thunder and rain. we now made another observation of the meridian altitude of the sun, and found that the mean latitude of the entrance of maria's river, as deduced from three observations, is 47â° 25' 17" 2 north. we saw a small bird like the blue thrush or catbird which we had not before met, and also observed that the beemartin or kingbird is common to this country although there are no bees here, and in fact we have not met with the honey-bee since leaving the osage river. tuesday 11. this morning captain lewis with four men set out on their expedition up the south branch. they soon reached the point where the tansy river approaches the missouri, and observing a large herd of elk before them, descended and killed several which they hung up along the river so that the party in the boats might see them as they came along. they then halted for dinner; but captain lewis who had been for some days afflicted with the dysentery, was now attacked with violent pains attended by a high fever and was unable to go on. he therefore encamped for the night under some willow boughs: having brought no medicine he determined to try an experiment with the small twigs of the chokecherry, which being stripped of their leaves and cut into pieces about two inches long were boiled in pure water, till they produced a strong black decoction of an astringent bitter taste; a pint of this he took at sunset, and repeated the dose an hour afterwards. by ten o'clock he was perfectly relieved from pain, a gentle perspiration ensued, his fever abated and in the morning he was quite recovered. one of the men caught several dozen fish of two species: the first is about nine inches long, of a white colour, round in shape; the mouth is beset both above and below with a rim of fine sharp teeth, the eye moderately large, the pupil dark, and the iris narrow, and of a yellowish brown colour: in form and size it resembles the white chub of the potomac, though its head is proportionably smaller; they readily bite at meat or grasshoppers; but the flesh though soft and of a fine white colour is not highly flavoured. the second species is precisely of the form and about the size of the fish known by the name of the hickory shad or old wife, though it differs from it in having the outer edge of both the upper and lower jaw set with a rim of teeth, and the tongue and palate also are defended by long sharp teeth bending inwards, the eye is very large, the iris wide and of a silvery colour; they do not inhabit muddy water, and the flavour is much superior to that of the former species. of the first kind we had seen a few before we reached maria's river; but had found none of the last before we caught them in the missouri above its junction with that river. the white cat continues as high as maria's river, but they are scarce in this part of the river, nor have we caught any of them since leaving the mandans which weighed more than six pounds. of other game they saw a great abundance even in their short march of nine miles. wednesday 12. this morning captain lewis left the bank of the river in order to avoid the steep ravines which generally run from the shore to the distance of one or two miles in the plain: having reached the opened country he went for twelve miles in a course a little to the west of southwest, when the sun becoming warm by nine o'clock, he returned to the river in quest of water and to kill something for breakfast, there being no water in the plain, and the buffaloe discovering them before they came within gunshot took to flight. they reached the banks in a handsome open low ground with cottonwood, after three miles walk. here they saw two large brown bears, and killed them both at the first fire, a circumstance which has never before occurred since we have seen that animal. having made a meal of a part and hung the remainder on a tree with a note for captain clarke, they again ascended the bluffs into the open plains. here they saw great numbers of the burrowing squirrel, also some wolves, antelopes, muledeer, and vast herds of buffaloe. they soon crossed a ridge considerably higher than the surrounding plains, and from its top had a beautiful view of the rocky mountains, which are now completely covered with snow: their general course is from southeast to the north of northwest, and they seem to consist of several ranges which successively rise above each other till the most distant mingles with the clouds. after travelling twelve miles they again met the river, where there was a handsome plain of cottonwood; and although it was not sunset, and they had only come twenty-seven miles, yet captain lewis felt weak from his late disorder, and therefore determined to go no further that night. in the course of the day they killed a quantity of game, and saw some signs of otter as well as beaver, and many tracks of the brown bear: they also caught great quantities of the white fish mentioned yesterday. with the broad-leafed cottonwood, which has formed the principal timber of the missouri, is here mixed another species differing from the first only in the narrowness of its leaf and the greater thickness of its bark. the leaf is long, oval, acutely pointed, about two and a half or three inches long and from three quarters of an inch to an inch in width; it is smooth and thick sometimes slightly grooved or channeled with the margin a little serrate, the upper disk of a common, the lower of a whitish green. this species seems to be preferred by the beaver to the broad-leaved, probably because the former affords a deeper and softer bark. thursday 13. they left their encampment at sunrise, and ascending the river hills went for six miles in a course generally southwest, over a country which though more waving than that of yesterday may still be considered level. at the extremity of this course they overlooked a most beautiful plain, where were infinitely more buffaloe than we had ever before seen at a single view. to the southwest arose from the plain two mountains of a singular appearance and more like ramparts of high fortifications than works of nature. they are square figures with sides rising perpendicularly to the height of two hundred and fifty feet, formed of yellow clay, and the tops seemed to be level plains. finding that the river here bore considerably to the south, and fearful of passing the falls before reaching the rocky mountains, they now changed their course to the south, and leaving those insulated hills to the right proceeded across the plain. in this direction captain lewis had gone about two miles when his ears were saluted with the agreeable sound of a fall of water, and as he advanced a spray which seemed driven by the high southwest wind arose above the plain like a column of smoke and vanished in an instant. towards this point he directed his steps, and the noise increasing as he approached soon became too tremendous to be mistaken for any thing but the great falls of the missouri. having travelled seven miles after first hearing the sound he reached the falls about twelve o'clock, the hills as he approached were difficult of access and two hundred feet high: down these he hurried with impatience and seating himself on some rocks under the centre of the falls, enjoyed the sublime spectacle of this stupendous object which has since the creation had been lavishing its magnificence upon the desert, unknown to civilization. [illustration: the falls and portage] the river immediately at its cascade is three hundred yards wide, and is pressed in by a perpendicular cliff on the left, which rises to about one hundred feet and extends up the stream for a mile; on the right the bluff is also perpendicular for three hundred yards above the falls. for ninety or a hundred yards from the left cliff, the water falls in one smooth even sheet, over a precipice of at least eighty feet. the remaining part of the river precipitates itself with a more rapid current, but being received as it falls by the irregular and somewhat projecting rocks below, forms a splendid prospect of perfectly white foam two hundred yards in length, and eighty in perpendicular elevation. this spray is dissipated into a thousand shapes, sometimes flying up in columns of fifteen or twenty feet, which are then oppressed by larger masses of the white foam, on all which the sun impresses the brightest colours of the rainbow. as it rises from the fall it beats with fury against a ledge of rocks which extend across the river at one hundred and fifty yards from the precipice. from the perpendicular cliff on the north, to the distance of one hundred and twenty yards, the rocks rise only a few feet above the water, and when the river is high the stream finds a channel across them forty yards wide, and near the higher parts of the ledge which then rise about twenty feet, and terminate abruptly within eighty or ninety yards of the southern side. between them and the perpendicular cliff on the south, the whole body of water runs with great swiftness. a few small cedars grow near this ridge of rocks which serves as a barrier to defend a small plain of about three acres shaded with cottonwood, at the lower extremity of which is a grove of the same tree, where are several indian cabins of sticks; below the point of them the river is divided by a large rock, several feet above the surface of the water, and extending down the stream for twenty yards. at the distance of three hundred yards from the same ridge is a second abutment of solid perpendicular rock about sixty feet high, projecting at right angles from the small plain on the north for one hundred and thirty-four yards into the river. after leaving this, the missouri again spreads itself to its usual distance of three hundred yards, though with more than its ordinary rapidity. the hunters who had been sent out now returned loaded with buffaloe meat, and captain lewis encamped for the night under a tree near the falls. the men were again despatched to hunt for food against the arrival of the party, and captain lewis walked down the river to discover if possible some place where the canoes might be safely drawn on shore, in order to be transported beyond the falls. he returned however without discovering any such spot, the river for three miles below being one continued succession of rapids and cascades, overhung with perpendicular bluffs from one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet high; in short, it seems to have worn itself a channel through the solid rock. in the afternoon they caught in the falls some of both kinds of the white fish, and half a dozen trout from sixteen to twenty-three inches long, precisely resembling in form and the position of its fins the mountain or speckled trout of the united states, except that the specks of the former are of a deep black, while those of the latter are of a red or gold colour: they have long sharp teeth on the palate and tongue, and generally a small speck of red on each side behind the front ventral fins; the flesh is of a pale yellowish red, or when in good order of a rose-coloured red. friday 14. this morning one of the men was sent to captain clarke with an account of the discovery of the falls, and after employing the rest in preserving the meat which had been killed yesterday, captain lewis proceeded to examine the rapids above. from the falls he directed his course southwest up the river: after passing one continued rapid, and three small cascades, each three or four feet high, he reached at the distance of five miles a second fall. the river is about four hundred yards wide, and for the distance of three hundred throws itself over to the depth of nineteen feet, and so irregularly that he gave it the name of the crooked falls. from the southern shore it extends obliquely upwards about one hundred and fifty yards, and then forms an acute angle downwards nearly to the commencement of four small islands close to the northern side. from the perpendicular pitch to these islands, a distance of more than one hundred yards, the water glides down a sloping rock with a velocity almost equal to that of its fall. above this fall the river bends suddenly to the northward: while viewing this place captain lewis heard a loud roar above him, and crossing the point of a hill for a few hundred yards, he saw one of the most beautiful objects in nature: the whole missouri is suddenly stopped by one shelving rock, which without a single niche and with an edge as straight and regular as if formed by art, stretches itself from one side of the river to the other for at least a quarter of a mile. over this it precipitates itself in an even uninterrupted sheet to the perpendicular depth of fifty feet, whence dashing against the rocky bottom it rushes rapidly down, leaving behind it a spray of the purest foam across the river. the scene which it presented was indeed singularly beautiful, since without any of the wild irregular sublimity of the lower falls, it combined all the regular elegances which the fancy of a painter would select to form a beautiful waterfall. the eye had scarcely been regaled with this charming prospect, when at the distance of half a mile captain lewis observed another of a similar kind: to this he immediately hastened, and found a cascade stretching across the whole river for a quarter of a mile with a descent of fourteen feet, though the perpendicular pitch was only six feet. this too in any other neighborhood would have been an object of great magnificence, but after what he had just seen it became of secondary interest; his curiosity being however awakened, he determined to go on even should night overtake him to the head of the falls. he therefore pursued the southwest course of the river, which was one constant succession of rapids and small cascades, at every one of which the bluffs grew lower, or the bed of the river became more on a level with the plains. at the distance of two and a half miles he arrived at another cataract of twenty-six feet. the river is here six hundred yards wide, but the descent is not immediately perpendicular, though the river falls generally with a regular and smooth sheet; for about one third of the descent a rock protrudes to a small distance, receives the water in its passage and gives it a curve. on the south side is a beautiful plain a few feet above the level of the falls; on the north the country is more broken, and there is a hill not far from the river. just below the falls is a little island in the middle of the river well covered with timber. here on a cottonwood tree an eagle had fixed its nest, and seemed the undisputed mistress of a spot, to contest whose dominion neither man nor beast would venture across the gulfs that surround it, and which is further secured by the mist rising from the falls. this solitary bird could not escape the observation of the indians who made the eagle's nest a part of their description of the falls, which now proves to be correct in almost every particular, except that they did not do justice to their height. just above this is a cascade of about five feet, beyond which, as far as could be discerned, the velocity of the water seemed to abate. captain lewis now ascended the hill which was behind him, and saw from its top a delightful plain extending from the river to the base of the snow mountains to the south and southwest. along this wide level country the missouri pursued its winding course, filled with water to its even and grassy banks, while about four miles above it was joined by a large river flowing from the northwest through a valley three miles in width, and distinguished by the timber which adorned its shores; the missouri itself stretches to the south in one unruffled stream of water as if unconscious of the roughness it must soon encounter, and bearing on its bosom vast flocks of geese, while numerous herds of buffaloe are feeding on the plains which surround it. captain lewis then descended the hill, and directed his course towards the river falling in from the west. he soon met a herd of at least a thousand buffaloe, and being desirous of providing for supper shot one of them; the animal began to bleed, and captain lewis who had forgotten to reload his rifle, was intently watching to see him fall, when he beheld a large brown bear who was stealing on him unperceived, and was already within twenty steps. in the first moment of surprise he lifted his rifle, but remembering instantly that it was not charged, and that he had not time to reload, he felt that there was no safety but in flight. it was in the open level plain, not a bush nor a tree within three hundred yards, the bank of the river sloping and not more than three feet high, so that there was no possible mode of concealment: captain lewis therefore thought of retreating in a quick walk as fast as the bear advanced towards the nearest tree; but as soon as he turned the bear ran open mouth and at full speed upon him. captain lewis ran about eighty yards, but finding that the animal gained on him fast, it flashed on his mind that by getting into the water to such a depth that the bear would be obliged to attack him swimming, there was still some chance of his life, he therefore turned short, plunged into the river about waist deep, and facing about presented the point of his espontoon. the bear arrived at the water's edge within twenty feet of him, but as soon as he put himself in this position of defence, he seemed frightened, and wheeling about, retreated with as much precipitation as he had pursued. very glad to be released from this danger, captain lewis returned to the shore, and observed him run with great speed, sometimes looking back as if he expected to be pursued, till he reached the woods. he could not conceive the cause of the sudden alarm of the bear, but congratulated himself on his escape when he saw his own track torn to pieces by the furious animal, and learnt from the whole adventure never to suffer his rifle to be a moment unloaded. he now resumed his progress in the direction which the bear had taken towards the western river, and found it a handsome stream about two hundred yards wide, apparently deep, with a gentle current; its waters clear, and its banks, which were formed principally of dark brown and blue clay, are about the same height as those of the missouri, that is from three to five feet. what was singular was that the river does not seem to overflow its banks at any season, while it might be presumed from its vicinity to the mountains, that the torrents arising from the melting of the snows, would sometimes cause it to swell beyond its limits. the contrary fact would induce a belief that the rocky mountains yield their snows very reluctantly and equably to the sun, and are not often drenched by very heavy rains. this river is no doubt that which the indians call medicine river, which they mentioned as emptying into the missouri, just above the falls. after examining medicine river, captain lewis set out at half after six o'clock in the evening on his return towards the camp, which he estimated at the distance of twelve miles. in going through the low grounds on medicine river he met an animal which at a distance he thought was a wolf, but on coming within sixty paces, it proved to be some brownish yellow animal standing near its burrow, which, when he came nigh, crouched and seemed as if about to spring on him. captain lewis fired and the beast disappeared in its burrow. from the track and the general appearance of the animal he supposed it to be of the tiger kind. he then went on, but as if the beasts of the forests had conspired against him, three buffaloe bulls which were feeding with a large herd at the distance of half a mile, left their companions and ran at full speed towards him. he turned round, and unwilling to give up the field advanced towards them: when they came within a hundred yards, they stopped, looked at him for some time, and then retreated as they came. he now pursued his route in the dark, reflecting on the strange adventures and sights of the day which crowded on his mind so rapidly that he should have been inclined to believe it all enchantment if the thorns of the prickly pear piercing his feet did not dispel at every moment the illusion. he at last reached the party, who had been very anxious for his safety, and who had already decided on the route which each should take in the morning to look for him. being much fatigued he supped and slept well during the night. saturday, 15. the men were again sent out to bring in the game killed yesterday and to procure more: they also obtained a number of fine trout and several small catfish weighing about four pounds, and differing from the white catfish lower down the missouri. on awaking this morning captain lewis found a large rattlesnake coiled on the trunk of a tree under which he had been sleeping. he killed it, and found it like those we had seen before, differing from those of the atlantic states, not in its colours but in the form and arrangement of them; it had one hundred and seventy-six scuta on the abdomen, and seventeen half-formed scuta on the tail. there is a heavy dew on the grass about the camp every morning, which no doubt proceeds from the mist of the falls, as it takes place no where in the plains nor on the river except here. the messenger sent to captain clarke returned with information of his having arrived five miles below at a rapid, which he did not think it prudent to ascend and would wait till captain lewis and his party rejoined him. on tuesday 11th, the day when captain lewis left us, we remained at the entrance of maria's river and completed the deposits of all the articles with which we could dispense. the morning had been fair with a high wind from the southwest, which shifted in the evening to northwest, when the weather became cold and the wind high. the next morning, wednesday, 12, we left our encampment with a fair day and a southwest wind. the river was now so crowded with islands that within the distance of ten miles and a half we passed eleven of different dimensions before reaching a high black bluff in a bend on the left, where we saw a great number of swallows. within one mile and a half farther we passed four small islands, two on each side, and at fifteen miles from our encampment reached a spring which the men called grog spring: it is on the northern shore, and at the point where tansy river approaches within one hundred yards of the missouri. from this place we proceeded three miles to a low bluff on the north opposite to an island, and spent the night in an old indian encampment. the bluffs under which we passed were composed of a blackish clay and coal for about eighty feet, above which for thirty or forty feet is a brownish yellow earth. the river is very rapid and obstructed by bars of gravel and stone of different shapes and sizes, so that three of our canoes were in great danger in the course of the day. we had a few drops of rain about two o'clock in the afternoon. the only animals we killed were elk and deer; but we saw great numbers of rattlesnakes. thursday, 13. the morning was fair and there was some dew on the ground. after passing two islands we reached at the distance of a mile and a half a small rapid stream fifty yards wide, emptying itself on the south, rising in a mountain to the southeast about twelve or fifteen miles distant, and at this time covered with snow. as it is the channel for the melted snow of that mountain we called it snow river: opposite to its entrance is another island: at one mile and three quarters is a black bluff of slate on the south; nine miles beyond which, after passing ten islands, we came to on the southern shore near an old indian fortified camp, opposite the lower point of an island, having made thirteen miles. the number of islands and shoals, the rapidity of the river, and the quantity of large stones, rendered the navigation very disagreeable: along the banks we distinguished several low bluffs or cliffs of slate. there were great numbers of geese and goslings; the geese not being able to fly at this season. gooseberries are ripe and in great abundance; the yellow currant is also common, but not yet ripe. our game consisted of buffaloe and goats. friday, 14. again the day is fine. we made two miles to a small island in the southern bend, after passing several bad rapids. the current becomes indeed swifter as we ascend and the canoes frequently receive water as we drag them with difficulty along. at the distance of six miles we reached captain clarke's camp on the fourth, which is on the north side and opposite to a large gravelly bar. here the man sent by captain lewis joined us with the pleasing intelligence that he had discovered the falls, and was convinced that the course we were pursuing was that of the true missouri. at a mile and a half we reached the upper point of an island, three quarters of a mile beyond which we encamped on the south, after making only ten and a quarter miles. along the river was but little timber, but much hard slate in the bluffs. saturday, 15. the morning being warm and fair we set out at the usual hour, but proceeded with great difficulty in consequence of the increased rapidity of the current. the channel is constantly obstructed by rocks and dangerous rapids. during the whole progress the men are in the water hauling the canoes, and walking on sharp rocks and round stones which cut their feet or cause them to fall. the rattlesnakes too are so numerous that the men are constantly on their guard against being bitten by them; yet they bear the fatigues with the most undiminished cheerfulness. we hear the roar of the falls very distinctly this morning. at three and three quarter miles we came to a rock in a bend to the south, resembling a tower. at six and three quarter miles we reached a large creek on the south, which after one of our men we called shield's creek. it is rapid in its course, about thirty yards wide, and on sending a person five miles up it proved to have a fall of fifteen feet, and some timber on its low ground. above this river the bluffs of the missouri are of red earth mixed with stratas of black stone; below it we passed some white clay in the banks which mixes with water in every respect like flour. at three and three quarter miles we reached a point on the north opposite an island and a bluff; and one mile and a quarter further, after passing some red bluffs, came to on the north side, having made twelve miles. here we found a rapid so difficult that we did not think proper to attempt the passage this evening, and therefore sent to captain lewis to apprise him of our arrival. we saw a number of geese, ducks, crows, and blackbirds to-day, the two former with their young. the river rose a little this evening, but the timber is still so scarce that we could not procure enough for our use during the night. sunday, june 16. some rain fell last night, and this morning the weather was cloudy and the wind high from the southwest. we passed the rapid by doubly manning the periogue and canoes, and halted at the distance of a mile and a quarter to examine the rapids above, which we found to be a continued succession of cascades as far as the view extended, which was about two miles. about a mile above where we halted was a large creek falling in on the south, opposite to which is a large sulphur spring falling over the rocks on the north: captain lewis arrived at two from the falls about five miles above us, and after consulting upon the subject of the portage, we crossed the river and formed a camp on the north, having come three quarters of a mile to-day. from our own observation we had deemed the south side to be the most favourable for a portage, but two men sent out for the purpose of examining it, reported that the creek and the ravines intersected the plain so deeply that it was impossible to cross it. captain clarke therefore resolved to examine more minutely what was the best route: the four canoes were unloaded at the camp and then sent across the river, where by means of strong cords they were hauled over the first rapid, whence they may be easily drawn into the creek. finding too, that the portage would be at all events too long to enable us to carry the boats on our shoulders, six men were set to work to make wheels for carriages to transport them. since leaving maria's river the wife of chaboneau, our interpreter, has been dangerously ill, but she now found great relief from the mineral water of the sulphur spring. it is situated about two hundred yards from the missouri, into which it empties over a precipice of rock about twenty-five feet high. the water is perfectly transparent, strongly impregnated with sulphur, and we suspect iron also, as the colour of the hills and bluffs in the neighbourhood indicates the presence of that metal. in short the water to all appearance is precisely similar to that of bowyer's sulphur spring in virginia. monday 17. captain clarke set out with five men to explore the country; the rest were employed in hunting, making wheels and in drawing the five canoes and all the baggage up the creek, which we now called portage creek: from this creek there is a gradual ascent to the top of the high plain, while the bluffs of the creek lower down and of the missouri, both above and below its entrance, were so steep as to have rendered it almost impracticable to drag them up from the missouri. we found great difficulty and some danger in even ascending the creek thus far, in consequence of the rapids and rocks of the channel of the creek, which just above where we brought the canoes has a fall of five feet, and high and sleep bluffs beyond it: we were very fortunate in finding just below portage creek a cottonwood tree about twenty-two inches in diameter, and large enough to make the carriage wheels; it was perhaps the only one of the same size within twenty miles; and the cottonwood, which we are obliged to employ in the other parts of the work, is extremely soft and brittle. the mast of the white periogue which we mean to leave behind, supplied us with two axletrees. there are vast quantities of buffaloe feeding in the plains or watering in the river, which is also strewed with the floating carcases and limbs of these animals. they go in large herds to water about the falls, and as all the passages to the river near that place are narrow and steep, the foremost are pressed into the river by the impatience of those behind. in this way we have seen ten or a dozen disappear over the falls in a few minutes. they afford excellent food for the wolves, bears, and birds of prey; and this circumstance may account for the reluctance of the bears to yield their dominion over the neighbourhood. tuesday 18. the periogue was drawn up a little below our camp and secured in a thick copse of willow bushes. we now began to form a cache or place of deposit and to dry our goods and other articles which required inspection. the wagons too are completed. our hunters brought us ten deer, and we shot two out of a herd of buffaloe that came to water at the sulphur spring. there is a species of gooseberry growing abundantly among the rocks on the sides of the cliffs: it is now ripe, of a pale red colour, about the size of the common gooseberry, and like it is an ovate pericarp of soft pulp enveloping a number of small whitish coloured seeds, and consisting of a yellowish slimy mucilaginous substance, with a sweet taste; the surface of the berry is covered with a glutinous adhesive matter, and its fruit though ripe retains its withered corolla. the shrub itself seldom rises more than two feet high, is much branched, and has no thorns. the leaves resemble those of the common gooseberry except in being smaller, and the berry is supported by separate peduncles or footstalks half an inch long. there are also immense quantities of grasshoppers of a brown colour in the plains, and they no doubt contribute to the lowness of the grass, which is not generally more than three inches high, though it is soft, narrow-leafed and affords a fine pasture for the buffaloe. wednesday 19. the wind blew violently to-day, as it did yesterday, and as it does frequently in this open country, where there is not a tree to break or oppose its force. some men were sent for the meat killed yesterday which fortunately had not been discovered by the wolves. another party went to medicine river in quest of elk, which we hope may be induced to resort there, from there being more wood in that neighborhood than on the missouri. all the rest were occupied in packing the baggage and mending their moccasins, in order to prepare for the portage. we caught a number of the white fish, but no catfish or trout. our poor indian woman, who had recovered so far as to walk out, imprudently ate a quantity of the white apple, which with some dried fish occasioned a return of her fever. the meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb, as observed with octant by back observation, was 53Ⱐ15', giving as the latitude of our camp, 47Ⱐ8' 59" 5"'. thursday 20. as we were desirous of getting meat enough to last us during the portage, so that the men might not be diverted from their labour to look for food, we sent out four hunters to-day: they killed eleven buffaloe. this was indeed an easy labour, for there are vast herds coming constantly to the opposite bank of the river to water; they seem also to make much use of the mineral water of the sulphur spring, but whether from choice, or because it is more convenient than the river, we cannot determine, as they sometimes pass near the spring and go on to the river. besides this spring, brackish water or that of a dark colour impregnated with mineral salts, such as we have frequently met on the missouri, may be found in small quantities in some of the steep ravines on the north side of the river opposite to us and at the falls. captain clarke returned this evening, having examined the whole course of the river and fixed the route most practicable for the portage. the first day, 17th, he was occupied in measuring the heights and distances along the banks of the river, and slept near a ravine at the foot of the crooked falls, having very narrowly escaped falling into the river, where he would have perished inevitably, in descending the cliffs near the grand cataract. the next day, 18th, he continued the same occupation and arrived in the afternoon at the junction of medicine and missouri rivers: up the latter he ascended, and passed at the distance of a mile an island and a little timber in an eastwardly bend of the river. one mile beyond this he came to the lower point of a large island; another small island in the middle of the river, and one near the left shore at the distance of three miles, opposite to the head of which he encamped near the mouth of a creek which appeared to rise in the south mountain. these three islands are opposite to each other, and we gave them the name of the whitebear islands from observing some of those animals on them. he killed a beaver, an elk and eight buffaloe. one of the men who was sent a short distance from the camp to bring home some meat, was attacked by a white bear, and closely pursued within forty paces of the camp, and narrowly escaped being caught. captain clarke immediately went with three men in quest of the bear, which he was afraid might surprise another of the hunters who was out collecting the game. the bear was however too quick, for before captain clarke could reach the man, the bear had attacked him and compelled him to take refuge in the water. he now ran off as they approached, and it being late they deferred pursuing him till the next morning. chapter xi. description and romantic appearance of the missouri at the junction of the medicine river--the difficulty of transporting the baggage at the falls--the party employed in the construction of a boat of skins--the embarrassments they had to encounter for want of proper materials--during the work the party much troubled by white bears--violent hail-storm, and providential escape of captain clarke and his party--description of a remarkable fountain--singular explosion heard from the black mountains--the boat found to be insufficient, and the serious disappointment of the party--captain clarke undertakes to repair the damage by building canoes, and accomplishes the task. on the 19th, captain clarke not being able to find the bear mentioned in the last chapter, spent the day in examining the country both above and below the whitebear islands, and concluded that the place of his encampment would be the best point for the extremity of the portage. the men were therefore occupied in drying the meat to be left here. immense numbers of buffaloe are every where round, and they saw a summer duck which is now sitting. the next morning, 20th, he crossed the level plain, fixed stakes to mark the route of the portage, till he passed a large ravine which would oblige us to make the portage farther from the river: after this there being no other obstacle he went to the river where he had first struck it, and took its courses and distances down to the camp. from the draught and survey of captain clarke, we had now a clear and connected view of the falls, cascades, and rapids of the missouri. this river is three hundred yards wide at the point where it receives the waters of medicine river, which is one hundred and thirty-seven yards in width. the united current continues three hundred and twenty-eight poles to a small rapid on the north side, from which it gradually widens to one thousand four hundred yards, and at the distance of five hundred and forty-eight poles reaches the head of the rapids, narrowing as it approaches them. here the hills on the north which had withdrawn from the bank closely border the river, which, for the space of three hundred and twenty poles, makes its way over the rocks with a descent of thirty feet: in this course the current is contracted to five hundred and eighty yards, and after throwing itself over a small pitch of five feet, forms a beautiful cascade of twenty-six feet five inches; this does not however fall immediately perpendicular, being stopped by a part of the rock which projects at about one third of the distance. after descending this fall, and passing the cottonwood island on which the eagle has fixed its nest, the river goes on for five hundred and thirty-two poles over rapids and little falls, the estimated descent of which is thirteen feet six inches till it is joined by a large fountain boiling up underneath the rocks near the edge of the river, into which it falls with a cascade of eight feet. it is of the most perfect clearness and rather of a bluish cast; and even after falling into the missouri it preserves its colour for half a mile. from this fountain the river descends with increased rapidity for the distance of two hundred and fourteen poles, during which the estimated descent is five feet from this for a distance of one hundred and thirty-five poles, the river descends fourteen feet seven inches including a perpendicular fall of six feet seven inches. the river has now become pressed into a space of four hundred and seventy-three yards, and here forms a grand cataract by falling over a plain rock the whole distance across the river to the depth of forty-seven feet eight inches: after recovering itself the missouri then proceeds with an estimated descent of three feet, till at the distance of one hundred and two poles it again is precipitated down the crooked falls of nineteen feet perpendicular; below this at the mouth of a deep ravine is a fall of five feet, after which for the distance of nine hundred and seventy poles the descent is much more gradual, not being more than ten feet, and then succeeds a handsome level plain for the space of one hundred and seventy-eight poles with a computed descent of three feet, making a bend towards the north. thence it descends during four hundred and eight poles, about eighteen feet and a half, when it makes a perpendicular fall of two feet, which is ninety poles beyond the great cataract, in approaching which it descends thirteen feet within two hundred yards, and gathering strength from its confined channel, which is only two hundred and eighty yards wide, rushes over the fall to the depth of eighty-seven feet and three quarters of an inch. after raging among the rocks and losing itself in foam, it is compressed immediately into a bed of ninety-three yards in width: it continues for three hundred and forty poles to the entrance of a run or deep ravine where there is a fall of three feet, which, joined to the decline of the river during that course, makes the descent six feet. as it goes on the descent within the next two hundred and forty poles is only four feet: from this passing a run or deep ravine the descent for four hundred poles is thirteen feet; within two hundred and forty poles a second descent of eighteen feet; thence one hundred and sixty poles a descent of six feet; after which to the mouth of portage creek, a distance of two hundred and eighty poles, the descent is ten feet. from this survey and estimate it results that the river experiences a descent of three hundred and fifty-two feet in the course of two and three quarter miles, from the commencement of the rapids to the mouth of portage creek, exclusive of the almost impassable rapids which extend for a mile below its entrance. the latitude of our camp below the entrance of portage creek, was found to be 47Ⱐ7' 10" 3, as deduced from a meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb taken with octant by back observation giving 53Ⱐ10'. friday, june 21. having made the necessary preparations for continuing our route, a part of the baggage was carried across the creek into the high plain, three miles in advance and placed on one of the carriages with truck wheels: the rest of the party was employed in drying meat and dressing elk skins. we killed several muledeer and an elk, and observed as usual vast quantities of buffaloe who came to drink at the river. for the first time on the missouri we have seen near the falls a species of fishing duck, the body of which is brown and white, the wings white, and the head and upper part of the neck of a brick red, with a narrow beak, which seems to be of the same kind common in the susquehanna, potomac and james' river. the little wood which this neighbourhood affords consists of the broad and narrow-leafed cottonwood, the box alder, the narrow and broad-leafed willow, the large or sweet willow, which was not common below maria's river, but which here attains the same size and has the same appearance as in the atlantic states. the undergrowth consists of roses, gooseberries, currants, small honeysuckles, and the redwood, the inner part of which the _engages_ or watermen are fond of smoking when mixed with tobacco. saturday, 22. we now set out to pass the portage and halted for dinner at eight miles distance near a little stream. the axletrees of our carriage, which had been made of an old mast, and the cottonwood tongues broke before we came there: but we renewed them with the timber of the sweet willow, which lasted till within half a mile of our intended camp, when the tongues gave way and we were obliged to take as much baggage as we could carry on our backs down to the river, where we formed an encampment in a small grove of timber opposite to the whitebear islands. here the banks on both sides of the river are handsome, level, and extensive; that near our camp is not more than two feet above the surface of the water. the river is about eight hundred yards wide just above these islands, ten feet deep in most places, and with a very gentle current. the plains however on this part of the river are not so fertile as those from the mouth of the muscleshell and thence downwards; there is much more stone on the sides of the hills and on the broken lands than is to be found lower down. we saw in the plains vast quantities of buffaloe, a number of small birds, and the large brown curlew, which is now sitting, and lays its eggs, which are of a pale blue with black-specks, on the ground without any nest. there is also a species of lark much resembling the bird called the oldfield lark, with a yellow breast and a black spot on the croup; though it differs from the latter in having its tail formed of feathers of an unequal length and pointed; the beak too is somewhat longer and more curved, and the note differs considerably. the prickly pear annoyed us very much to-day by sticking through our moccasins. as soon as we had kindled our fires we examined the meat which captain clarke had left here, but found that the greater part of it had been taken by the wolves. sunday, 23. after we had brought up the canoe and baggage captain clarke went down to the camp at portage creek, where four of the men had been left with the indian woman. captain lewis during the morning prepared the camp, and in the afternoon went down in a canoe to medicine river to look after the three men who had been sent thither to hunt on the 19th, and from whom nothing had as yet been heard. he went up the river about half a mile and then walked along on the right bank, hallooing as he went, till at the distance of five miles he found one of them who had fixed his camp on the opposite bank, where he had killed seven deer and dried about six hundred pounds of buffaloe meat, but had killed no elk, the animal chiefly wanted. he knew nothing of his companions except that on the day of their departure from camp he had left them at the falls and come on to medicine river, not having seen them since. as it was too late to return captain lewis passed over on a raft which he made for the purpose and spent the night at shannon's camp, and the next morning, monday, 24, sent j. fields up the river with orders to go four miles and return, whether he found the two absent hunters or not; then descending the southwest side of medicine river, he crossed the missouri in the canoe, and sent shannon back to his camp to join fields and bring the meat which they had killed: this they did, and arrived in the evening at the camp on whitebear islands. a part of the men from portage creek also arrived with two canoes and baggage. on going down yesterday captain clarke cut off several angles of the former route so as to shorten the portage considerably, and marked it with stakes: he arrived there in time to have two of the canoes carried up in the high plain about a mile in advance. here they all repaired their moccasins, and put on double soals to protect them from the prickly pear and from the sharp points of earth which have been formed by the trampling of the buffaloe during the late rains: this of itself is sufficient to render the portage disagreeable to one who had no burden; but as the men are loaded as heavily as their strength will permit, the crossing is really painful: some are limping with the soreness of their feet, others are scarcely able to stand for more than a few minutes from the heat and fatigue: they are all obliged to halt and rest frequently, and at almost every stopping place they fall and many of them are asleep in an instant; yet no one complains and they go on with great cheerfulness. at their camp drewyer and fields joined them, and while captain lewis was looking for them at medicine river, they returned to report the absence of shannon about whom they had been very uneasy. they had killed several buffaloe at the bend of the missouri above the falls: and dried about eight hundred pounds of meat and got one hundred pounds of tallow: they had also killed some deer, but had seen no elk. after getting the party in motion with the canoes captain clarke returned to his camp at portage creek. we were now occupied in fitting up a boat of skins, the frame of which had been prepared for the purpose at harper's ferry. it was made of iron, thirty-six feet long, four feet and a half in the beam, and twenty-six inches wide in the bottom. two men had been sent this morning for timber to complete it, but they could find scarcely any even tolerably straight sticks four and a half feet long, and as the cottonwood is too soft and brittle we were obliged to use the willow and box-alder. tuesday, 25. the party returned to the lower camp. two men were sent on the large island to look for timber. j. fields was sent up the missouri to hunt elk; but he returned about noon and informed us that a few miles above he saw two white bear near the river, and in attempting to fire at them came suddenly on a third, who being only a few steps off immediately attacked him; that in running to escape from the monster he leaped down a steep bank of the river, where falling on a bar of stone he cut his hand and knee and bent his gun; but fortunately for him the bank concealed him from his antagonist or he would have been most probably lost. the other two returned with a small quantity of bark and timber, which was all they could find on the island; but they had killed two elk: these were valuable, as we are desirous of procuring the skins of that animal in order to cover the boat, as they are more strong and durable than those of the buffaloe, and do not shrink so much in drying. the party that went to the lower camp had one canoe and the baggage carried into the high plain to be ready in the morning, and then all who could make use of their feet had a dance on the green to the music of a violin. we have been unsuccessful in our attempt to catch fish, nor does there seem to be any in this part of the river. we observe a number of water terrapins. there are quantities of young blackbirds in these islands just beginning to fly. among the vegetable productions we observe a species of wild rye which is now heading: it rises to the height of eighteen or twenty inches, the beard remarkably fine and soft; the culen is jointed, and in every respect except in height it resembles the wild rye. great quantities of mint too, like the peppermint, are found here. the winds are sometimes violent in these plains. the men inform us that as they were bringing one of the canoes along on truck-wheels, they hoisted the sail and the wind carried her along for some distance. wednesday 26. two men were sent on the opposite side of the river for bark and timber, of which they procured some, but by no means enough for our purposes. the bark of the cottonwood is too soft, and our only dependence is on the sweet willow, which has a tough strong bark; the two hunters killed seven buffaloe. a party arrived from below with two canoes and baggage, and the wind being from the southeast, they had made considerable progress with the sails. on their arrival one of the men who had been considerably heated and fatigued, swallowed a very hearty draught of water, and was immediately taken ill; captain lewis bled him with a penknife, having no other instrument at hand, and succeeded in restoring him to health the next day. captain clarke formed a second cache or deposit near the camp, and placed the swivel under the rocks near the river. the antelopes are still scattered through the plains; the females with their young, which are generally two in number, and the males by themselves. thursday 27. the party were employed in preparing timber for the boat, except two who were sent to hunt. about one in the afternoon a cloud arose from the southwest and brought with it violent thunder, lightning, and hail: soon after it passed the hunters came in from about four miles above us. they had killed nine elk, and three bear. as they were hunting on the river they saw a low ground covered with thick brushwood, where from the tracks along shore they thought a bear had probably taken refuge: they therefore landed, without making a noise, and climbed a tree about twenty feet above the ground. having fixed themselves securely, they raised a loud shout, and a bear instantly rushed towards them. these animals never climb, and therefore when he came to the tree and stopped to look at them, drewyer shot him in the head; he proved to be the largest we have yet seen, his nose appeared to be like that of a common ox, his fore feet measured nine inches across, and the hind feet were seven inches wide, and eleven and three quarters long, exclusive of the talons. one of these animals came within thirty yards of the camp last night, and carried off some buffaloe meat which we had placed on a pole. in the evening after the storm the water on this side of the river became of a deep crimson colour, probably caused by some stream above washing down a kind of soft red stone, which we observed in the neighbouring bluffs and gullies. at the camp below, the men who left us in the morning were busy in preparing their load for to-morrow, which were impeded by the rain, hail, and the hard wind from the northwest. friday 28. the party all occupied in making the boat; they obtained a sufficient quantity of willow bark to line her, and over these were placed the elk skins, and when they failed we were obliged to use the buffaloe hide. the white bear have now become exceedingly troublesome; they constantly infest our camp during the night, and though they have not attacked us, as our dog who patroles all night gives us notice of their approach, yet we are obliged to sleep with our arms by our sides for fear of accident, and we cannot send one man alone to any distance, particularly if he has to pass through brushwood. we saw two of them to-day on the large island opposite to us, but as we are all so much occupied now, we mean to reserve ourselves for some leisure moment, and then make a party to drive them from the islands. the river has risen nine inches since our arrival here. at portage creek captain clarke completed the cache, in which we deposited whatever we could spare from our baggage; some ammunition, provisions, books, the specimens of plants and minerals, and a draught of the river from its entrance to fort mandan. after closing it he broke up the encampment, and took on all the remaining baggage to the high plain, about three miles. portage creek has risen considerably in consequence of the rain, and the water had become of a deep crimson colour, and ill tasted; on overtaking the canoe he found that there was more baggage than could be carried on the two carriages, and therefore left some of the heavy articles which could not be injured, and proceeded on to willowrun where he encamped for the night. here they made a supper on two buffaloe which they killed on the way; but passed the night in the rain, with a high wind from the southwest. in the morning, saturday 29, finding it impossible to reach the end of the portage with their present load, in consequence of the state of the road after the rain, he sent back nearly all his party to bring on the articles which had been left yesterday. having lost some notes and remarks which he had made on first ascending the river, he determined to go up to the whitebear islands along its banks, in order to supply the deficiency. he there left one man to guard the baggage, and went on to the falls accompanied by his servant york, chaboneau and his wife with her young child. on his arrival there he observed a very dark cloud rising in the west which threatened rain, and looked around for some shelter, but could find no place where they would be secure from being blown into the river if the wind should prove as violent as it sometimes does in the plains. at length about a quarter of a mile above the falls he found a deep ravine where there were some shelving rocks, under which he took refuge. they were on the upper side of the ravine near the river, perfectly safe from the rain, and therefore laid down their guns, compass, and other articles which they carried with them. the shower was at first moderate, it then increased to a heavy rain, the effects of which they did not feel: soon after a torrent of rain and hail descended; the rain seemed to fall in a solid mass, and instantly collecting in the ravine came rolling down in a dreadful current, carrying the mud and rocks, and every thing that opposed it. captain clarke fortunately saw it a moment before it reached them, and springing up with his gun and shotpouch in his left hand, with his right clambered up the steep bluff, pushing on the indian woman with her child in her arms; her husband too had seized her hand and was pulling her up the hill, but he was so terrified at the danger that but for captain clark, himself and his wife and child would have been lost. so instantaneous was the rise of the water, that before captain clark had reached his gun and began to ascend the bank, the water was up to his waist, and he could scarce get up faster than it rose, till it reached the height of fifteen feet with a furious current, which had they waited a moment longer would have swept them into the river just above the great falls, down which they must inevitable have been precipitated. they reached the plain in safety, and found york who had separated from them just before the storm to hunt some buffaloe, and was now returning to find his master. they had been obliged to escape so rapidly that captain clarke lost his compass and umbrella. chaboneau left his gun, shotpouch, and tomahawk, and the indian woman had just time to grasp her child, before the net in which it lay at her feet was carried down the current. he now relinquished his intention of going up the river and returned to the camp at willowrun. here he found that the party sent this morning for the baggage, had all returned to camp in great confusion, leaving their loads in the plain. on account of the heat they generally go nearly naked, and with no covering on their heads. the hail was so large and driven so furiously against them by the high wind, that it knocked several of them down: one of them particularly was thrown on the ground three times, and most of them bleeding freely and complained of being much bruised. willow run had risen six feet since the rain, and as the plains were so wet that they could not proceed, they passed the night at their camp. at the whitebear camp also, we had not been insensible to the hail-storm, though less exposed. in the morning there had been a heavy shower of rain, after which it became fair. after assigning to the men their respective employments, captain lewis took one of them and went to see the large fountain near the falls. for about six miles he passed through a beautiful level plain, and then on reaching the break of the river hills, was overtaken by the gust of wind from the southwest attended by lightning, thunder, and rain: fearing a renewal of the scene on the 27th, they took shelter in a little gully where there were some broad stones with which they meant to protect themselves against the hail; but fortunately there was not much, and that of a small size; so that they felt no inconvenience except that of being exposed without shelter for an hour, and being drenched by the rain: after it was over they proceeded to the fountain which is perhaps the largest in america. it is situated in a pleasant level plain, about twenty-five yards from the river, into which it falls over some steep irregular rocks with a sudden ascent of about six feet in one part of its course. the water boils up from among the rocks and with such force near the centre, that the surface seems higher there than the earth on the sides of the fountain, which is a handsome turf of fine green grass. the water is extremely pure, cold and pleasant to the taste, not being impregnated with lime or any foreign substance. it is perfectly transparent and continues its bluish cast for half a mile down the missouri, notwithstanding the rapidity of the river. after examining it for some time captain lewis returned to the camp. sunday 30. in the morning captain clarke sent the men to bring up the baggage left in the plains yesterday. on their return the axletrees and carriages were repaired, and the baggage, conveyed on the shoulders of the party across willow run which had fallen as low as three feet. the carriages being then taken over, a load of baggage was carried to the six-mile stake, deposited there, and the carriages brought back. such is the state of the plains that this operation consumed the day. two men were sent to the falls to look for the articles lost yesterday; but they found nothing but the compass covered with mud and sand at the mouth of the ravine; the place at which captain clarke had been caught by the storm, was filled with large rocks. the men complain much of the bruises received yesterday from the hail. a more than usual number of buffaloe appeared about the camp to-day, and furnished plenty of meat: captain clarke thought that at one view he must have seen at least ten thousand. in the course of the day there was a heavy gust of wind from the southwest, after which the evening was fair. at the whitebear camp we had a heavy dew this morning, which is quite a remarkable occurrence. the party continues to be occupied with the boat, the crossbars for which are now finished, and there remain only the strips to complete the wood work: the skins necessary to cover it have already been prepared and they amount to twenty-eight elk skins and four buffaloe skins. among our game were two beaver, which we have had occasion to observe always are found wherever there is timber. we also killed a large bat or goatsucker of which there are many in this neighbourhood, resembling in every respect those of the same species in the united states. we have not seen the leather-winged bat for some time, nor are there any of the small goatsucker in this part of the missouri. we have not seen either that species of goatsucker or nighthawk called the whippoorwill, which is commonly confounded in the united states with the large goatsucker which we observe here; this last prepares no nest but lays its eggs in the open plains; they generally begin to sit on two eggs, and we believe raise only one brood in a season: at the present moment they are just hatching their young. monday, july 1. after a severe day's work captain clarke reached our camp in the evening, accompanied by his party and all the baggage except that left at the six-mile stake, for which they were too much fatigued to return. the route from the lower camp on portage creek to that near whitebear island, having been now measured and examined by captain clarke was as follows: from our camp opposite the last considerable rapid to the entrance of portage creek south 9Ⱐeast for three quarters of a mile: thence on a course south 10Ⱐeast for two miles, though for the canoes the best route is to the left of this course, and strikes portage one mile and three quarters from its entrance, avoiding in this way a very steep hill which lies above portage creek; from this south 18Ⱐwest for four miles, passing the head of a drain or ravine which falls into the missouri below the great falls, and to the willow run which has always a plentiful supply of good water and some timber: here the course turns to south 45Ⱐwest for four miles further; then south 66Ⱐwest three miles, crossing at the beginning of the course the head of a drain which falls into the missouri at the crooked falls, and reaching an elevated point of the plain from which south 42Ⱐwest. on approaching the river on this course there is a long and gentle descent from the high plain, after which the road turns a little to the right of the course up the river to our camp. the whole portage is seventeen and three quarter miles. at the whitebear camp we were occupied with the boat and digging a pit for the purpose of making some tar. the day has been warm, and the mosquitoes troublesome. we were fortunate enough to observe equal altitudes of the sun with sextant, which since our arrival here we have been prevented from doing, by flying clouds and storms in the evening. tuesday, july 2d. a shower of rain fell very early this morning. we then despatched some men for the baggage left behind yesterday, and the rest were engaged in putting the boat together. this was accomplished in about three hours, and then we began to sew on the leather over the crossbars or iron on the inner side of the boat which form the ends of the sections. by two o'clock the last of the baggage arrived, to the great delight of the party who were anxious to proceed. the mosquitoes we find very troublesome. having completed our celestial observations we went over to the large island to make an attack upon its inhabitants the bears, who have annoyed us very much of late, and who were prowling about our camp all last night. we found that the part of the island frequented by the bear forms an almost impenetrable thicket of the broad-leafed willow: into this we forced our way in parties of three; but could see only one bear, who instantly attacked drewyer. fortunately as he was rushing on the hunter shot him through the heart within twenty paces and he fell, which enabled drewyer to get out of his way: we then followed him one hundred yards and found that the wound had been mortal. not being able to discover any more of these animals we returned to camp: here in turning over some of the baggage we caught a rat somewhat larger than the common european rat, and of a lighter colour: the body and outer parts of the legs and head of a light lead colour; the inner side of the legs as well as the belly, feet and ears are white; the ears are not covered with hair, and are much larger than those of the common rat; the toes also are longer, the eyes black and prominent, the whiskers very long and full; the tail rather longer than the body, and covered with fine fur and hair of the same size with that on the back, which is very close, short, and silky in its texture. this was the first we had met, although its nests are very frequent among the cliffs of rocks and hollow trees, where we also found large quantities of the shells and seed of the prickly pear, on which we conclude they chiefly subsist. the musquitoes are uncommonly troublesome. the wind was again high from the southwest: these winds are in fact always the coldest and most violent which we experience, and the hypothesis which we have formed on that subject is, that the air coming in contact with the snowy mountains immediately becomes chilled and condensed, and being thus rendered heavier than the air below it descends into the rarified air below or into the vacuum formed by the constant action of the sun on the open unsheltered plains. the clouds rise suddenly near these mountains and distribute their contents partially over the neighbouring plains. the same cloud will discharge hail alone in one part, hail and rain in another, and rain only in a third, and all within the space of a few miles; while at the same time there is snow falling on the mountains to the southeast of us. there is at present no snow on those mountains; that which covered them on our arrival as well as that which has since fallen having disappeared. the mountains to the north and northwest of us are still entirely covered with snow, and indeed there has been no perceptible diminution of it since we first saw them, which induces a belief either that the clouds prevailing at this season do not reach their summits or that they deposit their snow only. they glisten with great beauty when the sun shines on them in a particular direction, and most probably from this glittering appearance have derived the name of the shining mountains. wednesday, 3. nearly the whole party were employed in different labours connected with the boat, which is now almost completed: but we have not as yet been able to obtain tar from our kiln, a circumstance that will occasion us not a little embarrassment. having been told by the indians that on leaving the falls we should soon pass the buffaloe country, we have before us the prospect of fasting occasionally; but in order to provide a supply we sent out the hunters who killed only a buffaloe and two antelopes, which added to six beaver and two otter have been all our game for two or three days. at ten in the morning we had a light shower which scarcely wet the grass. thursday, july 4th. the boat was now completed except what is in fact the most difficult part, the making her seams secure. we had intended to despatch a canoe with part of our men to the united states early this spring; but not having yet seen the snake indians, or knowing whether to calculate on their friendship or enmity, we have decided not to weaken our party which is already scarcely sufficient to repel any hostility. we were afraid too that such a measure might dishearten those who remain; and as we have never suggested it to them, they are all perfectly and enthusiastically attached to the enterprise, and willing to encounter any danger to ensure its success. we had a heavy dew this morning. since our arrival at the falls we have repeatedly heard a strange noise coming from the mountains in a direction a little to the north of west. it is heard at different periods of the day and night, sometimes when the air is perfectly still and without a cloud, and consists of one stroke only, or of five or six discharges in quick succession. it is loud and resembles precisely the sound of a six pound piece of ordnance at the distance of three miles. the minnetarees frequently mentioned this noise like thunder, which they said the mountains made; but we had paid no attention to it, believing it to have been some superstition or perhaps a falsehood. the watermen also of the party say that the pawnees and ricaras give the same account of a noise heard in the black mountains to the westward of them. the solution of the mystery given by the philosophy of the watermen is, that it is occasioned by the bursting of the rich mines of silver confined within the bosom of the mountain. an elk and a beaver are all that were killed to-day: the buffaloe seemed to have withdrawn from our neighbourhood, though several of the men who went to-day to visit the falls for the first time, mention that they are still abundant at that place. we contrived however to spread not a very sumptuous but a comfortable table in honour of the day, and in the evening gave the men a drink of spirits, which was the last of our stock. some of them appeared sensible to the effects of even so small a quantity, and as is usual among them on all festivals, the fiddle was produced and a dance begun, which lasted till nine o'clock, when it was interrupted by a heavy shower of rain. they continued however their merriment till a late hour. friday 5. the boat was brought up into a high situation and fires kindled under her in order to dry her more expeditiously. despairing now of procuring any tar, we formed a composition of pounded charcoal with beeswax and buffaloe tallow to supply its place; should this resource fail us it will be very unfortunate, as in every other respect the boat answers our purposes completely. although not quite dry she can be carried with ease by five men; her form is as complete as could be wished; very strong, and will carry at least eight thousand pounds with her complement of hands. besides our want of tar, we have been unlucky in sewing the skins with a needle which had sharp edges instead of a point merely, although a large thong was used in order to fill the hole, yet it shrinks in drying and leaves the hole open, so that we fear the boat will leak. a large herd of buffaloe came near us and we procured three of them: besides which were killed two wolves and three antelopes. in the course of the day other herds of buffaloe came near our camp on their way down the river: these herds move with great method and regularity. although ten or twelve herds are seen scattered from each other over a space of many miles, yet if they are undisturbed by pursuit they will be uniformly travelling in the same direction. saturday 6. last night there were several showers of rain and hail, attended with thunder and lightning: and about day break a heavy storm came on from the southwest with one continued roar of thunder, and rain and hail. the hail which was as large as musket balls, covered the ground completely; and on collecting some of it, it lasted during the day and served to cool the water. the red and yellow currant is abundant and now ripe, although still a little acid. we have seen in this neighbourhood what we have not met before, a remarkably small fox which associates in bands and burrows in the prairie, like the small wolf, but have not yet been able to obtain any of them, as they are extremely vigilant, and betake themselves on the slightest alarm to their burrows which are very deep. sunday 7. the weather is warm but cloudy, so that the moisture retained by the bark after the rain leaves it slowly, though we have small fires constantly under the boat. we have no tents, and therefore are obliged to use the sails to keep off the bad weather. our buffaloe skins too, are scarcely sufficient to cover our baggage, but the men are now dressing others to replace their present leather clothing, which soon rots by being so constantly exposed to water. in the evening the hunters returned with the skins of only three buffaloe, two antelope, four deer, and three wolf skins, and reported that the buffaloe had gone further down the river; two other hunters who left us this morning could find nothing except one elk: in addition to this we caught a beaver. the musquitoes still disturb us very much, and the blowing-flies swarm in vast numbers round the boat. at four in the afternoon we had a light shower of rain attended with some thunder and lightning. monday 8. in order more fully to replace the notes of the river which he had lost, and which he was prevented from supplying by the storm of the twenty-ninth ult. captain clarke set out after breakfast, taking with him nearly the whole party with a view of shooting buffaloe if there should be any near the falls. after getting some distance in the plains the men were divided into squads, and he with two others struck the missouri at the entrance of medicine river, and thence proceeded down to the great cataract. he found that the immense herds of buffaloe have entirely disappeared, and he thought had gone below the falls. having made the necessary measurements, he returned through the plains and reached camp late in the evening; the whole party had killed only three buffaloe, three antelopes and a deer; they had also shot a small fox, and brought a living ground-squirrel somewhat larger than those of the united states. the day was warm and fair, but a slight rain fell in the afternoon. the boat having now become sufficiently dry, we gave it a coat of the composition, which after a proper interval was repeated, and the next morning, tuesday 9, she was launched into the water, and swam perfectly well: the seats were then fixed and the oars fitted; but after we had loaded her, as well as the canoes, and were on the point of setting out a violent wind caused the waves to wet the baggage, so that we were forced to unload them. the wind continued high till evening, when to our great disappointment we discovered that nearly all the composition had separated from the skins, and left the seams perfectly exposed; so that the boat now leaked very much. to repair this misfortune without pitch is impossible, and as none of that article is to be procured, we therefore, however reluctantly, are obliged to abandon her, after having had so much labour in the construction. we now saw that the section of the boat covered with buffaloe skins on which hair had been left, answered better than the elk skins and leaked but little; while that part which was covered hair about one eighth of an inch, retained the composition perfectly, and remained sound and dry. from this we perceived that had we employed buffaloe instead of elk skins, and not singed them so closely as we have done, carefully avoiding to cut the leather in sewing, the boat would have been sufficient even with the present composition, or had we singed instead of shaving the elk skins we might have succeeded. but we discovered our error too late: the buffaloe had deserted us, the travelling season was so fast advancing that we had no time to spare for experiments, and therefore finding that she could be no longer useful she was sunk in the water, so as to soften the skins and enable us the more easily to take her to pieces. it now became necessary to provide other means for transporting the baggage which we had intended to stow in her. for this purpose we shall want two canoes, but for many miles below the mouth of the muscleshell river to this place, we have not seen a single tree fit to be used in that way. the hunters however who had hitherto been sent after timber, mention that there is a low ground on the opposite side of the river, about eight miles above us by land, and more than twice that distance by water, in which we may probably find trees large enough for our purposes. captain clarke therefore determined to set out by land for that place with ten of the best workmen who would be occupied in building the canoes till the rest of the party, after taking the boat to pieces and making the necessary deposits, should transport the baggage and join them with the other six canoes. wednesday 10. he accordingly passed over to the opposite side of the river with his party, and proceeded on eight miles by land, the distance by water being twenty-three and three quarter miles. here he found two cottonwood trees, but on cutting them down, one proved to be hollow, split at the top in falling, and both were much damaged at the bottom. he searched the neighbourhood but could find none which would suit better, and therefore was obliged to make use of those which he had felled, shortening them in order to avoid the cracks, and supplying the deficiency by making them as wide as possible. they were equally at a loss for wood of which they might make handles for their axes, the eyes of which not being round they were obliged to split the timber in such a manner that thirteen of the handles broke in the course of the day, though made of the best wood they could find for the purpose, which was the chokecherry. the rest of the party took the frame of the boat to pieces, deposited it in a cache or hole, with a draught of the country from fort mandan to this place, and also some other papers and small articles of less importance. after this we amused ourselves with fishing, and although we had thought on our arrival that there were none in this part of the river, we caught some of a species of white chub below the falls, but few in number, and small in size. serjeant ordway with four canoes and eight men had set sail in the morning, with part of the baggage to the place where captain clarke had fixed his camp, but the wind was so high that he only reached within three miles of that place, and encamped for the night. thursday, july 11. in the morning one of the canoes joined captain clarke: the other three having on board more valuable articles, which would have been injured by the water, went on more cautiously, and did not reach the camp till the evening. captain clarke then had the canoes unloaded and sent back, but the high wind prevented their floating down nearer than about eight miles above us. his party were busily engaged with the canoes, and their hunters supplied them with three fat deer and a buffaloe, in addition to two deer and an antelope killed yesterday. the few men who were with captain lewis were occupied in hunting, but with not much success, having killed only one buffaloe. they heard about sunset two discharges of the tremendous mountain artillery: they also saw several very large gray eagles, much larger than those of the united states, and most probably a distinct species, though the bald eagle of this country is not quite so large as that of the united states. the men have been much afflicted with painful whitlows, and one of them disabled from working by this complaint in his hand. friday, 12. in consequence of the wind the canoes did not reach the lower camp till late in the afternoon, before which time captain lewis sent all the men he could spare up the river to assist in building the boats, and the day was too far advanced to reload and send them up before morning. the mosquitoes are very troublesome, and they have a companion not less so, a large black gnat which does not sting, but attacks the eyes in swarms. the party with captain clarke are employed on the canoes: in the course of the work serjeant pryor dislocated his shoulder yesterday, but it was replaced immediately, and though painful does not threaten much injury. the hunters brought in three deer and two otter. this last animal has been numerous since the water has become sufficiently clear for them to take fish. the blue-crested fisher, or as it is sometimes called, the kingfisher, is an inhabitant of this part of the river; it is a bird rare on the missouri: indeed we had not seen more than three or four of them from its entrance to maria's river, and even those did not seem to reside on the missouri but on some of the clearer streams which empty into it, as they were seen near the mouths of those streams. saturday 13. the morning being fair and calm captain lewis had all the remaining baggage embarked on board the six canoes, which sailed with two men in each for the upper camp. then with a sick man and the indian woman, he left the encampment, and crossing over the river went on by land to join captain clarke. from the head of the whitebear islands he proceeded in a southwest direction, at the distance of three miles, till he struck the missouri, which he then followed till he reached the place where all the party were occupied in boat-building. on his way he passed a very large indian lodge, which was probably designed as a great council-house, but it differs in its construction from all that we have seen lower down the missouri or elsewhere. the form of it was a circle two hundred and sixteen feet in circumference at the base, and composed of sixteen large cottonwood poles about fifty feet long, and at their thicker ends, which touched the ground, about the size of a man's body: they were distributed at equal distances, except that one was omitted to the east, probably for the entrance. from the circumference of this circle the poles converged towards the centre where they were united and secured by large withes of willow brush. there was no covering over this fabric, in the centre of which were the remains of a large fire, and round it the marks of about eighty leathern lodges. he also saw a number of turtledoves, and some pigeons, of which he shot one differing in no respect from the wild pigeon of the united states. the country exhibits its usual appearances, the timber confined to the river, the country on both sides as far as the eye can reach being entirely destitute of trees or brush. in the low ground in which we are building the canoes, the timber is larger and more abundant than we have seen it on the missouri for several hundred miles. the soil too is good, for the grass and weeds reach about two feet high, being the tallest we have observed this season, though on the high plains and prairies the grass is at no season above three inches in height. among these weeds are the sandrush, and nettle in small quantities; the plains are still infested by great numbers of the small birds already mentioned, among whom is the brown curlew. the current of the river is here extremely gentle; the buffaloe have not yet quite gone, for the hunters brought in three in very good order. it requires some diligence to supply us plentifully, for as we reserve our parched meal for the rocky mountains, where we do not expect to find much game, our principal article of food is meat, and the consumption of the whole thirty-two persons belonging to the party, amounts to four deer, an elk and a deer, one buffaloe every twenty four hours. the musquitoes and gnats persecute us as violently as below, so that we can get no sleep unless defended by biers, with which we are all provided. we here found several plants hitherto unknown to us, and of which we preserved specimens. serjeant ordway proceeded with the six canoes five miles up the river, but the wind becoming so high as to wet the baggage he was obliged to unload and dry it. the wind abated at five o'clock in the evening, when he again proceeded eight miles and encamped. the next morning, sunday, july 14, he joined us about noon. on leaving the whitebear camp he passed at a short distance a little creek or run coming in on the left. this had been already examined and called flattery run; it contains back water only, with very extensive low grounds, which rising into large plains reach the mountains on the east; then passed a willow island on the left within one mile and a half, and reached two miles further a cliff of rocks in a bend on the same side. in the course of another mile and a half he passed two islands covered with cottonwood, box-alder, sweet-willow, and the usual undergrowth, like that of the whitebear islands. at thirteen and three quarter miles he came to the mouth of a small creek on the left; within the following nine miles he passed three timbered islands, and after making twenty-three and a quarter miles from the lower camp, arrived at the point of woodland on the north where the canoes were constructed. the day was fair and warm; the men worked very industriously, and were enabled by the evening to lanch the boats, which now want only seats and oars to be complete. one of them is twenty-five, the other thirty-three feet in length and three feet wide. captain lewis walked out between three and four miles over the rocky bluffs to a high situation, two miles from the river, a little below fort mountain creek. the country which he saw was in most parts level, but occasionally became varied by gentle rises and descents, but with no timber except along the water. from this position, the point at which the missouri enters the first chain of the rocky mountains bore south 28Ⱐwest about twenty-five miles, according to our estimate. the northern extremity of that chain north 73Ⱐwest at the distance of eighty miles. to the same extremity of the second chain north 65Ⱐwest one hundred and fifty miles. to the most remote point of a third and continued chain of these mountains north 50Ⱐwest about two hundred miles. the direction of the first chain was from south 20Ⱐeast to north 20Ⱐwest; of the second, from south 45Ⱐeast to north 45Ⱐwest; but the eye could not reach their southern extremities, which most probably may be traced to mexico. in a course south 75Ⱐwest, and at the distance of eight miles is a mountain, which from its appearance we shall call fort mountain. it is situated in the level plain, and forms nearly a square, each side of which is a mile in extent. these sides, which are composed of a yellow clay with no mixture of rock or stone whatever, rise perpendicularly to the height of three hundred feet, where the top becomes a level plain covered, as captain lewis now observed, with a tolerably fertile mould two feet thick, on which was a coat of grass similar to that of the plain below: it has the appearance of being perfectly inaccessible, and although the mounds near the falls somewhat resemble it, yet none of them are so large. chapter xii. the party embark on board the canoes--description of smith's river--character of the country, &c.--dearborne's river described--captain clarke precedes the party for the purpose of discovering the indians of the rocky mountains--magnificent rocky appearances on the borders of the river denominated the gates of the rocky mountains--captain clarke arrives at the three forks of the missouri without overtaking the indians--the party arrive at the three forks, of which a particular and interesting description is given. monday, july 15. we rose early, embarked all our baggage on board the canoes, which though light in number are still heavily loaded, and at ten o'clock set out on our journey. at the distance of three miles we passed an island, just above which is a small creek coming in from the left, which we called fort mountain creek, the channel of which is ten yards wide but now perfectly dry. at six miles we came to an island opposite to a bend towards the north side; and reached at seven and a half miles the lower point of a woodland at the entrance of a beautiful river, which in honour of the secretary of the navy we called smith's river. this stream falls into a bend on the south side of the missouri, and is eighty yards wide. as far as we could discern its course it wound through a charming valley towards the southeast, in which many herds of buffaloe were feeding, till at the distance of twenty five miles it entered the rocky mountains, and was lost from our view. after dining near this place we proceeded on four and three quarter miles to the head of an island; four and a quarter miles beyond which is a second island on the left; three and a quarter miles further in a bend of the river towards the north, is a wood where we encamped for the night, after making nineteen and three quarter miles. we find the prickly pear, one of the greatest beauties as well as the greatest inconveniences of the plains, now in full bloom. the sunflower too, a plant common on every part of the missouri from its entrance to this place, is here very abundant and in bloom. the lambsquarter, wild-cucumber, sandrush, and narrowdock are also common. two elk, a deer, and an otter, were our game to-day. the river has now become so much more crooked than below that we omit taking all its short meanders, but note only its general course, and lay down the small bends on our daily chart by the eye. the general width is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards. along the banks are large beds of sand raised above the plains, and as they always appear on the sides of the river opposite to the southwest exposure, seem obviously brought there from the channel of the river by the incessant winds from that quarter: we find also more timber than for a great distance below the falls. tuesday 16. there was a heavy dew last night. we soon passed about forty little booths, formed of willow bushes as a shelter against the sun. these seemed to have been deserted about ten days, and as we supposed by the snake indians, or shoshonees, whom we hope soon to meet, as they appeared from the tracks to have a number of horses with them. at three and three quarter miles we passed a creek or run in a bend on the left side, and four miles further another run or small rivulet on the right. after breakfasting on a buffaloe shot by one of the hunters, captain lewis resolved to go on ahead of the party to the point where the river enters the rocky mountains and make the necessary observations before our arrival. he therefore set out with drewyer and two of the sick men to whom he supposed the walk would be useful: he travelled on the north side of the river through a handsome level plain, which continued on the opposite side also, and at the distance of eight miles passed a small stream on which he observed a considerable quantity of the aspen tree. a little before twelve o'clock he halted on a bend to the north in a low ground well covered with timber, about four and a half miles below the mountains, and obtained a meridian altitude, by which he found the latitude was n. 46Ⱐ46' 50" 2"'. his route then lay through a high waving plain to a rapid where the missouri first leaves the rocky mountains, and here he encamped for the night. in the meantime we had proceeded after breakfast one mile to a bend in the left, opposite to which was the frame of a large lodge situated in the prairie, constructed like that already mentioned above the whitebear islands, but only sixty feet in diameter: round it were the remains of about eighty leathern lodges, all which seemed to have been built during the last autumn; within the next fifteen and a quarter miles we passed ten islands, on the last of which we encamped near the right shore, having made twenty-three miles. the next morning, wednesday 17, we set out early, and at four miles distance joined captain lewis at foot of the rapids, and after breakfast began the passage of them: some of the articles most liable to be injured by the water were carried round. we then double manned the canoes, and with the aid of the towing-line got them up without accident. for several miles below the rapids the current of the missouri becomes stronger as you approach, and the spurs of the mountains advance towards the river, which is deep and not more than seventy yards wide: at the rapids the river is closely hemmed in on both sides by the hills, and foams for half a mile over the rocks which obstruct its channel. the low grounds are now not more than a few yards in width, but they furnish room for an indian road which winds under the hills on the north side of the river. the general range of these hills is from southeast to northwest, and the cliffs themselves are about eight hundred feet above the water, formed almost entirely of a hard black granite, on which are scattered a few dwarf pine and cedar trees. immediately in the gap is a large rock four hundred feet high, which on one side is washed by the missouri, while on its other sides a handsome little plain separates it from the neighbouring mountains. it may be ascended with some difficulty nearly to its summit, and affords a beautiful prospect of the plains below, in which we could observe large herds of buffaloe. after ascending the rapids for half a mile we came to a small island at the head of them, which we called pine island from a large pine tree at the lower end of it, which is the first we have seen near the river for a great distance. a mile beyond captain lewis's camp we had a meridian altitude which gave us the latitude of 46Ⱐ42' 14" 7"'. as the canoes were still heavily loaded all those not employed in working them walked on shore. the navigation is now very laborious. the river is deep but with little current and from seventy to one hundred yards wide; the low grounds are very narrow, with but little timber and that chiefly the aspen tree. the cliffs are steep and hang over the river so much that often we could not cross them, but were obliged to pass and repass from one side of the river to the other in order to make our way. in some places the banks are formed of rocks, of dark black granite rising perpendicularly to a great height, through which the river seems in the progress of time to have worn its channel. on these mountains we see more pine than usual, but it is still in small quantities. along the bottoms, which have a covering of high grass, we observe the sunflower blooming in great abundance. the indians of the missouri, and more especially those who do not cultivate maize, make great use of the seed of this plant for bread or in thickening their soup. they first parch and then pound it between two stones until it is reduced to a fine meal. sometimes they add a portion of water, and drink it thus diluted: at other times they add a sufficient proportion of marrow grease to reduce it to the consistency of common dough and eat it in that manner. this last composition we preferred to all the rest, and thought it at that time a very palatable dish. there is however little of the broad-leafed cottonwood on this side of the falls, much the greater part of what we see being of the narrow-leafed species. there are also great quantities of red, purple, yellow and black currants. the currants are very pleasant to the taste, and much preferable to those of our common garden. the bush rises to the height of six or eight feet; the stem simple, branching and erect. these shrubs associate in corps either in upper or timbered lands near the water courses. the leaf is peteolate, of a pale green, and in form resembles the red currant so common in our gardens. the perianth of the fruit is one leaved, five cleft, abbriviated and tubular. the corolla is monopetallous, funnel-shaped, very long, and of a fine orange colour. there are five stamens and one pistillum of the first, the filaments are capillar, inserted in the corolla, equal and converging, the anther ovate and incumbent. the germ of the second species is round, smooth, inferior and pidicelled: the style long and thicker than the stamens, simple, cylindrical, smooth and erect. it remains with the corolla until the fruit is ripe, the stamen is simple and obtuse, and the fruit much the size and shape of our common garden currants, growing like them in clusters supported by a compound footstalk. the peduncles are longer in this species, and the berries are more scattered. the fruit is not so acid as the common currant, and has a more agreeable flavour. the other species differs in no respect from the yellow currant excepting in the colour and flavour of the berries. the serviceberry differs in some points from that of the united states. the bushes are small, sometimes not more than two feet high, and rarely exceed eight inches. they are proportionably small in their stems, growing very thickly, associated in clumps. the fruit is of the same form, but for the most part larger and of a very dark purple. they are now ripe and in great perfection. there are two species of gooseberry here, but neither of them yet ripe: nor are the chokecherry, though in great quantities. besides there are also at that place the box alder, red willow and a species of sumach. in the evening we saw some mountain rams or big-horned animals, but no other game of any sort. after leaving pine island we passed a small run on the left, which is formed by a large spring rising at the distance of half a mile under the mountain. one mile and a half above the island is another, and two miles further a third island, the river making small bends constantly to the north. from this last island to a point of rocks on the south side the low grounds become rather wider, and three quarters of a mile beyond these rocks, in a bend on the north, we encamped opposite to a very high cliff, having made during the day eleven and a half miles. thursday 18. this morning early before our departure we saw a large herd of the big-horned animals, who were bounding among the rocks in the opposite cliff with great agility. these inaccessible spots secure them from all their enemies, and the only danger is in wandering among these precipices, where we should suppose it scarcely possible for any animal to stand; a single false step would precipitate them at least five hundred feet into the water. at one mile and a quarter we passed another single cliff on the left; at the same distance beyond which is the mouth of a large river emptying itself from the north. it is a handsome, bold, and clear stream, eighty yards wide, that is nearly as broad as the missouri, with a rapid current over a bed of small smooth stones of various figures. the water is extremely transparent, the low grounds are narrow, but possess as much wood as those of the missouri; and it has every appearance of being navigable, though to what distance we cannot ascertain, as the country which it waters, is broken and mountainous. in honour of the secretary at war we called it dearborn's river. being now very anxious to meet with the shoshonees or snake indians, for the purpose of obtaining the necessary information of our route, as well as to procure horses, it was thought best for one of us to go forward with a small party and endeavour to discover them, before the daily discharge of our guns, which is necessary for our subsistence, should give them notice of our approach: if by an accident they hear us, they will most probably retreat to the mountains, mistaking us for their enemies who usually attack them on this side. accordingly captain clarke set out with three men, and followed the course of the river on the north side; but the hills were so steep at first that he was not able to go much faster than ourselves. in the evening however he cut off many miles of the circuitous course of the river, by crossing a mountain over which he found a wide indian road which in many places seems to have been cut or dug down in the earth. he passed also two branches of a stream which he called ordway's creek, where he saw a number of beaver-dams extending in close succession towards the mountains as far as he could distinguish: on the cliffs were many of the big-horned animals. after crossing this mountain he encamped near a small stream of running water, having travelled twenty miles. on leaving dearborn's river we passed at three and a half miles a small creek, and at six beyond it an island on the north side of the river, which makes within that distance many small bends. at two and a half miles further is another island: three quarters of a mile beyond this is a small creek on the north side. at a mile and a half above the creek is a much larger stream thirty yards wide, and discharging itself with a bold current on the north side: the banks are low, and the bed formed of stones altogether. to this stream we gave the name of ordway's creek, after serjeant john ordway. at two miles beyond this the valley widens: we passed several bends of the river, and encamped in the centre of one on the south, having made twenty-one miles. here we found a small grove of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, there being no longer any of the broad-leafed kind since we entered the mountains. the water of these rivulets which come down from the mountains is very cold, pure, and well tasted. along their banks as well as on the missouri the aspen is very common, but of a small kind. the river is somewhat wider than we found it yesterday; the hills more distant from the river and not so high; there are some pines on the mountains, but they are principally confined to the upper regions of them: the low grounds are still narrower and have little or no timber. the soil near the river is good, and produces a luxuriant growth of grass and weeds; among these productions the sunflower holds a very distinguished place. for several days past we have observed a species of flax in the low grounds, the leaf-stem and pericarp of which resemble those of the flax commonly cultivated in the united states: the stem rises to the height of two and a half or three feet, and spring to the number of eight or ten from the same root, with a strong thick bark apparently well calculated for use: the root seems to be perennial, and it is probable that the cutting of the stems may not at all injure it, for although the seeds are not yet ripe, there are young suckers shooting up from the root, whence we may infer that the stems which are fully grown and in the proper stage of vegetation to produce the best flax, are not essential to the preservation or support of the root, a circumstance which would render it a most valuable plant. to-day we have met with a second species of flax smaller than the first, as it seldom obtains a greater height than nine or twelve inches: the leaf and stem resemble those of the species just mentioned, except that the latter is rarely branched, and bears a single monopetalous bell-shaped blue flower, suspended with its limb downwards. we saw several herds of the big-horn, but they were in the cliffs beyond our reach. we killed an elk this morning and found part of a deer which had been left for us by captain clarke. he pursued his route, friday, 19, early in the morning, and soon passed the remains of several indian camps formed of willow brush, which seemed to have been deserted this spring. at the same time he observed that the pine trees had been stripped of their bark about the same season, which our indian woman say her countrymen do in order to obtain the sap and the soft parts of the wood and bark for food. about eleven o'clock he met a herd of elk and killed two of them, but such was the want of wood in the neighbourhood that he was unable to procure enough to make a fire, and he was therefore obliged to substitute the dung of the buffaloe, with which he cooked his breakfast. they then resumed their course along an old indian road. in the afternoon they reached a handsome valley watered by a large creek, both of which extend a considerable distance into the mountain: this they crossed, and during the evening travelled over a mountainous country covered with sharp fragments of flint-rock: these bruised and cut their feet very much, but were scarcely less troublesome than the prickly pear of the open plains, which have now become so abundant that it is impossible to avoid them, and the thorns are so strong that they pierce a double soal of dressed deer skin: the best resource against them is a soal of buffaloe hide in parchment. at night they reached the river much fatigued, having passed two mountains in the course of the day and having travelled thirty miles. captain clarke's first employment on lighting a fire was to extract from his feet the briars, which he found seventeen in number. in the meantime we proceeded on very well, though the water appears to increase in rapidity as we advance: the current has indeed been strong during the day and obstructed by some rapids, which are not however much broken by rocks, and are perfectly safe: the river is deep, and its general width is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty yards wide. for more than thirteen miles we went along the numerous bends of the river and then reached two small islands; three and three quarter miles beyond which is a small creek in a bend to the left, above a small island on the right side of the river. we were regaled about ten o'clock p.m. with a thunder storm of rain and hail which lasted for an hour, but during the day in this confined valley, through which we are passing, the heat is almost insupportable; yet whenever we obtain a glimpse of the lofty tops of the mountains we are tantalized with a view of the snow. these mountains have their sides and summits partially varied with little copses of pine, cedar, and balsam fir. a mile and a half beyond this creek the rocks approach the river on both sides, forming a most sublime and extraordinary spectacle. for five and three quarter miles these rocks rise perpendicularly from the water's edge to the height of nearly twelve hundred feet. they are composed of a black granite near its base, but from its lighter colour above and from the fragments we suppose the upper part to be flint of a yellowish brown and cream colour. nothing can be imagined more tremendous than the frowning darkness of these rocks, which project over the river and menace us with destruction. the river, of one hundred and fifty yards in width, seems to have forced its channel down this solid mass, but so reluctantly has it given way that during the whole distance the water is very deep even at the edges, and for the first three miles there is not a spot except one of a few yards, in which a man could stand between the water and the towering perpendicular of the mountain: the convulsion of the passage must have been terrible, since at its outlet there are vast columns of rock torn from the mountain which are strewed on both sides of the river, the trophies as it were of the victory. several fine springs burst out from the chasms of the rock, and contribute to increase the river, which has now a strong current, but very fortunately we are able to overcome it with our oars, since it would be impossible to use either the cord or the pole. we were obliged to go on some time after dark, not being able to find a spot large enough to encamp on, but at length about two miles above a small inland in the middle of the river we met with a spot on the left side, where we procured plenty of lightwood and pitchpine. this extraordinary range of rocks we called the gates of the rocky mountains. we had made twenty-two miles; and four and a quarter miles from the entrance of the gates. the mountains are higher to-day than they were yesterday. we saw some big-horns, a few antelopes and beaver, but since entering the mountains have found no buffaloe: the otter are however in great plenty: the musquitoes have become less troublesome than they were. saturday 20. by employing the towrope whenever the banks permitted the use of it, the river being too deep for the pole, we were enabled to overcome the current which is still strong. at the distance of half a mile we came to a high rock in a bend to the left in the gates. here the perpendicular rocks cease, the hills retire from the river, and the vallies suddenly widen to a greater extent than they have been since we entered the mountains. at this place was some scattered timber, consisting of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, the aspen, and pine. there are also vast quantities of gooseberries, serviceberries, and several species of currant, among which is one of a black colour, the flavour of which is preferable to that of the yellow, and would be deemed superior to that of any currant in the united states. we here killed an elk which was a pleasant addition to our stock of food. at a mile from the gates, a large creek comes down from the mountains and empties itself behind an island in the middle of a bend to the north. to this stream which is fifteen yards wide we gave the name of potts's creek, after john potts, one of our men. up this valley about seven miles we discovered a great smoke, as if the whole country had been set on fire; but were at a loss to decide whether it had been done accidentally by captain clarke's party, or by the indians as a signal on their observing us. we afterwards learnt that this last was the fact; for they had heard a gun fired by one of captain clarke's men, and believing that their enemies were approaching had fled into the mountains, first setting fire to the plains as a warning to their countrymen. we continued our course along several islands, and having made in the course of the day fifteen miles, encamped just above an island, at a spring on a high bank on the left side of the river. in the latter part of the evening we had passed through a low range of mountains, and the country became more open, though still unbroken and without timber, and the lowlands not very extensive: and just above our camp the river is again closed in by the mountains. we found on the banks an elk which captain clarke had left us, with a note mentioning that he should pass the mountains just above us and wait our arrival at some convenient place. we saw but could not procure some redheaded ducks and sandhill cranes along the sides of the river, and a woodpecker about the size of the lark-woodpecker, which seems to be a distinct species: it is as black as a crow with a long tail, and flies like a jaybird. the whole country is so infested by the prickly pear that we could scarcely find room to lie down at our camp. captain clarke on setting out this morning had gone through the valley about six miles to the right of the river. he soon fell into an old indian road which he pursued till he reached the missouri, at the distance of eighteen miles from his last encampment, just above the entrance of a large creek, which we afterwards called whiteearth creek. here he found his party so much cut and pierced with the sharp flint and the prickly pear that he proceeded only a small distance further, and then halted to wait for us. along his track he had taken the precaution to strew signals, such as pieces of cloth, paper and linen, to prove to the indians, if by accident they met his track, that we were white men. but he observed a smoke some distance ahead, and concluded that the whole country had now taken the alarm. sunday 21. on leaving our camp we passed an island at half a mile, and reached at one mile a bad rapid at the place where the river leaves the mountain: here the cliffs are high and covered with fragments of broken rocks, the current is also strong, but although more rapid the river is wider and shallower, so that we are able to use the pole occasionally, though we principally depend on the towline. on leaving this rapid which is about half a mile in extent, the country opens on each side; the hills become lower; at one mile is a large island on the left side, and four and a half beyond it a large and bold creek twenty-eight yards wide, coming in from the north, where it waters a handsome valley: we called it pryor's creek after one of the sergeants, john pryor. at a mile above this creek on the left side of the missouri we obtained a meridian altitude, which gave 46Ⱐ10' 32" 9"' as the latitude of the place. for the following four miles, the country, like that through which we passed during the rest of the day, is rough and mountainous as we found it yesterday; but at the distance of twelve miles, we came towards evening into a beautiful plain ten or twelve miles wide and extending as far the eye could reach. this plain or rather valley is bounded by two nearly parallel ranges of high mountains whose summits are partially covered with snow, below which the pine is scattered along the sides down to the plain in some places, though the greater part of their surface has no timber and exhibits only a barren soil with no covering except dry parched grass or black rugged rocks. on entering the valley the river assumes a totally different aspect; it spreads to more than a mile in width, and though more rapid than before, is shallow enough in almost every part for the use of the pole, while its bed is formed of smooth stones and some large rocks, as it has been indeed since we entered the mountains: it is also divided by a number of islands some of which are large near the northern shore. the soil of the valley is a rich black loam apparently very fertile, and covered with a fine green grass about eighteen inches or two feet in height; while that of the high grounds is perfectly dry and seems scorched by the sun. the timber though still scarce is in greater quantities in this valley than we have seen it since entering the mountains, and seems to prefer the borders of the small creeks to the banks of the river itself. we advanced three and a half miles in this valley and encamped on the left side, having made in all fifteen and a half miles. our only large game to-day was one deer. we saw however two pheasants of a dark brown colour, much larger than the same species of bird in the united states. in the morning too, we saw three swans which, like the geese, have not yet recovered the feathers of the wing, and were unable to fly: we killed two of them, and the third escaped by diving and passing down the current. these are the first we have seen on the river for a great distance, and as they had no young with them, we presume that they do not breed in this neighbourhood. of the geese we daily see great numbers, with their young perfectly feathered except on the wings, where both young and old are deficient; the first are very fine food, but the old ones are poor and unfit for use. several of the large brown or sandhill crane are feeding in the low grounds on the grass which forms their principal food. the young crane cannot fly at this season: they are as large as a turkey, of a bright reddish bay colour. since the river has become shallow we have caught a number of trout to-day, and a fish, white on the belly and sides, but of a bluish cast on the back, and a long pointed mouth opening somewhat like that of the shad. this morning captain clarke wishing to hunt but fearful of alarming the indians, went up the river for three miles, when finding neither any of them nor of their recent tracks returned, and then his little party separated to look for game. they killed two bucks and a doe, and a young curlew nearly feathered: in the evening they found the musquitoes as troublesome as we did: these animals attack us as soon as the labours and fatigues of the day require some rest, and annoy us till several hours after dark, when the coldness of the air obliges them to disappear; but such is their persecution that were it not for our biers we should obtain no repose. monday, 22. we set out at an early hour. the river being divided into so many channels by both large and small islands, that it was impossible to lay it down accurately by following in a canoe any single channel, captain lewis walked on shore, took the general courses of the river, and from the rising grounds laid down the situation of the islands and channels, which he was enabled to do with perfect accuracy, the view not being obstructed by much timber. at one mile and a quarter we passed an island somewhat larger than the rest, and four miles further reached the upper end of another, on which we breakfasted. this is a large island forming in the middle of a bend to the north a level fertile plain ten feet above the surface of the water and never overflowed. here we found great quantities of a small onion about the size of a musket ball, though some were larger; it is white, crisp, and as well flavoured as any of our garden onions; the seed is just ripening, and as the plant bears a large quantity to the square foot, and stands the rigours of the climate, it will no doubt be an acquisition to settlers. from this production we called it onion island. during the next seven and three quarter miles we passed several long circular bends, and a number of large and small islands which divide the river into many channels, and then reached the mouth of a creek on the north side. it is composed of three creeks which unite in a handsome valley about four miles before they discharge themselves into the missouri, where it is about fifteen feet wide and eight feet deep, with clear transparent water. here we halted for dinner, but as the canoes took different channels in ascending it was some time before they all joined. here we were delighted to find that the indian woman recognizes the country; she tells us that to this creek her countrymen make excursions to procure a white paint on its banks, and we therefore call it whiteearth creek. she says also that the three forks of the missouri are at no great distance, a piece of intelligence which has cheered the spirits of us all, as we hope soon to reach the head of that river. this is the warmest day except one we have experienced this summer. in the shade the mercury stood at 80Ⱐabove 0, which is the second time it has reached that height during this season. we encamped on an island after making nineteen and three quarter miles. in the course of the day we saw many geese, cranes, small birds common to the plains, and a few pheasants: we also observed a small plover or curlew of a brown colour, about the size of the yellow-legged plover or jack curlew, but of a different species. it first appeared near the mouth of smith's river, but is so shy and vigilant that we were unable to shoot it. both the broad and narrow-leafed willow continue, though the sweet willow has become very scarce. the rosebush, small honeysuckle, the pulpy-leafed thorn, southern wood, sage and box-alder, narrow-leafed cottonwood, redwood, and a species of sumach, are all abundant. so too are the red and black gooseberries, serviceberries, chokecherry, and the black, red, yellow, and purple currant, which last seems to be a favourite food of the bear. before encamping we landed and took on board captain clarke with the meat he had collected during this day's hunt, which consisted of one deer and an elk: we had ourselves shot a deer and an antelope. the musquitoes and gnats were unusually fierce this evening. tuesday, 23. captain clarke again proceeded with four men along the right bank. during the whole day the river divided by a number of islands, which spread it out sometimes to the distance of three miles: the current is very rapid and has many ripples; and the bed formed of gravel and smooth stones. the banks along the low grounds are of a rich loam, followed occasionally by low bluffs of yellow and red clay, with a hard red slatestone intermixed. the low grounds are wide, and have very little timber but a thick underbrush of willow, and rose and currant bushes: these are succeeded by high plains extending on each side to the base of the mountains, which lie parallel to the river about eight or twelve miles apart, and are high and rocky, with some small pine and cedar interspersed on them. at the distance of seven miles a creek twenty yards wide, after meandering through a beautiful low ground on the left for several miles parallel to the river, empties itself near a cluster of small islands: the stream we called whitehouse creek after joseph whitehouse one of the party, and the islands from their number received the name of the "ten islands." about ten o'clock we came up with drewyer, who had gone out to hunt yesterday, and not being able to find our encampment had staid out all night: he now supplied us with five deer. three and a quarter miles beyond whitehouse creek we came to the lower point of an island where the river is three hundred yards wide, and continued along it for one mile and a quarter, and then passed a second island just above it. we halted rather early for dinner in order to dry some part of the baggage which had been wet in the canoes: we then proceeded, and at five and a half miles had passed two small islands. within the next three miles we came to a large island, which from its figure we called broad island. from that place we made three and a half miles, and encamped on an island to the left, opposite to a much larger one on the right. our journey to-day was twenty-two and a quarter miles, the greater part of which was made by means of our poles and cords, the use of which the banks much favoured. during the whole time we had the small flags hoisted in the canoes to apprise the indians, if there were any in the neighbourhood, of our being white men and their friends; but we were not so fortunate as to discover any of them. along the shores we saw great quantities of the common thistle, and procured a further supply of wild onions and a species of garlic growing on the highlands, which is now green and in bloom: it has a flat leaf, and is strong, tough, and disagreeable. there was also much of the wild flax, of which we now obtained some ripe seed, as well as some bullrush and cattail flag. among the animals we met with a black snake about two feet long, with the belly as dark as any other part of the body, which was perfectly black, and which had one hundred and twenty-eight scuta on the belly and sixty-three on the tail: we also saw antelopes, crane, geese, ducks, beaver, and otter; and took up four deer which had been left on the water side by captain clarke. he had pursued all day an indian road on the right side of the river, and encamped late in the evening at the distance of twenty-five miles from our camp of last night. in the course of his walk he met besides deer a number of antelopes and a herd of elk, but all the tracks of indians, though numerous, were of an old date. wednesday, 24. we proceeded for four and a quarter miles along several islands to a small run, just above which the low bluffs touch the river. within three and a half miles further we came to a small island on the north, and a remarkable bluff composed of earth of a crimson colour, intermixed with stratas of slate, either black or of a red resembling brick. the following six and three quarter miles brought us to an assemblage of islands, having passed four at different distances; and within the next five miles we met the same number of islands, and encamped on the north after making nineteen and a half miles. the current of the river was strong and obstructed, as indeed it has been for some days by small rapids or ripples which descend from one to three feet in the course of one hundred and fifty yards, but they are rarely incommoded by any fixed rocks, and therefore, though the water is rapid, the passage is not attended with danger. the valley through which the river passes is like that of yesterday; the nearest hills generally concealing the most distant from us; but when we obtain a view of them they present themselves in amphitheatre, rising above each other as they recede from the river till the most remote are covered with snow. we saw many otter and beaver to-day: the latter seem to contribute very much to the number of islands and the widening of the river. they begin by damming up the small channels of about twenty yards between the islands; this obliges the river to seek another outlet, and as soon as this is effected the channel stopped by the beaver becomes filled with mud and sand. the industrious animal is then driven to another channel which soon shares the same fate, till the river spreads on all sides, and cuts the projecting points of the land into islands. we killed a deer and saw great numbers of antelopes, cranes, some geese, and a few redheaded ducks. the small birds of the plains and the curlew are still abundant: we saw but could not come within gunshot of a large bear. there is much of the track of elk but none of the animals themselves, and from the appearance of bones and old excrement, we suppose that buffaloe have sometimes strayed into the valley, though we have as yet seen no recent sign of them. along the water are a number of snakes, some of a brown uniform colour, others black, and a third speckled on the abdomen, and striped with black and a brownish yellow in the back and sides. the first, which are the largest, are about four feet long; the second is of the kind mentioned yesterday, and the third resembles in size and appearance the garter-snake of the united states. on examining the teeth of all these several kinds we found them free from poison: they are fond of the water, in which they take shelter on being pursued. the mosquitoes, gnats, and prickly pear, our three persecutors, still continue with us, and joined with the labour of working the canoes have fatigued us all excessively. captain clarke continued along the indian road which led him up a creek. about ten o'clock he saw at the distance of six miles a horse feeding in the plains. he went towards him, but the animal was so wild that he could not get within several hundred paces of him: he then turned obliquely to the river where he killed a deer and dined, having passed in this valley five handsome streams, only one of which had any timber; another had some willows, and was very much dammed up by the beaver. after dinner he continued his route along the river and encamped at the distance of thirty miles. as he went along he saw many tracks of indians, but none of recent date. the next morning, thursday, 25, at the distance of a few miles he arrived at the three forks of the missouri. here he found that the plains had been recently burnt on the north side, and saw the track of a horse which seemed to have passed about four or five days since. after breakfast he examined the rivers, and finding that the north branch, although not larger, contained more water than the middle branch, and bore more to the westward, he determined to ascend it. he therefore left a note informing captain lewis of his intention, and then went up that stream on the north side for about twenty-five miles. here chaboneau was unable to proceed any further, and the party therefore encamped, all of them much fatigued, their feet blistered and wounded by the prickly pear. in the meantime we left our camp, and proceeded on very well, though the water is still rapid and has some occasional ripples. the country is much like that of yesterday: there are however fewer islands, for we passed only two. behind one of them is a large creek twenty-five yards wide, to which we gave the name of gass's creek, from one of our serjeants, patrick gass: it is formed by the union of five streams, which descend from the mountains and join in the plain near the river. on this island we saw a large brown bear, but he retreated to the shore and ran off before we could approach him. these animals seem more shy than they were below the mountains. the antelopes have again collected in small herds, composed of several females with their young, attended by one or two males, though some of the males are still solitary or wander in parties of two over the plains, which the antelope invariably prefers to the woodlands, and to which it always retreats if by accident it is found straggling in the hills, confiding no doubt in its wonderful fleetness. we also killed a few young geese, but as this game is small and very incompetent to the subsistence of the party, we have forbidden the men any longer to waste their ammunition on them. about four and a half miles above gass's creek, the valley in which we have been travelling ceases, the high craggy cliffs again approach the river, which now enters or rather leaves what appears to be a second great chain of the rocky mountains. about a mile after entering these hills or low mountains we passed a number of fine bold springs, which burst out near the edge of the river under the cliffs on the left, and furnished a fine freestone water: near these we met with two of the worst rapids we have seen since entering the mountains; a ridge of sharp pointed rocks stretching across the river, leaving but small and dangerous channels for the navigation. the cliffs are of a lighter colour than those we have already passed, and in the bed of the river is some limestone which is small and worn smooth, and seems to have been brought down by the current. we went about a mile further and encamped under a high bluff on the right opposite to a cliff of rocks, having made sixteen miles. all these cliffs appeared to have been undermined by the water at some period, and fallen down from the hills on their sides, the stratas of rock sometimes lying with their edges upwards, others not detached from the hills are depressed obliquely on the side next the river as if they had sunk to fill up the cavity formed by the washing of the river. in the open places among the rocky cliffs are two kinds of gooseberry, one yellow and the other red. the former species was observed for the first time near the falls, the latter differs from it in no respect except in colour and in being of a larger size; both have a sweet flavour, and are rather indifferent fruit. friday 26. we again found the current strong and the ripples frequent: these we were obliged to overcome by means of the cord and the pole, the oar being scarcely ever used except in crossing to take advantage of the shore. within three and three quarter miles we passed seven small islands and reached the mouth of a large creek which empties itself in the centre of a bend on the left side: it is a bold running stream fifteen yards wide, and received the name of howard creek after john p. howard one of the party. one mile beyond it is a small run which falls in on the same side just above a rocky cliff. here the mountains recede from the river, and the valley widens to the extent of several miles. the river now becomes crowded with islands of which we passed ten in the next thirteen and three quarter miles, then at the distance of eighteen miles we encamped on the left shore near a rock in the centre of a bend towards the left, and opposite to two more islands. this valley has wide low grounds covered with high grass, and in many with a fine turf of green sward. the soil of the highlands is thin and meagre, without any covering except a low sedge and a dry kind of grass which is almost as inconvenient as the prickly pear. the seeds of it are armed with a long twisted hard beard at their upper extremity, while the lower part is a sharp firm point, beset at its base with little stiff bristles, with the points in a direction contrary to the subulate point to which they answer as a barb. we see also another species of prickly pear. it is of a globular form, composed of an assemblage of little conic leaves springing from a common root to which their small points are attached as a common centre, and the base of the cone forms the apex of the leaf which is garnished with a circular range of sharp thorns like the cochineal plant, and quite as stiff and even more keen than those of the common flat-leafed species. between the hills the river had been confined within one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards, but in the valley it widens to two hundred or two hundred and fifty yards, and sometimes is spread by its numerous islands to the distance of three quarters of a mile. the banks are low, but the river never overflows them. on entering the valley we again saw the snow-clad mountains before us, but the appearance of the hills as well as of the timber near us is much as heretofore. finding chaboneau unable to proceed captain clarke left him with one of the men, and accompanied by the other went up the river about twelve miles to the top of a mountain. here he had an extensive view of the river valley upwards and saw a large creek which flowed in on the right side. he however discovered no fresh sign of the indians, and therefore determined to examine the middle branch and join us by the time we reached the forks: he descended the mountain by an indian path which wound through a deep valley, and at length reached a fine cold spring. the day had been very warm, the path unshaded by timber, and his thirst was excessive; he was therefore tempted to drink: but although he took the precaution of previously wetting his head, feet and hands, he soon found himself very unwell; he continued his route, and after resting with chaboneau at his camp, resumed his march across the north fork near a large island. the first part was knee deep, but on the other side of the island the water came to their waists and was so rapid that chaboneau was on the point of being swept away, and not being able to swim would have perished if captain clarke had not rescued him. while crossing the island they killed two brown bear and saw great quantities of beaver. he then went on to a small river which falls into the north fork some miles above its junction with the two others: here, finding himself grow more unwell, he halted for the night at the distance of four miles from his last encampment. saturday 27. we proceeded on but slowly, the current being still so rapid as to require the utmost exertions of us all to advance, and the men are losing their strength fast in consequence of their constant efforts. at half a mile we passed an island, and a mile and a quarter further again entered a ridge of hills which now approach the river with cliffs apparently sinking like those of yesterday. they are composed of a solid limestone of a light lead colour when exposed to the air, though when freshly broken it is of a deep blue, and of an excellent quality and very fine grain. on these cliffs were numbers of the bighorn. at two and a half miles we reached the centre of a bend towards the south passing a small island, and at one mile and a quarter beyond this reached about nine in the morning the mouth of a river seventy yards wide, which falls in from the southeast. here the country suddenly opens into extensive and beautiful meadows and plains, surrounded on every side with distant and lofty mountains. captain lewis went up this stream for about half a mile, and from the height of a limestone cliff could observe its course about seven miles, and the three forks of the missouri, of which this river is one. its extreme point bore s. 65Ⱐe. and during the seven miles it passes through a green extensive meadow of fine grass dividing itself into several streams, the largest passing near the ridge of hills on which he stood. on the right side of the missouri a high, wide and extensive plain succeeds to this low meadow which reaches the hills. in the meadow a large spring rises about a quarter of a mile from this southeast fork, into which it discharges itself on the right side about four hundred paces from where he stood. between the southeast and middle forks a distant range of snow-topped mountains spread from east to south above the irregular broken hills nearer to this spot: the middle and southwest forks unite at half a mile above the entrance of the southeast fork. the extreme point at which the former can be seen, bears s. 15Ⱐe. and at the distance of fourteen miles, where it turns to the right round the point of a high plain and disappears from the view. its low grounds are several miles in width, forming a smooth and beautiful green meadow, and like the southeast fork it divides itself into several streams. between these two forks and near their junction with that from the southwest, is a position admirably well calculated for a fort. it is a limestone rock of an oblong form, rising from the plain perpendicularly to the height of twenty-five feet on three of its sides; the fourth towards the middle fork being a gradual ascent and covered with a fine green sward, as is also the top which is level and contains about two acres. an extensive plain lies between the middle and southwest forks, the last of which after watering a country like that of the other two branches, disappears about twelve miles off, at a point bearing south 30Ⱐwest. it is also more divided and serpentine in its course than the other two, and possesses more timber in its meadows. this timber consists almost exclusively of the narrow-leafed cottonwood, with an inter-mixture of box alder and sweet-willow, the underbrush being thick and like that of the missouri lower down. a range of high mountains partially covered with snow is seen at a considerable distance running from south to west, and nearly all around us are broken ridges of country like that below, through which those united streams appear to have forced their passage: after observing the country captain lewis descended to breakfast. we then left the mouth of the southeast fork, to which in honour of the secretary of the treasury we called gallatin's river, and at the distance of half a mile reached the confluence of the southwest and middle branch of the missouri. here we found the letter from captain clarke, and as we agreed with him that the direction of the southwest fork gave it a decided preference over the others, we ascended that branch of the river for a mile, and encamped in a level handsome plain on the left: having advanced only seven miles. here we resolved to wait the return of captain clarke, and in the meantime make the necessary celestial observations, as this seems an essential point in the geography of the western world, and also to recruit the men and air the baggage. it was accordingly all unloaded and stowed away on shore. near the three forks we saw many collections of the mud-nests of the small martin attached to the smooth faces of the limestone rock, where they were sheltered by projections of the rock above it: and in the meadows were numbers of the duck or mallard with their young, who are now nearly grown. the hunters returned towards evening with six deer, three otter and a muskrat; and had seen great numbers of antelopes, and much sign of the beaver and elk. during all last night captain clarke had a high fever and chills accompanied with great pain. he however pursued his route eight miles to the middle branch, where not finding any fresh indian track he came down it and joined us about three o'clock, very much exhausted with fatigue and the violence of his fever. believing himself bilious he took a dose of rush's pills, which we have always found sovereign in such cases, and bathing the lower extremities in warm water. we are now very anxious to see the snake indians. after advancing for several hundred miles into this wild and mountainous country, we may soon expect that the game will abandon us. with no information of the route we may be unable to find a passage across the mountains when we reach the head of the river, at least such a one as will lead us to the columbia, and even were we so fortunate as to find a branch of that river, the timber which we have hitherto seen in these mountains does not promise us any fit to make canoes, so that our chief dependence is on meeting some tribe from whom we may procure horses. our consolation is, that this southwest branch can scarcely head with any other river than the columbia, and that if any nation of indians can live in the mountains we are able to endure as much as they, and have even better means of procuring subsistence. chapter xiii. the name of the missouri changed, as the river now divides itself into three forks, one of which is called after jefferson, the other madison, and the other after gallatin--their general character--the party ascend the jefferson branch--description of the river philosophy which enters into the jefferson--captain lewis and a small party go in advance in search of the shoshonees--description of the country, &c. bordering on the river--captain lewis still preceding the main party in quest of the shoshonees--a singular accident which prevented captain clarke from following captain lewis's advice, and ascending the middle fork of the river--description of philanthropy river, another stream running into the jefferson--captain lewis and a small party having been unsuccessful in their first attempt, set off a second time in quest of the shoshonees. sunday, july 28. captain clarke continued very unwell during the night, but was somewhat relieved this morning. on examining the two streams it became difficult to decide which was the larger or the real missouri; they are each ninety yards wide and so perfectly similar in character and appearance that they seem to have been formed in the same mould. we were therefore induced to discontinue the name of missouri, and gave to the southwest branch the name of jefferson in honour of the president of the united states, and the projector of the enterprise: and called the middle branch madison, after james madison secretary of state. these two, as well as gallatin river, run with great velocity and throw out large bodies of water. gallatin river is however the most rapid of the three, and though not quite as deep, yet navigable for a considerable distance. madison river though much less rapid than the gallatin, is somewhat more rapid than the jefferson; the beds of all of them are formed of smooth pebble and gravel, and the waters are perfectly transparent. the timber in the neighbourhood would be sufficient for the ordinary uses of an establishment, which, however, it would be adviseable to build of brick, as the earth appears calculated for that purpose, and along the shores are some bars of fine pure sand. the greater part of the men, having yesterday put their deer skins in water, were this day engaged in dressing them, for the purpose of making clothing. the weather was very warm, the thermometer in the afternoon was at 90Ⱐabove 0, and the musquitoes more than usually inconvenient: we were, however, relieved from them by a high wind from the southwest, which came on at four o'clock, bringing a storm of thunder and lightning, attended by refreshing showers, which continued till after dark. in the evening the hunters returned with eight deer and two elk; and the party who had been sent up the gallatin, reported that after passing the point, where it escaped from captain* lewis's view yesterday, it turned more towards the east, as far as they could discern the opening of the mountains, formed by the valley which bordered it. the low grounds were still wide but not so extensive as near its mouth, and though the stream is rapid and much divided by islands, it is still sufficiently deep for navigation with canoes. the low grounds, although not more than eight or nine feet above the water, seem never to be overflowed, except a part on the west side of the middle fork, which is stony and seems occasionally inundated, are furnished with great quantities of small fruit, such as currants and gooseberries: among the last of which is a black species, which we observe not only in the meadows but along the mountain rivulets. from the same root rise a number of stems to the height of five or six feet, some of them particularly branched and all reclining. the berry is attached by a long peduncle to the stem, from which they hang of a smooth ovate form, as large as the common garden gooseberry, and as black as jet, though the pulp is of a bright crimson colour. it is extremely acid: the form of the leaf resembles that of the common gooseberry, though larger. the stem is covered with very sharp thorns or briars: the grass too is very luxuriant and would yield fine hay in parcels of several acres. the sand-rushes will grow in many places as high as a man's breast, and as thick as stalks of wheat; it would supply the best food during the winter to cattle of any trading or military post. sacajawea, our indian woman, informs us that we are encamped on the precise spot where her countrymen, the snake indians, had their huts five years ago, when the minnetarees of knife river first came in sight of them, and from which they hastily retreated three miles up the jefferson, and concealed themselves in the woods. the minnetarees, however, pursued and attacked them, killed four men, as many women, and a number of boys; and made prisoners of four other boys, and all the females, of whom sacajawea was one: she does not, however, show any distress at these recollections, nor any joy at the prospect of being restored to her country; for she seems to possess the folly or the philosophy of not suffering her feelings to extend beyond the anxiety of having plenty to eat and a few trinkets to wear. monday 29. this morning the hunters brought in some fat deer of the long-tailed red kind, which are quite as large as those of the united states, and are, indeed, the only kind we have found at this place: there are numbers of the sandhill cranes feeding in the meadows; we caught a young one of the same colour as the red deer, which, though it had nearly attained its full growth could not fly; it is very fierce and strikes a severe blow with its beak. the kingfisher has become quite common on this side of the falls: but we have seen none of the summer duck since leaving that place. the mallard duck, which we saw for the first time on the 20th instant, with their young, are now abundant, though they do not breed on the missouri, below the mountains. the small birds already described are also abundant in the plains; here too, are great quantities of grasshoppers or crickets; and among other animals, a large ant with a reddish brown body and legs, and a black head and abdomen, who build little cones of gravel, ten or twelve inches high, without a mixture of sticks, and but little earth. in the river we see a great abundance of fish, but we cannot tempt them to bite by any thing on our hooks. the whole party have been engaged in dressing skins, and making them into moccasins and leggings. captain clarke's fever has almost left him, but he still remains very languid and has a general soreness in his limbs. the latitude of our camp, as the mean of two observations of the meridian altitude of the sun's lower limb with octant by back observation is n. 45Ⱐ24' 8" 5"'. tuesday 30. captain clarke was this morning much restored; and, therefore, having made all the observations necessary to fix the longitude, we reloaded our canoes, and began to ascend jefferson river. the river now becomes very crooked, and forms bends on each side; the current too is rapid, and cut into a great number of channels, and sometimes shoals, the beds of which consist of coarse gravel. the islands are unusually numerous: on the right are high plains occasionally forming cliffs of rocks and hills; while the left was an extensive low ground and prairie intersected by a number of bayous or channels falling into the river. captain lewis, who had walked through it with chaboneau, his wife, and two invalids, joined us at dinner, a few miles above our camp. here the indian woman said was the place where she had been made prisoner. the men being too few to contend with the minnetarees, mounted their horses, and fled as soon as the attack began. the women and children dispersed, and sacajawea as she was crossing at a shoal place, was overtaken in the middle of the river by her pursuers. as we proceeded, the low grounds were covered with cottonwood and a thick underbrush, and on both sides of the river, except where the high hills prevented it, the ground was divided by bayous, which are dammed up by the beaver, which are very numerous here. we made twelve and a quarter miles, and encamped on the north side. captain lewis proceeded after dinner, through an extensive low ground of timber and meadow land intermixed; but the bayous were so obstructed by beaver dams, that in order to avoid them he directed his course towards the high plain on the right. this he gained with some difficulty, after wading up to his waist through the mud and water of a number of beaver dams. when he desired to rejoin the canoes he found the underbrush so thick, and the river so crooked, that this, joined to the difficulty of passing the beaver dams, induced him to go on and endeavour to intercept the river at some point where it might be more collected into one channel and approach nearer to the high plain. he arrived at the bank about sunset, having gone only six miles in a direct course from the canoes: but he saw no traces of the men, nor did he receive any answer to his shouts nor the firing of his gun. it was now nearly dark; a duck lighted near him and he shot it. he then went on the head of a small island where he found some driftwood, which enabled him to cook his duck for supper, and he laid down to sleep on some willow brush. the night was cool, but the driftwood gave him a good fire, and he suffered no inconvenience except from the mosquitoes. wednesday 31. the next morning he waited till after seven o'clock, when he became uneasy lest we should have gone beyond his camp last evening and determined to follow us. just as he had set out with this intention, he saw one of the party in advance of the canoes; although our camp was only two miles below him, in a straight line, we could not reach him sooner, in consequence of the rapidity of the water and the circuitous course of the river. we halted for breakfast, after which captain lewis continued his route. at the distance of one mile from our encampment we passed the principal entrance of a stream on the left, which rises in the snowy mountains to the southwest, between jefferson and madison rivers, and discharges itself by seven mouths, five below, and one three miles above this, which is the largest, and about thirty yards wide: we called it philosophy river. the water of it is abundant and perfectly clear, and the bed like that of the jefferson consists of pebble and gravel. there is some timber in the bottoms of the river, and vast numbers of otter and beaver, which build on its smaller mouths and the bayous of its neighbourhood. the jefferson continues as yesterday, shoaly and rapid, but as the islands though numerous are small, it is however more collected into one current than it was below, and is from ninety to one hundred and twenty yards in width. the low ground has a fertile soil of rich black loam, and contains a considerable quantity of timber, with the bullrush and cattail flag very abundant in the moist parts, while the drier situations are covered with fine grass, tansy, thistles, onions, and flax. the uplands are barren, and without timber: the soil is a light yellow clay intermixed with small smooth pebble and gravel, and the only produce is the prickly-pear, the sedge, and the bearded grass, which is as dry and inflammable as tinder. as we proceeded the low grounds became narrower, and the timber more scarce, till at the distance of ten miles the high hills approach and overhang the river on both sides, forming cliffs of a hard black granite, like almost all those below the limestone cliffs at the three forks of the missouri: they continue so for a mile and three quarters, where we came to a point of rock on the right side, at which place the hills again retire, and the valley widens to the distance of a mile and a half. within the next five miles we passed four islands, and reached the foot of a mountain in a bend of the river to the left: from this place we went a mile and a quarter to the entrance of a small run discharging itself on the left, and encamped on an island just above it, after making seventeen and three quarter miles. we observe some pine on the hills on both sides of our encampment, which are very lofty. the only game which we have seen are one bighorn, a few antelopes, deer, and one brown bear, which escaped from our pursuit. nothing was, however, killed to-day, nor have we had any fresh meat except one beaver for the last two days, so that we are now reduced to an unusual situation, for we have hitherto always had a great abundance of flesh. thursday, august 1. we left our encampment early, and at the distance of a mile, reached a point of rocks on the left side, where the river passes though perpendicular cliffs. two and three quarter miles further we halted for breakfast under a cedar tree in a bend to the right: here as had been previously arranged, captain lewis left us, with sergeant gass, chaboneau, and drewyer, intending to go on in advance in search of the shoshonees. he began his route along the north side of the river over a high range of mountains, as captain clarke who ascended them on the 26th had observed from them a large valley spreading to the north of west, and concluded that on leaving the mountain the river took that direction; but when he reached that valley, captain lewis found it to be the passage of a large creek falling just above the mountain into the jefferson, which bears to the southwest. on discovering his error, he bent his course towards that river, which he reached about two in the afternoon, very much exhausted with heat and thirst. the mountains were very bare of timber, and the route lay along the steep and narrow hollows of the mountain, exposed to the mid-day sun, without air, or shade, or water. just as he arrived there a flock of elk passed, and they killed two of them, on which they made their dinner, and left the rest on the shore for the party in the canoes. after dinner they resumed their march, and encamped on the north side of the river, after making seventeen miles; in crossing the mountains captain lewis saw a flock of the black or dark brown pheasant, of which he killed one. this bird is one third larger than the common pheasant of the atlantic states; its form is much the same. the male has not however the tufts of long black feathers on the side of the neck so conspicuous in the atlantic pheasant, and both sexes are booted nearly to the toes. the colour is a uniform dark brown with a small mixture of yellow or yellowish brown specks on some of the feathers, particularly those of the tail, though the extremities of these are perfectly black for about an inch. the eye is nearly black, and the iris has a small dash of yellowish brown; the feathers of the tail are somewhat longer than those of our pheasant, but the same in number, eighteen, and nearly equal in size, except that those of the middle are somewhat the longest; their flesh is white and agreeably flavoured. he also saw among the scattered pine near the top of the mountain, a blue bird about the size of a robin, but in action and form something like a jay; it is constantly in motion, hopping from spray to spray, and its note which is loud and frequent, is, as far as letters can represent it, char ah! char ah! char ah! after breakfast we proceeded on: at the distance of two and a quarter miles the river enters a high mountain, which forms rugged cliffs of nearly perpendicular rocks. these are of a black granite at the lower part, and the upper consists of a light coloured freestone; they continue from the point of rocks close to the river for nine miles, which we passed before breakfast, during which the current is very strong. at nine and a quarter miles we passed an island, and a rapid fall with a fall of six feet, and reached the entrance of a large creek on the left side. in passing this place the towline of one of the canoes broke just at the shoot of the rapids, swung on the rocks and had nearly upset. to the creek as well as the rapid we gave the name of frazier, after robert* frazier one of the party: here the country opens into a beautiful valley from six to eight miles in width: the river then becomes crooked and crowded with islands; its lowgrounds wide and fertile, but though covered with fine grass from nine inches to two feet high; possesses but a small proportion of timber, and that consists almost entirely of a few narrow-leafed cottonwood distributed along the verge of the river. the soil of the plain is tolerably fertile, and consists of a black or dark yellow loam. it gradually ascends on each side to the bases of two ranges of high mountains which lie parallel* to the river; the tops of them are yet in part covered with snow, and while in the valley we are nearly suffocated with heat during the day, and at night the air is so cold that two blankets are not more than sufficient covering. in passing through the hills we observed some large cedar trees, and some juniper also. from frazier's creek we went three and three quarter miles, and encamped on the left side, having come thirteen miles. directly opposite our camp is a large creek which we call field's creek, from reuben fields, one of our men. soon after we halted two of the hunters went out and returned with five deer, which, with one bighorn, we killed in coming through the mountain on which we dined; and the elk left by captain lewis. we were again well supplied with fresh meat. in the course of the day we saw a brown bear but were not able to shoot him. friday, august 2. captain lewis, who slept in the valley a few miles above us, resumed his journey early, and after making five miles and finding that the river still bore to the south, determined to cross it in hopes of shortening the route: for the first time therefore he waded across it, although there are probably many places above the falls where it might be attempted with equal safety. the river was about ninety yards wide, the current rapid, and about waist deep: the bottom formed of smooth pebble with a small mixture of coarse gravel. he then continued along the left bank of the river till sunset and encamped, after travelling twenty-four miles. he met no fresh tracks of indians. throughout the valley are scattered the bones and excrement of the buffaloe* of an old date, but there seems no hope of meeting the animals themselves in the mountains: he saw an abundance of deer and antelope, and many tracks of elk and bear. having killed two deer they feasted sumptuously, with a desert of currants of different colours; two species of red, others yellow, deep purple, and black: to these were added black gooseberries and deep purple serviceberries, somewhat larger than ours, from which it differs also in colour, size, and the superior excellence of its flavour. in the low grounds of the river were many beaver-dams formed of willow brush, mud, and gravel, so closely interwoven that they resist the water perfectly: some of them were five feet high and overflowed several acres of land. in the meantime we proceeded on slowly, the current being so strong as to require the utmost exertions of the men to make any advance even with the aid of the cord and pole, the wind being from the northwest. the river is full of large and small islands, and the plain cut by great numbers of bayous or channels, in which are multitudes of beaver. in the course of the day we passed some villages of barking squirrels: we saw several rattlesnakes in the plain; young ducks, both of the duckon-mallard and red-headed fishing duck species; some geese; also the black woodpecker, and a large herd of elk. the channel, current, banks, and general appearance of the river, are like that of yesterday. at fourteen and three quarter miles we reached a rapid creek or bayou about thirty yards wide, to which we gave the name of birth creek. after making seventeen miles we halted in a smooth plain in a bend towards the left. saturday, 3. captain lewis continued his course along the river through the valley, which continued much as it was yesterday, except that it now widens to nearly twelve miles; the plains too are more broken and have some scattered pine near the mountains, where they rise higher than hitherto. in the level parts of the plains and the river bottoms there is no timber except small cottonwood near the margin, and an undergrowth of narrow-leafed willow, small honeysuckle, rosebushes, currants, serviceberry, and gooseberry, and a little of a small species of birch; it is a finely indented oval of a small size and a deep green colour; the stem is simple, ascending and branching, and seldom rises higher than ten or twelve feet. the mountains continue high on each side of the valley, but their only covering is a small species of pitch-pine with a short leaf, growing on the lower and middle regions, while for some distance below the snowy tops there is neither timber nor herbage of any kind. about eleven o'clock drewyer killed a doe on which they breakfasted, and after resting two hours continued till night, when they reached the river near a low ground more extensive than usual. from the appearance of the timber captain lewis supposed that the river forked above him, and therefore encamped with an intention of examining it more particularly in the morning. he had now made twenty-three miles, the latter part of which were for eight miles through a high plain covered with prickly pears and bearded grass, which rendered the walking very inconvenient: but even this was better than the river bottoms we crossed in the evening, which, though apparently level, were formed into deep holes as if they had been rooted up by hogs, and the holes were so covered with thick grass that they were in danger of falling at every step. some parts of these low grounds, however, contain turf or peat of an excellent quality for many feet deep apparently, as well as the mineral salts which we have already mentioned on the missouri. they saw many deer, antelopes, ducks, geese, some beaver, and great traces of their work, and the small birds and curlews as usual. the only fish which they observed in this part of the river is the trout and a species of white fish, with a remarkably long small mouth, which one of our men recognize as the fish called in the eastern states the bottlenose. on setting out with the canoes we found the river as usual much crowded with islands, the current more rapid as well as shallower, so that in many places they were obliged to man the canoes double, and drag them over the stone and gravel of the channel. soon after we set off captain clarke who was walking on shore observed a fresh track which he knew to be that of an indian from the large toes being turned inwards, and on following it found that it led to the point of a hill from which our camp of last night could be seen. this circumstance strengthened the belief that some indian had strayed thither, and had run off alarmed at the sight of us. at two and a quarter miles, is a small creek in a bend towards the right, which runs down from the mountains at a little distance; we called it panther creek from an animal of that kind killed by reuben fields at its mouth. it is precisely the same animal common to the western parts of the united states, and measured seven and a half feet from the nose to the extremity of the tail. six and three quarter miles beyond this stream is another on the left formed by the drains which convey the melted snows from a mountain near it, under which the river passes, leaving the low grounds on the right side, and making several bends in its course. on this stream are many large beaver dams. one mile above it is a small run on the left, and after leaving which begins a very bad rapid, where the bed of the river is formed of solid rock: this we passed in the course of a mile, and encamped on the lower point of an island. our journey had been only thirteen miles, but the badness of the river made it very laborious, as the men were compelled to be in the water during the greater part of the day. we saw only deer, antelopes, and the common birds of the country. saturday 4. this morning captain lewis proceeded early, and after going southeast by east for four miles, reaching a bold running creek, twelve yards wide, with clear cold water, furnished apparently by four drains from the snowy mountains on the left; after passing this creek he changed his direction to southeast, and leaving the valley in which he had travelled for the last two days, entered another which bore east. at the distance of three miles on this course he passed a handsome little river, about thirty yards wide, which winds through the valley: the current is not rapid nor the water very clear, but it affords a considerable quantity of water, and appears as if it might be navigable for some miles. the banks are low, and the bed formed of stone and gravel. he now changed his route to southwest, and passing a high plain which separates the vallies, returned to the more southern or that which he had left: in passing this he found a river about forty-five yards wide, the water of which has a whitish blue tinge, with a gentle current, and a gravelly bottom. this he waded and found it waist deep. he then continued down it, till at the distance of three quarters of a mile he saw the entrance of the small river he had just passed; as he went on two miles lower down, he found the mouth of the creek he had seen in the morning. proceeding further on three miles, he arrived at the junction of this river, with another which rises from the southwest, runs through the south valley about twelve miles before it forms its junction, where it is fifty yards wide: we now found that our camp of last night was about a mile and a half above the entrance of this large river, on the right side. this is a bold, rapid, clear stream, but its bed is so much obstructed by gravelly bars, and subdivided by islands, that the navigation must be very insecure, if not impracticable. the other or middle stream, has about two thirds its quantity of water, and is more gentle, and may be safely navigated. as far as it could be observed, its course was about southwest, but the opening of the valley induced him to believe that farther above it turned more towards the west. its water is more turbid and warmer than that of the other branch, whence it may be presumed to have its sources at a greater distance in the mountains, and to pass through a more open country. under this impression he left a note recommending to captain clarke the middle fork, and then continued his course along the right side of the other, or more rapid branch. after travelling twenty-three miles he near a place where the river leaves the valley and enters the mountain. here he encamped for the night. the country he passed is like that of the rest of this valley, though there is more timber in this part on the rapid fork than there has been on the river in the same extent since we entered it; for on some parts of the valley the indians seem to have destroyed a great proportion of the little timber there was, by setting fire to the bottoms. he saw some antelopes, deer, cranes, geese and ducks of the two species common to this country, though the summer duck has ceased to appear, nor does it seem to be an inhabitant of this part of the river. we proceeded soon after sunrise: the first five miles we passed four bends on the left, and several bayous on both sides. at eight o'clock we stopped to breakfast, and found the note captain lewis had written on the 2d instant. during the next four miles, we passed three small bends of the river to the right, two small islands, and two bayous on the same side. here we reached a bluff on the left; our next course was six miles to our encampment. in this course we met six circular bends on the right, and several small bayous, and halted for the night in a low ground of cottonwood on the right. our days journey, though only fifteen miles in length, was very fatiguing. the river is still rapid and the water though clear is very much obstructed by shoals or ripples at every two or three hundred yards: at all these places we are obliged to drag the canoes over the stones as there is not a sufficient depth of water to float them, and in the other parts the current obliges us to have recourse to the cord. but as the brushwood on the banks will not permit us to walk on shore, we are under the necessity of wading through the river as we drag the boats. this soon makes our feet tender, and sometimes occasions severe falls over the slippery stones; and the men by being constantly wet are becoming more feeble. in the course of the day the hunters killed two deer, some geese and ducks, and the party saw antelopes, cranes, beaver and otter. monday 5. this morning chaboneau complained of being unable to march far to-day, and captain lewis therefore ordered him and serjeant gass to pass the rapid river and proceed through the level low ground, to a point of high timber on the middle fork, seven miles distant, and wait his return. he then went along the north side of the rapid river about four miles, where he waded it, and found it so rapid and shallow that it would be impossible to navigate it. he continued along the left side for a mile and a half, when the mountains came close on the river, and rise to a considerable height with a partial covering of snow. from this place the course of the river was to the east of north. after ascending with some difficulty a high point of the mountain, he had a pleasing view of the valley he had passed, and which continued for about twenty miles further on each side of the middle fork, which then seemed to enter the mountains, and was lost to the view. in that direction, however, the hills which terminate the valley are much lower than those along either of the other forks, particularly the rapid one, where they continue rising in ranges above each other us far as the eye could reach. the general course too of the middle fork, as well as that of the gap which it forms on entering the mountains, is considerably to the south of west; circumstances which gave a decided preference to this branch as our future route. captain lewis now descended the mountain, and crossed over to the middle fork, about five miles distant, and found it still perfectly navigable. there is a very large and plain indian road leading up it, but it has at present no tracks, except those of horses which seem to have used it last spring. the river here made a great bend to the southeast, and he therefore directed his course, as well as he could, to the spot where he had directed chaboneau and gass to repair, and struck the river about three miles above their camp. it was now dark, and he, therefore, was obliged to make his way through the thick brush of the pulpy-leafed thorn and the prickly pear, for two hours before he reached their camp. here he was fortunate enough to find the remains of some meat, which was his only food during the march of twenty-five miles to-day. he had seen no game of any sort except a few antelopes who were very shy. the soil of the plains is a meagre clay, of a light yellow colour, intermixed with a large proportion of gravel, and producing nothing but twisted or bearded grass, sedge and prickly pears. the drier parts of the low grounds are also more indifferent in point of soil than those further down the river, and although they have but little grass, are covered with southern wood, pulpy-leafed thorn, and prickly pears, while the moist parts are fertile, and supplied with fine grass and sandrushes. we passed within the first four and a quarter miles three small islands, and the same number of bad rapids. at the distance of three quarters of a mile is another rapid of difficult passage: three miles and three quarters beyond this are the forks of the river, in reaching which we had two islands and several bayous on different sides to pass. here we had come nine miles and a quarter. the river was straighter and more rapid than yesterday, the labour of the navigation proportionally increased, and we therefore proceeded very slowly, as the feet of several of the men were swollen, and all were languid with fatigue. we arrived at the forks about four o'clock, but unluckily captain lewis's note had been left on a green pole which the beaver had cut down and carried off with the note, an accident which deprived us of all information as to the character of the two branches of the river. observing therefore that the northwest fork was most in our direction, and contained as much water as the other, we ascended it; we found it extremely rapid, and its waters were scattered in such a manner, that for a quarter of a mile we were forced to cut a passage through the willowbrush that leaned over the little channels and united at the top. after going up it for a mile we encamped on an island which had been overflowed, and was still so wet that we were compelled to make beds of brush to keep ourselves out of the mud. our provision consisted of two deer which had been killed in the morning. tuesday 6. we proceeded up the northwest fork, which we found still very rapid, and divided by several islands, while the plains near it were intersected by bayous. after passing with much difficulty over stones and rapids, we reached a bluff on the right, at the distance of nine miles, our general course south 30Ⱐwest, and halted for breakfast. here we were joined by drewyer, who informed us of the state of the two rivers and of captain lewis's note, and we immediately began to descend the river in order to take the other branch. on going down one of the canoes upset, and two others filled with water, by which all the baggage was wet, and several articles irrecoverably lost. as one of them swung round in a rapid current, whitehouse was thrown out of her, and whilst down the canoe passed over him, and had the water been two inches shallower would have crushed him to pieces; but he escaped with a severe bruise of his leg. in order to repair these misfortunes we hastened to the forks, where we were joined by captain lewis, and then passed over to the left side opposite to the entrance of the rapid fork, and encamped on a large gravelly bar, near which there was plenty of wood. here we opened and exposed to dry all the articles which had suffered from the water; none of them were completely spoiled except a small keg of powder; the rest of the powder, which was distributed in the different canoes was quite safe, although it had been under the water upwards of an hour. the air is indeed so pure and dry that any wood-work immediately shrinks, unless it is kept filled with water; but we had planned our powder in small canisters of lead, each containing powder enough for the canister when melted into bullets, and smeared with cork and wax, which answered our purpose perfectly. captain lewis had risen very early, and having nothing to eat, sent out drewyer to the woodland on the left in search of a deer, and directed sergeant gass to keep along the middle branch to meet us if we were ascending it. he then set off with chaboneau towards the forks, but five miles above them, hearing us on the left, struck the river as we were descending, and came on board at the forks. in the evening we killed three deer and four elk, which furnished us once more with a plentiful supply of meat. shannon, the same man who was lost before for fifteen days, was sent out this morning to hunt, up the northwest fork; when we decided on returning, drewyer was directed to go in quest of him, but he returned with information that he had gone several miles up the river without being able to find shannon. we now had the trumpet sounded, and fired several guns, but he did not return, and we fear he is again lost. wednesday 7. we remained here this morning for the purpose of making some celestial observations, and also in order to refresh the men, and complete the drying of the baggage. we obtained a meridian altitude which gave the latitude of our camp at north 45Ⱐ2' 48" 8"'. we were now completely satisfied that the middle branch was the most navigable, and the true continuation of the jefferson. the northwest fork seems to be the drain of the melting snows of the mountains, its course cannot be so long as the other branch, and although it contains now as great a quantity of water, yet the water has obviously overflowed the old bed, and spread into channels which leave the low grounds covered with young grass, resembling that of the adjoining lands, which are not inundated; whence we readily infer that the supply is more precarious than that of the other branch, the waters of which though more gentle are more constant. this northwest fork we called wisdom river. as soon as the baggage was dried, it was reloaded on board the boats, but we now found it so much diminished, that we would we able to proceed with one canoe less. we therefore hauled up the superfluous one into a thicket of brush where we secured her against being swept away by the high tide. at one o'clock all set out, except captain lewis who remained till the evening in order to complete the observation of equal altitudes: we passed several bends of the river both to the right and left, as well as a number of bayous on both sides, and made seven miles by water, though the distance by land is only three. we then encamped on a creek which rises in a high mountain to the northeast, and after passing through an open plain for several miles, discharges itself on the left, where it is a bold running stream twelve yards wide. we called it turf creek, from the number of bogs and the quantity of turf on its waters. in the course of the afternoon there fell a shower of rain attended with thunder and lightning, which lasted about forty minutes, and the weather remained so cloudy all night that we were unable to take any lunar observations. uneasy about shannon, we sent r. fields in search of him this morning, but we have as yet no intelligence of either of them. our only game to-day was one deer. thursday 8. there was a heavy dew this morning. having left one of the canoes, there are now more men to spare for the chace; and four were sent out at an early hour, after which we proceeded. we made five miles by water along two islands and several bayous, but as the river formed seven different bends towards the left, the distance by land was only two miles south of our encampment. at the end of that course we reached the upper principal entrance of a stream which we called philanthropy river. this river empties itself into the jefferson on the southeast side, by two channels a short distance from each other: from its size and its southeastern course, we presume that it rises in the rocky mountains near the sources of the madison. it is thirty yards wide at its entrance, has a very gentle current, and is navigable for some distance. one mile above this river we passed an island, a second at the distance of six miles further, during which the river makes a considerable bend to the east. reuben fields returned about noon with information that he had gone up wisdom river till its entrance into the mountains, but could find nothing of shannon. we made seven miles beyond the last island, and after passing some small bayous, encamped under a few high trees on the left, at the distance of fourteen miles above philanthropy river by water, though only six by land. the river has in fact become so very crooked that although by means of the pole which we now use constantly we make a considerable distance, yet being obliged to follow its windings, at the end of the day, we find ourselves very little advanced on our general course. it forms itself into small circular bends, which are so numerous that within the last fourteen miles we passed thirty-five of them, all inclining towards the right; it is however much more gentle and deep than below wisdom river, and its general width is from thirty-five to forty-five yards. the general appearance of the surrounding country is that of a valley five or six miles wide, enclosed between two high mountains. the bottom is rich, with some small timber on the islands and along the river, which consists rather of underbrush, and a few cottonwood, birch, and willow-trees. the high grounds have some scattered pine, which just relieve the general nakedness of the hills and the plain, where there is nothing except grass. along the bottoms we saw to-day a considerable quantity of the buffaloe clover, the sunflower, flax, green sward, thistle and several species of rye grass, some of which rise to the height of three or four feet. there is also a grass with a soft smooth leaf which rises about three feet high, and bears its seed very much like the timothy, but it does not grow luxuriantly nor would it apparently answer so well in our meadows as that plant. we preserved some of its seed, which are now ripe, in order to make the experiment. our game consisted of deer and antelope, and we saw a number of geese and ducks just beginning to fly, and some cranes. among the inferior animals we have an abundance of the large biting or hare fly, of which there are two species, one black, the other smaller and brown, except the head which is green. the green or blowing flies unite with them in swarms to attack us, and seem to have relieved the eye-gnats who have now disappeared. the musquitoes too are in large quantities, but not so troublesome as they were below. through the valley are scattered bogs, and some very good turf, the earth of which the mud is composed is of a white or bluish white colour, and seems to be argilaceous. on all the three rivers, but particularly on the philanthropy, are immense quantities of beaver, otter and muskrat. at our camp there was an abundance of rosebushes and briars, but so little timber that we were obliged to use willow brush for fuel. the night was again cloudy which prevented the lunar observations. on our right is the point of a high plain, which our indian woman recognizes as the place called the beaver's-head from a supposed resemblance to that object. this she says is not far from the summer retreat of her countrymen, which is on a river beyond the mountains, and running to the west. she is therefore certain that we shall meet them either on this river, or on that immediately west of its source, which judging from its present size, cannot be far distant. persuaded of the absolute necessity of procuring horses to cross the mountains, it was determined that one of us should proceed in the morning to the head of the river, and penetrate the mountains till he found the shoshonees or some other nation who could assist us in transporting our baggage, the greater part of which we shall be compelled to leave without the aid of horses. friday 9. the morning was fair and fine. we set off early, and proceeded on very well, though there were more rapids in the river than yesterday. at eight o'clock we halted for breakfast, part of which consisted of two fine geese killed before we stopped. here we were joined by shannon for whose safety we had been so uneasy. the day on which he left us on his way up wisdom river, after hunting for some time and not seeing the party arrive, he returned to the place where he had left us. not finding us there he supposed we had passed him, and he therefore marched up the river during all the next day, when he was convinced that we had not gone on, as the river was no longer navigable. he now followed the course of the river down to the forks, and then took the branch which we are pursuing. during the three days of his absence, he had been much wearied with his march, but had lived plentifully, and brought the skins of three deer. as far as he had ascended wisdom river it kept its course obliquely down towards the jefferson. immediately after breakfast, captain lewis took drewyer, shields and m'neal, and slinging their knapsacks they set out with a resolution to meet some nation of indians before they returned, however long they might be separated from the party. he directed his course across the low ground to the plain on the right, leaving the beaver's-head about two miles to the left. after walking eight miles to the river, which they waded, they went on to a commanding point from which he saw the place at which it enters the mountain, but as the distance would not permit his reaching it this evening, he descended towards the river, and after travelling eight miles further, encamped for the evening some miles below the mountain. they passed before reaching their camp a handsome little stream formed by some large springs which rise in the wide bottom on the left side of the river. in their way they killed two antelopes, and took with them enough of the meat for their supper and breakfast the next morning. in the meantime we proceeded, and in the course of eleven miles from our last encampment passed two small islands, sixteen short round bends in the river, and halted in a bend towards the right where we dined. the river increases in rapidity as we advance, and is so crooked that the eleven miles, which have cost us so much labour, only bring us four miles in a direct line. the weather became overcast towards evening, and we experienced a slight shower attended with thunder and lightning. the three hunters who were sent out killed only two antelopes; game of every kind being scarce. saturday, 10. captain lewis continued his route at an early hour through the wide bottom along the left bank of the river. at about five miles he passed a large creek, and then fell into an indian road leading towards the point where the river entered the mountain. this he followed till he reached a high perpendicular cliff of rocks where the river makes its passage through the hills, and which he called the rattlesnake cliff, from the number of that animal which he saw there: here he kindled a fire and waited the return of drewyer, who had been sent out on the way to kill a deer: he came back about noon with the skin of three deer and the flesh of one of the best of them. after a hasty dinner they returned to the indian road which they had left for a short distance to see the cliff. it led them sometimes over the hills, sometimes in the narrow bottoms of the river, till at the distance of fifteen miles from the rattlesnake cliffs they reached a handsome open and level valley, where the river divided into two nearly equal branches. the mountains over which they passed were not very high, but are rugged and continue close to the river side. the river, which before it enters the mountain was rapid, rocky, very crooked, much divided by islands, and shallow, now becomes more direct in its course as it is hemmed in by the hills, and has not so many bends nor islands, but becomes more rapid and rocky, and continues as shallow. on examining the two branches of the river it was evident that neither of them was navigable further. the road forked with the river; and captain lewis therefore sent a man up each of them for a short distance, in order that by comparing their respective information he might be able to take that which seemed to have been most used this spring. from their account he resolved to choose that which led along the southwest branch of the river which was rather the smaller of the two: he accordingly wrote a note to captain clarke informing him of the route, and recommending his staying with the party at the forks till he should return: this he fixed on a dry willow pole at the forks of the river, and then proceeded up the southwest branch; but after going a mile and a half the road became scarcely distinguishable, and the tracks of the horses which he had followed along the jefferson were no longer seen. captain lewis therefore returned to examine the other road himself, and found that the horses had in fact passed along the western or right fork which had the additional recommendation of being larger than the other. this road he concluded to take, and therefore sent back drewyer to the forks with a second letter to captain clarke apprising him of the change, and then proceeded on. the valley of the west fork through which he now passed, bears a little to the north of west, and is confined within the space of about a mile in width, by rough mountains and steep cliffs of rock. at the distance of four and a half miles it opens into a beautiful and extensive plain about ten miles long and five or six in width: this is surrounded on all sides by higher rolling or waving country, intersected by several little rivulets from the mountains, each bordered by its wide meadows. the whole prospect is bounded by these mountains, which nearly surround it, so as to form a beautiful cove about sixteen or eighteen miles in diameter. on entering this cove the river bends to the northwest, and bathes the foot of the hills to the right. at this place they halted for the night on the right side of the river, and having lighted a fire of dry willow brush, the only fuel which the country affords, supped on a deer. they had travelled to-day thirty miles by estimate: that is ten to the rattlesnake cliff, fifteen to the forks of jefferson river, and five to their encampment. in this cove some parts of the low grounds are tolerably fertile, but much the greater proportion is covered with prickly pear, sedge, twisted grass, the pulpy-leafed thorn, southern-wood, and wild sage, and like the uplands have a very inferior soil. these last have little more than the prickly pear and the twisted or bearded grass, nor are there in the whole cove more than three or four cottonwood trees, and those are small. at the apparent extremity of the bottom above, and about ten miles to the westward, are two perpendicular cliffs rising to a considerable height on each side of the river, and at this distance seem like a gate. in the meantime we proceeded at sunrise, and found the river not so rapid as yesterday, though more narrow and still very crooked, and so shallow that we were obliged to drag the canoes over many ripples in the course of the day. at six and a half miles we had passed eight bends on the north, and two small bayous on the left, and came to what the indians call the beaver's-head, a steep rocky cliff about one hundred and fifty feet high, near the right side of the river. opposite to this at three hundred yards from the water is a low cliff about fifty feet in height, which forms the extremity of a spur of the mountain about four miles distant on the left. at four o'clock we were overtaken by a heavy shower of rain, attended with thunder, lightning and hail. the party were defended from the hail by covering themselves with willow bushes, but they got completely wet, and in this situation, as soon as the rain ceased, continued till we encamped. this we did at a low bluff on the left, after passing in the course of six and a half miles, four islands and eighteen bends on the right, and a low bluff and several bayous on the same side. we had now come thirteen miles, yet were only four on our route towards the mountains. the game seems to be declining, for our hunters procured only a single deer, though we found another for us that had been killed three days before by one of the hunters during an excursion, and left for us on the river. chapter xiv. captain lewis proceeds before the main body in search of the shoshonees--his ill success on the first interview--the party with captain lewis at length discover the source of the missouri--captain clarke with the main body still employed in ascending the missouri or jefferson river--captain lewis's second interview with the shoshonees attended with success--the interesting ceremonies of his first introduction to the natives, detailed at large--their hospitality--their mode of hunting the antelope--the difficulties encountered by captain clarke and the main body in ascending the river--the suspicions entertained of captain lewis by the shoshonees, and his mode of allaying them--the ravenous appetites of the savages illustrated by a singular adventure--the indians still jealous, and the great pains taken by captain lewis to preserve their confidence--captain clarke arrives with the main body exhausted by the difficulties which they underwent. sunday, august 11. captain lewis again proceeded on early, but had the mortification to find that the track which he followed yesterday soon disappeared. he determined therefore to go on to the narrow gate or pass of the river which he had seen from the camp, in hopes of being able to recover the indian path. for this purpose he waded across the river, which was now about twelve yards wide, and barred in several places by the dams of the beaver, and then went straight forward to the pass, sending one man along the river to his left, and another on the right, with orders to search for the road, and if they found it to let him know by raising a hat on the muzzle of their guns. in this order they went along for about five miles, when captain lewis perceived with the greatest delight a man on horseback at the distance of two miles coming down the plain towards them. on examining him with the glass, captain lewis saw that he was of a different nation from any indians we had hitherto met: he was armed with a bow and a quiver of arrows; mounted on an elegant horse without a saddle, and a small string attached to the under jaw answered as a bridle. convinced that he was a shoshonee, and knowing how much of our success depended on the friendly offices of that nation, captain lewis was full of anxiety to approach without alarming him, and endeavour to convince him that he was a white man. he therefore, proceeded on towards the indian at his usual pace, when they were within a mile of each other the indian suddenly stopt, captain lewis immediately followed his example, took his blanket from his knapsack, and holding it with both hands at the two corners, threw it above his head and unfolded it as he brought it to the ground as if in the act of spreading it. this signal which originates in the practice of spreading a robe or a skin, as a seat for guests to whom they wish to show a distinguished kindness, is the universal sign of friendship among the indians on the missouri and the rocky mountains. as usual, captain lewis repeated this signal three times: still the indian kept his position, and looked with an air of suspicion on drewyer and shields who were now advancing on each side. captain lewis was afraid to make any signal for them to halt, lest he should increase the suspicions of the indian, who began to be uneasy, and they too distant to hear his voice. he, therefore, took from his pack some beads, a looking-glass and a few trinkets, which he had brought for the purpose, and leaving his gun advanced unarmed towards the indian. he remained in the same position till captain lewis came within two hundred yards of him, when he turned his horse, and began to move off slowly; captain lewis then called out to him, in as loud a voice as he could, repeating the word, tabba bone! which in the shoshonee language means white man; but looking over his shoulder the indian kept his eyes on drewyer and shields, who were still advancing, without recollecting the impropriety of doing so at such a moment, till captain lewis made a signal to them to halt; this drewyer obeyed, but shields did not observe it, and still went forward: seeing drewyer halt the indian turned his horse about as if to wait for captain lewis who now reached within one hundred and fifty paces, repeating the word tabba bone, and holding up the trinkets in his hand, at the same time stripping up the sleeve of his shirt to show the colour of his skin. the indian suffered him to advance within one hundred paces, then suddenly turned his horse, and giving him the whip, leaped across the creek, and disappeared in an instant among the willow bushes: with him vanished all the hopes which the sight of him had inspired of a friendly introduction to his countrymen. though sadly disappointed by the imprudence of his two men, captain lewis determined to make the incident of some use, and therefore calling the men to him they all set off after the track of the horse, which they hoped might lead them to the camp of the indian who had fled, or if he had given the alarm to any small party, their track might conduct them to the body of the nation. they now fixed a small flag of the united states on a pole, which was carried by one of the men as a signal of their friendly intentions, should the indians observe them as they were advancing. the route lay across an island formed by a nearly equal division of the creek in the bottom: after reaching the open grounds on the right side of the creek, the track turned towards some high hills about three miles distant. presuming that the indian camp might be among these hills, and that by advancing hastily he might be seen and alarm them, captain lewis sought an elevated situation near the creek, had a fire made of willow brush, and took breakfast. at the same time he prepared a small assortment of beads, trinkets, awls, some paint and a looking glass, and placed them on a pole near the fire, in order that if the indians returned they might discover that the party were white men and friends. whilst making these preparations a very heavy shower of rain and hail came on, and wet them to the skin: in about twenty minutes it was over, and captain lewis then renewed his pursuit, but as the rain had made the grass which the horse had trodden down rise again, his track could with difficulty be distinguished. as they went along they passed several places where the indians seemed to have been digging roots to-day, and saw the fresh track of eight or ten horses, but they had been wandering about in so confused a manner that he could not discern any particular path, and at last, after pursuing it about four miles along the valley to the left under the foot of the hills, he lost the track of the fugitive indian. near the head of the valley they had passed a large bog covered with moss and tall grass, among which were several springs of pure cold water: they now turned a little to the left along the foot of the high hills, and reached a small creek where they encamped for the night, having made about twenty miles, though not more than ten in a direct line from their camp of last evening. the morning being rainy and wet we did not set out with the canoes till after an early breakfast. during the first three miles we passed three small islands, six bayous on different sides of the river, and the same number of bends towards the right. here we reached the lower point of a large island which we called three-thousand-mile island, on account of its being at that distance from the mouth of the missouri. it is three miles and a half in length, and as we coasted along it we passed several small bends of the river towards the left, and two bayous on the same side. after leaving the upper point of three-thousand-mile island, we followed the main channel on the left side, which led us by three small islands and several small bayous, and fifteen bends towards the right. then at the distance of seven miles and a half we encamped on the upper end of a large island near the right. the river was shallow and rapid, so that we were obliged to be in the water during a great part of the day, dragging the canoes over the shoals and ripples. its course too was so crooked, that notwithstanding we had made fourteen miles by water, we were only five miles from our encampment of last night. the country consists of a low ground on the river about five miles wide, and succeeded on both sides by plains of the same extent which reach to the base of the mountains. these low grounds are very much intersected by bayous, and in those on the left side is a large proportion of bog covered with tall grass, which would yield a fine turf. there are very few trees, and those small narrow-leafed cottonwood: the principal growth being the narrow-leafed willow, and currant bushes, among which were some bunches of privy near the river. we saw a number of geese, ducks, beaver, otter, deer and antelopes, of all which one beaver was killed with a pole from the boat, three otters with a tomahawk, and the hunters brought in three deer and an antelope. monday, 12. this morning as soon as it was light captain lewis sent drewyer to reconnoitre if possible the route of the indians: in about an hour and a half he returned, after following the tracks of the horse which we had lost yesterday to the mountains, where they ascended and were no longer visible. captain lewis now decided on making the circuit along the foot of the mountains which formed the cove, expecting by that means to find a road across them, and accordingly sent drewyer on one side, and shields on the other. in this way they crossed four small rivulets near each other, on which were some bowers or conical lodges of willow brush, which seemed to have been made recently. from the manner in which the ground in the neighbourhood was torn up the indians appeared to have been gathering roots; but captain lewis could not discover what particular plant they were searching for, nor could he find any fresh track, till at the distance of four miles from his camp he met a large plain indian road which came into the cove from the northeast, and wound along the foot of the mountains to the southwest, approaching obliquely the main stream he had left yesterday. down this road he now went towards the southwest: at the distance of five miles it crossed a large run or creek, which is a principal branch of the main stream into which it falls, just above the high cliffs or gates observed yesterday, and which they now saw below them: here they halted and breakfasted on the last of the deer, keeping a small piece of pork in reserve against accident: they then continued through the low bottom along the main stream near the foot of the mountains on their right. for the first five miles the valley continues towards the southwest from two to three miles in width; then the main stream, which had received two small branches from the left in the valley, turns abruptly to the west through a narrow bottom between the mountains. the road was still plain, and as it led them directly on towards the mountain the stream gradually became smaller, till after going two miles it had so greatly diminished in width that one of the men in a fit of enthusiasm, with one foot on each side of the river, thanked god that he had lived to bestride the missouri. as they went along their hopes of soon seeing the waters of the columbia arose almost to painful anxiety, when after four miles from the last abrupt turn of the river, they reached a small gap formed by the high mountains which recede on each side, leaving room for the indian road. from the foot of one of the lowest of these mountains, which rises with a gentle ascent of about half a mile, issues the remotest water of the missouri. they had now reached the hidden sources of that river, which had never yet been seen by civilized man; and as they quenched their thirst at the chaste and icy fountain--as they sat down by the brink of that little rivulet, which yielded its distant and modest tribute to the parent ocean, they felt themselves rewarded for all their labours and all their difficulties. they left reluctantly this interesting spot, and pursuing the indian road through the interval of the hills, arrived at the top of a ridge, from which they saw high mountains partially covered with snow still to the west of them. the ridge on which they stood formed the dividing line between the waters of the atlantic and pacific oceans. they followed a descent much steeper than that on the eastern side, and at the distance of three quarters of a mile reached a handsome bold creek of cold clear water running to the westward. they stopped to taste for the first time the waters of the columbia; and after a few minutes followed the road across steep hills and low hollows, till they reached a spring on the side of a mountain: here they found a sufficient quantity of dry willow brush for fuel, and therefore halted for the night; and having killed nothing in the course of the day supped on their last piece of pork, and trusted to fortune for some other food to mix with a little flour and parched meal, which was all that now remained of their provisions. before reaching the fountain of the missouri they saw several large hawks nearly black, and some of the heath cocks: these last have a long pointed tail, and are of a uniform dark brown colour, much larger than the common dunghill fowl, and similar in habits and the mode of flying to the grouse or prairie hen. drewyer also wounded at the distance of one hundred and thirty yards an animal which we had not yet seen, but which after falling recovered itself and escaped. it seemed to be of the fox kind, rather larger than the small wolf of the plains, and with a skin in which black, reddish brown, and yellow, were curiously intermixed. on the creek of the columbia they found a species of currant which does not grow as high as that of the missouri, though it is more branching, and its leaf, the under disk of which is covered with a hairy pubescence, is twice as large. the fruit is of the ordinary size and shape of the currant, and supported in the usual manner, but is of a deep purple colour, acid, and of a very inferior flavour. we proceeded on in the boats, but as the river was very shallow and rapid, the navigation is extremely difficult, and the men who are almost constantly in the water are getting feeble and sore, and so much wore down by fatigue that they are very anxious to commence travelling by land. we went along the main channel which is on the right side, and after passing nine bends in that direction, three islands and a number of bayous, reached at the distance of five and a half miles the upper point of a large island. at noon there was a storm of thunder which continued about half an hour; after which we proceeded, but as it was necessary to drag the canoes over the shoals and rapids, made but little progress. on leaving the island we passed a number of short bends, several bayous, and one run of water on the right side, and having gone by four small and two large islands, encamped on a smooth plain to the left near a few cottonwood trees: our journey by water was just twelve miles, and four in a direct line. the hunters supplied us with three deer and a fawn. tuesday 13. very early in the morning captain lewis resumed the indian road, which led him in a western direction, through an open broken country; on the left was a deep valley at the foot of a high range of mountains running from southeast to northwest, with their sides better clad with timber than the hills to which we have been for some time accustomed, and their tops covered in part with snow. at five miles distance, after following the long descent of another valley, he reached a creek about ten yards wide, and on rising the hill beyond it had a view of a handsome little valley on the left, about a mile in width, through which they judged, from the appearance of the timber, that some stream of water most probably passed. on the creek they had just left were some bushes of the white maple, the sumach of the small species with the winged rib, and a species of honeysuckle, resembling in its general appearance and the shape of its leaf the small honeysuckle of the missouri, except that it is rather larger, and bears a globular berry, about the size of a garden pea, of a white colour, and formed of a soft white mucilaginous substance, in which are several small brown seeds irregularly scattered without any cell, and enveloped in a smooth thin pellicle. they proceeded along a waving plain parallel to this valley for about four miles, when they discovered two women, a man and some dogs on an eminence at the distance of a mile before them. the strangers first viewed them apparently with much attention for a few minutes, and then two of them sat down as if to await captain lewis's arrival. he went on till he reached within about half a mile, then ordered his party to stop, put down his knapsack and rifle, and unfurling the flag advanced alone towards the indians. the females soon retreated behind the hill, but the man remained till captain lewis came within a hundred yards from him, when he too went off, though captain lewis called out tabba bone! loud enough to be heard distinctly. he hastened to the top of the hill, but they had all disappeared. the dogs however were less shy, and came close to him; he therefore thought of tying a handkerchief with some beads round their necks, and then let them loose to convince the fugitives of his friendly disposition, but they would not suffer him to take hold of them, and soon left him. he now made a signal to the men, who joined him, and then all followed the track of the indians, which led along a continuation of the same road they had been already travelling. it was dusty and seemed to have been much used lately both by foot passengers and horsemen. they had not gone along it more than a mile when on a sudden they saw three female indians, from whom they had been concealed by the deep ravines which intersected the road, till they were now within thirty paces of each other; one of them a young woman immediately took to flight, the other two, an elderly woman and a little girl, seeing we were too near for them to escape, sat on the ground, and holding down their heads seemed as if reconciled to the death which they supposed awaited them. the same habit of holding down the head and inviting the enemy to strike, when all chance of escape is gone, is preserved in egypt to this day. captain lewis instantly put down his rifle, and advancing towards them, took the woman by the hand, raised her up, and repeated the word tabba bone! at the sane time stripping up his shirt sleeve to prove that he was a white man, for his hands and face had become by constant exposure quite as dark as their own. she appeared immediately relieved from her alarm, and drewyer and shields now coming up, captain lewis gave them some beads, a few awls, pewter mirrors, and a little paint, and told drewyer to request the woman to recall her companion who had escaped to some distance, and by alarming the indians might cause them to attack him without any time for explanation. she did as she was desired, and the young woman returned almost out of breath: captain lewis gave her an equal portion of trinkets, and painted the tawny cheeks of all three of them with vermillion, a ceremony which among the shoshonees is emblematic of peace. after they had become composed, he informed them by signs of his wish to go to their camp in order to see their chiefs and warriors; they readily obeyed, and conducted the party along the same road down the river. in this way they marched two miles, when they met a troop of nearly sixty warriors mounted on excellent horses riding at full speed towards them. as they advanced captain lewis put down his gun, and went with the flag about fifty paces in advance. the chief who with two men were riding in front of the main body, spoke to the women, who now explained that the party was composed of white men, and showed exultingly the presents they had received. the three men immediately leaped from their horses, came up to captain lewis and embraced him with great cordiality, putting their left arm over his right shoulder and clasping his back, applying at the same time their left cheek to his, and frequently vociferating ah hi e! ah hi e! "i am much pleased, i am much rejoiced." the whole body of warriors now came forward, and our men received the caresses, and no small share of the grease and paint of their new friends. after this fraternal embrace, of which the motive was much more agreeable than the manner, captain lewis lighted a pipe and offered it to the indians who had now seated themselves in a circle around the party. but before they would receive this mark of friendship they pulled off their moccasins, a custom as we afterwards learnt, which indicates the sacred sincerity of their professions when they smoke with a stranger, and which imprecates on themselves the misery of going barefoot forever if they are faithless to their words, a penalty by no means light to those who rove over the thorny plains of their country. it is not unworthy to remark the analogy which some of the customs of those wild children of the wilderness bear to those recorded in holy writ. moses is admonished to pull off his shoes, for the place on which he stood was holy ground. why this was enjoined as an act of peculiar reverence; whether it was from the circumstance that in the arid region in which the patriarch then resided, it was deemed a test of the sincerity of devotion to walk upon the burning sands barefooted, in some measure analogous to the pains inflicted by the prickly pear, does not appear. after smoking a few pipes, some trifling presents were distributed amongst them, with which they seemed very much pleased, particularly with the blue beads and the vermillion. captain lewis then informed the chief that the object of his visit was friendly, and should be explained as soon as he reached their camp; but that in the meantime as the sun was oppressive, and no water near, he wished to go there as soon as possible. they now put on their moccasins, and their chief, whose name was cameahwait, made a short speech to the warriors. captain lewis then gave him the flag, which he informed him was among white men the emblem of peace, and now that he had received it was to be in future the bond of union between them. the chief then moved on, our party followed him, and the rest of the warriors in a squadron, brought up the rear. after marching a mile they were halted by the chief, who made a second harangue, on which six or eight young men rode forward to their camp, and no further regularity was observed in the order of march. at the distance of four miles from where they had first met, they reached the indian camp, which was in a handsome level meadow on the bank of the river. here they were introduced into an old leathern lodge which the young men who had been sent from the party had fitted up for their reception. after being seated on green boughs and antelope skins, one of the warriors pulled up the grass in the centre of the lodge so as to form a vacant circle of two feet diameter, in which he kindled a fire. the chief then produced his pipe and tobacco, the warriors all pulled off their moccasins, and our party was requested to take off their own. this being done, the chief lighted his pipe at the fire within the magic circle, and then retreating from it began a speech several minutes long, at the end of which he pointed the stem towards the four cardinal points of the heavens, beginning with the east and concluding with the north. after this ceremony he presented the stem in the same way to captain lewis, who supposing it an invitation to smoke, put out his hand to receive the pipe, but the chief drew it back, and continued to repeat the same offer three times, after which he pointed the stem first to the heavens, then to the centre of the little circle, took three whiffs himself, and presented it again to captain lewis. finding that this last offer was in good earnest, he smoked a little, the pipe was then held to each of the white men, and after they had taken a few whiffs was given to the warriors. this pipe was made of a dense transparent green stone, very highly polished; about two and an half inches long, and of an oval figure, the bowl being in the same situation with the stem. a small piece of burnt clay is placed in the bottom of the bowl to separate the tobacco from the end of the stem, and is of an irregularly round figure, not fitting the tube perfectly close, in order that the smoke may pass with facility. the tobacco is of the same kind with that used by the minnetarees, mandans and ricaras of the missouri. the shoshonees do not cultivate this plant, but obtain it from the rocky mountain indians, and some of the bands of their own nation who live further south. the ceremony of smoking being concluded, captain lewis explained to the chief the purposes of his visit, and as by this time all the women and children of the camp had gathered around the lodge to indulge in a view of the first white men they had ever seen, he distributed among them the remainder of the small articles he had brought with him. it was now late in the afternoon, and our party had tasted no food since the night before. on apprising the chief of this circumstance, he said that he had nothing but berries to eat, and presented some cakes made of serviceberry and chokecherries which had been dried in the sun. on these captain lewis made a hearty meal, and then walked down towards the river: he found it a rapid clear stream forty yards wide and three feet deep; the banks were low and abrupt, like those of the upper part of the missouri, and the bed formed of loose stones and gravel. its course, as far as he could observe it, was a little to the north of west, and was bounded on each side by a range of high mountains, of which those on the east are the lowest and most distant from the river. the chief informed him that this stream discharged itself at the distance of half a day's march, into another of twice its size, coming from the southwest; but added, on further inquiry, that there was scarcely more timber below the junction of those rivers than in this neighbourhood, and that the river was rocky, rapid, and so closely confined between high mountains, that it was impossible to pass down it, either by land or water to the great lake, where as he had understood the white men lived. this information was far from being satisfactory; for there was no timber here that would answer the purpose of building canoes, indeed not more than just sufficient for fuel, and even that consisted of the narrow-leafed cotton wood, the red and the narrow-leafed willow, the chokecherry, serviceberry and a few currant bushes such as are common on the missouri. the prospect of going on by land is more pleasant; for there are great numbers of horses feeding in every direction round the camp, which will enable us to transport our stores if necessary over the mountains. captain lewis returned from the river to his lodge, and on his way an indian invited him into his bower and gave him a small morsel of boiled antelope and a piece of fresh salmon roasted. this was the first salmon he had seen, and perfectly satisfied him that he was now on the waters of the pacific. on reaching this lodge, he resumed his conversation with the chief, after which he was entertained with a dance by the indians. it now proved, as our party had feared, that the men whom they had first met this morning had returned to the camp and spread the alarm that their enemies, the minnetarees of fort de prairie, whom they call pahkees, were advancing on them. the warriors instantly armed themselves and were coming down in expectation of an attack, when they were agreeably surprised by meeting our party. the greater part of them were armed with bows and arrows, and shields, but a few had small fusils, such as are furnished by the northwest company traders, and which they had obtained from the indians on the yellowstone, with whom they are now at peace. they had reason to dread the approach of the pahkees, who had attacked them in the course of this spring and totally defeated them. on this occasion twenty of their warriors were either killed or made prisoners, and they lost their whole camp except the leathern lodge which they had fitted up for us, and were now obliged to live in huts of a conical figure made with willow brush. the music and dancing, which was in no respect different from those of the missouri indians, continued nearly all night; but captain lewis retired to rest about twelve o'clock, when the fatigues of the day enabled him to sleep though he was awaked several times by the yells of the dancers. whilst all these things were occurring to captain lewis we were slowly and laboriously ascending the river. for the first two and a half miles we went along the island opposite to which we encamped last evening, and soon reached a second island behind which comes in a small creek on the left side of the river. it rises in the mountains to the east and forms a handsome valley for some miles from its mouth, where it is a bold running stream about seven yards wide: we called it m'neal's creek, after hugh m'neal one of our party. just above this stream and at the distance of four miles from our camp is a point of limestone rock on the right, about seventy feet high, forming a cliff over the river. from the top of it the beaver's-head bore north 24Ⱐeast twelve miles distant, the course of wisdom river, that is the direction of its valley through the mountains is north 25Ⱐwest, while the gap through which the jefferson enters the mountains is ten miles above us on a course south 18Ⱐwest. from this limestone rock we proceeded along several islands, on both sides, and after making twelve miles arrived at a cliff of high rocks on the right, opposite to which we encamped in a smooth level prairie, near a few cottonwood trees; but were obliged to use the dry willow brush for fuel. the river is still very crooked, the bends short and abrupt, and obstructed by so many shoals, over which the canoes were to be dragged, that the men were in the water three fourths of the day. they saw numbers of otter, some beaver, antelopes, ducks, geese, and cranes, but they killed nothing except a single deer. they, however, caught some very fine trout, as they have done for several days past. the weather had been cloudy and cool during the forepart of the day, and at eight o'clock a shower of rain fell. wednesday 14. in order to give time for the boats to reach the forks of jefferson river, captain lewis determined to remain here and obtain all the information he could collect with regard to the country. having nothing to eat but a little flour and parched meal, with the berries of the indians, he sent out drewyer and shields, who borrowed horses from the natives, to hunt for a few hours. about the same time the young warriors set out for the same purpose. there are but few elk or blacktailed deer in this neighbourhood, and as the common red-deer secrete themselves in the bushes when alarmed, they are soon safe from the arrows, which are but feeble weapons against any animals which the huntsmen cannot previously run down with their horses. the chief game of the shoshonees, therefore, is the antelope, which when pursued retreats to the open plains, where the horses have full room for the chase. but such is its extraordinary fleetness and wind that a single horse has no possible chance of outrunning it, or tiring it down; and the hunters are therefore obliged to resort to stratagem. about twenty indians, mounted on fine horses, and armed with bows and arrows, left the camp; in a short time they descried a herd of ten antelopes: they immediately separated into little squads of two or three, and formed a scattered circle round the herd for five or six miles, keeping at a wary distance, so as not to alarm them till they were perfectly inclosed, and usually selecting some commanding eminence as a stand. having gained their positions, a small party rode towards the herd, and with wonderful dexterity the huntsman preserved his seat, and the horse his footing, as he ran at full speed over the hills, and down the steep ravines, and along the borders of the precipices. they were soon outstripped by the antelopes, which on gaining the other extremity of the circle were driven back and pursued by the fresh hunters. they turned and flew, rather than ran in another direction; but there too, they found new enemies. in this way they were alternately pursued backwards and forwards, till at length, notwithstanding the skill of the hunters, they all escaped, and the party after running for two hours returned without having caught any thing, and their horses foaming with sweat. this chase, the greater part of which was seen from the camp, formed a beautiful scene; but to the hunters is exceedingly laborious, and so unproductive, even when they are able to worry the animal down and shoot him, that forty or fifty hunters will sometimes be engaged for half a day without obtaining more than two or three antelopes. soon after they returned, our two huntsmen came in with no better success. captain lewis therefore made a little paste with the flour, and the addition of some berries formed a very palatable repast. having now secured the good will of cameahwait, captain lewis informed him of his wish that he would speak to the warriors and endeavour to engage them to accompany him to the forks of jefferson river, where by this time another chief with a large party of white men were waiting his return: that it would be necessary to take about thirty horses to transport the merchandize; that they should be well rewarded for their trouble; and that when all the party should have reached the shoshonee camp they would remain some time among them, and trade for horses, as well as concert plans for furnishing them in future with regular supplies of merchandize. he readily consented to do so, and after collecting the tribe together he made a long harangue, and in about an hour and a half returned, and told captain lewis that they would be ready to accompany him in the morning. as the early part of the day was cold, and the men stiff and sore from the fatigues of yesterday: we did not set out till seven o'clock. at the distance of a mile we passed a bold stream on the right, which comes from a snowy mountain to the north, and at its entrance is four yards wide, and three feet in depth: we called it track creek: at six miles further we reached another stream which heads in some springs at the foot of the mountains on the left. alter passing a number of bayous and small islands on each side, we encamped about half a mile by land below the rattlesnake cliffs. the river was cold, shallow, and as it approached the mountains formed one continued rapid, over which we were obliged to drag the boats with great labour and difficulty. by using constant exertions we succeeded in making fourteen miles, but this distance did not carry us more than six and a half in a straight line: several of the men have received wounds and lamed themselves in hauling the boats over the stones. the hunters supplied them with five deer and an antelope. thursday 15. captain lewis rose early, and having eaten nothing yesterday except his scanty meal of flour and berries felt the inconveniences of extreme hunger. on inquiry he found that his whole stock of provisions consisted of two pounds of flour. this he ordered to be divided into two equal parts, and one half of it boiled with the berries into a sort of pudding: and after presenting a large share to the chief, he and his three men breakfasted on the remainder. cameahwait was delighted at this new dish; he took a little of the flour in his hand tasted and examined it very narrowly, asking if it was made of roots; captain lewis explained the process of preparing it, and he said it was the best thing he had eaten for a long time. this being finished, captain lewis now endeavoured to hasten the departure of the indians who still hesitated, and seemed reluctant to move, although the chief addressed them twice for the purpose of urging them: on inquiring the reason, cameahwait told him that some foolish person had suggested that he was in league with their enemies the pahkees, and had come only to draw them into ambuscade, but that he himself did not believe it: captain lewis felt uneasy at this insinuation: he knew the suspicious temper of the indians, accustomed from their infancy to regard every stranger as an enemy, and saw that if this suggestion were not instantly checked, it might hazard the total failure of the enterprise. assuming therefore a serious air, he told the chief that he was sorry to find they placed so little confidence in him, but that he pardoned their suspicions because they were ignorant of the character of white men, among whom it was disgraceful to lie or entrap even an enemy by falsehood; that if they continued to think thus meanly of us they might be assured no white men would ever come to supply them with arms and merchandize; that there was at this moment a party of white men waiting to trade with them at the forks of the river; and that if the greater part of the tribe entertained any suspicion, he hoped there were still among them some who were men, who would go and see with their own eyes the truth of what he said, and who, even if there was any danger, were not afraid to die. to doubt the courage of an indian is to touch the tenderest string of his mind, and the surest way to rouse him to any dangerous achievement. cameahwait instantly replied, that he was not afraid to die, and mounting his horse, for the third time harangued the warriors: he told them that he was resolved to go if he went alone, or if he were sure of perishing; that he hoped there were among those who heard him some who were not afraid to die, and who would prove it by mounting their horses and following him. this harangue produced an effect on six or eight only of the warriors, who now joined their chief. with these captain lewis smoked a pipe, and then fearful of some change in their capricious temper set out immediately. it was about twelve o'clock when his small party left the camp, attended by cameahwait and the eight warriors; their departure seemed to spread a gloom over the village; those who would not venture to go were sullen and melancholy, and the woman were crying and imploring the great spirit to protect their warriors as if they were going to certain destruction: yet such is the wavering inconstancy of these savages, that captain lewis's party had not gone far when they were joined by ten or twelve more warriors, and before reaching the creek which they had passed on the morning of the 13th, all the men of the nation and a number of women had overtaken them, and had changed from the surly ill temper in which they were two hours ago, to the greatest cheerfulness and gayety. when they arrived at the spring on the side of the mountain where the party had encamped on the 12th, the chief insisted on halting to let the horses graze; to which captain lewis assented and smoked with them. they are excessively fond of the pipe, in which however they are not able to indulge much as they do not cultivate tobacco themselves, and their rugged country affords them but few articles to exchange for it. here they remained for about an hour, and on setting out, by engaging to pay four of the party, captain lewis obtained permission for himself and each of his men to ride behind an indian; but he soon found riding without stirrup more tiresome than walking, and therefore dismounted, making the indian carry his pack. about sunset they reached the upper part of the level valley in the cove through which he had passed, and which they now called shoshonee cove. the grass being burnt on the north side of the river they crossed over to the south, and encamped about four miles above the narrow pass between the hills noticed as they traversed the cove before. the river was here about six yards wide, and frequently dammed up by the beaver. drewyer had been sent forward to hunt, but he returned in the evening unsuccessful, and their only supper therefore was the remaining pound of flour stirred in a little boiling water and then divided between the four white men and two of the indians. in order not to exhaust the strength of the men, captain clarke did not leave his camp till after breakfast. although, he was scarcely half a mile below the rattlesnake cliffs he was obliged to make a circuit of two miles by water before he reached them. the river now passed between low and rugged mountains and cliffs formed of a mixture of limestone and a hard black rock, with no covering except a few scattered pines. at the distance of four miles is a bold little stream which throws itself from the mountains down a steep precipice of rocks on the left. one mile farther is a second point of rocks, and an island, about a mile beyond which is a creek on the right, ten yards wide and three feet three inches in depth, with a strong current: we called it willard's creek after one of our men, alexander willard. three miles beyond this creek, after passing a high cliff on the right opposite to a steep hill, we reached a small meadow on the left bank of the river. during its passage through these hills to willard's creek the river had been less torturous than usual, so that in the first six miles to willard's creek we had advanced four miles on our route. we continued on for two miles, till we reached in the evening a small bottom covered with clover and a few cottonwood trees: here we passed the night near the remains of some old indian lodges of brush. the river is as it has been for some days shallow and rapid; and our men, who are for hours together in the river, suffer not only from fatigue, but from the extreme coldness of the water, the temperature of which is as low as that of the freshest springs in our country. in walking along the side of the river, captain clarke was very near being bitten twice by rattlesnakes, and the indian woman narrowly escaped the same misfortune. we caught a number of fine trout; but the only game procured to-day was a buck, which had a peculiarly bitter taste, proceeding probably from its favourite food, the willow. friday, 16. as neither our party nor the indians had any thing to eat, captain lewis sent two of his hunters ahead this morning to procure some provision: at the same time he requested cameahwait to prevent his young men from going out, lest by their noise they might alarm the game; but this measure immediately revived their suspicions: it now began to be believed that these men were sent forward in order to apprise the enemy of their coming, and as captain lewis was fearful of exciting any further uneasiness, he made no objection on seeing a small party of indians go on each side of the valley under pretence of hunting, but in reality to watch the movements of our two men: even this precaution however did not quiet the alarms of the indians, a considerable part of whom returned home, leaving only twenty-eight men and three women. after the hunters had been gone about an hour, captain lewis again mounted with one of the indians behind him, and the whole party set out; but just as they passed through the narrows they saw one of the spies coming back at full speed across the plain: the chief stopped and seemed uneasy, the whole band were moved with fresh suspicions, and captain lewis himself was much disconcerted, lest by some unfortunate accident some of their enemies might have perhaps straggled that way. the young indian had scarcely breath to say a few words as he came up, when the whole troop dashed forward as fast as their horses could carry them, and captain lewis astonished at this movement was borne along for nearly a mile before he learnt with great satisfaction that it was all caused by the spy's having come to announce that one of the white men had killed a deer. relieved from his anxiety he now found the jolting very uncomfortable; for the indian behind him being afraid of not getting his share of the feast had lashed the horse at every step since they set off; he therefore reined him in and ordered the indian to stop beating him. the fellow had no idea of losing time in disputing the point, and jumping off the horse ran for a mile at full speed. captain lewis slackened his pace, and followed at a sufficient distance to observe them. when they reached the place where drewyer had thrown out the intestines, they all dismounted in confusion and ran tumbling over each other like famished dogs: each tore away whatever part he could and instantly began to eat it; some had the liver, some the kidneys, in short no part on which we are accustomed to look with disgust escaped them: one of them who had seized about nine feet of the entrails was chewing at one end, while with his hand he was diligently clearing his way by discharging the contents at the other. it was indeed impossible to see these wretches ravenously feeding on the filth of animals, and the blood streaming from their mouths, without deploring how nearly the condition of savages approaches that of the brute creation: yet though suffering with hunger they did not attempt, as they might have done, to take by force the whole deer, but contented themselves with what had been thrown away by the hunter. captain lewis now had the deer skinned, and after reserving a quarter of it gave the rest of the animal to the chief to be divided among the indians, who immediately devoured nearly the whole of it without cooking. they now went forward towards the creek where there was some brushwood to make a fire, and found drewyer who had killed a second deer: the same struggle for the entrails was renewed here, and on giving nearly the whole deer to the indians, they devoured it even to the soft part of the hoofs. a fire being made captain lewis had his breakfast, during which drewyer brought in a third deer: this too, after reserving one quarter, was given to the indians, who now seemed completely satisfied and in good humour. at this place they remained about two hours to let the horses graze, and then continued their journey, and towards evening reached the lower part of the cove having on the way shot an antelope, the greater part of which was given to the indians. as they were now approaching the place where they had been told by captain lewis they would see the white men, the chief insisted on halting: they therefore all dismounted, and cameahwait with great ceremony and as if for ornament, put tippets or skins round the necks of our party, similar to those worn by themselves. as this was obviously intended to disguise the white men, captain lewis in order to inspire them with more confidence put his cocked hat and feather on the head of the chief, and as his own over-shirt was in the indian form, and his skin browned by the sun, he could not have been distinguished from an indian: the men followed his example, and the change seemed to be very agreeable* to the indians. in order to guard however against any disappointment captain lewis again explained the possibility of our not having reached the forks in consequence of the difficulty of the navigation, so that if they should not find us at that spot they might be assured of our not being far below. they again all mounted their horses and rode on rapidly, making one of the indians carry their flag, so that we might recognise them as they approached us; but to the mortification and disappointment of both parties on coming within two miles of the forks, no canoes were to be seen. uneasy lest at this moment he should be abandoned, and all his hopes of obtaining aid from the indians be destroyed, captain lewis gave the chief his gun, telling him that if the enemies of his nation were in the bushes he might defend himself with it; that for his own part he was not afraid to die, and that the chief might shoot him as soon as they discovered themselves betrayed. the other three men at the same time gave their guns to the indians, who now seemed more easy, but still wavered in their resolutions. as they went on towards the point, captain lewis perceiving how critical his situation had become, resolved to attempt a stratagem which his present difficulty seemed completely to justify. recollecting the notes he had left at the point for us, he sent drewyer for them with an indian who witnessed his taking them from the pole. when they were brought, captain lewis told cameahwait that on leaving his brother chief at the place where the river issues from the mountains, it was agreed that the boats should not be brought higher than the next forks we should meet; but that if the rapid water prevented the boats from coming on as fast as they expected, his brother chief was to send a note to the first forks above him to let him know where the boats were; that this note had been left this morning at the forks, and mentioned that the canoes were just below the mountains, and coming slowly up in consequence of the current. captain lewis added, that he would stay at the forks for his brother chief, but would send a man down the river, and that if cameahwait doubted what he said, one of their young men would go with him whilst he and the other two remained at the forks. this story satisfied the chief and the greater part of the indians, but a few did not conceal their suspicion, observing that we told different stories, and complaining that the chief exposed them to danger by a mistaken confidence. captain lewis now wrote by the light of some willow brush a note to captain clarke, which he gave to drewyer, with an order to use all possible expedition in ascending the river, and engaged an indian to accompany him by a promise of a knife and some beads. at bedtime the chief and five others slept round the fire of captain lewis, and the rest hid themselves in different parts of the willow brush to avoid the enemy, who they feared would attack them in the night. captain lewis endeavoured to assume a cheerfulness he did not feel to prevent the despondency of the savages: after conversing gayly with them he retired to his musquitoe bier, by the side of which the chief now placed himself: he lay down, yet slept but little, being in fact scarcely less uneasy than his indian companions. he was apprehensive that finding the ascent of the river impracticable, captain clarke might have stopped below the rattlesnake bluff, and the messenger would not meet him. the consequence of disappointing the indians at this moment would most probably be, that they would retire and secrete themselves in the mountains, so as to prevent our having an opportunity of recovering their confidence: they would also spread a panic through all the neighbouring indians, and cut us off from the supply of horses so useful and almost so essential to our success: he was at the same time consoled by remembering that his hopes of assistance rested on better foundations than their generosity--their avarice, and their curiosity. he had promised liberal exchanges for their horses; but what was still move seductive, he had told them that one of their country-women who had been taken with the minnetarees accompanied the party below; and one of the men had spread the report of our having with us a man perfectly black, whose hair was short and curled. this last account had excited a great degree of curiosity, and they seemed more desirous of seeing this monster than of obtaining the most favourable barter for their horses. in the meantime we had set out after breakfast, and although we proceeded with more ease than we did yesterday, the river was still so rapid and shallow as to oblige us to drag the large canoes during the greater part of the day. for the first seven miles the river formed a bend to the right so as to make our advance only three miles in a straight line; the stream is crooked, narrow, small, and shallow, with highlands occasionally on the banks, and strewed with islands, four of which are opposite to each other. near this place we left the valley, to which we gave the name of serviceberry valley, from the abundance of that fruit now ripe which is found in it. in the course of the four following miles we passed several more islands and bayous on each side of the river, and reached a high cliff on the right. two and a half miles beyond this the cliffs approach on both sides and form a very considerable rapid near the entrance of a bold running stream on the left. the water was now excessively cold, and the rapids had been frequent and troublesome. on ascending an eminence captain clarke saw the forks of the river and sent the hunters up. they must have left it only a short time before captain lewis's arrival, but fortunately had not seen the note which enabled him to induce the indians to stay with him. from the top of this eminence he could discover only three trees through the whole country, nor was there along the sides of the cliffs they had passed in the course of the day, any timber except a few small pines: the low grounds were supplied with willow, currant bushes, and serviceberries. after advancing half a mile further we came to the lower point of an island near the middle of the river, and about the centre of the valley: here we halted for the night, only four miles by land, though ten by water, below the point where captain lewis lay. although we had made only fourteen miles, the labours of the men had fatigued and exhausted them very much: we therefore collected some small willow brush for a fire, and lay down to sleep. chapter xv. affecting interview between the wife of chaboneau and the chief of the shoshonees--council held with that nation, and favourable result--the extreme navigable point of the missouri mentioned--general character of the river and of the country through which it passes--captain clarke in exploring the source of the columbia falls in company with another party of shoshonees--the geographical information acquired from one of that party--their manner of catching fish--the party reach lewis river--the difficulties which captain clarke had to encounter in his route--friendship and hospitality of the shoshonees--the party with captain lewis employed in making saddles, and preparing for the journey. saturday, august 17. captain lewis rose very early and despatched drewyer and the indian down the river in quest of the boats. shields was sent out at the same time to hunt, while m'neal prepared a breakfast out of the remainder of the meat. drewyer had been gone about two hours, and the indians were all anxiously waiting for some news, when an indian who had straggled a short distance down the river, returned with a report that he had seen the white men, who were only a short distance below, and were coming on. the indians were all transported with joy, and the chief in the warmth of his satisfaction renewed his embrace to captain lewis, who was quite as much delighted as the indians themselves; the report proved most agreeably true. on setting out at seven o'clock, captain clarke with chaboneau and his wife walked on shore, but they had not gone more than a mile before captain clarke saw sacajawea, who was with her husband one hundred yards ahead, began to dance, and show every mark of the most extravagant joy, turning round him and pointing to several indians, whom he now saw advancing on horseback, sucking her fingers at the same time to indicate that they were of her native tribe. as they advanced captain clarke discovered among them drewyer dressed like an indian, from whom he learnt the situation of the party. while the boats were performing the circuit, he went towards the forks with the indians, who as they went along, sang aloud with the greatest appearance of delight. we soon drew near to the camp, and just as we approached it a woman made her way through the crowd towards sacajawea, and recognising each other, they embraced with the most tender affection. the meeting of these two young women had in it something peculiarly touching, not only in the ardent manner in which their feelings were expressed, but from the real interest of their situation. they had been companions in childhood, in the war with the minnetarees they had both been taken prisoners in the same battle, they had shared and softened the rigours of their captivity, till one of them had escaped from the minnetarees, with scarce a hope of ever seeing her friend relieved from the hands of her enemies. while sacajawea was renewing among the women the friendships of former days, captain clarke went on, and was received by captain lewis and the chief, who after the first embraces and salutations were over, conducted him to a sort of circular tent or shade of willows. here he was seated on a white robe; and the chief immediately tied in his hair six small shells resembling pearls, an ornament highly valued by these people, who procured them in the course of trade from the seacoast. the moccasins of the whole party were then taken off, and after much ceremony the smoking began. after this the conference was to be opened, and glad of an opportunity of being able to converse more intelligibly, sacajawea was sent for; she came into the tent, sat down, and was beginning to interpret, when in the person of cameahwait she recognised her brother: she instantly jumped up, and ran and embraced him, throwing over him her blanket and weeping profusely; the chief was himself moved, though not in the same degree. after some conversation between them she resumed her seat, and attempted to interpret for us, but her new situation seemed to overpower her, and she was frequently interrupted by her tears. after the council was finished, the unfortunate woman learnt that all her family were dead except two brothers, one of whom was absent, and a son of her eldest sister, a small boy, who was immediately adopted by her. the canoes arriving soon after, we formed a camp in a meadow on the left side, a little below the forks; took out our baggage, and by means of our sails and willow poles formed a canopy for our indian visitors. about four o'clock the chiefs and warriors were collected, and after the customary ceremony of taking off the moccasins and smoking a pipe, we explained to them in a long harangue the purposes of our visit, making themselves one conspicuous object of the good wishes of our government, on whose strength as well as its friendly disposition we expatiated. we told them of their dependance on the will of our government for all future supplies of whatever was necessary either for their comfort or defence; that as we were sent to discover the best route by which merchandize could be conveyed to them, and no trade would be begun before our return, it was mutually advantageous that we should proceed with as little delay as possible; that we were under the necessity of requesting them to furnish us with horses to transport our baggage across the mountains, and a guide to show us the route, but that they should be amply remunerated for their horses, as well as for every other service they should render us. in the meantime our first wish was, that they should immediately collect as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to their village, where, at our leisure we would trade with them for as many horses as they could spare. the speech made a favourable impression: the chief in reply thanked us for our expressions of friendship towards himself and his nation, and declared their willingness to render us every service. he lamented that it would be so long before they should be supplied with firearms, but that till then they could subsist as they had heretofore done. he concluded by saying that there were not horses here sufficient to transport our goods, but that he would return to the village to-morrow, and bring all his own horses, and encourage his people to come over with theirs. the conference being ended to our satisfaction, we now inquired of cameahwait what chiefs were among the party, and he pointed out two of them. we then distributed our presents: to cameahwait we gave a medal of the small size, with the likeness of president jefferson, and on the reverse a figure of hands clasped with a pipe and tomahawk: to this was added an uniform coat, a shirt, a pair of scarlet leggings, a carrot of tobacco, and some small articles. each of the other chiefs received a small medal struck during the presidency of general washington, a shirt, handkerchief, leggings, a knife, and some tobacco. medals of the same sort were also presented to two young warriors, who though not chiefs were promising youths and very much respected in the tribe. these honorary gifts were followed by presents of paint, moccasins, awls, knives, beads and looking-glasses. we also gave them all a plentiful meal of indian corn, of which the hull is taken off by being boiled in lye; and as this was the first they had ever tasted, they were very much pleased with it. they had indeed abundant sources of surprise in all they saw: the appearance of the men, their arms, their clothing, the canoes, the strange looks of the negro, and the sagacity of our dog, all in turn shared their admiration, which was raised to astonishment by a shot from the airgun: this operation was instantly considered as a _great medicine_, by which they as well as the other indians mean something emanating directly from the great spirit, or produced by his invisible and incomprehensible agency. the display of all these riches had been intermixed with inquiries into the geographical situation of their country; for we had learnt by experience, that to keep the savages in good temper their attention should not be wearied with too much business; but that the serious affairs should be enlivened by a mixture of what is new and entertaining. our hunters brought in very seasonably four deer and an antelope, the last of which we gave to the indians, who in a very short time devoured it. after the council was over, we consulted as to our future operations. the game does not promise to last here for a number of days, and this circumstance combined with many others to induce our going on as soon as possible. our indian information as to the state of the columbia is of a very alarming kind, and our first object is of course to ascertain the practicability of descending it, of which the indians discourage our expectations. it was therefore agreed that captain clarke should set off in the morning with eleven men, furnished, besides their arms, with tools for making canoes; that he should take chaboneau and his wife to the camp of the shoshonees, where he was to leave them, in order to hasten the collection of horses; that he was then to lead his men down to the columbia, and if he found it navigable, and the timber in sufficient quantity, begin to build canoes. as soon as he had decided as to the propriety of proceeding down the columbia or across the mountains, he was to send back one of the men with information of it to captain lewis, who by that time would have brought up the whole party, and the rest of the baggage as far as the shoshonee village. preparations were accordingly made this evening for such an arrangement. the sun is excessively hot in the day time, but the nights very cold, and rendered still more unpleasant from the want of any fuel except willow brush. the appearances too of game, for many days' subsistence, are not very favourable. sunday 18. in order to relieve the men of captain clarke's party from the heavy weight of their arms provisions and tools, we exposed a few articles to barter for horses, and soon obtained three very good ones, in exchange for which we gave a uniform coat, a pair of leggings, a few handkerchiefs, three knifes and some other small articles, the whole of which did not in the united states cost more than twenty dollars: a fourth was purchased by the men for an old checkered shirt, a pair of old leggings and a knife. the indians seemed to be quite as well pleased as ourselves at the bargains they had made. we now found that the two inferior chiefs were somewhat displeased at not having received a present equal to that given to the great chief, who appeared in a dress so much finer than their own. to allay their discontent, we bestowed on them two old coats, and promised them that if they were active in assisting us across the mountains they should have an additional present. this treatment completely reconciled them, and the whole indian party, except two men and two women, set out in perfect good humour to return home with captain clarke. after going fifteen miles through a wide level valley with no wood but willows and shrubs, he encamped in the shoshonee cove near a narrow pass where the highlands approach within two hundred yards of each other, and the river is only ten yards wide. the indians went on further, except the three chiefs and two young men, who assisted in eating two deer brought in by the hunters. after their departure every thing was prepared for the transportation of the baggage, which was now exposed to the air and dried. our game was one deer and a beaver, and we saw an abundance of trout in the river for which we fixed a net in the evening. we have now reached the extreme navigable point of the missouri, which our observation places in latitude 43Ⱐ30' 43" north. it is difficult to comprise in any general description the characteristics of a river so extensive, and fed by so many streams which have their sources in a great variety of soils and climates. but the missouri is still sufficiently powerful to give to all its waters something of a common character, which is of course decided by the nature of the country through which it passes. the bed of the river is chiefly composed of a blue mud from which the water itself derives a deep tinge. from its junction here to the place near which it leaves the mountains, its course is embarrassed by rapids and rocks which the hills on each side have thrown into its channel. from that place, its current, with the exception of the falls, is not difficult of navigation, nor is there much variation in its appearance till the mouth of the platte. that powerful river throws out vast quantities of coarse sand which contribute to give a new face to the missouri, which is now much more impeded by islands. the sand, as it is drifted down, adheres in time to some of the projecting points from the shore, and forms a barrier to the mud, which at length fills to the same height with the sandbar itself; as soon as it has acquired a consistency, the willow grows there the first year, and by its roots assists the solidity of the whole: as the mud and sand accumulate the cottonwood tree next appears; till the gradual excretion of soils raises the surface of the point above the highest freshets. thus stopped in its course the water seeks a passage elsewhere, and as the soil on each side is light and yielding, what was only a peninsula, becomes gradually an island, and the river indemnifies itself for the usurpation by encroaching on the adjacent shore. in this way the missouri like the mississippi is constantly cutting off the projections of the shore, and leaving its ancient channel, which is then marked by the mud it has deposited and a few stagnant ponds. the general appearance of the country as it presents itself on ascending may be thus described: from its mouth to the two charletons, a ridge of highlands borders the river at a small distance, leaving between them fine rich meadows. from the mouth of the two charletons the hills recede from the river, giving greater extent to the low grounds, but they again approach the river for a short distance near grand river, and again at snake creek. from that point they retire, nor do they come again to the neighbourhood of the river till above the sauk prairie, where they are comparatively low and small. thence they diverge and reappear at the charaton searty, after which they are scarcely if at all discernible, till they advance to the missouri nearly opposite to the kanzas. the same ridge of hills extends on the south side, in almost one unbroken chain, from the mouth of the missouri to the kanzas, though decreasing in height beyond the osage. as they are nearer the river than the hills on the opposite sides, the intermediate low grounds are of course narrower, but the general character of the soil is common to both sides. in the meadows and along the shore, the tree most common is the cottonwood, which with the willow forms almost the exclusive growth of the missouri. the hills or rather high grounds, for they do not rise higher than from one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet, are composed of a good rich black soil, which is perfectly susceptible of cultivation, though it becomes richer on the hills beyond the platte, and are in general thinly covered with timber. beyond these hills the country extends into high open plains, which are on both sides sufficiently fertile, but the south has the advantage of better streams of water, and may therefore be considered as preferable for settlements. the lands, however, become much better and the timber more abundant between the osage and the kanzas. from the kanzas to the nadawa the hills continue at nearly an equal distance, varying from four to eight miles from each other, except that from the little platte to nearly opposite the ancient kanzas village, the hills are more remote, and the meadows of course wider on the north side of the river. from the nadawa the northern hills disappear, except at occasional intervals, where they are seen at a distance, till they return about twenty-seven miles above the platte near the ancient village of the ayoways. on the south the hills continue close to the river from the ancient village of the kanzas up to council bluff, fifty miles beyond the platte; forming high prairie lands. on both sides the lands are good, and perhaps this distance from the osage to the platte may be recommended as among the best districts on the missouri for the purposes of settlers. from the ayoway village the northern hills again retire from the river, to which they do not return till three hundred and twenty miles above, at floyd's river. the hills on the south also leave the river at council bluffs, and reappear at the mahar village, two hundred miles up the missouri. the country thus abandoned by the hills is more open and the timber in smaller quantities than below the platte, so that although the plain is rich and covered with high grass, the want of wood renders it less calculated for cultivation than below that river. the northern hills after remaining near the missouri for a few miles at floyd's river, recede from it at the sioux river, the course of which they follow; and though they again visit the missouri at whitestone river, where they are low, yet they do not return to it till beyond james river. the highlands on the south, after continuing near the river at the mahar villages, again disappear, and do not approach it till the cobalt bluffs, about forty-four miles from the villages, and then from those bluffs to the yellowstone river, a distance of about one thousand miles, they follow the banks of the river with scarcely any deviation. from the james river, the lower grounds are confined within a narrow space by the hills on both sides, which now continue near each other up to the mountains. the space between them however varies from one to three miles as high as the muscleshell river, from which the hills approach so high as to leave scarcely any low grounds on the river, and near the falls reach the waters edge. beyond the falls the hills are scattered and low to the first range of mountains. the soil during the whole length of the missouri below the platte is generally speaking very fine, and although the timber is scarce, there is still sufficient for the purposes of settlers; but beyond that river, although the soil is still rich, yet the almost total absence of timber, and particularly the want of good water, of which there is but a small quantity in the creeks, and even that brackish, oppose powerful obstacles to its settlement. the difficulty becomes still greater between the muscleshell river and the falls, where besides the greater scarcity of timber, the country itself is less fertile. the elevation of these highlands varies as they pass through this extensive tract of country. from wood river they are about one hundred and fifty feet above the water, and continue at that height till they rise near the osage, from which place to the ancient fortification they again diminish in size. thence they continue higher till the mandan village, after which they are rather lower till the neighbourhood of muscleshell river, where they are met by the northern hills, which have advanced at a more uniform height, varying from one hundred and fifty to two hundred or three hundred feet. from this place to the mountains the height of both is nearly the same, from three hundred to five hundred feet, and the low grounds so narrow that the traveller seems passing through a range of high country. from maria's river to the falls, the hills descend to the height of about two or three hundred feet. monday 19. the morning was cold, and the grass perfectly whitened by the frost. we were engaged in preparing packs and saddles to load the horses as soon as they should arrive. a beaver was caught in a trap, but we were disappointed in trying to catch trout in our net; we therefore made a seine of willow brush, and by hauling it procured a number of fine trout, and a species of mullet which we had not seen before: it is about sixteen inches long, the scales small; the nose long, obtusely pointed, and exceeding the under jaw; the mouth opens with folds at the sides; it has no teeth, and the tongue and palate is smooth. the colour of its back and sides is a bluish brown, while the belly is white: it has the faggot bones, whence we concluded it to be of the mullet species. it is by no means so well flavoured a fish as the trout, which are the same as those we first saw at the falls, larger than the speckled trout of the mountains in the atlantic states, and equally well flavoured. in the evening the hunters returned with two deer. captain clarke, in the meantime, proceeded through a wide level valley, in which the chief pointed out a spot where many of his tribe were killed in battle a year ago. the indians accompanied him during the day, and as they had nothing to eat, he was obliged to feed them from his own stores, the hunters not being able to kill any thing. just as he was entering the mountains, he met an indian with two mules and a spanish saddle, who was so polite as to offer one of them to him to ride over the hills. being on foot, captain clarke accepted his offer and gave him a waistcoat as a reward for his civility. he encamped for the night on a small stream, and the next morning, tuesday, august 20, he set out at six o'clock. in passing through a continuation of the hilly broken country, he met several parties of indians. on coming near the camp, which had been removed since we left them two miles higher up the river, cameahwait requested that the party should halt. this was complied with: a number of indians came out from the camp, and with great ceremony several pipes were smoked. this being over captain clarke was conducted to a large leathern lodge prepared for his party in the middle of the encampment, the indians having only shelters of willow bushes. a few dried berries, and one salmon, the only food the whole village could contribute, were then presented to him; after which he proceeded to repeat in council, what had been already told them, the purposes of his visit; urged them to take their horses over and assist in transporting our baggage, and expressed a wish to obtain a guide to examine the river. this was explained and enforced to the whole village by cameahwait, and an old man was pointed out who was said to know more of their geography to the north than any other person, and whom captain clarke engaged to accompany him. after explaining his views he distributed a few presents, the council was ended, and nearly half the village set out to hunt the antelope, but returned without success. captain clarke in the meantime made particular inquiries as to the situation of the country, and the possibility of soon reaching a navigable water. the chief began by drawing on the ground a delineation of the rivers, from which it appeared that his information was very limited. the river on which the camp is he divided into two branches just above us, which, as he indicated by the opening of the mountains, were in view: he next made it discharge itself into a larger river ten miles below, coming from the southwest: the joint stream continued one day's march to the northwest, and then inclined to the westward for two day's march farther. at that place he placed several heaps of sand on each side, which, as he explained them, represented, vast mountains of rock always covered with snow, in passing through which the river was so completely hemmed in by the high rocks, that there was no possibility of travelling along the shore; that the bed of the river was obstructed by sharp-pointed rocks, and such its rapidity, that as far as the eye could reach it presented a perfect column of foam. the mountains he said were equally inaccessible, as neither man nor horse could cross them; that such being the state of the country neither he nor any of his nation had ever attempted to go beyond the mountains. cameahwait said also that he had been informed by the chopunnish, or pierced-nose indians, who reside on this river west of the mountains, that it ran a great way towards the setting sun, and at length lost itself in a great lake of water which was ill-tasted, and where the white men lived. an indian belonging to a band of shoshonees who live to the southwest, and who happened to be at camp, was then brought in, and inquiries made of him as to the situation of the country in that direction: this he described in terms scarcely less terrible than those in which cameahwait had represented the west. he said that his relations lived at the distance of twenty days' march from this place, on a course a little to the west of south and not far from the whites, with whom they traded for horses, mules, cloth, metal, beads, and the shells here worn as ornaments, and which are those of a species of pearl oyster. in order to reach his country we should be obliged during the first seven days to climb over steep rocky mountains where there was no game, and we should find nothing but roots for subsistence. even for these however we should be obliged to contend with a fierce warlike people, whom he called the broken-moccasin, or moccasin with holes, who lived like bears in holes, and fed on roots and the flesh of such horses as they could steal or plunder from those who passed through the mountains. so rough indeed was the passage, that the feet of the horses would be wounded in such a manner that many of them would be unable to proceed. the next part of the route was for ten days through a dry parched desert of sand, inhabited by no animal which would supply us with subsistence, and as the sun had now scorched up the grass and dried up the small pools of water which are sometimes scattered through this desert in the spring, both ourselves and our horses would perish for want of food and water. about the middle of this plain a large river passes from southeast to northwest, which, though navigable, afforded neither timber nor salmon. three or four days' march beyond this plain his relations lived, in a country tolerably fertile and partially covered with timber, on another large river running in the same direction as the former; that this last discharges itself into a third large river, on which resided many numerous nations, with whom his own were at war, but whether this last emptied itself into the great or stinking lake, as they called the ocean, he did not know: that from his country to the stinking lake was a great distance, and that the route to it, taken by such of his relations as had visited it, was up the river on which they lived, and over to that on which the white people lived, and which they knew discharged itself into the ocean. this route he advised us to take, but added, that we had better defer the journey till spring, when he would himself conduct us. this account persuaded us that the streams of which he spoke were southern branches of the columbia, heading with the rio des apostolos, and rio colorado, and that the route which he mentioned was to the gulf of california: captain clarke therefore told him that this road was too much towards the south for our purpose, and then requested to know if there was no route on the left of the river where we now are, by which we might intercept it below the mountains; but he knew of none except that through the barren plains, which he said joined the mountains on that side, and through which it was impossible to pass at this season, even if we were fortunate enough to escape the broken-moccasin indians. captain clarke recompensed the indian by a present of a knife, with which he seemed much gratified, and now inquired of cameahwait by what route the pierced-nose indians, who he said lived west of the mountains, crossed over to the missouri: this he said was towards the north, but that the road was a very bad one; that during the passage he had been told they suffered excessively from hunger, being obliged to subsist for many days on berries alone, there being no game in that part of the mountains, which were broken and rocky, and so thickly covered with timber that they could scarcely pass. surrounded by difficulties as all the other routes are, this seems to be the most practicable of all the passages by land, since, if the indians can pass the mountains with their women and children, no difficulties which they could encounter could be formidable to us; and if the indians below the mountains are so numerous as they are represented to be, they must have some means of subsistence equally within our power. they tell us indeed that the nations to the westward subsist principally on fish and roots, and that their only game were a few elk, deer, and antelope, there being no buffaloe west of the mountain. the first inquiry however was to ascertain the truth of their information relative to the difficulty of descending the river: for this purpose captain clarke set out at three o'clock in the afternoon, accompanied by the guide and all his men, except one whom he left with orders to purchase a horse and join him as soon as possible. at the distance of four miles he crossed the river, and eight miles from the camp halted for the night at a small stream. the road which he followed was a beaten path through a wide rich meadow, in which were several old lodges. on the route he met a number of men, women, and children, as well as horses, and one of the men who appeared to possess some consideration turned back with him, and observing a woman with three salmon obtained them from her, and presented them to the party. captain clarke shot a mountain cock or cock of the plains, a dark brown bird larger than the dunghill fowl, with a long and pointed tail, and a fleshy protuberance about the base of the upper chop, something like that of the turkey, though without the snout. in the morning, wednesday 21, he resumed his march early, and at the distance of five miles reached an indian lodge of brush, inhabited by seven families of shoshonees. they behaved with great civility, gave the whole party as much boiled salmon as they could eat, and added as a present several dried salmon and a considerable quantity of chokecherries. after smoking with them all he visited the fish weir, which was about two hundred yards distant; the river was here divided by three small islands, which occasioned the water to pass along four channels. of these three were narrow, and stopped by means of trees which were stretched across, and supported by willow stakes, sufficiently near each other to prevent the passage of the fish. about the centre of each was placed a basket formed of willows, eighteen or twenty feet in length, of a cylindrical form, and terminating in a conic shape at its lower extremity; this was situated with its mouth upwards, opposite to an aperture in the weir. the main channel of the water was then conducted to this weir, and as the fish entered it they were so entangled with each other that they could not move, and were taken out by untying the small end of the willow basket. the weir in the main channel was formed in a manner somewhat different; there were in fact two distinct weirs formed of poles and willow sticks quite across the river, approaching each other obliquely with an aperture in each side near the angle. this is made by tying a number of poles together at the top, in parcels of three, which were then set up in a triangular form at the base, two of the poles being in the range desired for the weir, and the third down the stream. to these poles two ranges of other poles are next lashed horizontally, with willow bark and wythes, and willow sticks joined in with these crosswise, so as to form a kind of wicker-work from the bottom of the river to the height of three or four feet above the surface of the water. this is so thick as to prevent the fish from passing, and even in some parts with the help of a little gravel and some stone enables them to give any direction which they wish to the water. these two weirs being placed near to each other, one for the purpose of catching the fish as they ascend, the other as they go down the river, is provided with two baskets made in the form already described, and which are placed at the apertures of the weir. after examining these curious objects, he returned to the lodges, and soon passed the river to the left, where an indian brought him a tomahawk which he said he had found in the grass, near the lodge where captain lewis had staid on his first visit to the village. this was a tomahawk which had been missed at the time, and supposed to be stolen; it was however the only article which had been lost in our intercourse with the nation, and as even that was returned the inference is highly honourable to the integrity of the shoshonees. on leaving the lodges captain clarke crossed to the left side of the river, and despatched five men to the forks of it, in search of the man left behind yesterday, who procured a horse and passed by another road as they learnt, to the forks. at the distance of fourteen miles they killed a very large salmon, two and a half feet long, in a creek six miles below the forks: and after travelling about twenty miles through the valley, following the course of the river, which runs nearly northwest, halted in a small meadow on the right side, under a cliff of rocks. here they were joined by the five men who had gone in quest of crusatte. they had been to the forks of the river, where the natives resort in great numbers for the purpose of gigging fish, of which they made our men a present of five fresh salmon. in addition to this food, one deer was killed to-day. the western branch of this river is much larger than the eastern, and after we passed the junction we found the river about one hundred yards in width, rapid and shoaly, but containing only a small quantity of timber. as captain lewis was the first white man who visited its waters, captain clarke gave it the name of lewis's river. the low grounds through which he had passed to-day were rich and wide, but at his camp this evening the hills begin to assume a formidable aspect. the cliff under which he lay is of a reddish brown colour, the rocks which have fallen from it are a dark brown flintstone. near the place are gullies of white sandstone, and quantities of a fine sand, of a snowy whiteness: the mountains on each side are high and rugged, with some pine trees scattered over them. thursday 22. he soon began to perceive that the indian accounts had not exaggerated: at the distance of a mile he passed a small creek, and the points of four mountains, which were rocky, and so high that it seemed almost impossible to cross them with horses. the road lay over the sharp fragments of rocks which had fallen from the mountains, and were strewed in heaps for miles together, yet the horses altogether unshod, travelled across them as fast as the men, and without detaining them a moment. they passed two bold-running streams, and reached the entrance of a small river, where a few indian families resided. they had not been previously acquainted with the arrival of the whites, the guide was behind, and the wood so thick that we came upon them unobserved, till at a very short distance. as soon as they saw us, the women and children fled in great consternation; the men offered us every thing they had, the fish on the scaffolds, the dried berries and the collars of elk's tushes worn by the children. we took only a small quantity of the food, and gave them in return some small articles which conduced very much to pacify them. the guide now coming up, explained to them who we were, and the object of our visit, which seemed to relieve the fears, but still a number of the women and children did not recover from their fright, but cryed during our stay, which lasted about an hour. the guide, whom we found a very intelligent friendly old man, informed us that up this river there was a road which led over the mountains to the missouri. on resuming his route, he went along the steep side of a mountain about three miles, and then reached the river near a small island, at the lower part of which he encamped; he here attempted to gig some fish, but could only obtain one small salmon. the river is here shoal and rapid, with many rocks scattered in various directions through its bed. on the sides of the mountains are some scattered pines, and of those on the left the tops are covered with them; there are however but few in the low grounds through which they passed, indeed they have seen only a single tree fit to make a canoe, and even that was small. the country has an abundant growth of berries, and we met several women and children gathering them who bestowed them upon us with great liberality. among the woods captain clarke observed a species of woodpecker, the beak and tail of which were white, the wings black, and every other part of the body of a dark brown; its size was that of the robin, and it fed on the seeds of the pine. friday 23. captain clarke set off very early, but as his route lay along the steep side of a mountain, over irregular and broken masses of rocks, which wounded the horses' feet, he was obliged to proceed slowly. at the distance of four miles he reached the river, but the rocks here became so steep, and projected so far into the river, that there was no mode of passing, except through the water. this he did for some distance, though the river was very rapid, and so deep that they were forced to swim their horses. after following the edge of the water for about a mile under this steep cliff, he reached a small meadow, below which the whole current of the river beat against the right shore on which he was, and which was formed of a solid rock perfectly inaccessible to horses. here too, the little track which he had been pursuing terminated. he therefore resolved to leave the horses and the greater part of the men at this place, and examine the river still further, in order to determine if there were any possibility of descending it in canoes. having killed nothing except a single goose to-day, and the whole of our provision being consumed last evening, it was by no means advisable to remain any length of time where they were. he now directed the men to fish and hunt at this place till his return, and then with his guide and three men he proceeded, clambering over immense rocks, and along the side of lofty precipices which bordered the river, when at about twelve miles distance he reached a small meadow, the first he had seen on the river since he left his party. a little below this meadow, a large creek twelve yards wide, and of some depth, discharges itself from the north. here were some recent signs of an indian encampment, and the tracks of a number of horses, who must have come along a plain indian path, which he now saw following the course of the creek. this stream his guide said led towards a large river running to the north, and was frequented by another nation for the purpose of catching fish. he remained here two hours, and having taken some small fish, made a dinner on them with the addition of a few berries. from the place where he had left the party, to the mouth of this creek, it presents one continued rapid, in which are five shoals, neither of which could be passed with loaded canoes; and the baggage must therefore be transported for a considerable distance over the steep mountains, where it would be impossible to employ horses for the relief of the men. even the empty canoes must be let down the rapids by means of cords, and not even in that way without great risk both to the canoes as well as to the men. at one of these shoals, indeed the rocks rise so perpendicularly from the water as to leave no hope of a passage or even a portage without great labour in removing rocks, and in some instances cutting away the earth. to surmount these difficulties would exhaust the strength of the party, and what is equally discouraging would waste our time and consume our provisions, of neither of which have we much to spare. the season is now far advanced, and the indians tell us we shall shortly have snow: the salmon too have so far declined that the natives themselves are hastening from the country, and not an animal of any kind larger than a pheasant or a squirrel, and of even these a few only will then be seen in this part of the mountains: after which we shall be obliged to rely on our own stock of provisions, which will not support us more than ten days. these circumstances combine to render a passage by water impracticable in our present situation. to descend the course of the river on horseback is the other alternative, and scarcely a more inviting one. the river is so deep that there are only a few places where it can be forded, and the rocks approach so near the water as to render it impossible to make a route along the waters' edge. in crossing the mountains themselves we should have to encounter, besides their steepness, one barren surface of broken masses of rock, down which in certain seasons the torrents sweep vast quantities of stone into the river. these rocks are of a whitish brown, and towards the base of a gray colour, and so hard, that on striking them with steel, they yield a fire like flint. this sombre appearance is in some places scarcely relieved by a single tree, though near the river and on the creeks there is more timber, among which are some tall pine: several of these might be made into canoes, and by lashing two of them together, one of tolerable size might be formed. after dinner he continued his route, and at the distance of half a mile passed another creek about five yards wide. here his guide informed him that by ascending the creek for some distance he would have a better road, and cut off a considerable bend of the river towards the south. he therefore pursued a well-beaten indian track up this creek for about six miles, when leaving the creek to the right he passed over a ridge, and after walking a mile again met the river, where it flows through a meadow of about eighty acres in extent. this they passed and then ascended a high and steep point of a mountain, from which the guide now pointed out where the river broke through the mountains about twenty miles distant. near the base of the mountains a small river falls in from the south: this view was terminated by one of the loftiest mountains captain clarke had ever seen, which was perfectly covered with snow. towards this formidable barrier the river went directly on, and there it was, as the guide observed, that the difficulties and dangers of which he and cameahwait had spoken commenced. after reaching the mountain, he said, the river continues its course towards the north for many miles, between high perpendicular rocks, which were scattered through its bed: it then penetrated the mountain through a narrow gap, on each side of which arose perpendicularly a rock as high as the top of the mountain before them; that the river then made a bend which concealed its future course from view, and as it was alike impossible to descend the river or clamber over that vast mountain, eternally covered with snow, neither he nor any of his nation had ever been lower than at a place where they could see the gap made by the river on entering the mountain. to that place he said he would conduct captain clarke if he desired it by the next evening. but he was in need of no further evidence to convince him of the utter impracticability of the route before him. he had already witnessed the difficulties of part of the road, yet after all these dangers his guide, whose intelligence and fidelity he could not doubt, now assured him that the difficulties were only commencing, and what he saw before him too clearly convinced him of the indian's veracity. he therefore determined to abandon this route, and returned to the upper part of the last creek we had passed, and reaching it an hour after dark encamped for the night: on this creek he had seen in the morning an indian road coming in from the north. disappointed in finding a route by water, captain clarke now questioned his guide more particularly as to the direction of this road which he seemed to understand perfectly. he drew a map on the sand, and represented this road as well as that we passed yesterday on berry creek as both leading towards two forks of the same great river, where resided a nation called tushepaws, who having no salmon on their river, came by these roads to the fish weirs on lewis's river. he had himself been among these tushepaws, and having once accompanied them on a fishing party to another river he had there seen indians who had come across the rocky mountains. after a great deal of conversation, or rather signs, and a second and more particular map from his guide, captain clarke felt persuaded that his guide knew of a road from the shoshonee village they had left, to the great river to the north, without coming so low down as this on a route impracticable for horses. he was desirous of hastening his return, and therefore set out early, saturday 24, and after descending the creek to the river, stopped to breakfast on berries in the meadow above the second creek. he then went on, but unfortunately fell from a rock and injured his leg very much; he however walked on as rapidly as he could, and at four in the afternoon rejoined his men. during his absence they had killed one of the mountain cocks, a few pheasants, and some small fish, on which with haws and serviceberries they had subsisted. captain clarke immediately sent forward a man on horseback with a note to captain lewis, apprising him of the result of his inquiries, and late in the afternoon set out with the rest of the party and encamped at the distance of two miles. the men were much disheartened at the bad prospect of escaping from the mountains, and having nothing to eat but a few berries which have made several of them sick, they all passed a disagreeable night, which was rendered more uncomfortable by a heavy dew. sunday 25. the want of provisions urged captain clarke to return as soon as possible; he therefore set out early, and halted an hour in passing the indian camp near the fish weirs. these people treated them with great kindness, and though poor and dirty they willingly give what little they possess; they gave the whole party boiled salmon and dried berries, which were not however in sufficient quantities to appease their hunger. they soon resumed their old road, but as the abstinence or strange diet had given one of the men a very severe illness, they were detained very much on his account, and it was not till late in the day they reached the cliff under which they had encamped on the twenty-first. they immediately began to fish and hunt, in order to procure a meal. we caught several small fish, and by means of our guide, obtained two salmon from a small party of women and children, who, with one man, were going below to gather berries. this supplied us with about half a meal, but after dark we were regaled with a beaver which one of the hunters brought in. the other game seen in the course of the day were one deer, and a party of elk among the pines on the sides of the mountains. monday 26. the morning was fine, and three men were despatched ahead to hunt, while the rest were detained until nine o'clock, in order to retake some horses which had strayed away during the night. they then proceeded along the route by the forks of the river, till they reached the lower indian camp where they first were when we met them. the whole camp immediately flocked around him with great appearance of cordiality, but all the spare food of the village did not amount to more than two salmon, which they gave to captain clarke, who distributed them among his men. the hunters had not been able to kill any thing, nor had captain clarke or the greater part of the men any food during the twenty-four hours, till towards evening one of them shot a salmon in the river, and a few small fish were caught, which furnished them with a scanty meal. the only animals they had seen were a few pigeons, some very wild hares, a great number of the large black grasshopper, and a quantify of ground lizards. tuesday 27. the men, who were engaged last night in mending their moccasins, all except one, went out hunting, but no game was to be procured. one of the men however killed a small salmon, and the indians made a present of another, on which the whole party made a very slight breakfast. these indians, to whom this life is familiar, seem contented, although they depend for subsistence on the scanty productions of the fishery. but our men who are used to hardships, but have been accustomed to have the first wants of nature regularly supplied, feel very sensibly their wretched situation; their strength is wasting away; they begin to express their apprehensions of being without food in a country perfectly destitute of any means of supporting life, except a few fish. in the course of the day an indian brought into the camp five salmon, two of which captain clarke bought, and made a supper for the party. wednesday 28. there was a frost again this morning. the indians gave the party two salmon out of several which they caught in their traps, and having purchased two more, the party was enabled to subsist on them during the day. a camp of about forty indians from the west fork passed us to-day, on their route to the eastward. our prospect of provisions is getting worse every day: the hunters who had ranged through the country in every direction where game might be reasonably expected, have seen nothing. the fishery is scarcely more productive, for an indian who was out all day with his gig killed only one salmon. besides the four fish procured from the indians, captain clarke obtained some fishroe in exchange for three small fish-hooks, the use of which he taught them, and which they very readily comprehended. all the men who are not engaged in hunting, are occupied in making pack-saddles for the horses which captain lewis informed us he had bought. august 20. two hunters were despatched early in the morning, but they returned without killing any thing, and the only game we procured was a beaver, who was caught last night in a trap which he carried off two miles before he was found. the fur of this animal is as good as any we have ever seen, nor does it in fact appear to be ever out of season on the upper branches of the missouri. this beaver, with several dozen of fine trout, gave us a plentiful subsistence for the day. the party were occupied chiefly in making pack-saddles, in the manufacture of which we supply the place of nails and boards, by substituting for the first thongs of raw hide, which answer very well; and for boards we use the handles of our oars, and the plank of some boxes, the contents of which we empty into sacks of raw hides made for the purpose. the indians who visit us behave with the greatest decorum, and the women are busily engaged in making and mending the moccasins of the party. as we had still some superfluous baggage which would be too heavy to carry across the mountains, it became necessary to make a cache or deposit. for this purpose we selected a spot on the bank of the river, three quarters of a mile below the camp, and three men were set to dig it, with a sentinel in the neighbourhood, who was ordered if the natives were to straggle that way, to fire a signal for the workmen to desist and separate. towards evening the cache was completed without being perceived by the indians, and the packages prepared for deposit. chapter xvi. contest between drewyer and a shoshonee--the fidelity and honour of that tribe--the party set out on their journey--the conduct of cameahwait reproved, and himself reconciled--the easy parturition of the shoshonee women--history of this nation--their terror of the pawkees--their government and family economy in their treatment of their women--their complaints of spanish treachery--description of their weapons of warfare--their curious mode of making a shield--the caparison of their horses--the dress of the men and of the women particularly described--their mode of acquiring new names. wednesday, august 21. the weather was very cold; the water which stood in the vessels exposed to the air being covered with ice a quarter of an inch thick: the ink freezes in the pen, and the low grounds are perfectly whitened with frost: after this the day proved excessively warm. the party were engaged in their usual occupations, and completed twenty saddles with the necessary harness, all prepared to set off as soon as the indians should arrive. our two hunters who were despatched early in the morning have not returned, so that we were obliged to encroach on our pork and corn, which we consider as the last resource when our casual supplies of game fail. after dark we carried our baggage to the cache, and deposited what we thought too cumbrous to carry with us: a small assortment of medicines, and all the specimens of plants, seeds, and minerals, collected since leaving the falls of the missouri. late at night drewyer, one of the hunters, returned with a fawn and a considerable quantity of indian plunder, which he had taken by way of reprisal. while hunting this morning in the shoshonee cove, he came suddenly upon an indian camp, at which were an old man, a young one, three women, and a boy: they showed no surprise at the sight of him and he therefore rode up to them, and after turning his horse loose to graze sat down and began to converse with them by signs. they had just finished a repast on some roots, and in about twenty minutes one of the women spoke to the rest of the party, who immediately went out, collected their horses and began to saddle them. having rested himself, drewyer thought that he would continue his hunt, and rising went to catch his horse who was at a short distance, forgetting at the moment to take up his rifle. he had scarcely gone more than fifty paces when the indians mounted their horses, the young man snatched up the rifle, and leaving all their baggage, whipt their horses, and set off at full speed towards the passes of the mountains: drewyer instantly jumped on his horse and pursued them. after running about ten miles the horses of the women nearly gave out, and the women finding drewyer gain on them raised dreadful cries, which induced the young man to slacken his pace, and being mounted on a very fleet horse rode round them at a short distance. drewyer now came up with the women, and by signs persuaded them that he did not mean to hurt them: they then stopped, and as the young man came towards them drewyer asked him for his rifle, but the only part of the answer which he understood was pahkee, the name by which they call their enemies, the minnetarees of fort de prairie. while they were thus engaged in talking, drewyer watched his opportunity, and seeing the indian off his guard, galloped up to him and seized his rifle: the indian struggled for some time, but finding drewyer getting too strong for him, had the presence of mind to open the pan and let the priming fall out; he then let go his hold, and giving his horse the whip escaped at full speed, leaving the women to the mercy of the conqueror. drewyer then returned to where he had first seen them, where he found that their baggage had been left behind, and brought it to camp with him. thursday, 22. this morning early two men were sent to complete the covering of the cache, which could not be so perfectly done during the night as to elude the search of the indians. on examining the spoils which drewyer had obtained, they were found to consist of several dressed and undressed skins; two bags wove with the bark of the silk grass, each containing a bushel of dried serviceberries, and about the same quantity of roots; an instrument made of bone for manufacturing the flints into heads for arrows; and a number of flints themselves: these were much of the same colour and nearly as transparent as common black glass, and when cut detached itself into flakes, leaving a very sharp edge. the roots were of three kinds, and folded separate from each in hides of buffaloe made into parchment. the first is a fusiform root six inches long, and about the size of a man's finger at the largest end, with radicles larger than is usual in roots of the fusiform sort: the rind is white and thin, the body is also white, mealy, and easily reducible, by pounding, to a substance resembling flour, like which it thickens by boiling, and is of an agreeable flavour: it is eaten frequently in its raw state either green or dried. the second species was much mutilated, but appeared to be fibrous; it is of a cylindrical form about the size of a small quill, hard and brittle. a part of the rind which had not been detached in the preparation was hard and black, but the rest of the root was perfectly white; this the indiana informed us was always boiled before eating; and on making the experiment we found that it became perfectly soft, but had a bitter taste, which was nauseous to our taste, but which the indians seemed to relish; for on giving the roots to them they were very heartily swallowed. the third species was a small nut about the size of a nutmeg, of an irregularly rounded form, something like the smallest of the jerusalem artichokes, which, on boiling, we found them to resemble also in flavour, and is certainly the best root we have seen in use among the indians. on inquiring of the indians from what plant these roots were procured, they informed us that none of them grew near this place. the men were chiefly employed in dressing the skins belonging to the party who accompanied captain clarke. about eleven o'clock chaboneau and his wife returned with cameahwait, accompanied by about fifty men with their women and children. after they had encamped near us and turned loose their horses, we called a council of all the chiefs and warriors and addressed them in a speech; additional presents were then distributed, particularly to the two second chiefs, who had agreeably to their promises exerted themselves in our favour. the council was then adjourned, and all the indians were treated with an abundant meal of boiled indian corn and beans. the poor wretches, who had no animal food and scarcely any thing but a few fish, had been almost starved, and received this new luxury with great thankfulness. out of compliment to the chief we gave him a few dried squashes which we had brought from the mandans, and he declared it was the best food he had ever tasted except sugar, a small lump of which he had received from his sister: he now declared how happy they should all be to live in a country which produced so many good things, and we told him that it would not be long before the white men would put it in their power to live below the mountains, where they might themselves cultivate all these kinds of food instead of wandering in the mountains. he appeared to be much pleased with this information, and the whole party being now in excellent temper after their repast, we began our purchase of horses. we soon obtained five very good ones on very reasonable terms; that is, by giving for each merchandise which cost us originally about six dollars. we have again to admire the perfect decency and propriety of their conduct; for although so numerous, they do not attempt to crowd round our camp or take any thing which they see lying about, and whenever they borrow knives or kettles or any other article from the men, they return them with great fidelity. towards evening we formed a drag of bushes, and in about two hours caught five hundred and twenty-eight very good fish most of them large trout. among them we observed for the first time ten or twelve trout of a white or silvery colour, except on the back and head where they are of a bluish cast: in appearance and shape they resemble exactly the speckled trout, except that they are not quite so large, though the scales are much larger, and the flavour equally good. the greater part of the fish was distributed among the indians. friday 28. our visitors seem to depend wholly on us for food, and as the state of our provisions obliges us to be careful of our remaining stock of corn and flour, this was an additional reason for urging our departure; but cameahwait requested us to wait till the arrival of another party of his nation who were expected to-day. knowing that it would be in vain to oppose his wish, we consented, and two hunters were sent out with orders to go further up the southeast fork than they had hitherto been. at the same time the chief was informed of the low state of our provisions, and advised to send out his young men to hunt. this he recommended them to do, and most of them set out: we then sunk our canoes by means of stones to the bottom of the river, a situation which better than any other secured them against the effects of the high waters, and the frequent fires of the plains; the indians having promised not to disturb them during our absence, a promise we believe the more readily, as they are almost too lazy to take the trouble of raising them for fire-wood. we were desirous of purchasing some more horses, but they declined selling any until we reached their camp in the mountains. soon after starting the indian hunters discovered a mule buck, and twelve of their horsemen pursued it, for four miles. we saw the chase, which was very entertaining, and at length they rode it down and killed it. this mule buck was the largest deer of any kind we have seen, being nearly as large as a doe elk. besides this they brought in another deer and three goats; but instead of a general distribution of the meat, and such as we have hitherto seen among all tribes of indians, we observed that some families had a large share, while others received none. on inquiring of cameahwait the reason of this custom, he said that meat among them was scarce; that each hunter reserved what he killed for the use of himself and his own family, none of the rest having any claim on what he chose to keep. our hunters returned soon after with two mule deer and three common deer, three of which we distributed among the families who had received none of the game of their own hunters. about three o'clock the expected party consisting of fifty men, women and children arrived. we now learnt that most of the indians were on their way down the valley towards the buffaloe country, and some anxiety to accompany them appeared to prevail among those who had promised to assist us in crossing the mountains. we ourselves were not without some apprehension that they might leave us, but as they continued to say that they would return with us nothing was said upon the subject. we were, however, resolved to move early in the morning; and therefore despatched two men to hunt in the cove and leave the game on the route we should pass to-morrow. saturday 24. as the indians who arrived yesterday had a number of spare horses, we thought it probable they might be willing to dispose of them, and desired the chief to speak to them for that purpose. they declined giving any positive answer, but requested to see the goods which we proposed to exchange. we then produced some battle-axes which we had made at fort mandan, and a quantity of knives; with both of which they appeared very much pleased; and we were soon able to purchase three horses by giving for each an axe, a knife, a hankerchief and a little paint. to this we were obliged to add a second knife, a shirt, a handkerchief and a pair of leggings; and such is the estimation in which those animals are held, that even at this price, which was double that for a horse, the fellow who sold him took upon himself great merit in having given away a mule to us. they now said that they had no more horses for sale, and as we had now nine of our own, two hired horses, and a mule, we began loading them as heavily as was prudent, and placing the rest on the shoulders of the indian women, left our camp at twelve o'clock. we were all on foot, except sacajawea, for whom her husband had purchased a horse with some articles which we gave him for that purpose; an indian however had the politeness to offer captain lewis one of his horses to ride, which he accepted in order better to direct the march of the party. we crossed the river below the forks, directing our course towards the cove by the route already passed, and had just reached the lower part of the cove when an indian rode up to captain lewis to inform him that one of his men was very sick, and unable to come on. the party was immediately halted at a run which falls into the creek on the left, and captain lewis rode back two miles, and found wiser severely afflicted with the colic: by giving him some of the essence of peppermint and laudanum, he recovered sufficiently to ride the horse of captain lewis, who then rejoined the party on foot. when he arrived he found that the indians who had been impatiently expecting his return, at last unloaded their horses and turned them loose, and had now made their camp for the night. it would have been fruitless to remonstrate, and not prudent to excite any irritation, and therefore, although the sun was still high, and we had made only six miles, we thought it best to remain with them: after we had encamped there fell a slight shower of rain. one of the men caught several fine trout; but drewyer had been sent out to hunt without having killed any thing. we therefore gave a little corn to those of the indians who were actually engaged in carrying our baggage, and who had absolutely nothing to eat. we also advised cameahwait, as we could not supply all his people with provisions, to recommend to all who were not assisting us, to go on before us to their camp. this he did: but in the morning, sunday 25, a few only followed his advice, the rest accompanying us at some distance on each side. we set out at sunrise and after going seventeen miles halted for dinner within two miles of the narrow pass in the mountains. the indians who were on the sides of our party had started some antelopes, but were obliged after a pursuit of several hours to abandon the chase: our hunters had in the meantime brought in three deer, the greater part of which was distributed among the indians. whilst at dinner we learnt by means of sacajawea, that the young men who left us this morning, carried a request from the chief, that the village would break up its encampment and meet this party to-morrow, when they would all go down the missouri into the buffaloe country. alarmed at this new caprice of the indians which, if not counteracted, threatened to leave ourselves and our baggage on the mountains, or even if we reached the waters of the columbia, prevent our obtaining horses to go on further, captain lewis immediately called the three chiefs together. after smoking a pipe he asked them if they were men of their words, and if we can rely on their promises. they readily answered in the affirmative. he then asked, if they had not agreed to assist us in carrying our baggage over the mountains. to this they also answered yes; and why then, said he, have you requested your people to meet us to-morrow, where it will be impossible for us to trade for horses, as you promised we should. if, he continued, you had not promised to help us in transporting our goods over the mountains, we should not have attempted it, but have returned down the river, after which no white men would ever have come into your country. if you wish the whites to be your friends, and to bring you arms and protect you from your enemies, you should never promise what you do not mean to perform: when i first met you, you doubted what i said, yet you afterwards saw that i told you the truth. how therefore can you doubt what i now tell you; you see that i have divided amongst you the meat which my hunters kill, and i promise to give all who assist us a share of whatever we have to eat. if therefore you intend to keep your promise, send one of the young men immediately to order the people to remain at the village till we arrive. the two inferior chiefs then said, that they had wished to keep their words and to assist us; that they had not sent for the people, but on the contrary had disapproved of the measure which was done wholly by the first chief. cameahwait remained silent for some time: at last he said that he knew he had done wrong, but that seeing his people all in want of provisions, he had wished to hasten their departure for the country where their wants might be supplied. he however now declared, that having passed his word he would never violate it, and counter orders were immediately sent to the village by a young man, to whom we gave a handkerchief in order to ensure despatch and fidelity. this difficulty being now adjusted, our march was resumed with an unusual degree of alacrity on the part of the indians. we passed a spot, where six years ago the shoshonees* suffered a very severe defeat from the minnetarees; and late in the evening we reached the upper part of the cove where the creek enters the mountains. the part of the cove on the northeast side of the creek has lately been burnt, most probably as a signal on some occasion. here we were joined by our hunters with a single deer, which captain lewis gave, as a proof of his sincerity, to the women and children, and remained supperless himself. as we came along we observed several large hares, some ducks, and many of the cock of the plains: in the low grounds of the cove were also considerable quantities of wild onions. monday 26. the morning was excessively cold, and the ice in our vessels was nearly a quarter of an inch in thickness: we set out at sunrise, and soon reached the fountain of the missouri, where we halted for a few minutes, and then crossing the dividing ridge reached the fine spring where captain lewis had slept on the 12th in his first excursion to the shoshonee camp. the grass on the hill sides is perfectly dry and parched by the sun, but near the spring was a fine green grass: we therefore halted for dinner and turned our horses to graze. to each of the indians who were engaged in carrying our baggage was distributed a pint of corn, which they parched, then pounded, and made a sort of soup. one of the women who had been leading two of our pack horses halted at a rivulet about a mile behind, and sent on the two horses by a female friend: on inquiring of cameahwait the cause of her detention, he answered with great appearance of unconcern, that she had just stopped to lie in, but would soon overtake us. in fact we were astonished to see her in about an hour's time come on with her new born infant and pass us on her way to the camp, apparently in perfect health. this wonderful facility with which the indian women bring forth their children, seems rather some benevolent gift of nature, in exempting them from pains which their savage state would render doubly grievous, than any result of habit. if as has been imagined, a pure dry air or a cold and elevated country are obstacles to easy delivery, every difficulty incident to that operation might be expected in this part of the continent; nor can another reason, the habit of carrying heavy burthens during pregnancy, be at all applicable to the shoshonee women, who rarely carry any burdens, since their nation possesses an abundance of horses. we have indeed been several times informed by those conversant with indian manners, and who asserted their knowledge of the fact, that indian women pregnant by white men experience more difficulty in child-birth than when the father is an indian. if this account be true, it may contribute to strengthen the belief, that the easy delivery of the indian women is wholly constitutional. the tops of the high irregular mountains to the westward are still entirely covered with snow; and the coolness which the air acquires in passing them, is a very agreeable relief from the heat, which has dried up the herbage on the sides of the hills. while we stopped, the women were busily employed in collecting the root of a plant with which they feed their children, who like their mothers are nearly half starved and in a wretched condition. it is a species of fennel which grows in the moist grounds; the radix is of the knob kind, of a long ovate form, terminating in a single radicle, the whole being three or four inches long, and the thickest part about the size of a man's little finger: when fresh, it is white, firm, and crisp; and when dried and pounded makes a fine white meal. its flavour is not unlike that of aniseed, though less pungent. from one to four of these knobbed roots are attached to a single stem which rises to the height of three or four feet, and is jointed, smooth, cylindric, and has several small peduncles, one at each joint above the sheathing leaf. its colour is a deep green, as is also that of the leaf, which is sheathing, sessile, and _polipartite_, the divisions being long and narrow. the flowers, which are now in bloom, are small and numerous, with white and umbellifferous petals: there are no root leaves. as soon as the seeds have matured, the roots of the present year as well as the stem decline, and are renewed in the succeeding spring from the little knot which unites the roots. the sunflower is also abundant here, and the seeds, which are now ripe, are gathered in considerable quantities, and after being pounded and rubbed between smooth stones, form a kind of meal, which is a favourite dish among the indians. after dinner we continued our route and were soon met by a party of young men on horseback, who turned with us and went to the village. as soon as we were within sight of it, cameahwait requested that we would discharge our guns; the men were therefore drawn up in a single rank, and gave a running fire of two rounds, to the great satisfaction of the indians. we then proceeded to the encampment where we arrived about six o'clock, and were conducted to the leathern lodge in the centre of thirty-two others made of brush. the baggage was arranged near this tent, which captain lewis occupied, and surrounded by those of the men so as to secure it from pillage. this camp was in a beautiful smooth meadow near the river, and about three miles above their camp when we first visited the indians. we here found colter, who had been sent by captain clarke with a note apprising us that there were no hopes of a passage by water, and that the most practicable route seemed to be that mentioned by his guide, towards the north. whatever road we meant to take, it was now necessary to provide ourselves with horses; we therefore informed cameahwait of our intention of going to the great river beyond the mountains, and that we would wish to purchase twenty more horses: he said the minnetarees had stolen a great number of their horses this spring, but he still hoped they could spare us that number. in order not to loose the present favourable moment, and to keep the indians as cheerful as possible, the violins were brought out and our men danced to the great diversion of the indians. this mirth was the more welcome because our situation was not precisely that which would most dispose us for gayety, for we have only a little parched corn to eat, and our means of subsistence or of success, depend on the wavering temper of the natives, who may change their minds to-morrow. the shoshonees are a small tribe of the nation called snake indians, a vague denomination, which embraces at once the inhabitants of the southern parts of the rocky mountains and of the plains on each side. the shoshonees with whom we now are, amount to about one hundred warriors, and three times that number of women and children. within their own recollection they formerly lived in the plains, but they have been driven into the mountains by the pawkees, or the roving indians of the sascatchawain, and are now obliged to visit occasionally, and by stealth, the country of their ancestors. their lives are indeed migratory. from the middle of may to the beginning of september, they reside on the waters of the columbia, where they consider themselves perfectly secure from the pawkees who have never yet found their way to that retreat. during this time they subsist chiefly on salmon, and as that fish disappears on the approach of autumn, they are obliged to seek subsistence elsewhere. they then cross the ridge to the waters of the missouri, down which they proceed slowly and cautiously, till they are joined near the three forks by other bands, either of their own nation or of the flatheads, with whom they associate against the common enemy. being now strong in numbers, they venture to hunt buffaloe in the plains eastward of the mountains, near which they spend the winter, till the return of the salmon invites them to the columbia. but such is their terror of the pawkees, that as long as they can obtain the scantiest subsistence, they do not leave the interior of the mountains; and as soon as they collect a large stock of dried meat, they again retreat, and thus alternately obtaining their food at the hazard of their lives, and hiding themselves to consume it. in this loose and wandering existence they suffer the extremes of want; for two thirds of the year they are forced to live in the mountains, passing whole weeks without meat, and with nothing to eat but a few fish and roots. nor can any thing be imagined more wretched than their condition at the present time, when the salmon is fast retiring, when roots are becoming scarce, and they have not yet acquired strength to hazard an encounter with their enemies. so insensible are they however to these calamities, that the shoshonees are not only cheerful but even gay; and their character, which is more interesting than that of any indians we have seen, has in it much of the dignity of misfortune. in their intercourse with strangers they are frank and communicative, in their dealings perfectly fair, nor have we had during our stay with them, any reason to suspect that the display of all our new and valuable wealth, has tempted them into a single act of dishonesty. while they have generally shared with us the little they possess, they have always abstained from begging any thing from us. with their liveliness of temper, they are fond of gaudy dresses, and of all sorts of amusements, particularly to games of hazard; and like most indians fond of boasting of their own warlike exploits, whether real or fictitious. in their conduct towards ourselves, they were kind and obliging, and though on one occasion they seemed willing to neglect us, yet we scarcely knew how to blame the treatment by which we suffered, when we recollected how few civilized chiefs would have hazarded the comforts or the subsistence of their people for the sake of a few strangers. this manliness of character may cause or it may be formed by the nature of their government, which is perfectly free from any restraint. each individual is his own master, and the only control to which his conduct is subjected, is the advice of a chief supported by his influence over the opinions of the rest of the tribe. the chief himself is in fact no more than the most confidential person among the warriors, a rank neither distinguished by any external honor, nor invested by any ceremony, but gradually acquired from the good wishes of his companions and by superior merit. such an officer has therefore strictly no power; he may recommend or advise or influence, but his commands have no effect on those who incline to disobey, and who may at any time withdraw from their voluntary allegiance. his shadowy authority which cannot survive the confidence which supports it, often decays with the personal vigour of the chief, or is transferred to some more fortunate or favourite hero. in their domestic economy, the man is equally sovereign. the man is the sole proprietor of his wives and daughters, and can barter them away, or dispose of them in any manner he may think proper. the children are seldom corrected; the boys, particularly, soon become their own masters; they are never whipped, for they say that it breaks their spirit, and that after being flogged they never recover their independence of mind, even when they grow to manhood. a plurality of wives is very common; but these are not generally sisters, as among the minnetarees and mandans, but are purchased of different fathers. the infant daughters are often betrothed by the father to men who are grown, either for themselves or for their sons, for whom they are desirous of providing wives. the compensation to the father is usually made in horses or mules; and the girl remains with her parents till the age of puberty, which is thirteen or fourteen, when she is surrendered to her husband. at the same time the father often makes a present to the husband equal to what he had formerly received as the price of his daughter, though this return is optional with her parent. sacajawea had been contracted in this way before she was taken prisoner, and when we brought her back, her betrothed was still living. although he was double the age of sacajawea, and had two other wives, he claimed her, but on finding that she had a child by her new husband, chaboneau, he relinquished his pretensions and said he did not want her. the chastity of the women does not appear to be held in much estimation. the husband will for a trifling present lend his wife for a night to a stranger, and the loan may be protracted by increasing the value of the present. yet strange as it may seem, notwithstanding this facility, any connexion of this kind not authorized by the husband, is considered highly offensive and quite as disgraceful to his character as the same licentiousness in civilized societies. the shoshonees are not so importunate in volunteering the services of their wives as we found the sioux were; and indeed we observed among them some women who appeared to be held in more respect than those of any nation we had seen. but the mass of the females are condemned, as among all savage nations, to the lowest and most laborious drudgery. when the tribe is stationary, they collect the roots, and cook; they build the huts, dress the skins and make clothing; collect the wood, and assist in taking care of the horses on the route; they load the horses and have the charge of all the baggage. the only business of the man is to fight; he therefore takes on himself the care of his horse, the companion of his warfare; but he will descend to no other labour than to hunt and to fish. he would consider himself degraded by being compelled to walk any distance; and were he so poor as to possess only two horses, he would ride the best of them, and leave the other for his wives and children and their baggage; and if he has too many wives or too much baggage for the horse, the wives have no alternative but to follow him on foot; they are not however often reduced to those extremities, for their stock of horses is very ample. notwithstanding their losses this spring they still have at least seven hundred, among which are about forty colts, and half that number of mules. there are no horses here which can be considered as wild; we have seen two only on this side of the muscleshell river which were without owners, and even those although shy, showed every mark of having been once in the possession of man. the original stock was procured from the spaniards, but they now raise their own. the horses are generally very fine, of a good size, vigorous and patient of fatigue as well as hunger. each warrior has one or two tied to a stake near his hut both day and night, so as to be always prepared for action. the mules are obtained in the course of trade from the spaniards, with whose brands several of them are marked, or stolen from them by the frontier indians. they are the finest animals of that kind we have ever seen, and at this distance from the spanish colonies are very highly valued. the worst are considered as worth the price of two horses, and a good mule cannot be obtained for less than three and sometimes four horses. we also saw a bridle bit, stirrups and several other articles which, like the mules, came from the spanish colonies. the shoshonees say that they can reach those settlements in ten days' march by the route of the yellowstone river; but we readily perceive that the spaniards are by no means favourites. they complain that the spaniards refuse to let them have fire arms under pretence that these dangerous weapons will only induce them to kill each other. in the meantime, say the shoshonees, we are left to the mercy of the minnetarees, who having arms, plunder them of their horses, and put them to death without mercy. "but this should not be," said cameahwait fiercely, "if we had guns, instead of hiding ourselves in the mountains and living like the bears on roots and berries, we would then go down and live in the buffaloe country in spite of our enemies, whom we never fear when we meet on equal terms." as war is the chief occupation, bravery is the first virtue among the shoshonees. none can hope to be distinguished without having given proofs of it, nor can there be any preferment, or influence among the nation, without some warlike achievement. those important events which give reputation to a warrior, and which entitle him to a new name, are killing a white bear, stealing individually the horses of the enemy, leading out a party who happen to be successful either in plundering horses or destroying the enemy, and lastly scalping a warrior. these acts seem of nearly equal dignity, but the last, that of taking an enemy's scalp, is an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing him. to kill your adversary is of no importance unless the scalp is brought from the field of battle, and were a warrior to slay any number of his enemies in action, and others were to obtain the scalps or first touch the dead, they would have all the honours, since they have borne off the trophy. although thus oppressed by the minnetarees, the shoshonees are still a very military people. their cold and rugged country inures them to fatigue; their long abstinence makes them support the dangers of mountain warfare, and worn down as we saw them, by want of sustenance, have a look of fierce and adventurous courage. the shoshonee warrior always fights on horseback; he possesses a few bad guns, which are reserved exclusively for war, but his common arms are the bow and arrow, a shield, a lance and a weapon called by the chippeways, by whom it was formerly used, the poggamoggon. the bow is made of cedar or pine covered on the outer side with sinews and glue. it is about two and a half feet long, and does not differ in shape from those used by the sioux, mandans and minnetarees. sometimes, however, the bow is made of a single piece of the horn of an elk, covered on the back like those of wood with sinews and glue, and occasionally ornamented by a strand wrought of porcupine quills and sinews, which is wrapped round the horn near its two ends. the bows made of the horns of the bighorn, are still more prized, and are formed by cementing with glue flat pieces of the horn together, covering the back with sinews and glue, and loading the whole with an unusual quantity of ornaments. the arrows resemble those of the other indians except in being more slender than any we have seen. they are contained, with the implements for striking fire, in a narrow quiver formed of different kinds of skin, though that of the otter seems to be preferred. it is just long enough to protect the arrows from the weather, and is worn on the back by means of a strap passing over the right shoulder and under the left arm. the shield is a circular piece of buffaloe hide about two feet four or five inches in diameter, ornamented with feathers, and a fringe round it of dressed leather, and adorned or deformed with paintings of strange figures. the buffaloe hide is perfectly proof against any arrow, but in the minds of the shoshonees, its power to protect them is chiefly derived from the virtues which are communicated to it by the old men and jugglers. to make a shield is indeed one of their most important ceremonies: it begins by a feast to which all the warriors, old men and jugglers are invited. after the repast a hole is dug in the ground about eighteen inches in depth and of the same diameter as the intended shield: into this hole red hot stones are thrown and water poured over them, till they emit a very strong* hot steam. the buffaloe skin, which must be the entire hide of a male two years old, and never suffered to dry since it was taken from the animal, is now laid across the hole, with the fleshy side to the ground, and stretched in every direction by as many as can take hold of it. as the skin becomes heated, the hair separates and is taken off by the hand; till at last the skin is contracted into the compass designed for the shield. it is then taken off and placed on a hide prepared into parchment, and then pounded during the rest of the festival by the bare heels of those who are invited to it. this operation sometimes continues for several days, after which it is delivered to the proprietor, and declared by the old men and jugglers to be a security against arrows; and provided the feast has been satisfactory, against even the bullets of their enemies. such is the delusion, that many of the indians implicitly believe that this ceremony has given to the shield supernatural powers, and that they have no longer to fear any weapons of their enemies. the paggamoggon is an instrument, consisting of a handle twenty-two inches long, made of wood, covered with dressed leather about the size of a whip-handle: at one end is a thong of two inches in length, which is tied to a round stone weighing two pounds and held in a cover of leather: at the other end is a loop of the same material, which is passed round the wrist so as to secure the hold of the instrument, with which they strike a very severe blow. besides these, they have a kind of armour something like a coat of mail, which is formed by a great many folds of dressed antelope skins, united by means of a mixture of glue and sand. with this they cover their own bodies and those of their horses, and find it impervious to the arrow. the caparison of their horses is a halter and a saddle: the first is either a rope of six or seven strands of buffaloe hair platted or twisted together, about the size of a man's finger and of great strength; or merely a thong of raw hide, made pliant by pounding and rubbing; though the first kind is much preferred. the halter is very long, and is never taken from the neck of the horse when in constant use. one end of it is first tied round the neck in a knot and then brought down to the under jaw, round which it is formed into a simple noose, passing through the mouth: it is then drawn up on the right side and held by the rider in his left hand, while the rest trails after him to some distance. at other times the knot is formed at a little distance from one of the ends, so as to let that end serve as a bridle, while the other trails on the ground. with these cords dangling along side of them the horse is put to his full speed without fear of falling, and when he is turned to graze the noose is merely taken from his mouth. the saddle in formed like the pack-saddles used by the french and spaniards, of two flat thin boards which fit the sides of the horse, and are kept together by two cross pieces, one before and the other behind, which rise to a considerable height, ending sometimes in a flat point extending outwards, and always making the saddle deep and narrow. under this a piece of buffaloe skin, with the hair on, is placed so as to prevent the rubbing of the boards, and when they mount they throw a piece of skin or robe over the saddle, which has no permanent cover. when stirrups are used, they consist of wood covered with leather; but stirrups and saddles are conveniences reserved for old men and women. the young warriors rarely use any thing except a small leather pad stuffed with hair, and secured by a girth made of a leathern thong. in this way they ride with great expertness, and they have a particular dexterity in catching the horse when he is running at large. if he will not immediately submit when they wish to take him, they make a noose in the rope, and although the horse may be at a distance, or even running, rarely fail to fix it on his neck; and such is the docility of the animal, that however unruly he may seem, he surrenders as soon as he feels the rope on him. this cord is so useful in this way that it is never dispensed with, even when they use the spanish bridle, which they prefer, and always procure when they have it in their power. the horse becomes almost an object of attachment: a favourite is frequently painted and his ears cut into various shapes: the mane and tail, which are never drawn nor trimmed, are decorated with feathers of birds, and sometimes a warrior suspends at the breast of his horse the finest ornaments he possesses. thus armed and mounted the shoshonee is a formidable enemy, even with the feeble weapons which he is still obliged to use. when they attack at full speed they bend forward and cover their bodies with the shield, while with the right hand they shoot under the horses neck. the only articles of metal which the shoshonees possess are a few bad knives, some brass kettles, some bracelets or armbands of iron and brass, a few buttons worn as ornaments in their hair, one or two spears about a foot in length, and some heads for arrows made of iron and brass. all these they had obtained in trading with the crow or rocky mountain indians, who live on the yellowstone. the few bridle-bits and stirrups they procured from the spanish colonies. the instrument which supplies the place of a knife among them, is a piece of flint with no regular form, and the sharp part of it not more than one or two inches long: the edge of this is renewed, and the flint itself is formed into heads for arrows, by means of the point of a deer or elk horn, an instrument which they use with great art and ingenuity. there are no axes or hatchets; all the wood being cut with flint or elk-horn, the latter of which is always used as a wedge in splitting wood. their utensils consist, besides the brass kettles, of pots in the form of a jar, made either of earth, or of a stone found in the hills between madison and jefferson rivers, which, though soft and white in its natural state, becomes very hard and black after exposure to the fire. the horns of the buffaloe and the bighorn supply them with spoons. the fire is always kindled by means of a blunt arrow, and a piece of well-seasoned wood of a soft spongy kind, such as the willow or cottonwood. the shoshonees are of a diminutive stature, with thick flat feet and ankles, crooked legs, and are, generally speaking, worse formed than any nation of indians we have seen. their complexion resembles that of the sioux, and is darker than that of the minnetarees, mandans, or shawnees. the hair in both sexes is suffered to fall loosely over the face and down the shoulders: some men, however, divide it by means of thongs of dressed leather or otter skin into two equal queues, which hang over the ears and are drawn in front of the body; but at the present moment, when the nation is afflicted by the loss of so many relations killed in war, most of them have the hair cut quite short in the neck, and cameahwait has the hair cut short all over his head, this being the customary mourning for a deceased kindred. the dress of the men consists of a robe, a tippet, a shirt, long leggings and moccasins. the robe is formed most commonly of the skins of antelope, bighorn, or deer, though when it can be procured, the buffaloe hide is preferred. sometimes too they are made of beaver, moonax, and small wolves, and frequently during the summer of elk skin. these are dressed with the hair on, and reach about as low as the middle of the leg. they are worn loosely over the shoulders, the sides being at pleasure either left open or drawn together by the hand, and in cold weather kept close by a girdle round the waist. this robe answers the purpose of a cloak during the day, and at night is their only covering. the tippet is the most elegant article of indian dress we have ever seen. the neck or collar of it is a strip about four or five inches wide, cut from the back of the otter skin, the nose and eyes forming one extremity, and the tail another. this being dressed with the fur on, they attach to one edge of it, from one hundred to two hundred and fifty little rolls of ermine skin, beginning at the ear, and proceeding towards the tail. these ermine skins are the same kind of narrow strips from the back of that animal, which are sewed round a small cord of twisted silkgrass thick enough to make the skin taper towards the tail which hangs from the end, and are generally about the size of a large quill. these are tied at the head into little bundles, of two, three or more according to the caprice of the wearer, and then suspended from the collar, and a broad fringe of ermine skin is fixed so as to cover the parts where they unite, which might have a coarse appearance. little tassels of fringe of the same materials are also fastened to the extremities of the tail, so as to show its black colour to greater advantage. the centre of the collar is further ornamented with the shells of the pearl oyster. thus adorned, the collar is worn close round the neck, and the little rolls fall down over the shoulders nearly to the waist, so as to form a sort of short cloak, which has a very handsome appearance. these tippets are very highly esteemed, and are given or disposed of on important occasions only. the ermine is the fur known to the northwest traders by the name of the white weasel, but is the genuine ermine; and by encouraging the indians to take them, might no doubt be rendered a valuable branch of trade. these animals must be very abundant, for the tippets are in great numbers, and the construction of each requires at least one hundred skins. the shirt is a covering of dressed skin without the hair, and formed of the hide of the antelope, deer, bighorn, or elk, though the last is more rarely used than any other for this purpose. it fits the body loosely, and reaches half way down the thigh. the aperture at the top is wide enough to admit the head, and has no collar, but is either left square, or most frequently terminates in the tail of the animal, which is left entire, so as to fold outwards, though sometimes the edges are cut into a fringe, and ornamented with quills of the porcupine. the seams of the shirt are on the sides, and are richly fringed and adorned with porcupine quills, till within five or six inches of the sleeve, where it is left open, as is also the under side of the sleeve from the shoulder to the elbow, where it fits closely round the arm as low as the wrist, and has no fringe like the sides, and the under part of the sleeve above the elbow. it is kept up by wide shoulder straps, on which the manufacturer displays his taste by the variety of figures wrought with porcupine quills of different colours, and sometimes by beads when they can be obtained. the lower end of the shirt retains the natural shape of the fore legs and neck of the skin, with the addition of a slight fringe; the hair too is left on the tail and near the hoofs, part of which last is retained and split into a fringe. the leggings are generally made of antelope skins, dressed without the hair, and with the legs, tail and neck hanging to them. each legging is formed of a skin nearly entire, and reaches from the ancle to the upper part of the thigh, and the legs of the skin are tucked before and behind under a girdle round the waist. it fits closely to the leg, the tail being worn upwards, and the neck highly ornamented with fringe and porcupine quills, drags on the ground behind the heels. as the legs of the animal are tied round the girdle, the wide part of the skin is drawn so high as to conceal the parts usually kept from view, in which respect their dress is much more decent than that of any nation of indians on the missouri. the seams of the leggings down the sides, are also fringed and ornamented, and occasionally decorated with tufts of hair taken from enemies whom they have slain. in making all these dresses, their only thread is the sinew taken from the backs and loins of deer, elk, buffaloe, or any other animal. the moccasin is of the deer, elk, or buffaloe skin, dressed without the hair, though in winter they use the buffaloe skin with the hairy side inward, as do most of the indians who inhabit the buffaloe country. like the mandan moccasin, it is made with a single seam on the outer edge, and sewed up behind, a hole being left at the instep to admit the foot. it is variously ornamented with figures wrought with porcupine quills, and sometimes the young men most fond of dress, cover it with the skin of a polecat, and trail at their heels the tail of the animal. the dress of the women consists of the same articles as that of their husbands. the robe though smaller is worn in the same way: the moccasins are precisely similar. the shirt or chemise reaches half way down the leg, is in the same form, except that there is no shoulder-strap, the seam coming quite up to the shoulder; though for women who give suck both sides are open, almost down to the waist. it is also ornamented in the same way with the addition of little patches of red cloth, edged round with beads at the skirts. the chief ornament is over the breast, where there are curious figures made with the usual luxury of porcupine quills. like the men they have a girdle round the waist, and when either sex wishes to disengage the arm, it is drawn up through the hole near the shoulder, and the lower part of the sleeve thrown behind the body. children alone wear beads round their necks; grown persons of both sexes prefer them suspended in little bunches from the ear, and sometimes intermixed with triangular pieces of the shell of the pearl oyster. sometimes the men tie them in the same way to the hair of the forepart of the head, and increase the beauty of it by adding the wings and tails of birds, and particularly the feathers of the great eagle or calumet bird, of which they are extremely fond. the collars are formed either of sea shells procured from their relations to the southwest, or of the sweet-scented grass which grows in the neighbourhood, and which they twist or plait together, to the thickness of a man's finger, and then cover with porcupine quills of various colours. the first of these is worn indiscriminately by both sexes, the second principally confined to the men, while a string of elk's tusks is a collar almost peculiar to the women and children. another collar worn by the men is a string of round bones like the joints of a fish's back, but the collar most preferred, because most honourable, is one of the claws of the brown bear. to kill one of these animals is as distinguished an achievement as to have put to death an enemy, and in fact with their weapons is a more dangerous trial of courage. these claws are suspended on a thong of dressed leather, and being ornamented with beads, are worn round the neck by the warriors with great pride. the men also frequently wear the skin of a fox, or a strip of otter skin round the head in the form of a bandeau. in short, the dress of the shoshonees is as convenient and decent as that of any indians we have seen. they have many more children than might have been expected, considering their precarious means of support and their wandering life. this inconvenience is however balanced by the wonderful facility with which their females undergo the operations of child-birth. in the most advanced state of pregnancy they continue their usual occupations, which are scarcely interrupted longer than the mere time of bringing the child into the world. the old men are few in number and do not appear to be treated with much tenderness or respect. the tobacco used by the shoshonees is not cultivated among them, but obtained from the indians of the rocky mountains, and from some of the bands of their own nation who live south of them; it is the same plant which is in use among the minnetarees, mandans, and ricaras. their chief intercourse with other nations seems to consist in their association with other snake indians, and with the flatheads when they go eastward to hunt buffaloe, and in the occasional visits made by the flatheads to the waters of the columbia for the purpose of fishing. their intercourse with the spaniards is much more rare, and it furnishes them with a few articles, such as mules, and some bridles, and other ornaments for horses, which, as well as some of their kitchen utensils, are also furnished by the bands of snake indians from the yellowstone. the pearl ornaments which they esteem so highly come from other bands, whom they represent as their friends and relations, living to the southwest beyond the barren plains on the other side of the mountains: these relations they say inhabit a good country, abounding with elk, deer, bear, and antelope, where horses and mules are much more abundant than they are here, or to use their own expression, as numerous as the grass of the plains. the names of the indians varies in the course of their life: originally given in childhood, from the mere necessity of distinguishing objects, or from some accidental resemblance to external objects, the young warrior is impatient to change it by some achievement of his own. any important event, the stealing of horses, the scalping an enemy, or killing a brown bear, entitles him at once to a new name which he then selects for himself, and it is confirmed by the nation. sometimes the two names subsist together: thus, the chief cameahwait, which means, "one who never walks," has the war name of tooettecone, or "black gun," which he acquired when he first signalized himself. as each new action gives a warrior a right to change his name, many of them have had several in the course of their lives. to give to a friend his own name is an act of high courtesy, and a pledge like that of pulling off the moccasin of sincerity and hospitality. the chief in this way gave his name to captain clarke when he first arrived, and he was afterwards known among the shoshonees by the name of cameahwait. the diseases incident to this state of life may be supposed to be few, and chiefly the result of accidents. we were particularly anxious to ascertain whether they had any knowledge of the venereal disorder. after inquiring by means of the interpreter and his wife, we learnt that they sometimes suffered from it, and that they most usually die with it; nor could we discover what was their remedy. it is possible that this disease may have reached them in their circuitous communications with the whites through the intermediate indians; but the situation of the shoshonees is so insulated, that it is not probable that it could have reached them in that way, and the existence of such a disorder among the rocky mountains seems rather a proof of its being aboriginal. chapter xvii. the party, after procuring horses from the shoshonees, proceed on their journey through the mountains--the difficulties and dangers of the route--a council held with another band of the shoshonees, of whom some account is given--they are reduced to the necessity of killing their horses for food--captain clarke with a small party precedes the main body in quest of food, and is hospitably received by the pierced-nose indians--arrival of the main body amongst this tribe, with whom a council is held--they resolve to perform the remainder of their journey in canoes--sickness of the party--they descend the kooskooskee to its junction with lewis river, after passing several dangerous rapids--short description of the manners and dress of the pierced-nose indians. august 27. we were now occupied in determining our route and procuring horses from the indians. the old guide who had been sent on by captain clarke, now confirmed, by means of our interpreter, what he had already asserted, of a road up berry creek which would lead to indian establishments on another branch of the columbia: his reports however were contradicted by all the shoshonees. this representation we ascribed to a wish on their part to keep us with them during the winter, as well for the protection we might afford against their enemies, as for the purpose of consuming our merchandise amongst them; and as the old man promised to conduct us himself, that route seemed to be the most eligible. we were able to procure some horses, though not enough for all our purposes. this traffic, and our inquiries and councils with the indians, consumed the remainder of the day. august 28. the purchase of horses was resumed, and our stock raised to twenty-two. having now crossed more than once the country which separates the head waters of the missouri from those of the columbia, we can designate the easiest and most expeditious route for a portage; it is as follows: from the forks of the river north 60Ⱐwest, five miles to the point of a hill on the right: then south 80Ⱐwest, ten miles to a spot where the creek is ten miles wide, and the highlands approach within two hundred yards; southwest five miles to a narrow part of the bottom; then turning south 70Ⱐwest, two miles to a creek on the right: thence south 80Ⱐwest, three miles to a rocky point opposite to a thicket of pines on the left; from that place west, three miles to the gap where is the fountain of the missouri: on leaving this fountain south 80Ⱐwest, six miles across the dividing ridge, to a run from the right passing several small streams north 80Ⱐwest, four miles over hilly ground to the east fork of lewis's river, which is here forty yards wide. thursday 29. captain clarke joined us this morning, and we continued our bargains for horses. the late misfortunes of the shoshonees make the price higher than common, so that one horse cost a pistol, one hundred balls, some powder and a knife; another was changed for a musket, and in this way we obtained twenty-nine. the horses themselves are young and vigorous, but they are very poor, and most of them have sore backs in consequence of the roughness of the shoshonee saddle. we are therefore afraid of loading them too heavily and are anxious to obtain one at least for each man to carry the baggage, or the man himself, or in the last resource to serve as food; but with all our exertions we could not provide all our men with horses. we have, however, been fortunate in obtaining for the last three days a sufficient supply of flesh, our hunters having killed two or three deer every day. friday 30. the weather was fine, and having now made all our purchases, we loaded our horses, and prepared to start. the greater part of the band who had delayed their journey on our account, were also ready to depart. we then took our leave of the shoshonees, who set out on their visit to the missouri at the same time that we accompanied by the old guide, his four sons, and another indian, began the descent of the river, along the same road which captain clarke had previously pursued. after riding twelve miles we encamped on the south bank of the river, and as the hunters had brought in three deer early in the morning we did not feel the want of provisions. saturday 31. at sunrise we resumed our journey, and halted for three hours on salmon creek to let the horses graze. we then proceeded to the stream called berry creek eighteen miles from the camp of last night: as we passed along, the vallies and prairies were on fire in several places, in order to collect the bands of the shoshonees and the flatheads, for their journey to the missouri. the weather was warm and sultry, but the only inconvenience which we apprehend is a dearth of food, of which we had to-day an abundance, having procured a deer, a goose, one duck and a prairie fowl. on reaching tower creek we left the former track of captain clarke, and began to explore the new route, which is our last hope of getting out of the mountains. for four miles the road, which is tolerably plain, led us along berry creek to some old indian lodges where we encamped for the night; the next day, sunday, september 1, 1805, we followed the same road which here left the creek and turned to the northwest across the hills. during all day we were riding over these hills, from which are many drains and small streams running into the river to the left, and at the distance of eighteen miles, came to a large creek called fish creek emptying into the columbia which is about six miles from us. it had rained in the course of the day, and commenced raining again towards evening. we therefore determined not to leave the low grounds to night, and after going up fish creek four miles formed our encampment. the country over which we passed is well watered, but poor and rugged or stony, except the bottoms of fish creek, and even these are narrow. two men were sent to purchase fish of the indians at the mouth of the creek, and with the dried fish which they obtained, and a deer and a few salmon killed by the party, we were still well supplied. two bear also were wounded but we could procure neither of them. monday 2. this morning all the indians left us, except the old guide, who now conducted us up fish creek: at one mile and a half we passed a branch of the river coming in through a low ground covered with pine on the left, and two and a half miles further is a second branch from the right; after continuing our route along the hills covered with pine, and a low ground of the same growth, we arrived at the distance of three and a half miles at the forks of the creek. the road which we were following now turned up the east side of these forks, and as our guide informed us led to the missouri. we were therefore left without any track; but as no time was to be lost we began to cut our road up the west branch of the creek. this we effected with much difficulty; the thickets of trees and brush through which we were obliged to cut our way required great labour; the road itself was over the steep and rocky sides of the hills where the horses could not move without danger of slipping down, while their feet were bruised by the rocks and stumps of trees. accustomed as these animals were to this kind of life they suffered severely, several of them fell to some distance down the sides of the hills, some turned over with the baggage, one was crippled, and two gave out exhausted with fatigue. after crossing the creek several times we at last made five miles, with great fatigue and labour, and encamped on the left side of the creek in a small stony low ground. it was not, however, till after dark that the whole party was collected, and then, as it rained, and we killed nothing, we passed an uncomfortable night. the party had been too busily occupied with the horses to make any hunting excursion, and though as we came along fish creek we saw many beaver dams we saw none of the animals themselves. in the morning, tuesday 3, the horses were very stiff and weary. we sent back two men for the load of the horse which had been crippled yesterday, and which we had been forced to leave two miles behind. on their return, we set out at eight o'clock, and proceeded up the creek, making a passage through the brush and timber along its borders. the country is generally supplied with pine, and in the low grounds is a great abundance of fir trees, and under bushes. the mountains are high and rugged, and those to the east of us, covered with snow. with all our precautions the horses were very much injured in passing over the ridges and steep points of the hills, and to add to the difficulty, at the distance of eleven miles, the high mountains closed the creek, so that we were obliged to leave the creek to the right, and cross the mountain abruptly. the ascent was here so steep that several of the horses slipped and hurt themselves, but at last we succeeded in crossing the mountain, and encamped on a small branch of fish creek. we had now made fourteen miles in a direction nearly north from the river; but this distance, though short, was very fatiguing, and rendered still more disagreeable by the rain which began at three o'clock. at dusk it commenced snowing, and continued till the ground was covered to the depth of two inches, when it changed into a sleet. we here met with a serious misfortune the last of our thermometers being broken by accident. after making a scanty supper on a little corn and a few pheasants killed in the course of the day, we laid down to sleep, and next morning, wednesday 4, found every thing frozen, and the ground covered with snow. we were obliged to wait some time in order to thaw the covers of the baggage, after which we began our journey at eight o'clock. we crossed a high mountain which joins the dividing ridge between the waters of the creek we had been ascending, and those running to the north and west. we had not gone more than six miles over the snow, when we reached the head of a stream from the right, which directed its course more to the westward. we descended the steep sides of the hills along its border, and at the distance of three miles found a small branch coming in from the eastward. we saw several of the argalia, but they were too shy to be killed, and we therefore made a dinner from a deer shot by one of the hunters. then we pursued the course of the stream for three miles, till it emptied itself into a river from the east. in the wide valley at their junction, we discovered a large encampment of indians: when we had reached them and alighted from our horses, we were received with great cordiality. a council was immediately assembled, white robes were thrown over our soldiers, and the pipe of peace introduced. after this ceremony, as it was too late to go any further, we encamped, and continued smoking and conversing with the chiefs till a late hour. the next morning, thursday 5, we assembled the chiefs and warriors, and informed them who we were, and the purpose for which we visited their country. all this was however conveyed to them through so many different languages, that it was not comprehended without difficulty. we therefore proceeded to the more intelligible language of presents, and made four chiefs by giving a medal and a small quantity of tobacco to each. we received in turn from the principal chief, a present consisting of the skins of a braro, an otter, and two antelopes, and were treated by the women to some dried roots and berries. we then began to traffic for horses, and succeeded in exchanging seven, purchasing eleven, for which we gave a few articles of merchandise. this encampment consists of thirty-three tents, in which were about four hundred souls, among whom eighty were men. they are called ootlashoots, and represent themselves as one band of a nation called tushepaws, a numerous people of four hundred and fifty tents, residing on the heads of the missouri and columbia rivers, and some of them lower down the latter river. in person these indians are stout, and their complexion lighter than that common among indians. the hair of the men is worn in queues of otter skin, falling in front over the shoulders. a shirt of dressed skin covers the body to the knee, and on this is worn occasionally a robe. to these were added leggings and moccasins. the women suffer their hair to fall in disorder over the face and shoulders, and their chief article of covering is a long shirt of skin, reaching down to the ancles, and tied round the waist. in other respects, as also in the few ornaments which they possess, their appearance is similar to that of the shoshonees; there is however a difference between the language of these people which is still farther increased by the very extraordinary pronunciation of the ootlashoots. their words have all a remarkably guttural sound, and there is nothing which seems to represent the tone of their speaking more exactly than the clucking of a fowl, or the noise of a parrot. this peculiarity renders their voices scarcely audible, except at a short distance, and when many of them are talking, forms a strange confusion of sounds. the common conversation we overheard, consisted of low guttural sounds occasionally broken by a loud word or two, after which it would relapse and scarcely be distinguished. they seem kind and friendly and willingly shared with us berries and roots, which formed their only stock of provisions. their only wealth is their horses, which are very fine, and so numerous that this party had with them at least five hundred. friday 6. we continued this morning with the ootlashoots, from whom we purchased two more horses, and procured a vocabulary of their language. the ootlashoots set off about two o'clock to join the different bands who were collecting at the three forks of the missouri. we ourselves proceeded at the same time, and taking a direction n. 30 w. crossed within the distance of one mile and a half, a small river from the right, and a creek coming in from the north. this river is the main stream, and when it reaches the end of the valley, where the mountains close in upon it, is joined by the river on which we encamped last evening, as well as by the creek just mentioned. to the river thus formed we gave the name of captain clarke, he being the first white man who had ever visited its waters. at the end of five miles on this course we had crossed the valley, and reached the top of a mountain covered with pine; this we descended along the steep sides and ravines for a mile and a half, when we came to a spot on the river, where the ootlashoots had encamped a few days before. we then followed the course of the river, which is from twenty-five to thirty yards wide, shallow, stony, and the low grounds on its borders narrow. within the distance of three and a half miles, we crossed it several times, and after passing a run on each side, encamped on its right bank, after making ten miles during the afternoon. the horses were turned out to graze, but those we had lately bought were secured and watched, lest they should escape, or be stolen by their former owners. our stock of flour was now exhausted, and we had but little corn, and as our hunters had killed nothing except two pheasants, our supper consisted chiefly of berries. saturday, 7. the greater part of the day the weather was dark and rainy: we continued through the narrow low grounds along the river, till at the distance of six miles we came to a large creek from the left, after which the bottoms widen. four miles lower is another creek on the same side, and the valley now extends from one to three miles, the mountains on the left being high and bald, with snow on the summits, while the country to the right is open and hilly. four miles beyond this is a creek running from the snow-top'd mountains, and several runs on both sides of the river. two miles from this last is another creek on the left. the afternoon was now far advanced, but not being able to find a fit place to encamp we continued six miles further till after dark, when we halted for the night. the river here is still shallow and stony, but is increased to the width of fifty yards. the valley through which we passed is of a poor soil, and its fertility injured by the quantity of stone scattered over it. we met two horses which had strayed from the indians and were now quite wild. no fish was to be seen in the river, but we obtained a very agreeable supply of two deer, two cranes, and two pheasants. sunday, 8. we set out early: the snow-top'd hills on the left approach the river near our camp, but we soon reached a valley four or five miles wide, through which we followed the course of the river in a direction due north. we passed three creeks on the right, and several runs emptying themselves into the opposite side of the river. at the distance of eleven miles the river turned more towards the west: we pursued it for twelve miles, and encamped near a large creek coming in from the right, which, from its being divided into four different channels, we called scattering creek. the valley continues to be a poor stony land, with scarcely any timber, except some pine trees along the waters and partially scattered on the hills to the right, which, as well as those on the left, have snow on them. the plant which forces itself most on our attention is a species of prickly pear very common on this part of the river: it grows in clusters, in an oval form about the size of a pigeon's egg, and its thorns are so strong and bearded, that when it penetrates our feet it brings away the pear itself. we saw two mares and a colt, which, like the horses seen yesterday, seemed to have lost themselves and become wild. our game to-day consisted of two deer, an elk, and a prairie fowl. monday, 9. we resumed our journey through the valley, and leaving the road on our right crossed the scattering creek, and halted at the distance of twelve miles on a small run from the east, where we breakfasted on the remains of yesterday's hunt: we here took a meridian altitude, which gave the latitude of 46Ⱐ41' 38" 9"': we then continued, and at the distance of four miles passed over to the left bank of the river, where we found a large road through the valley. at this place is a handsome stream of very clear water, a hundred yards wide with low banks, and a bed formed entirely of gravel: it has every appearance of being navigable, but as it contains no salmon, we presume there must be some fall below which obstructs their passage. our guide could not inform us where this river discharged its waters; he said that as far as he knew its course it ran along the mountains to the north, and that not far from our present position it was joined by another stream nearly as large as itself, which rises in the mountains to the east near the missouri, and flows through an extensive valley or open prairie. through this prairie is the great indian road to the waters of the missouri; and so direct is the route, that in four days' journey from this place we might reach the missouri about thirty miles above what we called the gates of the rocky mountains, or the spot where the valley of that river widens into an extensive plain on entering the chain of mountains. at ten miles from our camp is a small creek falling in from the eastward, five miles below which we halted at a large stream which empties itself on the west side of the river. it is a fine bold creek of clear water about twenty yards wide, and we called it _traveller's-rest_ creek; for as our guide told us that we should here leave the river, we determined to remain for the purpose of making celestial observations and collecting some food, as the country through which we are to pass has no game for a great distance. the valley of the river through which we have been passing is generally a prairie from five to six miles in width, and with a cold gravelly white soil. the timber which it possesses is almost exclusively pine, chiefly of the long-leafed kind, with some spruce, and a species of fir resembling the scotch fir: near the water courses are also seen a few narrow-leafed cottonwood trees, and the only underbrush is the redwood, honeysuckle, and rosebushes. our game was four deer, three geese, four ducks, and three prairie fowls; one of the hunters brought in a red-headed woodpecker of the large kind common in the united states, but the first of the kind we have seen since leaving the illinois. tuesday, 10. the morning being fair all the hunters were sent out, and the rest of the party employed in repairing their clothes: two of them were sent to the junction of the river from the east, along which the indians go to the missouri: it is about seven miles below traveller's-rest creek; the country at the forks is seven or eight miles wide, level and open, but with little timber; its course is to the north, and we incline to believe that this is the river which the minnetarees had described to us as running from south to north along the west side of the rocky mountains, not far from the sources of medicine river: there is moreover reason to suppose, that after going as far northward as the head-waters of that river it turns to the westward and joins the tacootchetessee. towards evening one of the hunters returned with three indians, whom he had met in his excursion up traveller's-rest creek: as soon as they saw him they prepared to attack him with arrows, but he quieted them by laying down his gun and advancing towards them, and soon persuaded them to come to the camp. our shoshonee guide could not speak the language of these people, but by the universal language of signs and gesticulations, which is perfectly intelligible among the indians, he found that these were three tushepaw flatheads in pursuit of two men, supposed to be shoshonees, who had stolen twenty-three of their horses: we gave them some boiled venison and a few presents; such as a fishhook, a steel to strike fire, and a little powder; but they seemed better pleased with a piece of riband which we tied in the hair of each of them. they were however in such haste, lest their horses should be carried off, that two of them set off after sunset in quest of the robbers: the third however was persuaded to remain with us and conduct us to his relations: these he said were numerous, and resided on the columbia in the plain below the mountains. from that place he added, the river was navigable to the ocean; that some of his relations had been there last fall and seen an old white man who resided there by himself, and who gave them some handkerchiefs like those we have. the distance from this place is five sleeps or days' journey. when our hunters had all joined us we found our provisions consisted of four deer, a beaver, and three grouse. the observation of to-day gave 46Ⱐ48' 28" as the latitude of travellers-rest creek. wednesday 11. two of our horses having strayed away we were detained all the morning before they were caught. in the meantime our tushepaw indian became impatient of the delay, and set out to return home alone. as usual we had dispatched four of our best hunters ahead, and as we hoped with their aid and our present stock of provisions to subsist on the route, we proceeded at three o'clock up the right side of the creek, and encamped under some old indian huts at the distance of seven miles. the road was plain and good; the valley is however narrower than that which we left and bordered by high and rugged hills to the right, while the mountains on the left were covered with snow. the day was fair and warm, the wind from the northwest. thursday 12. there was a white frost this morning. we proceeded at seven o'clock and soon passed a stream falling in on the right, near which was an old indian camp with a bath or sweating-house covered with earth. at two miles distance we ascended a high, and thence continued through a hilly and thickly timbered country for nine miles, when we came to the forks of the creek, where the road branches up each fork. we followed the western route, and finding that the creek made a considerable bend at the distance of four miles, crossed a high mountain in order to avoid the circuit. the road had been very bad during the first part of the day, but the passage of the mountain, which was eight miles across, was very painful to the horses, as we were obliged to go over steep stony sides of hills and along the hollows and ravines, rendered more disagreeable* by the fallen timber, chiefly pine, spruce pine and fir. we at length reached the creek, having made twenty-three miles of a route so difficult that some of the party did not join us before ten o'clock. we found the account of the scantiness of game but too true, as we were not able to procure any thing during the whole of yesterday, and to-day we killed only a single pheasant. along the road we observed many of the pine trees pealed off, which is done by the indians to procure the inner bark for food in the spring. friday 13. two of the horses strayed away during the night, and one of them being captain lewis's, he remained with four men to search for them while we proceeded up the creek: at the distance of two miles we came to several springs issuing from large rocks of a coarse hard grit, and nearly boiling hot. those seem to be much frequented as there are several paths made by elk, deer and other animals, and near one of the springs a hole or indian bath, and roads leading in different directions. these embarrassed our guide, who mistaking the road took us three miles out of the proper course over an exceedingly bad route. we then fell into the right road, and proceeded on very well, when having made five miles we stopped to refresh the horses. captain lewis here joined us, but not having been able to find his horse two men were sent back to continue the search. we then proceeded along the same kind of country which we passed yesterday, and after crossing a mountain and leaving the sources of the travellers-rest creek on the left, reached after five miles riding a small creek which also came in from the left hand, passing through open glades, some of which were half a mile wide. the road which had been as usual rugged and stony, became firm, plain and level after quitting the head of travellers-rest. we followed the course of this new creek for two miles and encamped at a spot where the mountains close on each side. other mountains covered with snow are in view to the southeast and southwest. we were somewhat more fortunate to-day in killing a deer and several pheasants which were of the common species, except that the tail was black. saturday 14. the day was very cloudy with rain and hail in the vallies, while on the top of the mountains some snow fell. we proceeded early, and continuing along the right side of glade creek crossed a high mountain, and at the distance of six miles reached the place where it is joined by another branch of equal size from the right. near the forks the tushepaws have had an encampment which is but recently abandoned, for the grass is entirely destroyed by horses, and two fish weirs across the creek are still remaining; no fish were however to be seen. we here passed over to the left side of the creek and began the ascent of a very high and steep mountain nine miles across. on reaching the other side we found a large branch from the left, which seems to rise in the snowy mountains to the south and southeast. we continued along the creek two miles further, when night coming on we encamped opposite a small island at the mouth of a branch on the right side of the river. the mountains which we crossed to-day were much more difficult than those of yesterday; the last was particularly fatiguing, being steep and stony, broken by fallen timber, and thickly overgrown by pine, spruce, fir, haematack and tamarac. although we had made only seventeen miles we were all very weary. the whole stock of animal food was now exhausted, and we therefore killed a colt, on which we made a hearty supper. from this incident we called the last creek we had passed from the south colt-killed creek. the river itself is eighty yards wide, with a swift current, and a stony channel. its indian name is kooskooskee. sunday 15. at an early hour we proceeded along the right side of the kooskooskee over steep rocky points of land, till at the distance of four miles we reached an old indian fishing place: the road here turned to the right of the water, and began to ascend a mountain: but the fire and wind had prostrated or dried almost all the timber on the south side, and the ascents were so steep that we were forced to wind in every direction round the high knobs which constantly impeded our progress. several of the horses lost their foot-hold and slipped: one of them which was loaded with a desk and small trunk, rolled over and over for forty yards, till his fall was stopped by a tree. the desk was broken; but the poor animal escaped without much injury. after clambering in this way for four miles, we came to a high snowy part of the mountain where was a spring of water, at which we halted two hours to refresh our horses. on leaving the spring the road continued as bad as it was below, and the timber more abundant. at four miles we reached the top of the mountain, and foreseeing no chance of meeting with water, we encamped on the northern side of the mountain, near an old bank of snow, three feet deep. some of this we melted, and supped on the remains of the colt killed yesterday. our only game to-day was two pheasants, and the horses on which we calculated as a last resource begin to fail us, for two of them were so poor, and worn out with fatigue, that we were obliged to leave them behind. all around us are high rugged mountains, among which is a lofty range from southeast to northwest, whose tops are without timber, and in some places covered with snow. the night was cloudy and very cold, and three hours before daybreak, monday 16, it began to snow, and continued all day, so that by evening it was six or eight inches deep. this covered the track so completely, that we were obliged constantly to halt and examine, lest we should lose the route. in many places we had nothing to guide us except the branches of the trees which, being low, have been rubbed by the burdens of the indian horses. the road was, like that of yesterday, along steep hill sides, obstructed with fallen timber, and a growth of eight different species of pine, so thickly strewed that the snow falls from them as we pass, and keeps us continually wet to the skin, and so cold, that we are anxious lest our feet should be frozen, as we have only thin moccasins to defend them. at noon we halted to let the horses feed on some long grass on the south side of the mountains, and endeavoured by making fires to keep ourselves warm. as soon as the horses were refreshed, captain clarke went ahead with one man, and at the distance of six miles reached a stream from the right, and prepared fires by the time of our arrival at dusk. we here encamped in a piece of low ground, thickly timbered, but scarcely large enough to permit us to lie level. we had now made thirteen miles. we were all very wet, cold, and hungry: but although before setting out this morning, we had seen four deer, yet we could not procure any of them, and were obliged to kill a second colt for our supper. tuesday 17. our horses became so much scattered during the night, that we were detained till one o'clock before they were all collected. we then continued our route over high rough knobs, and several drains and springs, and along a ridge of country separating the waters of two small rivers. the road was still difficult, and several of the horses fell and injured themselves very much, so that we were unable to advance more than ten miles to a small stream, on which we encamped. we had killed a few pheasants, but these being insufficient for our subsistence, we killed another of the colts. this want of provisions, and the extreme fatigue to which we were subjected, and the dreary prospects before us, began to dispirit the men. it was therefore agreed that captain clarke should go on ahead with six hunters, and endeavour to kill something for the support of the party. he therefore set out, wednesday 18, early in the morning in hopes of finding a level country from which he might send back some game. his route lay s. 85Ⱐw., along the same high dividing ridge, and the road was still very bad; but he moved on rapidly, and at the distance of twenty miles was rejoiced on discovering far off an extensive plain towards the west and southwest, bounded by a high mountain. he halted an hour to let the horses eat a little grass on the hill sides, and then went on twelve and a half miles till he reached a bold creek, running to the left, on which he encamped. to this stream he gave the very appropriate name of hungry creek; for having procured no game, they had nothing to eat. in the meantime we were detained till after eight o'clock by the loss of one of our horses which had strayed away and could not be found. we then proceeded, but having soon finished the remainder of the colt killed yesterday, felt the want of provisions, which was more sensible from our meeting with no water, till towards nightfall we found some in a ravine among the hills. by pushing on our horses almost to their utmost strength, we made eighteen miles. we then melted some snow, and supped on a little portable soup, a few canisters of which, with about twenty weight of bears oil, are our only remaining means of subsistence. our guns are scarcely of any service, for there is no living creature in these mountains, except a few small pheasants, a small species of gray squirrel, and a blue bird of the vulture kind about the size of a turtle dove or jay, and even these are difficult to shoot. thursday 19. captain clarke proceeded up the creek, along which the road was more steep and stony than any he had yet passed, at six miles distance he reached a small plain, in which he fortunately found a horse, on which he breakfasted, and hung the rest on a tree for the party in the rear. two miles beyond this he left the creek, and crossed three high mountains, rendered almost impassable from the steepness of the ascent and the quantity of fallen timber. after clambering over these ridges and mountains, and passing the heads of some branches of hungry creek, he came to a large creek running westward. this he followed for four miles, then turned to the right down the mountain, till he came to a small creek to the left. here he halted, having made twenty-two miles on his course, south eighty degrees west, though the winding route over the mountains almost doubled the distance. on descending the last mountain, the heat became much more sensible after the extreme cold he had experienced for several days past. besides the breakfast in the morning, two pheasants were their only food during the day, and the only kinds of birds they saw were the blue jay, a small white-headed hawk, a larger hawk, crows, and ravens. we followed soon after sunrise. at six miles the ridge terminated and we had before us the cheering prospect of the large plain to the southwest. on leaving the ridge we again ascended and went down several mountains, and six miles further came to hungry creek where it was fifteen yards wide, and received the waters of a branch from the north. we went up it on a course nearly due west, and at three miles crossed a second branch flowing from the same quarter. the country is thickly covered with pine timber, of which we have enumerated eight distinct species. three miles beyond this last branch of hungry creek we encamped, after a fatiguing route of eighteen miles. the road along the creek is a narrow rocky path near the borders of very high precipices, from which a fall seems almost inevitable destruction. one of our horses slipped and rolling over with his load down the hill side, which was nearly perpendicular and strewed with large irregular rocks, nearly a hundred yards, and did not stop till he fell into the creek: we all expected he was killed, but to our astonishment, on taking off his load, he rose, and seemed but little injured, and in twenty minutes proceeded with his load. having no other provision we took some portable soup, our only refreshment during the day. this abstinence, joined with fatigue, has a visible effect on our health. the men are growing weak and losing their flesh very fast: several are afflicted with the dysentery, and eruptions of the skin are very common. friday 20. captain clarke went on through a country as rugged as usual, till on passing a low mountain he came at the distance of four miles to the forks of a large creek. down this he kept on a course south 60Ⱐwest for two miles, then turning to the right, continued over a dividing ridge where were the heads of several little streams, and at twelve miles distance descended the last of the rocky mountains and reached the level country. a beautiful open plain partially supplied with pine now presented itself. he continued for five miles when he discovered three indian boys, who, on observing the party, ran off and hid themselves in the grass. captain clarke immediately alighted, and giving his horse and gun to one of the men went after the boys. he soon relieved their apprehensions and sent them forward to the village about a mile off with presents of small pieces of riband. soon after the boys had reached home, a man came out to meet the party, with great caution, but he conducted them to a large tent in the village, and all the inhabitants gathered round to view with a mixture of fear and pleasure these wonderful strangers. the conductor now informed captain clarke by signs, that the spacious tent was the residence of the great chief, who had set out three days ago with all the warriors to attack some of their enemies towards the southwest; that he would not return before fifteen or eighteen days, and that in the meantime there were only a few men left to guard the women and children. they now set before them a small piece of buffaloe meat, some dried salmon, berries, and several kinds of roots. among these last is one which is round and much like an onion in appearance and sweet to the taste: it is called quamash, and is eaten either in its natural state, or boiled into a kind of soup or made into a cake, which is then called pasheco. after the long abstinence this was a sumptuous treat; we returned the kindness of the people by a few small presents, and then went on in company with one of the chiefs to a second village in the same plain, at the distance of two miles. here the party was treated with great kindness and passed the night. the hunters were sent out, but though they saw some tracks of deer were not able to procure any thing. we were detained till ten o'clock before we could collect our scattered horses; we then proceeded for two miles, when to our great joy we found the horse which captain clarke had killed, and a note apprising us of his intention of going to the plains towards the southwest, and collect provisions by the time we reached him. at one o'clock we halted on a small stream, and made a hearty meal of horse flesh. on examination it now appeared that one of the horses was missing, and the man in whose charge he had been, was directed to return and search for him. he came back in about two hours without having been able to find the horse; but as the load was too valuable to be lost, two of the best woodsmen were directed to continue the search while we proceeded. our general course was south 25Ⱐwest through a thick forest of large pine, which has fallen in many places, and very much obstructs the road. after making about fifteen miles we encamped on a ridge where we could find but little grass and no water. we succeeded, however, in procuring a little from a distance, and supped on the remainder of the horse. on descending the heights of the mountains the soil becomes gradually more fertile, and the land through which we passed this evening, is of an excellent quality. it has a dark gray soil, though very broken, and with large masses of gray free-stone above the ground in many places. among the vegetable productions we distinguished the alder, honeysuckle, and huckleberry, common in the united states, and a species of honeysuckle, known only westward of the rocky mountains, which rises to the height of about four feet, and bears a white berry. there is also a plant resembling the chokecherry, which grows in thick clumps eight or ten feet high, and bears a black berry with a single stone of a sweetish taste. the arbor vit㦠too, is very common, and grows to a great size, being from two to six feet in diameter. saturday 21. the free use of food, to which he had not been accustomed, made captain clarke very sick both yesterday evening and during the whole of to-day. he therefore sent out all the hunters and remained himself at the village, as well on account of his sickness as for the purpose of avoiding suspicion and collecting information from the indians as to the route. the two villages consist of about thirty double tents, and the inhabitants call themselves chopunnish or pierced-nose. the chief drew a chart of the river, and explained, that a greater chief than himself, who governed this village and was called the twisted-hair, was now fishing at the distance of half a day's ride down the river: his chart made the kooskooskee fork a little below his camp, a second fork below, still further on a large branch flowed in on each side, below which the river passed the mountains: here was a great fall of water, near which lived white people, from whom were procured the white beads and brass ornaments worn by the women. a chief of another band made a visit this morning, and smoked with captain clarke. the hunters returned without having been able to kill any thing; captain clarke purchased as much dried salmon, roots, and berries as he could, with the few articles he chanced to have in his pockets, and having sent them by one of the men and a hired indian back to captain lewis, he went on towards the camp of the twisted-hair. it was four o'clock before he set out, and the night soon came on; but having met an indian coming from the river, they engaged him by a present of a neckcloth, to guide them to the twisted-hair's camp. for twelve miles they proceeded through the plain before they reached the river hills, which are very high and steep. the whole valley from these hills to the rocky mountain is a beautiful level country, with a rich soil covered with grass: there is, however, but little timber, and the ground is badly watered: the plain is so much lower than the surrounding hills, or so much sheltered by them, that the weather is quite warm, while the cold of the mountains was extreme. from the top of the river hills they proceeded down for three miles till they reached the water side, between eleven and twelve o'clock at night: here we found a small camp of five squaws and three children, the chief himself being encamped, with two others, on a small island in the river: the guide called to him and he soon came over. captain clarke gave him a medal, and they smoked together till one o'clock. we could not set out till eleven o'clock, because being obliged in the evening to loosen our horses to enable them to find subsistence, it is always difficult to collect them in the morning. at that hour we continued along the ridge on which we had slept, and at a mile and a half reached a large creek running to our left, just above its junction with one of its branches. we proceeded down the low grounds of this creek, which are level, wide, and heavily timbered, but turned to the right at the distance of two and a half miles, and began to pass the broken and hilly country; but the thick timber had fallen in so many places that we could scarcely make our way. after going five miles we passed the creek on which captain clarke had encamped during the night of the 19th, and continued five miles further over the same kind of road, till we came to the forks of a large creek. we crossed the northern branch of this stream, and proceeded down it on the west side for a mile: here we found a small plain where there was tolerable grass for the horses, and therefore remained during the night, having made fifteen miles on a course s. 30Ⱐw. the arbor vit㦠increases in size and quantity as we advance: some of the trees we passed to-day being capable of forming periogues at least forty-five feet in length. we were so fortunate also as to kill a few pheasants and a prairie wolf, which, with the remainder of the horse, supplied us with one meal, the last of our provisions, our food for the morrow being wholly dependent on the chance of our guns. sunday, 22. captain clarke passed over to the island with the twisted-hair, who seemed to be cheerful and sincere in his conduct. the river at this place is about one hundred and sixty yards wide, but interrupted by shoals, and the low grounds on its borders are narrow. the hunters brought in three deer; after which captain clarke left his party, and accompanied by the twisted-hair and his son, rode back to the village, where he arrived about sunset: they then walked up together to the second village, where we had just arrived. we had intended to set out early, but one of the men having neglected to hobble his horse he strayed away, and we were obliged to wait till nearly twelve o'clock. we then proceeded on a western course for two and a half miles, when we met the hunters sent by captain clarke from the village, seven and a half miles distant, with provisions. this supply was most seasonable, as we had tasted nothing since last night, and the fish, and roots, and berries, in addition to a crow which we killed on the route, completely satisfied our hunger. after this refreshment we proceeded in much better spirits, and at a few miles were overtaken by the two men who had been sent back after a horse on the 20th. they were perfectly exhausted with the fatigue of walking and the want of food; but as we had two spare horses they were mounted and brought on to the village. they had set out about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 20th with one horse between them: after crossing the mountain they came to the place where we had eaten the horse. here they encamped, and having no food made a fire and roasted the head of the horse, which even our appetites had spared, and supped on the ears, skin, lips, &c. of the animal. the next morning, 21st, they found the track of the horse, and pursuing it recovered the saddle-bags, and at length about eleven o'clock, the horse himself. being now both mounted, they set out to return and slept at a small stream: during the day they had nothing at all except two pheasants, which were so torn to pieces by the shot, that the head and legs were the only parts fit for food. in this situation they found the next morning, 22d, that during the night their horses had run away from them or been stolen by the indians. they searched for them until nine o'clock, when seeing that they could not recover them and fearful of starving if they remained where they were, they set out on foot to join us, carrying the saddle-bags alternately. they walked as fast as they could during the day, till they reached us in a deplorable state of weakness and inanition. as we approached the village, most of the women, though apprised of our being expected, fled with their children into the neighbouring woods. the men, however, received us without any apprehension, and gave us a plentiful supply of provisions. the plains were now crowded with indians, who came to see the persons of the whites and the strange things they brought with them: but as our guide was perfectly a stranger to their language we could converse by signs only. our inquiries were chiefly directed to the situation of the country, the courses of the rivers, and the indian villages, of all which we received information from several of the indians, and as their accounts varied but little from each other, we were induced to place confidence in them. among others, the twisted-hair drew a chart of the river on a white elk skin. according to this, the kooskooskee forks a few miles from this place; two days towards the south is another and larger fork on which the shoshonee or snake indians fish: five days' journey further is a large river from the northwest into which clarke's river empties itself: from the mouth of that river to the falls is five days' journey further: on all the forks as well as on the main river great numbers of indians reside, and at the falls are establishments of whites. this was the story of the twisted-hair. monday 23. the chiefs and warriors were all assembled this morning, and we explained to them where we came from, the objects of our visiting them, and our pacific intentions towards all the indians. this being conveyed by signs, might not have been perfectly comprehended, but appeared to give perfect satisfaction. we now gave a medal to two of the chiefs, a shirt in addition to the medal already received by the twisted-hair, and delivered a flag and a handkerchief for the grand chief on his return. to these were added a knife, a handkerchief and a small piece of tobacco for each chief. the inhabitants did not give us any provisions gratuitously. we therefore purchased a quantity of fish, berries (chiefly red haws) and roots; and in the afternoon went on to the second village. the twisted-hair introduced us into his own tent, which consisted however of nothing more than pine bushes and bark, and gave us some dried salmon boiled. we continued our purchases, and obtained as much provision as our horses could carry in their present weak condition as far as the river. the men exchanged a few old canisters for dressed elk skins, of which they made shirts: great crowds of the natives are round us all night, but we have not yet missed any thing except a knife and a few other articles stolen yesterday from a shot pouch. at dark we had a hard wind from the southwest accompanied with rain which lasted half an hour, but in the morning, tuesday 24, the weather was fair. we sent back colter in search of the horses lost in the mountains, and having collected the rest set out at ten o'clock along the same route already passed by captain clarke towards the river. all round the village the women are busily employed in gathering and dressing the pasheco root, of which large quantities are heaped up in piles over the plain. we now felt severely the consequence of eating heartily after our late privations: captain lewis and two of the men were taken very ill last evening, and to-day he could scarcely sit on his horse, while others were obliged to be put on horseback, and some from extreme weakness and pain, were forced to lie down along side of the road for some time. at sunset we reached the island where the hunters had been left on the 22d. they had been unsuccessful, having killed only two deer since that time, and two of them are very sick. a little below this island is a larger one on which we encamped, and administered rush's pills to the sick. wednesday 25. the weather was very hot, and oppressive to the party, most of whom are now complaining of sickness. our situation indeed, rendered it necessary to husband our remaining strength, and it was determined to proceed down the river in canoes. captain clarke therefore set out with the twisted-hair and two young men, in quest of timber for canoes. as he went down the river he crossed at the distance of a mile a creek from the right, which from the rocks that obstructed its passage, he called rockdam river. the hills along the river are high and steep: the low grounds are narrow, and the navigation of the river embarrassed by two rapids. at the distance of three miles further he reached two nearly equal forks of the river, one of which flowed in from the north. here he rested for an hour, and cooked a few salmon which one of the indians caught with a gig. here too, he was joined by two canoes of indians from below: they were long, steady, and loaded with the furniture and provisions of two families. he now crossed the south fork, and returned to the camp on the south side, through a narrow pine bottom the greater part of the way, in which was found much fine timber for canoes. one of the indian boats with two men, set out at the same time, and such was their dexterity in managing the pole, that they reached camp within fifteen minutes after him, although they had to drag the canoe over three rapids. he found captain lewis, and several of the men still very sick; and distributed to such as were in need of it, salts and tartar emetic. thursday 26. having resolved to go down to some spot calculated for building canoes, we set out early this morning and proceeded five miles, and encamped on low ground on the south, opposite the forks of the river. but so weak were the men that several were taken sick in coming down; the weather being oppressively hot. two chiefs and their families followed us, and encamped with a great number of horses near us: and soon after our arrival we were joined by two indians, who came down the north fork on a raft. we purchased some fresh salmon, and having distributed axes, and portioned off the labour of the party, began, friday 27, at an early hour, the preparations for making five canoes. but few of the men, however, were able to work, and of these several were soon taken ill, as the day proved very hot. the hunters too, returned without any game, and seriously indisposed, so that nearly the whole party was now ill. we procured some fresh salmon; and colter, who now returned with one of the horses, brought half a deer, which was very nourishing to the invalids: several indians from a camp below, came up to see us. saturday 28. the men continue ill, though some of those first attacked are recovering. their general complaint is a heaviness at the stomach, and a lax, which is rendered more painful by the heat of the weather, and the diet of fish and roots, to which they are confined, as no game is to be procured. a number of indians collect about us in the course of the day to gaze at the strange appearance of every thing belonging to us. sunday 29. the morning was cool, the wind from the southwest; but in the afternoon the heat returned. the men continue ill; but all those who are able to work are occupied at the canoes. the spirits of the party were much recruited by three deer brought in by the hunters; and the next day, monday 30th, the sick began to recruit their strength, the morning being fair and pleasant. the indians pass in great numbers up and down the river, and we observe large quantities of small duck going down this morning. tuesday, october 1, 1805. the morning was cool, the wind easterly, but the latter part of the day was warm. we were visited by several indians from the tribes below, and others from the main south fork. to two of the most distinguished men, we made presents of a ring and broach, and to five others a piece of riband, a little tobacco, and the fifth part of a neckcloth. we now dried our clothes and other articles, and selected some articles such as the indians admire, in order to purchase some provisions, as we have nothing left except a little dried fish, which operates as a complete purgative. wednesday 2. the day is very warm. two men were sent to the village with a quantity of these articles to purchase food. we are now reduced to roots, which produce violent pains in the stomach. our work continued as usual, and many of the party are convalescent. the hunters returned in the afternoon with nothing but a small prairie-wolf, so that our provisions being exhausted, we killed one of the horses to eat, and provide soup for the sick. thursday 3. the fine cool morning and easterly wind had an agreeable effect upon the party, most of whom are now able to work. the indians from below left us, and we were visited by others from different quarters. friday 4. again we had a cool east wind from the mountains. the men were now much better, and captain lewis himself so far recovered as to walk about a little. three indians arrived to-day from the great river to the south. the two men also returned from the village with roots and fish, and as the flesh of the horse killed yesterday was exhausted, we were confined to that diet, although unwholesome as well as unpleasant. the afternoon was warm. saturday 5. the wind easterly, and the weather cool. the canoes being nearly finished it became necessary to dispose of our horses. they were therefore collected to the number of thirty-eight, and being branded and marked were delivered to three indians, the two brothers and the son of a chief, who promises to accompany us down the river. to each of those men we gave a knife and some small articles, and they agreed to take good care of the horses till our return. the hunters with all their diligence are unable to kill any thing, the hills being high and rugged, and the woods too dry to hunt deer, which is the only game in the country. we therefore continue to eat dried fish and roots, which are purchased from the squaws, by means of small presents, but chiefly white beads, of which they are extravagantly fond. some of these roots seem to possess very active properties, for after supping on them this evening, we were swelled to such a degree as to be scarcely able to breathe for several hours. towards night we lanched two canoes which proved to be very good. sunday 6. this morning is again cool, and the wind easterly. the general course of the winds seems to resemble that which we observed on the east side of the mountain. while on the head waters of the missouri, we had every morning a cool wind from the west. at this place a cool breeze springs up during the latter part of the night, or near daybreak, and continues till seven or eight o'clock, when it subsides, and the latter part of the day is warm. captain lewis is not so well as he was, and captain clarke was also taken ill. we had all our saddles buried in a cache near the river, about half a mile below, and deposited at the same time a canister of powder, and a bag of balls. the time which could be spared from our labours on the canoes, was devoted to some astronomical observations. the latitude of our camp as deduced from the mean of two observations is 46Ⱐ34' 56" 3"' north. monday 7. this morning all the canoes were put in the water and loaded, the oars fixed, and every preparation made for setting out but when we were all ready, the two chiefs who had promised to accompany us, were not to be found, and at the same time we missed a pipe tomahawk. we therefore proceeded without them. below the forks this river is called the kooskooskee, and is a clear rapid stream, with a number of shoals and difficult places. for some miles the hills are steep, the low grounds narrow, but then succeeds an open country with a few trees scattered along the river. at the distance of nine miles is a small creek on the left. we passed in the course of the day ten rapids, in descending which, one of the canoes struck a rock, and sprung a leak: we however continued for nineteen miles, and encamped on the left side of the river, opposite to the mouth of a small run. here the canoe was unloaded and repaired, and two lead canisters of powder deposited; several camps of indians were on the sides of the river, but we had little intercourse with any of them. tuesday 8. we set out at nine o'clock. at eight and a half miles we passed an island: four and a half miles lower a second island, opposite a small creek on the left side of the river. five miles lower is another island on the left: a mile and a half below which is a fourth. at a short distance from this is a large creek from the right, to which we gave the name of colter's creek, from colter one of the men. we had left this creek about a mile and a half, and were passing the last of fifteen rapids which we had been fortunate enough to escape, when one of the canoes struck, and a hole being made in her side, she immediately filled and sunk. the men, several of whom could not swim, clung to the boat till one of our canoes could be unloaded, and with the assistance of an indian boat, they were all brought to shore. all the goods were so much wet, that we were obliged to halt for the night, and spread them out to dry. while all this was exhibited, it was necessary to place two sentinels over the merchandise, for we found that the indians, though kind and disposed to give us every aid during our distress, could not resist the temptation of pilfering some of the small articles. we passed during our route of twenty miles to-day, several encampments of indians on the islands, and near the rapids, which places are chosen as most convenient for taking salmon. at one of these camps we found our two chiefs, who after promising to descend the river with us, had left us; they however willingly came on board after we had gone through the ceremony of smoking. wednesday, 9. the morning was as usual, cool; but as the weather both yesterday and to-day was cloudy, our merchandise dried but slowly. the boat, though much injured, was repaired by ten o'clock so as to be perfectly fit for service; but we were obliged to remain during the day till the articles were sufficiently dry to be reloaded: the interval we employed in purchasing fish for the voyage and conversing with the indians. in the afternoon we were surprised at hearing that our old shoshonee guide and his son had left us, and been seen running up the river several miles above. as he had never given any notice of his intention, nor had even received his pay for guiding us, we could not imagine the cause of his desertion, nor did he ever return to explain his conduct. we requested the chief to send a horseman after him to request that he would return and receive what we owed him. from this however he dissuaded us, and said very frankly, that his nation, the chopunnish, would take from the old man any presents that he might have on passing their camp. the indians came about our camp at night, and were very gay and good-humoured with the men. among other exhibitions was that of a squaw who appeared to be crazy: she sang in a wild incoherent manner, and would offer to the spectators all the little articles she possessed, scarifying herself in a horrid manner if any one refused her present: she seemed to be an object of pity among the indians, who suffered her to do as she pleased without interruption. thursday, 10. a fine morning. we loaded the canoes and set off at seven o'clock. at the distance of two and a half miles we had passed three islands, the last of which is opposite to a small stream on the right. within the following three and a half miles is another island and a creek on the left, with wide low grounds, containing willow and cottonwood trees, on which were three tents of indians. two miles lower is the head of a large island, and six and a half miles further we halted at an encampment of eight lodges on the left, in order to view a rapid before us: we had already passed eight, and some of them difficult; but this was worse than any of them, being a very hazardous ripple strewed with rocks: we here purchased roots and dined with the indians. among them was a man from the falls, who says that he saw white people at that place and is very desirous of going down with us; an offer which however we declined. just above this camp we had passed a tent, near which was an indian bathing himself in a small pond or hole of water, warmed by throwing in hot stones. after finishing our meal we descended the rapid with no injury, except to one of our boats which ran against a rock, but in the course of an hour was brought off with only a small split in her side. this ripple, from its appearance and difficulty, we named the rugged rapid. we went on over five other rapids of a less dangerous kind, and at the distance of five miles reached a large fork of the river from the south; and after coming twenty miles, halted below the junction on the right side of the river: our arrival soon attracted the attention of the indians, who flocked in all directions to see us. in the evening the indian from the falls, whom we had seen at the rugged rapid, joined us with his son in a small canoe, and insisted on accompanying us to the falls. being again reduced to fish and roots we made an experiment to vary our food by purchasing* a few dogs, and after having been accustomed to horse-flesh, felt no disrelish to this new dish. the chopunnish have great numbers of dogs which they employ for domestic purposes, but never eat; and our using the flesh of that animal soon brought us into ridicule as dog-eaters. the country at the junction of the two rivers is an open plain on all sides, broken towards the left by a distant ridge of highland, thinly covered with timber: this is the only body of timber which the country possesses; for at the forks there is not a tree to be seen, and during almost the whole descent of sixty miles down the kooskooskee from its forks there are very few. this southern branch is in fact the main stream of lewis's river on which we encamped when among the shoshonees. the indians inform us that it is navigable for sixty miles; that not far from its mouth it receives a branch from the south; and a second and larger branch, two days' march up, and nearly parallel to the first chopunnish villages, we met near the mountains. this branch is called pawnashte, and is the residence of a chief, who, according to their expression, has more horses than he can count. the river has many rapids, near which are situated many fishing camps; there being ten establishments of this before reaching the first southern branch; one on that stream, five between that and the pawnashte; one on that river, and two above it; besides many other indians who reside high up on the more distant waters of this river. all these indians belong to the chopunnish nation, and live in tents of an oblong form, covered with flat roofs. at its mouth lewis's river is about two hundred and fifty yards wide, and its water is of a greenish blue colour. the kooskooskee, whose waters are clear as crystal, one hundred and fifty yards in width, and after the union the river enlarges to the space of three hundred yards: at the point of the union is an indian cabin, and in lewis's river a small island. the chopunnish or pierced-nose nation, who reside on the kooskooskee and lewis's rivers, are in person stout, portly, well-looking men: the women are small, with good features, and generally handsome, though the complexion of both sexes is darker than that of the tushepaws. in dress they resemble that nation, being fond of displaying their ornaments. the buffaloe or elk-skin robe decorated with beads, sea-shells, chiefly mother-of-pearl, attached to an otter-skin collar and hung in the hair, which falls in front in two queues; feathers, paints of different kinds, principally white, green, and light blue, all of which they find in their own country: these are the chief ornaments they use. in the winter they wear a short shirt of dressed skins, long painted leggings and moccasins, and a plait of twisted grass round the neck. the dress of the women is more simple, consisting of a long shirt of argalia or ibex skin, reaching down to the ankles without a girdle: to this are tied little pieces of brass and shells and other small articles; but the head is not at all ornamented. the dress of the female is indeed more modest, and more studiously so than any we have observed, though the other sex is careless of the indelicacy of exposure. the chopunnish have very few amusements, for their life is painful and laborious; and all their exertions are necessary to earn even their precarious subsistence. during the summer and autumn they are busily occupied in fishing for salmon, and collecting their winter store of roots. in the winter they hunt the deer on snow shoes over the plains, and towards spring cross the mountains to the missouri for the purpose of trafficking for buffaloe robes. the inconveniences of that comfortless life are increased by frequent encounters with their enemies from the west, who drive them over the mountains with the loss of their horses, and sometimes the lives of many of the nation. though originally the same people, their dialect varies very perceptibly from that of the tushepaws: their treatment to us differed much from the kind and disinterested services of the shoshonees: they are indeed selfish and avaricious; they part very reluctantly with every article of food or clothing; and while they expect a recompense for every service however small, do not concern themselves about reciprocating any presents we may give them. they are generally healthy--the only disorders which we have had occasion to remark being of a scrophulous kind, and for these, as well as for the amusement of those who are in good health, hot and cold bathing is very commonly used. the soil of these prairies is of a light yellow clay intermixed with small smooth grass: it is barren, and produces little more than a bearded grass about three inches high, and a prickly pear, of which we now found three species: the first is of the broad-leafed kind, common to the missouri. the second has the leaf of a globular form, and is also frequent on the upper part of the missouri, particularly after it enters the rocky mountains. the third is pecular to this country, and is much more inconvenient than the other two: it consists of small thick leaves of a circular form, which grow from the margin of each other as in the broad-leafed pear of the missouri: these leaves are armed with a greater number of thorns, which are stronger, and appear to be barbed; and as the leaf itself is very slightly attached to the stem, as soon as one thorn touches the moccasin it adheres and brings with it the leaf, which is accompanied by a reenforecement of thorns. end of volume 1.